Vaiyākaraṇa-siddhānta-kaumudī — taddhitādhikāre matvarthīyaprakaraṇam

SK 1846 · A 5.2.45V

तदस्मिन्नधिकमिति दशान्ताड्डः ॥ १८४६ ॥

tadasminnadhikamiti daśāntāḍḍaḥ

tad asminn adhikam iti daśāntāḍ ḍaḥ — After [a first-case word (prathamānta)] ending in daśa, ḍa [comes] in the sense 'that is in excess in this'.

Rule. After a first-case word ending in daśa "ten", ḍa comes. Its sense is "that is in excess (adhika) in this".

Example.

ekādaśa adhikā asmin [śate] "[a hundred] in which eleven are in excess" → ekādaśan + ḍa

→ the stem is bha before the vowel-initial affix

→ the ṭi an deleted before the ḍ-marked affix (SK 316) → ekādaś + a

→ ekādaśam [śatam] "a hundred and eleven".

Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas narrow the rule. First, it is wanted only when the whole in which the excess lies is śata "a hundred" or sahasra "a thousand". So there is no affix in ekādaśa adhikā asyāṃ viṃśatau "in this twenty, eleven are in excess".

Second, it is wanted only when the base and the affix mean things of the same kind (samānajātīya). So there is no affix in ekādaśa māṣā adhikā asmin suvarṇaśate. There eleven māṣas are in excess in a hundred suvarṇas, two different units. The editor of the printed edition says this "is wanted" comes from the sūtra's word iti.

Watch out. The rule says "ending in daśa", not simply "after daśa". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why. In a rule that prescribes an affix, the tadanta reading does not apply by itself. So the sūtra must say anta "ending in".

Bare daśa gets no affix: daśa adhikā asmin śate. It cannot count as "ending in daśa" either. That would need vyapadeśivadbhāva, treating a single item as if it were its own end. The same commentator says this does not hold for a nominal stem. He also says tad is restated to cut off the sixth-case asya "of this" running from the rules before.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एकादश अधिका अस्मिन्नेकादशम् ।

That in which eleven are in excess: ekādaśam.

vārttika

शतसहस्रयोरेवेष्यते

(vārttika) It is wanted only [where the thing in which the excess lies is] śata or sahasra.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नेह । एकादश अधिका अस्यां विंशतौ ।

Not here: ekādaśa adhikā asyāṃ viṃśatau, 'in this twenty eleven are in excess'.

vārttika

प्रकृतिप्रत्ययार्थयोः समानजातीयत्व एवेष्यते

(vārttika) It is wanted only when the meanings of the base (prakṛti) and of the affix (pratyaya) are of the same kind (samānajātīya).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नेह । एकादश माषा अधिका अस्मिन् सुवर्णशते ॥

Not here: ekādaśa māṣā adhikā asmin suvarṇaśate, 'in this hundred of suvarṇas eleven māṣas are in excess'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 308–309

—तदस्मिन्—। पुनस्तद्ग्रहणम् ‘अस्य’ इति षष्ठ्यन्तसंबद्धतद्ग्रहणनिरासा- थम् ॥ प्रत्ययविधौ तदन्तविध्यभावादाह—दशान्तादिति । अन्तग्रहणं किम् । दश अधिका अस्मिन् शते । न चेह व्यपदेशिवद्भावेन दशान्तत्वमस्तीति वाच्यम् । ‘व्यपदेशिवद्भावोऽप्रातिपदिकेन’ इत्यभ्युपगमात्

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 309 १ इष्यते इति—इतिकरणलब्धोऽयमर्थः । २ गुणस्येति—मध्यमगिन्यायेनोभयत्रापि संबध्यते । गुणकर्मकनिमाने वर्त-मानाद्गुणगतसंख्यावाचकान्मयडित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB: 'tad' is stated again in order to set aside the 'tad' connected with the sixth-case 'asya' [that was running in the preceding rules]; since there is no tadantavidhi in the prescription of an affix, he says 'daśāntāt'. Why 'anta'? [So that it does not apply in] 'daśa adhikā asmin śate'. Nor may one say that daśa here is itself daśānta by vyapadeśivadbhāva, since it is accepted that 'vyapadeśivadbhāvo 'prātipadikena'. Followed for 'ending in daśa' (a word of which daśa is the final member, not daśa alone) and for the first-case 'tad' in sutra_en.
commentary BM (printed ed., not in the digital source; Wikisource SK+BM p. 866, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0040.txt): in the analysis 'tad adhikam asmin', ḍa comes in the sense 'asmin' after a first-case compound (samāsa) ending in the word daśan (prathamāntād daśanśabdāntāt samāsāt); 'anta' is stated because tadantavidhi is barred in the prescription of an affix. From this very wording, they say, the seventh case is in the sense of the fifth; the Bhāṣya calls it the seventh case of the adjoining (aupaśleṣika) locus, Kaiyaṭa 'a locus of proximity'. On 'ekādaśa māṣā adhikā asmin' (k5): 'asmāt', i.e. than this, or 'asmin upaśliṣṭāḥ', attached to this. Nor may one fear the affix after bare daśan by vyapadeśivadbhāva, since that is stated not to hold for a nominal stem. Followed for 'ending in daśa'; BM's construal of asmin (asmāt, or upaśliṣṭāḥ) is Recorded, the English keeping the literal locative 'in which … in excess'.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 308 (printed 298) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'śatasahasrayoḥ' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
textual NSP editorial footnote 1, printed under sk.1846.n1 (NSP p. 309, printed 299), marked at 'iṣyate' of this vārttika (scan): 'iṣyate' — this sense is obtained from the word 'iti' [in the sūtra]. Recorded. Footnote 2 of the same note concerns SK 1848 ('guṇasya').
textual The digital source opens k5 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k4; NSP p. 309 (printed 299) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'prakṛtipratyayārthayoḥ' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k5 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
translator No Bālamanoramā block exists for this unit in our source, and none is filed under a neighbour: BM on SK 1845 (sk.1845.b1) ends with its own colophon for the pāñcamika section (the lead-in to the parasmaipada-prakriyā that followed it was re-filed to sk.2159.b1, 2026-10-05), and BM on SK 1847 begins with that sūtra. The printed BM on SK 1846 survives in the Wikisource SK+BM print (p. 866); see the commentary note. TB for this unit is in sk.1846.t1 (continued from NSP p. 308 to p. 309). NSP prints no prakaraṇa heading before SK 1846 (p. 308, scan): its section 36 'taddhiteṣu matvarthīyāḥ' opens at SK 1802 (5.2.1) on p. 303 (printed 293) and closes after SK 1946. The division of p38/p39 at SK 1846 is nevertheless the Bālamanoramā tradition's, not an arbitrary choice of the digital edition: BM's own colophon 'iti bālamanoramāyām pāñcamikāḥ' (in our sk.1845.b1) and the Wikisource print's 'iti pāñcamikāḥ. atha taddhite matvarthīyaprakaraṇam' (p. 866, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0040.txt), followed by BM's 'atha matvarthīyāḥ', both put the break at SK 1846.

SK 1847 · A 5.2.46V

शदन्तविंशतेश्च ॥ १८४७ ॥

śadantaviṃśateśca

śadantaviṃśateś ca — And after [a number word (saṃkhyā) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1843 —] ending in śat, and after viṃśati, [ḍa comes in the sense 'that (a first-case word, prathamānta) is in excess in this', supplied (śeṣapūraṇa, BM) from SK 1846].

Rule. Ḍa also comes after a number-word ending in śat, and after viṃśati "twenty". The sense is the same as in SK 1846. Bhaṭṭoji says, "ḍa comes in the sense already stated."

Example.

triṃśad adhikā asmin śate "a hundred in which thirty are in excess" → triṃśat + ḍa

→ the ṭi at deleted (SK 316) → triṃś + a

→ triṃśaṃ śatam "a hundred and thirty".

viṃśatir asminn adhikā → viṃśati + ḍa

→ ti deleted before the ḍ-marked affix (SK 844) → viṃśam [śatam] "a hundred and twenty".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. Because the sūtra says "ending in", ekatriṃśaṃ śatam "a hundred and thirty-one" is also formed. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains: without anta, a paribhāṣā on affix-rules would limit the base to words beginning with the named word itself (triṃśat etc.), shutting out ekatriṃśat. For ekaviṃśaṃ śatam "a hundred and twenty-one", the two commentators take different routes. One cites the vārttika viṃśatāv apy antagrahaṇam, "'ending in' applies to viṃśati too". The other reads anta with viṃśati as well. The result is the same.

Watch out. The base must be a number-word. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the word saṃkhyā is carried forward from SK 1843. So there is no affix in gotriṃśad adhikā asmin gośate "in this hundred of cows, thirty cows are in excess".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

डः स्यादुक्तेऽर्थे । त्रिंशदधिका अस्मिन् त्रिंशं शतम् । विंशम् ॥

ḍa comes in the sense already stated [in SK 1846]. A hundred in which thirty (triṃśat) are in excess: triṃśaṃ śatam ('a hundred and thirty'). viṃśam [śatam, 'a hundred and twenty'].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 309

—शदन्त—। प्रत्ययग्रहणपरिभाषया तदन्तविधौ सति ‘यस्मात्प्रत्ययविधिस्तदादेस्तदन्तस्य’ इति परिभाषया तदादिनियमः स्यात् । तं वारयितुमन्तग्रहणम् । तेन एकत्रिंशम् । एकचत्वारिंशमित्यादि सिद्धम् । नचैवं गोत्रिंशदधिका अस्मिन् गोशते इत्यादावतिप्रसङ्गः शङ्क्यः । ‘संख्याया अवयवे तयप्’ इत्यतः संख्याग्रहणानुवृत्तेः । अन्तग्रहणमिह विंशतिशब्दानन्तरं कर्तव्यम् ‘षड्विंशत्यन्ताच्च’ इति । तेन एकविंशं शतमित्यादि सिध्यति । अन्यथा ‘ग्रहणवता—’ इति तदन्तविधिप्रतिषेधादिह न स्यात्

Bālamanoramā

शदन्तविंशतेश्च - शदन्तविंशतेश्च । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — डः स्यादुक्तेऽर्थेइति । दशान्तत्वाऽभावात्पूर्वेणाऽप्राप्तिः । तिंरशं शतमिति । डे सति 'टेः' इति टिलोपः । विंशमिति । विंशतिरिस्मिन्नधिका इति विग्रहः ।ति विंशते॑रिति तिशब्दस्य लोपः । अन्तग्रहणादेकतिंरशं शतमिति सिद्धम् । अन्यथा प्रत्ययग्रहणपरिभाषया तदादिनियमः स्यात् ।विंशतावप्यन्तग्रहण॑मिति वार्तिकादेकविंशं शतमित्यादि सिद्धम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: he explains the sūtra by supplying what remains (śeṣapūraṇa): 'ḍaḥ syād ukte 'rthe'. The previous rule (SK 1846) did not apply, since these words do not end in daśa. triṃśam: deletion of the ṭi by 'ṭeḥ' (SK 316) [the digital BM's 'hesatiṭeḥ' is garbled]. viṃśam: analysis 'viṃśatir asminn adhikā'; deletion of ti by 'ti viṃśater ḍiti' (SK 844). Because of 'anta' ('ending in'), ekatriṃśaṃ śatam is established; otherwise the paribhāṣā on the mention of an affix would impose the restriction to a stem beginning with that word (tadādiniyama). By the vārttika 'viṃśatāv apy antagrahaṇam', ekaviṃśaṃ śatam etc. are established. Followed for '[in SK 1846]' and for the bracketed sense in sutra_en.
commentary TB: if tadantavidhi were obtained by the paribhāṣā on the mention of an affix, the paribhāṣā 'yasmāt pratyayavidhis tadādes tadantasya' would impose the tadādi restriction; 'anta' is used to prevent it, so ekatriṃśam, ekacatvāriṃśam etc. are established. There is no overextension to 'gotriṃśad adhikā asmin gośate', because the word saṃkhyā is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'saṃkhyāyā avayave tayap' (SK 1843). 'anta' should be construed after the word viṃśati too, [reading the sūtra as] 'śadviṃśatyantāc ca' (the print itself reads 'ṣaḍviṃśatyantāc ca', NSP p. 309, scan; 'śad-' is the translator's reading by sense, against the print), so that ekaviṃśaṃ śatam etc. is established (scan 'tena ekaviṃśaṃ śatam ityādi sidhyati'; the OCR 'ekaviṃśatyantādi' is an OCR error); otherwise tadantavidhi would be barred here by 'grahaṇavatā [prātipadikena tadantavidhir na]'. Followed for '[a number word (saṃkhyā)]' in sutra_en. On extending 'anta' to viṃśati, BM relies instead on the vārttika 'viṃśatāv apy antagrahaṇam'; sutra_en keeps the plain construal and both views are Recorded.

SK 1848 · A 5.2.47V

संख्याया गुणस्य निमाने मयट् ॥ १८४८ ॥

saṃkhyāyā guṇasya nimāne mayaṭ

saṃkhyāyā guṇasya nimāne mayaṭ — After a numeral [first-case word (prathamānta), by 'tad' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1846], mayaṭ [in the sense of the sixth case, 'of this (asya)', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1837], when [the numeral occurs with reference to] the price (nimāna) of a part (guṇa).

Rule. After a numeral in the first case, mayaṭ comes in the sense "of this". The numeral must refer to the price (nimāna) of a part (guṇa). Bhaṭṭoji glosses: "occurring with reference to the price of a part". Mayaṭ is heard as -maya.

Example.

yavānāṃ dvau bhāgau nimānam asya udaśvidbhāgasya "two parts of barley are the price of this part of buttermilk" → dvi + mayaṭ

→ dvimayam udaśvid yavānām "buttermilk [bought for] two [parts] of barley".

Udaśvit is buttermilk. The numeral dvi counts the parts paid; the part of buttermilk bought is the affix's meaning.

Applies when / blocked by. The first case and the sense "of this" both come from earlier rules. The word tad of SK 1846 gives the first case. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says tad asya "that … of this" is carried forward. The other says it comes by a frog's leap from SK 1837.

Why "of a part" (guṇasya)? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is dvau vrīhiyavau nimānam asya udaśvitaḥ, "rice and barley, two, are the price of this buttermilk". One of his commentators explains: those are two heaps, not parts, so no affix comes.

Why "as the price" (nimāne)? The counter-example is dvau guṇau kṣīrasya ekas tailasya, "two parts of milk, one of oil". That gives dviguṇaṃ kṣīraṃ pacyate tailena "milk twofold is boiled with oil". The parts are not a price, so mayaṭ does not come.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that the numeral must be more than one. So there is no affix in eko bhāgo nimānam asya "one part is the price of this". The editor of the printed edition reads guṇasya with both saṃkhyāyāḥ and nimāne; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भागस्य मूल्ये वर्तमानात्प्रथमान्तात्संख्यावाचिनः षष्ठ्यर्थे मयट् स्यात् । यवानां द्वौ भागौ निमानमस्योदश्विद्भागस्य द्विमयमुदश्विद्यवानाम् । गुणस्येति किम् । द्वौ व्रीहियवौ निमानमस्योदश्वितः । निमाने किम् । द्वौ गुणौ क्षीरस्य एकस्तैलस्य द्विगुणं क्षीरं पच्यते तैलेन ॥

After a word denoting a number (saṃkhyāvācin), a first-case word (prathamānta) [by anuvṛtti of 'tad' from SK 1846], occurring with reference to the price (mūlya) of a part (bhāga), mayaṭ comes in the sense of the sixth case (ṣaṣṭhī) ['of this (asya)', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1837]. yavānāṃ dvau bhāgau nimānam asya udaśvidbhāgasya, 'two parts of barley are the price of this part of buttermilk (udaśvit)': dvimayam udaśvid yavānām, 'buttermilk [bought for] two [parts] of barley'. Why [does the sūtra say] 'guṇasya' ('of parts')? [Not here:] dvau vrīhiyavau nimānam asya udaśvitaḥ, 'rice and barley, two [heaps], are the price of this buttermilk'. Why 'nimāne' ('as the price')? [Not here:] dvau guṇau kṣīrasya ekas tailasya, 'two parts of milk, one of oil': dviguṇaṃ kṣīraṃ pacyate tailena, 'milk twofold is boiled with oil'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 309

—संख्याया गुणस्य—। गुणो भागः । निमीयते क्रीयतेनेनेति निमानं मूल्यम् । ‘मेङ् प्रणिदाने’ इत्यस्मान्निपूर्वात्करणे ल्युट् । तदाह—भागस्य मूल्ये इति ॥—षष्ठ्यर्थे इति । यद्यपि ‘तदस्मिन्नधिकम्—’ इत्यतः ‘तद्’ इत्यनुवृत्तौ प्रथमान्तादित्ययमेवार्थो लभ्यते, तथापि मण्डूकप्लुत्या ‘तदस्य संजातम्’ इत्यतः ‘तदस्य’ इत्यनुवर्तनात् ‘षष्ठ्यर्थे’ इत्येतदपि लभ्यत इति भावः ॥—द्विमयमिति । द्विशब्दस्य संबन्धिशब्दत्वेन नित्यसापेक्षत्वात् ‘यवानाम्’ इति पदे सत्यपि तद्धितोत्पत्तिरिहाविरुद्धेति ज्ञेयम् ॥ नन्वेवमपि प्रत्ययान्तस्योदश्विच्छब्देन सामानाधिकरण्यं दुर्लभम् । यावतोदश्विद्भागे प्रत्ययो विहितो, नोदश्विति ॥ अत्राहुः । भागेपि विधीयमानः प्रत्ययः अभिधानस्वाभाव्याद् भागवन्तमाचष्टे । तेन सामानाधिकरण्यं भवतीति । ‘गुणनिमाने’ इति वक्तव्ये व्यस्तोच्चारणात् ‘एकत्वं गुणस्य’ इत्यत्र विवक्षितम् । तेनेह न भवति । यवानां द्वौ भागौ निमानमेषामुदश्वितस्त्रयाणां भागानामिति ॥ ‘भूयसश्च वाचिकायाः संख्यायाः प्रत्यय इष्यते’ इह न भवति । एको भागो निमानमस्येति ॥ भूयस इति च प्रत्ययार्थादाधिक्यमात्रं प्रकृत्यर्थस्य विवक्षितं, न तु बहुत्वं । तेन द्विशब्दादपि भवत्येव

Bālamanoramā

संख्याया गुणस्य निमाने मयट् - सङ्ख्याया गुणस्यतदस्ये॑त्यनुवर्तते । गुणः=भागः, अंशः । निमीयते क्रीयतेऽनेनेति निमानं=मूल्यद्रव्यम् ।मेङ् प्रणिदाने॑ । करणे ल्युट् । तदाह — भागस्य मूल्य इत्यादि । षष्ठर्थे इति । अस्येत्यर्थे इत्यर्थः ।यवानां द्वौ भागौ निमानमस्योदइआद्भागस्ये॑ति विग्रहवाक्यम् । द्वाभ्यां यवप्रस्थाभ्याम् एक उदइआत्प्रस्थः क्रियते यत्र तत्रेदं वाक्यं प्रयुज्यते ।द्विमयमुमइआद्यवाना॑मित्युदाहरणम् ।यवाना॑मिति संबन्धसामान्ये षष्ठी । यवप्रस्थद्वयेन क्रेतव्यमुदइआदित्यर्थः । द्विशब्दस्य भागवृत्तेर्नित्यसापेक्षत्वेऽपि प्रत्ययः । द्वौ व्रीहियवौ निमानमस्योदइआत इति । द्वित्वसङ्ख्याविशिष्टौ व्रीहियवराशी यौ तौ अस्य उदइआतो निमानमित्यर्थः । अत्र उदइआद्यावत् तदपेक्षया व्रीहियवराश्योर्द्वि गुणत्वं न विवक्षितं, किंतु राशद्वित्वमेव विवक्षितमिति द्विशब्दस्य भागवृत्तित्वाऽभावान्न प्रत्ययः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tad asya' is carried forward (anuvartate). guṇa = bhāga, a portion; nimāna = the commodity given as price, that by which a thing is bought (nimīyate), from 'meṅ praṇidāne' with lyuṭ in the instrument sense. Followed for the bracketed first-case word and sixth-case sense in sutra_en.
commentary TB: guṇa = bhāga; nimāna = price. On 'ṣaṣṭhyarthe': the anuvṛtti of 'tad' from 'tad asminn adhikam' (SK 1846) yields only 'after a first-case word'; 'in the sense of the sixth case' is obtained because 'tad asya' is carried forward by frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti) from 'tad asya saṃjātam' (SK 1837). Followed for both bracketed anuvṛttis.
commentary BM: 'ṣaṣṭhyarthe' means 'in the sense asya'. 'yavānāṃ dvau bhāgau nimānam asyodaśvidbhāgasya' is the analytical phrase (vigraha), used where one prastha of buttermilk is made [i.e. bought] with two prasthas of barley; 'dvimayam udaśvid yavānām' is the example, 'yavānām' being a sixth case of relation in general: buttermilk to be bought for two prasthas of barley. The affix comes although dvi, denoting parts, always requires a correlate (nityasāpekṣa). In 'dvau vrīhiyavau …' the two heaps of rice and barley, qualified by the number two, are the price; the doubleness of the heaps relative to the buttermilk is not intended, only the twoness of the heaps, so dvi does not denote parts and no affix comes. Followed for 'two [heaps]' in the counter-example and for 'bought for'.
commentary TB on 'dvimayam': since dvi is a relational word always requiring a correlate, the taddhita is not barred although the word 'yavānām' is present. Objection: the affix is enjoined in the sense of the part of buttermilk, not of the buttermilk, so co-reference with 'udaśvit' is hard to get. Reply: the affix, though enjoined for the part, by the nature of expression (abhidhānasvābhāvya) denotes the possessor of the part, so co-reference holds. Because the sūtra says 'guṇasya' separately rather than 'guṇanimāne', the singularity of the part (bought) is intended; so not in 'yavānāṃ dvau bhāgau nimānam eṣām udaśvitas trayāṇāṃ bhāgānām', 'two parts of barley are the price of these three parts of buttermilk' (scan NSP p. 309; OCR 'udadhitatrayāṇāṃ'). Also, the affix is wanted only after a numeral denoting more (bhūyas) [than the affix-sense]: not in 'eko bhāgo nimānam asya'; 'bhūyas' means only exceeding, not plurality, so it comes after dvi as well. Followed for construing 'guṇasya' with 'nimāne' in sutra_en ('the price of a part'); the English keeps 'of this part' singular, as the example has it.
textual NSP footnote 2, printed under sk.1846.n1 (NSP p. 309, printed 299; marker on 'guṇasyeti'): by the maxim of the middle gem (madhyamaṇi-nyāya) 'guṇasya' is construed in both directions; the sense is: after a word expressing the number belonging to parts, occurring in [the sense of] a price whose object is a part (guṇakarmaka-nimāna), mayaṭ comes. Recorded; sutra_en and k1 follow the kaumudī's own paraphrase 'bhāgasya mūlye' (with BM and TB), construing 'guṇasya' with 'nimāne', and do not add the footnote's second construal with 'saṃkhyāyāḥ'.

SK 1849 · A 5.2.48V

तस्य पूरणे डट् ॥ १८४९ ॥

tasya pūraṇe ḍaṭ

tasya pūraṇe ḍaṭ — After [a word denoting a number (saṃkhyā) — 'saṃkhyāyāḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1848] that is a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta), ḍaṭ in the sense 'that which fills it up' (pūraṇa) [— that is, fills up the number that is the word's ground of application (pravṛttinimitta)].

Rule. After a number-word in the sixth case, ḍaṭ comes. Its sense is "that which fills it up" (pūraṇa). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says saṃkhyāyāḥ "after a number-word" is carried forward from SK 1848.

Example.

ekādaśānāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the eleven" → ekādaśan + ḍaṭ

→ the ṭi an deleted (SK 316) → ekādaś + a

→ ekādaśaḥ "the eleventh".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the idea. Without the eleventh, the number eleven is not reached; with it, the number is filled.

Applies when / blocked by. The number filled must be the word's own ground of application (pravṛttinimitta). That is the property for which the word is used: for ekādaśan, elevenness. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so. So there is no ḍaṭ for the water that fills five pots. The water fills the pots, not the number five. One commentator adds that the singular of tasya "of it" is not meant.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एकादशानां पूरण एकादशः ॥

That which fills up (pūraṇa) the eleven: ekādaśaḥ, 'the eleventh'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 309

—तस्य पूरणे—। ‘तस्य’ इति षष्ठ्यन्तानुकरणम् । एकत्वं त्वविवक्षितम्, एकस्य पूरणासंभवात् । पूर्यतेऽनेनेति पूरणः, ण्यन्तात्करणे ल्युट् ॥—एकादशानामिति । उद्भूतावयवभेदः समुदायः प्रकृत्यर्थः । अवयवः प्रत्ययार्थः । इह यस्मात्संख्यावाचिनः प्रत्ययविधिस्तदीयप्रवृत्तिनिमित्तस्य एकादशत्वादेः पूरणे प्रत्ययः । यथा ‘अतिशायने—’ ‘याप्ये—’ इत्यादिषु प्रवृत्तिनिमित्तस्यैवातिशयादिकं गृह्यते अन्तरङ्गत्वात् । तथेहापि । तेन ‘एकादशानां घटानां पूरणो जलादिः’ इत्यत्र नातिप्रसङ्गशङ्कालेऽपीति भावः । ननु यदि प्रवृत्तिनिमित्तस्य पूरणे प्रत्ययः, तर्ह्यत्र एकादशत्वस्य पूरण इति विग्रहो वक्तुं युक्त इति चेत् । अत्राहुः । ‘वैयाकरणपाशः’ इत्यत्र यथा ‘याप्यो वैयाकरणः’ इति विग्रहः । न तु ‘याप्यं वैयाकरणत्वम्’ इति तथेहापि वोध्यमिति । एवं च व्युत्क्रमेणाध्यायेषु गम्यमानेषु ‘वृद्धिरादैच्’ इत्यध्यायो यदा चरमं गण्यते तदा सोऽप्यष्टमो भवत्येव

Bālamanoramā

तस्य पूरणे डट् - तस्य पूरणे । सङ्ख्याया इत्यनुवर्तते । सङ्ख्येयार्थकसङ्ख्यावाचिनः षष्ठन्तात्प्रवृत्तिनिमित्तसङ्ख्यायाः पूरणे वाच्ये डट्प्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । पूर्यते अनेनेति पूरणः=अवयवः, स प्रत्ययार्थः । एकादश इति । एकादशत्वसङ्ख्यायाः पूरकोऽवयव इत्यर्थः । यस्मिन्ननुपात्ते एकादशत्वसङ्ख्या न सम्पद्यते, यस्मिन्नुपात्ते तु सा पूर्यते, सोऽवयवः । एकदेश इति यावत् । प्रवृत्तिनिमित्तेति किम् । पञ्चाना घटानां पूरणं जलादि ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'saṅkhyāyāḥ' is carried forward (anuvartate). ḍaṭ comes after a sixth-case word that denotes a number and whose meaning is the things numbered, when the filler (pūraṇa) of the number that is its ground of application (pravṛttinimitta) is to be expressed. pūraṇa, 'that by which [it] is filled', is the member (avayava), and that is the affix-meaning. ekādaśa is the member that completes the number eleven: without it the number eleven is not reached, with it the number is filled up; a part, in short. Why 'ground of application'? [So that there is no ḍaṭ for] the water etc. that fills five pots. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti, the sixth-case word and the pravṛttinimitta clause in sutra_en, and for 'fills up' in k1.
commentary TB: 'tasya' imitates a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyantānukaraṇa); its singular is not intended, since a single thing cannot have a filler. pūraṇa, 'that by which it is filled', is lyuṭ in the sense of the means (karaṇa) after the ṇic-form. Followed for 'a sixth-case word' in sutra_en without restricting it to the singular.
commentary TB on 'ekādaśānām': the base-meaning is an aggregate (samudāya) in which the distinction of members is prominent; the member (avayava) is the affix-meaning. The affix comes in the sense of the filler of elevenness etc., the ground of application of the number-word after which it is prescribed, just as with 'atiśāyane…' and 'yāpye…' only the excess etc. of the ground of application is taken, by its being internal (antaraṅga); so there is no overextension to 'the water etc. that fills up eleven pots'. Objection: then the analysis should be 'the filler of elevenness'. Answer: as the analysis of vaiyākaraṇapāśaḥ is 'yāpyo vaiyākaraṇaḥ', not 'yāpyaṃ vaiyākaraṇatvam', so here. TB adds that, counting the adhyāyas in reverse, the adhyāya beginning 'vṛddhir ādaic' is also 'the eighth'. Followed for rendering the kaumudī's analysis as 'the eleven' (not 'elevenness').

SK 1850 · A 5.2.49V

नान्तादसंख्यादेर्मट् ॥ १८५० ॥

nāntādasaṃkhyādermaṭ

nāntād asaṃkhyādeḥ maṭ — After [a word] ending in n that does not have a number-word as its first member, maṭ [is the augment (āgama) of ḍaṭ — 'ḍaṭ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1849 and construed in the sixth case].

Rule. After a word ending in n, ḍaṭ takes the augment maṭ. The word must not begin with a number-word. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the ḍaṭ of SK 1849 is carried forward and read as "of ḍaṭ".

Example.

pañcānāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the five" → pañcan + ḍaṭ

→ the augment maṭ (heard as m) → pañcan + m + a

→ the n deleted → pañcamaḥ "the fifth".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "ending in n"? viṃśaḥ "the twentieth" takes no maṭ. Why "not beginning with a number-word"? ekādaśaḥ "the eleventh" takes no maṭ: ekādaśan begins with eka "one".

Watch out. Maṭ is an augment, not a separate affix. As an affix it would give the same form. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the choice is made for the accent. One adds that tamaṭ, in the rules below, must also be an augment so that it is unaccented.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

डटो मडागमः स्यात् । पञ्चानां पूरणः पञ्चमः । नान्तात्किम् । विंशः । असंख्यादेः किम् । एकादशः ॥

ḍaṭ receives the augment maṭ (maḍāgama). That which fills up the five: pañcamaḥ, 'the fifth'. Why 'ending in n'? viṃśaḥ [the twentieth, without maṭ]. Why 'not having a number-word as its first member'? ekādaśaḥ [the eleventh, without maṭ].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 309–310

—नान्तादसंख्यादेः—॥—डट इति । ‘डट्’ इति प्रथमान्तस्यानुवृत्तस्य ‘नान्तात्—’ इति पञ्चम्या षष्ठी कल्प्यत इति भावः । यद्यपीह मटः प्रत्ययत्वेऽपि न क्षतिः, तथाप्युत्तरत्र तमट आगमत्वमेवाभ्युपगन्तव्यम् । अनुदात्तता यथा स्यात् । प्रत्ययत्वे ह्याद्युदात्तः स्यात् । तथा चैकरूप्येणैव संदर्भव्याख्यानमुचितम् ॥ अन्येऽप्याहुः—मटः प्रत्ययत्वे अकारसहितो मकारो विधेयः । आगमत्वे तु मकारमात्रमिति लाघवमस्तीति ॥—विंश इति । विंशतेः पूरणः । ‘तिविंशतेर्डिति’ इति लोपः ॥—षट्कति—। इह षष्ठीनिर्देशबलात् षडादीनामागमित्वं स्पष्टमिति तदानुकूल्येनानुवृत्तो डट् सप्तम्या विपरिणम्यते तदाह—डटीति । डट एव युद् तु न कृतः षष्ठे पकारस्य जश्त्वप्रसङ्गात् । चतुर्थे रेफस्य विसर्गप्रसङ्गाच्च । न चैवं ‘नान्तात्—’ इति सूत्रेऽपि डति परे मुगेव विधीयतामिति वाच्यम् । पञ्चमः सप्तम इत्यादौ नलोपाभावापत्तेः ॥—चतुरश्छयताविति । विशेषविहिताभ्यामपि छयद्भ्यां डट्प्रत्ययो न बाध्यते, युग्मिधानसामर्थ्यात् । तेन चतुर्थं इति सिद्धिम् ॥—आद्यक्षरेति । अचसहितं व्यजनम- क्षरशब्देनोच्यते अच्सहितस्यादेर्व्यञ्जनस्येत्यर्थः । व्यञ्जनसहितस्यादेरच इति व्याख्याने तु द्विर्वचनन्यायेन तकारस्यापि लोपः स्यादिति हरदत्तः । आदेर्व्यञ्जनस्येति व्याख्याने प्रमाणं तु ‘द्वितीयतृतीय’- इति सूत्रे ‘तुर्याणि’ इति निर्देशो बोध्यः

Bālamanoramā

नान्तादसंख्याऽऽदेर्मट् - नान्तासङ्ख्यादेर्मट् । डटो मडागमः स्यादिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । डटि टकार इत् । अकार उच्चारणार्थः । पञ्चम इति । पञ्चन्शब्दाड्डटि तस्य भडागमे सति नलोपः । यद्यपिमटः प्रत्ययत्वेऽपि न रूपभेदः, तथापि स्वरविशेषार्थं मडागमाश्रयणमिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 310 द्वितीय इति—सद्यायवाची द्वितीयशब्दस्तु अब्युत्पन्नं प्रातिपदिकम्, अनेन तु नास्य साधुत्वम् । न ह्यपूरणस्तीयशब्दो- ऽस्तीति ‘पूरणाद्भागे’ इति सूत्रस्थभाष्यासंगतेः ।

translator notes

commentary TB on 'ḍaṭaḥ': the first-case 'ḍaṭ' carried forward [from SK 1849] is construed as a sixth (ḍaṭaḥ) by the fifth case of 'nāntāt'. Although nothing would be lost if maṭ were an affix here, tamaṭ in what follows must be taken as an augment so that it is anudātta (as an affix it would be ādyudātta), and a uniform explanation of the passage is fitting. Others say: as an affix, m together with a would have to be prescribed; as an augment, m alone, which is lighter. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and the sixth-case construal in sutra_en, and for 'augment' in k1.
commentary BM: 'ḍaṭo maḍāgamaḥ syāt' completes what the sūtra leaves unstated (śeṣapūraṇa). In ḍaṭ the ṭ is it and the a is for pronunciation. pañcamaḥ: after pañcan, ḍaṭ, with the augment maṭ, then deletion of n. Although maṭ as an affix would make no difference of form, the augment is adopted for the sake of a particular accent, as the Bhāṣya makes clear. Followed for 'augment'; the derivation is not in the kaumudī.
commentary TB on 'viṃśaḥ': the filler of twenty (viṃśati); [ti] is deleted by 'ti viṃśater ḍiti' (A 6.4.142). Followed for '[the twentieth]'.
textual The NSP footnote filed under sk.1850.n1 (NSP p. 310, printed 300), on 'dvitīya iti', belongs to SK 1854 'dves tīyaḥ', not to this sūtra: it says that dvitīya in the sense of 'companion' is an underived prātipadika, whose correctness is not established by that rule. It does not bear on this unit.

SK 1851 · A 5.2.51V

षट्कतिकतिपयचतुरां थुक् ॥ १८५१ ॥

ṣaṭkatikatipayacaturāṃ thuk

ṣaṭkatikatipayacaturāṃ thuk — To ṣaṣ, kati, katipaya and catur the augment (āgama) thuk [is added, when ḍaṭ follows: 'ḍaṭ', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'tasya pūraṇe ḍaṭ' (SK 1849), is recast as a seventh-case word (saptamyanta)].

Rule. Ṣaṣ "six", kati "how many", katipaya "some" and catur "four" take the augment thuk when ḍaṭ follows. In thuk the k is an it and the u is only for pronunciation, so it is heard as th.

Example.

ṣaṇṇāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the six" → ṣaṣ + th + a → ṣaṣṭhaḥ "sixth".

kati + th + a → katithaḥ "the how-manieth".

katipaya + th + a → katipayathaḥ.

catur + th + a → caturthaḥ "fourth".

Applies when / blocked by. Katipaya is not a number-word. Bhaṭṭoji says ḍaṭ comes after it all the same, as a jñāpaka of this very rule. Naming it here would be pointless unless ḍaṭ could follow it.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes two things in the forms. The ṣ of ṣaṣṭhaḥ takes no jaśtva, and the r of caturthaḥ does not become visarga (the final breath ḥ). Neither sound stands at the end of a pada.

A vārttika adds more for catur. After catur, cha and yat also come in the sense of pūraṇa, and the first syllable ca is lost.

catur + cha → ca lost, cha → īya → turīyaḥ "fourth".

catur + yat → turyaḥ "fourth".

Yat is heard as -ya.

Watch out. These two do not replace caturthaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ḍaṭ is not blocked by them. The rule has prescribed thuk for catur, and that prescription keeps ḍaṭ in force.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषां थुगागमः स्याड्डटि । षण्णां पूरणः षष्ठः । कतिथः । कतिपयशब्दस्यासंख्यात्वेऽप्यतएव ज्ञापकाड्डट् । कतिपयथः । चतुर्थः ।

The augment thuk is added to these when ḍaṭ follows. The completer of six (ṣaṇṇāṃ pūraṇaḥ): ṣaṣṭhaḥ ('sixth'). katithaḥ ('how-manieth'). Although the word katipaya is not a numeral (saṃkhyā), ḍaṭ [comes after it] on the indication (jñāpaka) of this very [mention of it in the sūtra]: katipayathaḥ. caturthaḥ ('fourth').

vārttika

चतुरश्छयतावाद्यक्षरलोपश्च

(vārttika) After catur, cha and yat [come in the sense of the completer (pūraṇa)], and [there is] loss (lopa) of the first syllable (akṣara).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ तुरीयः । तुर्यः ॥

turīyaḥ, turyaḥ ('fourth').

Bālamanoramā

षट्कतिकतिपयचतुरां थुक् - षट्कति । थुकि ककार इत् । उकार उच्चारणार्थः । कित्त्वादन्त्यादचः परः । षष्ठ इति । अपदान्तत्वात्षस्य न जश्त्वम् । चतुर्थ इति अपदान्तत्वान्न रेफस्य विसर्गः । चतुर इति । वार्तिकमिदम् । चतुर्शब्दात्षष्ठन्तात्पूरणे छयतौ स्तः । आद्यक्षरस्य लोपश्चेति । 'च' इति सङ्घातस्य लोपश्चेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.1850.t1: because of the sixth-case (ṣaṣṭhī) wording [ṣaṭkatikatipayacaturām], ṣaṣ etc. are clearly the recipients of the augment, so the ḍaṭ that is carried forward (anuvṛtta) is recast (vipariṇamyate) in the seventh case; hence the kaumudī's 'ḍaṭi'. The augment is not made part of ḍaṭ itself, since then the ṣ of ṣaṣṭha would undergo jaśtva and the r of caturtha would become visarga; nor may one say that in 'nāntād asaṃkhyādeḥ' too the augment muk [of the base] should likewise be taught when ḍaṭ follows, since the loss of n in pañcamaḥ, saptamaḥ would then fail. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti of ḍaṭ in the seventh case in sutra_en and for 'when ḍaṭ follows' in k1.
commentary BM: the k of thuk is an it-letter, the u is for pronunciation; in ṣaṣṭhaḥ the ṣ does not undergo jaśtva because it is not pada-final (apadānta); in caturthaḥ the r does not become visarga for the same reason. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the forms.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika; after catur as a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta), cha and yat come in the sense of the completer (pūraṇa); 'loss of the first syllable' means loss of the group 'ca'. Followed for the bracketed pūraṇa sense and for 'syllable' (turīyaḥ, turyaḥ).
commentary TB, printed under sk.1850.t1: although cha and yat are specially prescribed, ḍaṭ is not blocked by them, by the force of the prescription of the augment [thuk for catur], so caturthaḥ also stands. akṣara denotes a consonant together with its vowel: [the loss is] of the initial consonant with its vowel. Haradatta: on the explanation 'the initial vowel together with a consonant', the t too would be lost by the reasoning of doubling (dvirvacananyāya); the evidence for the explanation 'of the initial consonant' is the wording 'turyāṇi' in the sūtra 'dvitīyatṛtīya…'. Followed for 'syllable'; the non-blocking of ḍaṭ is Recorded as the rule interaction the kaumudī does not state.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 309 (printed 299) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'caturaś chayatāv ādyakṣaralopaś ca'. The tag is left untranslated; k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1852 · A 5.2.52V

बहुपूगगणसंघस्य तिथुक् ॥ १८५२ ॥

bahupūgagaṇasaṃghasya tithuk

bahupūgagaṇasaṅghasya tithuk — bahu, pūga, gaṇa and saṅgha take the augment tithuk [when ḍaṭ follows — 'ḍaṭi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1851].

Rule. Bahu "many", pūga, gaṇa and saṅgha take the augment tithuk when ḍaṭ follows. Bhaṭṭoji says "when ḍaṭ follows" still holds. Tithuk is heard as tith.

Example.

bahu + ḍaṭ → the augment tithuk → bahu + tith + a → bahutithaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji writes "bahutithaḥ, etc." One of his commentators fills in the rest: pūgatithaḥ, gaṇatithaḥ, saṅghatithaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bahu and gaṇa are number-words already (SK 258). Pūga and saṅgha are not. Bhaṭṭoji says ḍaṭ comes after them on the evidence of this very rule. One of his commentators adds that tithuk, being marked with k, is placed after the base (SK 36).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

डटीत्येव । पूगसङ्घयोरसंख्यात्वेऽप्यतएव डट् । बहुतिथ इत्यादि ॥

'When ḍaṭ follows' (ḍaṭi) holds here too [carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1851]. Although pūga and saṅgha are not numerals (saṃkhyā), ḍaṭ comes [after them] on the evidence of this very [rule]. bahutithaḥ, etc.

translator notes

textual The Bālamanoramā block formerly filed under this unit (sk.1852.b1) is BM on SK 1853 ('vator ithuk') and was re-filed there as sk.1853.b1 (2026-10-05); our digital source carries no BM on SK 1852, but the printed BM on it survives in the Wikisource SK+BM print (see the commentary note). No TB on SK 1852 is printed: TB on NSP pp. 309–310 passes from SK 1851 (under sk.1850.t1) directly to SK 1854 (sk.1854.t1). Our text agrees with NSP p. 310 (printed 300), where the OCR's 'bahupūrva…' and 'pūrvasaṅghayoḥ' misread 'pūga' (scan reads 'bahupūgagaṇasaṅghasya' and 'pūgasaṅghayoḥ').
commentary BM (printed ed., not in the digital source; Wikisource SK+BM p. 868, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0042.txt): the sense is that bahu, pūga, gaṇa and saṅgha take the augment tithuk when ḍaṭ follows; k is the it-letter, u is for pronunciation; being kit, it comes after [the stem, per 'ādyantau ṭakitau']. On 'ityādi': pūgatithaḥ, gaṇatithaḥ, saṅghatithaḥ. Followed for 'bahutithaḥ, etc.'; BM fills the 'etc.' with these three forms, which are not added to the English.
translator 'ḍaṭi ity eva' refers back to 'eṣāṃ thugāgamaḥ syāḍ ḍaṭi' in SK 1851, where TB (sk.1850.t1) explains that the ḍaṭ carried forward is converted into the seventh case. The contrast 'pūgasaṅghayor asaṃkhyātve 'pi' presupposes that bahu and gaṇa are numerals, presumably by 'bahugaṇavatuḍati saṃkhyā' (A 1.1.23); 'ata eva' is taken as 'on the evidence of this very rule' (jñāpaka), as in SK 1851's 'ata eva jñāpakāḍ ḍaṭ'. The kaumudī gives only bahutithaḥ; the other forms are left to 'etc.'

SK 1853 · A 5.2.53V

वतोरिथुक् ॥ १८५३ ॥

vatorithuk

vatorithuk — To [a base ending in] vatu[p], the augment ithuk [when ḍaṭ follows — 'ḍaṭi' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1851].

Rule. A base ending in the affix vatup takes the augment ithuk when ḍaṭ follows. Ithuk is heard as ith.

Example.

yāvatāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up 'as many'" → yāvat + ḍaṭ (SK 1849)

→ the augment ithuk → yāvat + ith + a

→ yāvatithaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why ḍaṭ can come at all. Yāvat ends in vatu, so it is a number-word by SK 258.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

डटीत्येव । यावतिथः ॥

'When ḍaṭ follows' (ḍaṭi) still holds [carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1851]. yāvatithaḥ [the one that completes (pūraṇa) yāvat, 'so many'].

Bālamanoramā

वतोरिथुक् । डटीत्येवेति । वतुबन्तस्य इथुगागमः स्याड्डटीत्यर्थः । यावतिथ इति । यावतां पूरण इति विग्रहः ।बहुगणे॑ति सङ्ख्यात्वात् 'तस्य पूरणे' इति डेटि प्रकृतेरिथुक् ।

translator notes

textual BM on this sūtra is sk.1853.b1. No TB on this sūtra is printed: sk.1850.t1 ends with the vārttika 'caturaś chayatau' (SK 1851) and sk.1854.t1 opens at 'dvestīyaḥ'; NSP p. 310 (printed 300) (scan) agrees.
commentary BM (sk.1853.b1): 'ḍaṭīty eva' means: the augment ithuk comes to what ends in vatup when ḍaṭ follows. yāvatithaḥ: vigraha 'yāvatāṃ pūraṇaḥ'; yāvat is a numeral (saṃkhyā) by 'bahugaṇa[vatuḍati saṃkhyā]', so ḍaṭ comes by 'tasya pūraṇe [ḍaṭ]', and the base takes ithuk. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1 and for the gloss of yāvatithaḥ.

SK 1854 · A 5.2.54V

द्वेस्तीयः ॥ १८५४ ॥

dvestīyaḥ

dvestīyaḥ — After dvi [a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta), in the sense 'the completer (pūraṇa)' of it, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1849], the affix tīya.

Rule. After dvi "two", the affix tīya comes in the sense "that which fills it up". Bhaṭṭoji calls it an apavāda of ḍaṭ.

Example.

dvayoḥ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the two" → dvi + tīya → dvitīyaḥ "second".

Watch out. Tīya is a separate affix. It is not a substitute put in place of ḍaṭ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. As a substitute, tīya would inherit the markers of ḍaṭ and the operations they bring. Among them, the feminine would take ṅīp by SK 470. That clashes with the form dvitīyā, ending in -ā, in SK 686 (dvitīyāśrita…).

The editor of the printed edition adds a note. Dvitīya meaning "companion" is an underived word. It does not owe its correctness to this rule.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

डटोऽपवादः । द्वयोः पूरणो द्वितीयः ॥

[This is] an exception (apavāda) to ḍaṭ. dvayoḥ pūraṇaḥ, 'the completer of two': dvitīyaḥ, 'second'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 310

—द्वेस्तीयः ॥—डटोऽपवाद इति । डट आदेशस्तु न भवति । ‘डिति’ ‘टिड्डा’- इति डीपः प्रसक्त्या ‘द्वितीयाश्रिता’- इति निर्देशानुपपत्तेः ॥ अत एव निर्देशाद्विशब्दस्याप्यादेशो न भवति ॥—तृतीय इति । रेफस्य ऋकारः संप्रसारणम् । ‘हलः’ इह दीर्घस्तु न भवति, ‘ढ्रलोपे’- इति सूत्रादण इत्यनुवृत्तेः त्रेस्तृ च इति नोक्तं, प्रत्ययो मा विज्ञायति ॥—विंशत्यादिभ्यः—। इति प्रत्यासक्त्या ‘पङ्क्ति’- इत्यादिसूत्रे निपातिता विंशत्यादयो गृह्यन्ते, न लोकप्रसिद्धाः विप्रकृष्टत्वादिति भाष्यमतम् ॥ वृत्तिकृता तु विंशत्यादयो लौकिका एव संख्याशब्दा गृह्यन्ते, न ‘पङ्क्ति’- इत्यादिसूत्रनिर्दिष्टाः । तद्ग्रहणे ह्येकविंशतिप्रभृतिभ्यो न स्यात् । ग्रहणवता प्रातिपदिकेन तदन्तविधिप्रतिषेधात् । एवं च सति ‘षष्ट्यादेश्चासंख्यादेः’ इति पर्युदासो युज्यत एवेत्युक्तम् ॥—एकविंशतितम इति । यद्यपि भाष्यमते तदन्तविधिर्दुर्लभस्तथापि ‘षष्ट्यादेश्च’- इति सूत्रे संख्यादिपर्युदासो ज्ञापयति ‘इह प्रकरणे तदन्तानामपि ग्रहणम्’ इति । एवं च सति एकान्नविंशतेः पूरण एकान्नविंशतितम इत्यपि सिद्ध्यति । ‘लौकिकानां ग्रहणम्’ इति वृत्तिमते तु नैतत्सिध्येत् विंशतिसंख्यातः प्राग्भावित्वादस्याः संख्यायाः । एतच्च कैयटहरदत्तग्रन्थयोः स्पष्टम् ॥ ननु ‘अनारम्भो वा प्रातिपदिकविज्ञानाद्यथा सहस्रादिषु’ इति वदता कात्यायनेन ‘पङ्क्ति’- इत्यादिसूत्रस्य प्रत्याख्यातत्वात् तत्सूत्रे निपातिताः विंशत्यादयो गृह्यन्ते, इति भाष्यमतमयुक्तमितिचेत् ॥ अत्राहुः । यद्यपि प्रत्याख्यातं तथापीहार्थमावश्यकं तत् । अत एव तत्र भाष्यकृता ‘नासूया कर्तव्या यत्रानुगमः क्रियते’ इत्युक्तम् ॥ अतः कात्यायनोक्तप्रत्याख्यानं नादर्तव्यमिति ॥—शततम इति । यद्यपीदं ‘षष्ट्यादेश्च’ इत्युत्तरसूत्रेणैव सिध्यति, तथापि संख्याद्यर्थं ‘नित्यं शतादि’- इत्यावश्यकमिति ध्वनयनुदाहरति—एकशततम इति ॥—मासादेरिति । संख्यावाचित्वाभावेऽपीति भावः ॥—षष्ठ्यादेश्चेति । ‘विंशत्यादिभ्यः’- इति विकल्पे प्राप्ते नित्यार्थोऽयमारम्भः ॥—संख्यादेस्त्विति । एतच्च प्राक् शताद्वोध्यम् ‘नित्यं शतादि’- इत्युक्तत्वात्

Bālamanoramā

द्वेस्तीयः - द्वेस्तीयः । द्विसब्दात्षष्ठन्तात्पूरणे तीयप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after the word dvi, a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta), the affix tīya comes in the sense of pūraṇa. Followed for the bracketed sixth-case word and the sense in sutra_en.
commentary TB on 'ḍaṭo 'pavādaḥ': tīya is not a substitute (ādeśa) for ḍaṭ, for then [by sthānivadbhāva] the operations of 'ḍiti' and ṅīp by 'ṭiḍḍhā…' (SK 470) would apply (NSP p. 310, scan: 'ḍiti', 'ṭiḍḍhā—' iti ṅīpaḥ prasaktyā; the reference of 'ḍiti' is not spelled out by TB, and is taken here as the ṭi-deletion conditioned by a following ḍit, which a substitute of ḍaṭ would inherit) and the usage 'dvitīyāśrita…' (SK 686) would be unaccountable; by that same usage it is not a substitute for the word dvi either. Followed: 'apavāda' is rendered 'exception', tīya being a separate affix that displaces ḍaṭ.
textual NSP footnote 1, printed under sk.1850.n1 (NSP p. 310, printed 300), on 'dvitīya iti' (the only 'dvitīyaḥ' in the mūla of that page is this example): the word dvitīya meaning 'companion' (sahāya) is an underived prātipadika and does not owe its correctness to this rule; for there is no tīya-word that is not a pūraṇa, otherwise the Bhāṣya on the sūtra 'pūraṇād bhāge…' would not fit. Recorded; the English renders only the pūraṇa sense.

SK 1855 · A 5.2.55V

त्रेः सम्प्रसारणं च ॥ १८५५ ॥

treḥ samprasāraṇaṃ ca

treḥ samprasāraṇaṃ ca — After tri [the affix tīya comes — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1854], and [the base undergoes] samprasāraṇa.

Rule. After tri "three", tīya comes too, and the base undergoes saṃprasāraṇa: its r is replaced by the vowel ṛ.

Example.

trayāṇāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the three" → tri + tīya

→ saṃprasāraṇa, r → ṛ → tṛ-i + tīya

→ the ṛ absorbs the i (SK 330) → tṛtīyaḥ "third".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. The ṛ is not lengthened. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say a later rule, SK 2559 (halaḥ), does not apply. The word aṇaḥ is carried into it from SK 174. The ṛ is not an aṇ vowel, which are a, i and u.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators asks why Pāṇini did not simply say "tṛ for tri". His answer: tṛ might then be taken for an affix.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तृतीयः ॥

tṛtīyaḥ, 'third'.

Bālamanoramā

त्रेः सम्प्रसारणं च - त्रेः संप्रसारणं च । त्रेस्तीयः स्यात्प्रकृतेः सम्प्रसारणं चेत्यर्थः । तृतीय इति । त्रयाणां पूरण इति विग्रहः । तीयप्रत्यये सति रेफस्य सम्प्रसारणमृकारः ।सम्प्रसारयणाच्चे॑ति पूर्वरूपम् । 'हलः' इति दीर्घस्तु न भवति, 'ढ्रलोपे' इत्यतोऽण इत्यनुवृत्तेः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after tri, tīya comes, and samprasāraṇa of the base as well. tṛtīya: analysed as 'trayāṇāṃ pūraṇaḥ'; with the affix tīya, r is replaced by its samprasāraṇa ṛ, then pūrvarūpa by 'samprasāraṇāc ca' (SK 330); lengthening by 'halaḥ' (SK 2559) does not occur, because 'aṇaḥ' is carried forward from 'ḍhralope pūrvasya dīrgho 'ṇaḥ' (SK 174). Followed for the bracketed tīya and 'of the base' in sutra_en; the derivation is Recorded, the kaumudī giving only the form.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1854.t1: in tṛtīya, ṛ is the samprasāraṇa of r; lengthening by 'halaḥ' does not occur here, because 'aṇaḥ' is carried forward from the sūtra 'ḍhralope'. [Pāṇini] did not say 'tres tṛ ca', lest [tṛ] be understood as an affix. Recorded.

SK 1856 · A 5.2.56V

विंशत्यादिभ्यस्तमडन्यतरस्याम् ॥ १८५६ ॥

viṃśatyādibhyastamaḍanyatarasyām

viṃśatyādibhyas tamaḍ anyatarasyām — After viṃśati etc., [ḍaṭ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1849 —] optionally takes the augment tamaṭ.

Rule. After viṃśati "twenty" and the words that follow it, ḍaṭ optionally (anyatarasyām) takes the augment tamaṭ. In tamaṭ the ṭ is an it and the a after the m is only for pronunciation, so it is heard as tam.

Example.

viṃśati + ḍaṭ → with tamaṭ → viṃśati + tam + a → viṃśatitamaḥ "twentieth".

Without tamaṭ → ti deleted (SK 844) → viṃśaḥ.

Likewise ekaviṃśatitamaḥ or ekaviṃśaḥ "twenty-first".

Applies when / blocked by. Which words are "viṃśati and the rest"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report two views. One takes the list in SK 1725, paṅkti, viṃśati, triṃśat and so on. The other takes the ordinary numerals. Scholars discuss this. On the first view, ekaviṃśati is reached through the tadanta reading that SK 1858 reveals.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो डटस्तमडागमो वा स्यात् । विंशतितमः । विंशः । एकविंशतितमः । एकविंशः ॥

After these, ḍaṭ optionally takes the augment (āgama) tamaṭ. viṃśatitamaḥ; viṃśaḥ. ekaviṃśatitamaḥ; ekaviṃśaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

विंशत्यादिभ्यस्तमडन्यतरस्याम् - विंशत्यादिभ्यः । तमटि टकार इत् । मकारादकार उच्चारणार्थः । अत्रपङ्क्तिविंशती॑ति सूत्रानुक्रान्ता एव विंशत्यादयो गृह्यन्ते नतु लोकप्रसिद्धा एकविशत्यादयोऽपि, विप्रकर्षादिति कैयटः । एकविंशतितम॑ इत्यत्र तु तदन्तविधिना तमडित्यग्रे वक्ष्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in tamaṭ, ṭ is it; the a after m is for pronunciation. According to Kaiyaṭa, the 'viṃśati etc.' taken here are only those listed in the sūtra 'paṅktiviṃśati…' (SK 1725), not also the popularly known ekaviṃśati etc., because of remoteness (viprakarṣa); for 'ekaviṃśatitama', tamaṭ [comes] by tadantavidhi, as will be said below. Recorded; the English keeps 'viṃśati etc.' neutral between this view and TB's report of the Vṛtti's view.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1854.t1: by proximity (pratyāsatti) the viṃśati etc. given by nipātana in 'paṅkti…' are taken, not those known in ordinary usage, since those are remote — this is the Bhāṣya's view. The Vṛttikāra takes the ordinary numerals, since with the listed ones [tamaṭ] would not come after ekaviṃśati etc., tadantavidhi being barred for a prātipadika named in the rule (grahaṇavatā prātipadikena); on that view the exclusion (paryudāsa) in 'ṣaṣṭyādeś cāsaṃkhyādeḥ' (SK 1858) is apt. On 'ekaviṃśatitama': although tadantavidhi is hard to obtain on the Bhāṣya's view, the exclusion of words beginning with a numeral in 'ṣaṣṭyādeś ca' indicates (jñāpayati) that in this prakaraṇa words ending in these are also taken; so ekānnaviṃśatitama too is obtained, which the Vṛtti's view cannot give. TB then answers the objection that Kātyāyana rejected 'paṅkti…'. Recorded; the English keeps 'viṃśati etc.' neutral (§16).
translator 'ḍaṭ' in sutra_en is supplied from the kaumudī's own 'ebhyo ḍaṭaḥ'; ḍaṭ is prescribed by 'tasya pūraṇe ḍaṭ' (SK 1849). TB on SK 1850 (sk.1850.t1) explains the same construction for maṭ: the first-case ḍaṭ carried forward is taken as a sixth case (ḍaṭaḥ) because of the fifth-case word in the rule, and argues that tamaṭ too must be an augment (āgama), not an affix, so that it is unaccented.

SK 1857 · A 5.2.57V

नित्यं शतादिमासार्धमाससंवत्सराच्च ॥ १८५७ ॥

nityaṃ śatādimāsārdhamāsasaṃvatsarācca

nityaṃ śatādimāsārdhamāsasaṃvatsarāc ca — And after śata ('hundred') and the following [numerals], and after māsa ('month'), ardhamāsa ('half-month') and saṃvatsara ('year'), [the ḍaṭ of the pūraṇa sense that follows] invariably [takes the augment (āgama) tamaṭ].

Rule. After śata "hundred" and the numerals above it, ḍaṭ always (nityam) takes tamaṭ. The same holds after māsa "month", ardhamāsa "half-month" and saṃvatsara "year". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators paraphrases the rule with tamaṭ.

Example.

śatasya pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the hundred" → śata + ḍaṭ with tamaṭ → śatatamaḥ "hundredth".

ekaśatatamaḥ "hundred-and-first".

māsa + ḍaṭ with tamaṭ → māsatamaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Māsa is not a number-word. Bhaṭṭoji says ḍaṭ comes after it by this very rule. One of his commentators explains māsatama as the part that completes a month, such as a half-month. He also comments on ardhamāsatamaḥ and saṃvatsaratamaḥ.

Watch out. Why does Bhaṭṭoji cite ekaśatatamaḥ? Both of his commentators answer. SK 1858 would already give śatatamaḥ. But SK 1858 excludes a base beginning with a numeral, such as ekaśata. This rule is needed for that one.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शतस्य पूरणः शततमः । एकशततमः । मासादेरतएव डट् । मासतमः ॥

The completer (pūraṇa) of a hundred: śatatamaḥ ['hundredth']. ekaśatatamaḥ ['hundred-and-first']. After māsa etc., ḍaṭ [comes] by this very [rule]: māsatamaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

नित्यं शतादिमासार्धमाससंवत्सराच्च - नित्यं शतादि । शतादिभ्यो मासात् अर्धमासात्संवत्सराच्च परस्य डटो नित्यं तमडागमः स्यादित्यर्थः । ननुषष्ठआदेश्चे॑त्युत्तरसूत्रेण शततमः सिध्यतीत्यत आह — एकशततम इति ।असङ्ख्यादे॑रिति पर्युदासादुत्तरसूत्रस्य नात्र प्रवृत्तिरिति भावः । ननु मासार्धमाससंवत्सरशब्दानां सङ्ख्यावाचित्वाऽभावात्तेभ्यो डट एवाऽप्रसक्तेस्तस्य कथं तदड्विधिरित्यत आह — मासादेरिति । मासतम इति । मासस्य पूरणः-अर्धमासादिरवयवः । अर्धमासतम इति । अर्धमासस्य पूरणस्तिथ्यादिरवयवः । संवत्सरतम इति । संवत्सरस्य पूरणो मासादिरवयवः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after śata etc., māsa, ardhamāsa and saṃvatsara, the ḍaṭ that follows invariably (nityam) takes the augment tamaṭ. Objection: śatatamaḥ is already established by the next sūtra 'ṣaṣṭyādeś ca…' (SK 1858); hence ekaśatatamaḥ is cited, since the exclusion (paryudāsa) 'asaṃkhyādeḥ' keeps SK 1858 from applying there. Objection: māsa, ardhamāsa and saṃvatsara do not denote number, so ḍaṭ itself cannot arise after them; how then can tamaṭ be taught for it? Answer: 'māsādeḥ…' — ḍaṭ comes by this very rule. māsatama is the part that completes a month (a half-month etc.), ardhamāsatama that of a half-month (a tithi etc.), saṃvatsaratama that of a year (a month etc.). Followed for the bracketed ḍaṭ and augment in sutra_en and for 'by this very [rule]' in k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1854.t1: although śatatamaḥ is established by the next sūtra 'ṣaṣṭyādeś ca' (SK 1858), Bhaṭṭoji cites the further example ekaśatatamaḥ to suggest that 'nityaṃ śatādi…' is needed for [words] beginning with a numeral. On 'māsādeḥ': [ḍaṭ comes] even though [these words] do not denote number. Followed; agrees with BM.
textual NSP p. 310 (printed 300) agrees with the digital kaumudī, including 'māsāder ata eva ḍaṭ' and ending with 'māsatamaḥ' (scan). The Wikisource SK+BM print (p. 869, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0043.txt) reads 'māsatamaḥ. ardhamāsatamaḥ. saṃvatsaratamaḥ.', and BM's pratīkas 'ardhamāsatama iti … saṃvatsaratama iti' (in our own sk.1857.b1) presuppose those two further examples. The English follows NSP and our text; the two forms are not added to k1.
translator 'tamaṭ' is supplied in sutra_en from 'viṃśatyādibhyas tamaḍ anyatarasyām' (SK 1856) by the translator; BM's paraphrase 'ḍaṭo nityaṃ tamaḍāgamaḥ' supplies the augment but does not state an anuvṛtti.

SK 1858 · A 5.2.58V

षष्ट्यादेश्चासंख्यादेः ॥ १८५८ ॥

ṣaṣṭyādeścāsaṃkhyādeḥ

ṣaṣṭyādeś cāsaṃkhyādeḥ — And after ṣaṣṭi ('sixty') and the following [numerals], when they do not begin with a numeral [as prior member, the augment (āgama) tamaṭ is always (nityam) added to the ḍaṭ (of the pūraṇa sense) that follows; an exception (apavāda) to the option of SK 1856].

Rule. After ṣaṣṭi "sixty" and the numerals after it, tamaṭ is always added. The base must not begin with a numeral. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this an apavāda of the option in SK 1856.

Example.

ṣaṣṭi + ḍaṭ with tamaṭ → ṣaṣṭitamaḥ "sixtieth".

For ekaṣaṣṭi, which begins with a numeral, only the option of SK 1856 applies:

ekaṣaṣṭi + ḍaṭ with tamaṭ → ekaṣaṣṭitamaḥ "sixty-first";

without tamaṭ → the i deleted (SK 311) → ekaṣaṣṭaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the deletion.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draw a jñāpaka from the words "not beginning with a numeral". A rule about bare ṣaṣṭi could never reach ekaṣaṣṭi in the first place. So the exclusion shows that the tadanta reading holds in this section. That is how SK 1856 reaches ekaviṃśati and ekaṣaṣṭi. One commentator adds that the option holds only below śata, since SK 1857 governs from there.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

षष्टितमः । संख्यादेस्तु विंशत्यादिभ्य - SK 1856 इति विकल्प एव । एकषष्टः । एकषष्टितमः ॥

ṣaṣṭitamaḥ ['sixtieth']. But after one that begins with a numeral there is only the option [taught] by 'viṃśatyādibhyaḥ…' (SK 1856): ekaṣaṣṭaḥ, ekaṣaṣṭitamaḥ ['sixty-first'].

Bālamanoramā

षष्ट्यादेश्चासंख्याऽऽदेः - षष्ठआदेश्चासह्ख्यादेः । असङ्ख्यापूर्वपदात् षष्ट्यादेः परस्य डटो नित्यं तमडागमः स्यादित्यर्थः । विंशत्यादिभ्यः॑ इति विकल्पस्याऽपवादः । एकषष्टः एकषष्टितम इति । सङ्ख्यादित्वान्नित्यस तमटोऽभावे 'विंशत्यादिभ्यः' इति डटस्तमड्विकल्पः । तमडभावे डटियस्येति चे॑ति इकारलोपे 'एकषष्ट' इति रूपम् । ननु केवलसात्षष्टआदेर्विहितस्य नित्यतमटः सह्ख्यादेः कथं प्रसक्तिः, तमडागमविधेरप्रत्ययविधित्वेऽपिग्रहणवता प्रातिपदिकेन तदन्तविधिं ज्ञापयति । तेन 'विंशत्यादिभ्यः' इति पूर्वसूत्रमेकविंशतितम इत्यादावपि प्रवर्तत इति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । एवंच 'एकान्नविंशतितमः' इत्यपि सिद्धम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after ṣaṣṭi etc. not having a numeral as prior member, the augment tamaṭ is always (nityam) added to the ḍaṭ that follows; this is an exception (apavāda) to the option of 'viṃśatyādibhyaḥ' (SK 1856). Followed for the bracketed augment, 'always (nityam)' and apavāda in sutra_en. (The digital BM reads 'saṅkhyāpūrvapadāt' where the sense and the sūtra require 'asaṅkhyāpūrvapadāt', which the printed BM in the Wikisource SK+BM print, p. 869, actually reads.)
commentary BM: because [ekaṣaṣṭi] begins with a numeral, the obligatory tamaṭ is absent and SK 1856 makes tamaṭ optional; without tamaṭ, i is elided before ḍaṭ by 'yasyeti ca', giving ekaṣaṣṭa. Objection: how could the obligatory tamaṭ, taught for bare ṣaṣṭi etc., even arise for one beginning with a numeral? Answer: this exclusion (paryudāsa) indicates (jñāpayati) that the tadantavidhi holds here even though a prātipadika is named (grahaṇavat), so SK 1856 too applies in ekaviṃśatitamaḥ etc., and ekānnaviṃśatitamaḥ is also established; clear in the Bhāṣya. Followed: 'the option [taught] by SK 1856' is read as reaching ekaṣaṣṭi through this indicated tadantavidhi.
commentary TB (printed under sk.1854.t1): 'ṣaṣṭyādeś ca' is begun to make [tamaṭ] obligatory where the option of 'viṃśatyādibhyaḥ' (SK 1856) would apply; on 'saṃkhyādes tu': this [option] is to be understood only below śata ('hundred'), since 'nityaṃ śatādi…' (SK 1857) has been stated. Followed for the apavāda in sutra_en; the limit below śata is recorded. TB there also argues that the saṃkhyādi-exclusion in this sūtra indicates the tadantavidhi for this section, agreeing with BM.
translator 'nityam' is supplied in sutra_en from SK 1857 and 'tamaṭ' from SK 1856 by the translator; BM paraphrases 'ḍaṭo nityaṃ tamaḍāgamaḥ' and TB says 'nityārtho 'yam ārambhaḥ', but neither states an anuvṛtti.
translator The kaumudī gives no derivation for ekaṣaṣṭaḥ; the steps in the BM note are the commentator's and are not added to the English.

SK 1859 · A 5.2.59V

मतौ छः सूक्तसाम्नोः ॥ १८५९ ॥

matau chaḥ sūktasāmnoḥ

matau chaḥ sūktasāmnoḥ — In the sense of matup, cha [comes, after a first-case word (prathamānta), in the sense 'whose' or 'in which' (asya, asmin) — both supplied through 'matau' from the matup rule, SK 1894], when a hymn (sūkta) or a chant (sāman) [is to be denoted].

Rule. Cha comes in the sense of matup when a hymn (sūkta) or a chant (sāman) is meant. The base is a first-case word naming a word as a form, and cha is heard as -īya.

Example.

acchāvākaśabdo 'sminn asti "the word acchāvāka is in this" → acchāvāka + cha

→ cha → īya (SK 475) → acchāvāka + īya

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → acchāvākīyaṃ sūktam "the hymn containing the word acchāvāka".

Likewise vāravantīyaṃ sāma. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains it: the chant sung on the Vedic verse aśvaṃ na tvā vāravantam.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds asyavāmīyam, from the words asya vāmasya. Here the ending of asya is not deleted. He explains that "an imitation is treated like its original" (prakṛtivad anukaraṇam) does not always hold.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मत्वर्थे छः स्यात् । अच्छावाकशब्दोऽस्मिन्नस्ति अच्छावाकीयं सुक्तम् । वारवन्तीयं साम ॥

cha comes in the sense of matup (matvartha). The word acchāvāka is in this: acchāvākīyaṃ sūktam ('the hymn containing the word acchāvāka'). vāravantīyaṃ sāma ('the chant [sung upon the ṛc] containing the word vāravantam').

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 310

—मतौ छः—॥—मत्वर्थ इति । मतोर्विषय इत्यर्थः । तेन ‘तत्’ इति प्रथमा समर्थविभक्तिः, अस्यास्मिन्निति प्रत्ययार्थश्चेह लभ्यते ॥—विधानसामर्थ्यादिति । मतुप्प्रकरण एवास्मिन् सूत्रे कर्तव्ये यदत्रास्य लुग्विधानं तत्पाक्षिकं लुकमनुमापयतीति कैयटः

Bālamanoramā

मतौ च्छः सूक्तसाम्नोः - मतौ छः ।मतु॑शब्दो मत्वर्थे लाक्षणिक इत्याह मत्वर्थे इति । अच्छा वाकीयं सूक्तमिति । अच्छावाकशब्दोऽस्यास्ति, अस्मिन्नस्तीति वा विग्रहः । अच्छावाकशब्दयुक्तमित्यर्थः । अच्छावाकशब्दाच्छब्दस्वरूपपरात् प्रथमान्ताच्छः । वारवन्तीयं सामेति ।अश्वं न त्वा वारवन्त॑मित्यस्यामृच्यध्यूढमित्यर्थः । एवमस्यवामीयमित्यपि ।अस्यवामस्ये॑त्यस्य एकदेशानुकरणस्यवामेति । तस्माच्छः । अस्यवामशब्दसंयुक्तमित्यर्थः ।प्रकृतिवदनुकरण॑मित्यस्यानित्यत्वात्सुपो न लुक् ।

translator notes

commentary TB: 'matvarthe' means 'in the domain of matup' (mator viṣaye); therefore the first case 'tat' as the case of the base (samarthavibhakti), and the affix-sense 'asya' / 'asmin', are obtained here. Followed for the bracketed case and sense in sutra_en.
commentary BM: the word 'matu' secondarily denotes (lākṣaṇika) the sense of matup, hence 'matvarthe'. acchāvākīyam: the analysis is 'acchāvākaśabdo 'syāsti' or '… 'sminn asti', i.e. provided with the word acchāvāka; cha comes after acchāvāka, a first-case word (prathamānta) denoting its own word-form. vāravantīyam: a sāman sung upon the ṛc 'aśvaṃ na tvā vāravantam'. Likewise asyavāmīya, from the partial imitation 'asyavāma' of 'asya vāmasya'; since 'prakṛtivad anukaraṇam' is not invariable, the sup is not deleted by luk. Followed for 'containing the word …' and '[sung upon the ṛc]' in the glosses.
textual The digital source reads 'acchāvākīyaṃ suktam' (short u); NSP p. 310 (printed 300) reads 'sūktam' (scan confirms), as do the sūtra and BM's pratīka. The English follows the print.

SK 1860 · A 5.2.60V

अध्यायानुवाकयोर्लुक् ॥ १८६० ॥

adhyāyānuvākayorluk

adhyāyānuvākayor luk — When a chapter (adhyāya) or a lesson (anuvāka) [is denoted], luk [of the cha taught in the sense of matup (matvartha) by SK 1859].

Rule. When a chapter (adhyāya) or a lesson (anuvāka) is meant, the cha of SK 1859 is deleted by luk. The luk is optional.

Example.

gardabhāṇḍa + cha "[a chapter or lesson] containing the word gardabhāṇḍa"

→ with luk → gardabhāṇḍaḥ;

→ without luk → cha → īya → gardabhāṇḍīyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. SK 1859 gives cha only for a hymn or a chant. How can cha reach a chapter at all? Bhaṭṭoji answers: this very rule is the jñāpaka. A luk of cha for a chapter presupposes cha for a chapter.

Why is the luk optional? Bhaṭṭoji says: by the force of its being prescribed (vidhānasāmarthya). Both of his commentators report Kaiyaṭa, an earlier commentator on the Bhāṣya. This rule could have been placed in the matup section itself. Prescribing the luk here instead lets one infer an option. One commentator also reports other explanations of the option; the forms are the same.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मत्वर्थस्य छस्य । अतएव ज्ञापकात्तत्र छः । विधानसामर्थ्याच्च विकल्पेन लुक् । गर्दभाण्डः । गर्दभाण्डीयः ॥

[luk] of the cha in the sense of matup (matvartha). By this very indication (jñāpaka), cha [comes] there [i.e. when a chapter or lesson is denoted]; and, by the force of [its] being prescribed (vidhānasāmarthya), the luk is optional. gardabhāṇḍaḥ, gardabhāṇḍīyaḥ ['[a chapter or lesson] containing the word gardabhāṇḍa'].

Bālamanoramā

अध्यायानुवाकयोर्लुक् - अध्यायानुवाकयोर्लुक् । नन्वध्यायानुवाकयोरभिधेयत्वे छस्य कथं प्राप्तिः, सूक्तसाम्नोरिति नियमादित्यत आह — अत एवेति । विधानेति । मतुप्प्रकरण एवास्मिन्सूत्रे कर्तव्ये अत्र प्रकरणे छस्य लुग्विधानसामर्थादिति कैयटः । ज्ञापकसिद्धविधानसामर्थ्यादित्यन्ये । भाष्ये तु अध्यायानुवाकयोर्वा लुग्वक्तव्यः॑ इति वचनमेवारब्धम् । गर्दभाण्डः गर्दभाण्डीय इति । गर्दभाण्डशब्दसंयुक्तोऽध्यायोऽनुवाको वेत्यर्थः । भाष्योदाहरणादेव क्वचिदेतन्नामकोऽध्यायोऽनुवाको वाऽन्वेष्यः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: Objection: when a chapter or lesson is what is denoted, how can cha even arise, given the restriction to sūkta and sāman in SK 1859? Answer: 'ata eva' (this rule itself is the indication). On 'vidhāna…': since this sūtra could have been made in the matup section itself, [the optionality comes] from the force of prescribing luk of cha here in this section (Kaiyaṭa); others say, from the force of a prescription established through the jñāpaka; the Bhāṣya instead sets up the statement 'adhyāyānuvākayor vā lug vaktavyaḥ'. gardabhāṇḍaḥ, gardabhāṇḍīyaḥ = a chapter or lesson connected with the word gardabhāṇḍa; such a chapter or lesson is to be looked for only on the strength of the Bhāṣya's example. Followed for '[i.e. when a chapter or lesson is denoted]' and the bracketed gloss of the examples.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1859.t1, on 'vidhānasāmarthyāt': when this sūtra could have been made in the matup section itself, the prescription of its luk here makes one infer an optional luk (Kaiyaṭa). Followed for 'by the force of [its] being prescribed' as the ground of the option; agrees with Kaiyaṭa's view as reported by BM.
textual NSP p. 310 (printed 300) agrees with the digital kaumudī, including 'ata eva jñāpakāt tatra chaḥ' (scan).

SK 1861 · A 5.2.61V

विमुक्तादिभ्योऽण् ॥ १८६१ ॥

vimuktādibhyo'ṇ

vimuktādibhyo 'ṇ — After vimukta etc., aṇ [in the sense of matup (matvartha) — 'matau' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1859 — when an adhyāya or anuvāka is denoted — 'adhyāyānuvākayoḥ' carried forward from SK 1860].

Rule. After vimukta and the words listed with it, aṇ comes in the sense of matup, when a chapter or a lesson is meant. Bhaṭṭoji supplies both conditions himself. Aṇ is heard as -a and brings vṛddhi.

Example.

vimuktaḥ śabdo 'sminn asti "the word vimukta is in this" → vimukta + aṇ

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, i → ai (SK 1075) → vaimukta + a

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → vaimuktaḥ "a chapter or lesson containing the word vimukta".

Likewise devāsura + aṇ → e → ai → daivāsuraḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मत्वर्थेऽण् स्यादध्यायानुवाकयोः । विमुक्तः शब्दोऽस्मिन्नस्ति वैमुक्तः । दैवासुरः ॥

aṇ occurs in the sense of matup (matvartha) when an adhyāya (chapter) or an anuvāka (lesson) [is denoted]. The word vimukta is in it: vaimuktaḥ [an adhyāya or anuvāka containing the word vimukta]. daivāsuraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

विमुक्तादिभ्योऽण् - विमुक्तादिभ्योऽण् । वैमुक्त इति । विमुक्तशब्दयुक्तोऽध्यायोऽनुवाको वेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: vaimuktaḥ means an adhyāya or an anuvāka containing the word vimukta (vimuktaśabdayukto 'dhyāyo 'nuvāko vā). Followed for the bracketed gloss.
translator The kaumudī itself supplies 'matvarthe' and 'adhyāyānuvākayoḥ'; the SK numbers of the sūtras they come from (SK 1859 matau chaḥ sūktasāmnoḥ, SK 1860 adhyāyānuvākayor luk) are the translator's. No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1859.t1 closes with 'vidhānasāmarthyāt', on SK 1860; sk.1863.t1 opens at 'tatra kuśalaḥ').

SK 1862 · A 5.2.62V

गोषदादिभ्यो वुन् ॥ १८६२ ॥

goṣadādibhyo vun

goṣadādibhyo vun — After goṣada etc., vun [in the sense of matup (matvartha), when an adhyāya or anuvāka is denoted — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1859 and SK 1860].

Rule. After goṣada and the words listed with it, vun comes in the same sense and for the same texts. Bhaṭṭoji again supplies "in the sense of matup, for a chapter or a lesson". Vun is heard as -aka and brings no vṛddhi.

Example.

goṣada + vun → vu → aka (SK 1247) → goṣada + aka

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → goṣadakaḥ "a chapter or lesson containing the word goṣada".

iṣetvakaḥ "one containing the words iṣe tvā".

Watch out. In iṣetvakaḥ the ending -e of iṣe stays. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this follows the reasoning given for asyavāmīya under SK 1859.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मत्वर्थेऽध्यायानुवाकयोः । गोषदकः । इषेत्वकः ॥

[vun occurs] in the sense of matup (matvartha) when an adhyāya or an anuvāka [is denoted]. goṣadakaḥ [an adhyāya or anuvāka containing the word goṣada]. iṣetvakaḥ [one containing the words iṣe tvā].

Bālamanoramā

गोषदादिभ्यो वुन् - गोषदादिभ्यो वुन् । गोषदक इति । गोषदशब्दसंयुक्तोऽध्यायो ऽनुवाको वेत्यर्थः । इषेत्वक इति ।इषेत्वे॑ति शब्दयुक्त इत्यर्थः ।अस्यवामीय॑मित्यत्रोक्तरीत्या सुपो न लुक् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: goṣadakaḥ is an adhyāya or anuvāka joined with the word goṣada; iṣetvakaḥ is one joined with the words 'iṣe tvā'. By the reasoning stated at 'asyavāmīyam' (under SK 1859) the case-ending (sup) [of iṣe] is not elided (luk). Followed for the bracketed glosses.
translator The kaumudī supplies 'matvarthe' and 'adhyāyānuvākayoḥ'; the SK numbers are the translator's. No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1859.t1 closes on SK 1860; sk.1863.t1 opens at 'tatra kuśalaḥ').

SK 1863 · A 5.2.63V

तत्र कुशलः पथः ॥ १८६३ ॥

tatra kuśalaḥ pathaḥ

tatra kuśalaḥ pathaḥ — After pathin [as a seventh-case word (saptamyanta)], in the sense 'skilled in that' (tatra kuśalaḥ), [vun — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1862].

Rule. After pathin "road", in the seventh case, vun comes in the sense "skilled in that". Bhaṭṭoji says simply "vun comes", carrying it from SK 1862.

Example.

pathi kuśalaḥ "skilled on the road" → pathin + vun

→ vu → aka (SK 1247) → pathin + aka

→ the ṭi in deleted before the taddhita (SK 679) → path + aka

→ pathakaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the ṭi deletion. Both put the base in the seventh case.

Watch out. The Kaumudī text itself, in every copy we have, reads pathikaḥ. We give pathakaḥ because the commentator's derivation (aka, then ṭi-deletion by nas taddhite) can only yield that.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वुन् स्यात् । पथि कुशलः पथिकः ॥

vun occurs. Skilled on the road (pathi kuśalaḥ): pathakaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 310

—तत्र कुशलः—। सप्तमीसमर्थात्पथिन्शब्दात्कुशल इत्यर्थे वुन्स्यात्

Bālamanoramā

तत्र कुशलः पथः - तत्र कुशलः पथः । वुन्स्यादिति । सप्तम्यन्तात्पथिन्शब्दात्कुशल इत्यर्थे वुनित्यर्थः । पथक इति । अकादेशेस्तद्धिते॑इति टिलोपः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'vun syāt' means: after the word pathin as a seventh-case word (saptamyanta), vun in the sense 'skilled' (kuśala). pathaka iti: with the aka substitute [for vu], the ṭi [in] is deleted by 'nas taddhite'. Followed for the seventh-case word in sutra_en and for the form pathakaḥ.
commentary TB: after the word pathin, syntactically capable in the seventh case (saptamīsamartha), vun comes in the sense 'skilled'. Followed for the seventh-case word in sutra_en.
textual All three mūla witnesses read 'pathi kuśalaḥ pathikaḥ': the digital source, NSP p. 310 (printed 300; scan confirms) and the Wikisource SK+BM print (p. 870, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0044.txt). The BM witnesses split on the pratīka: the digital BM reads 'pathaka iti', the Wikisource print 'pathika iti'. The emendation rests not on the pratīka but on BM's derivation, shared by both BM witnesses: 'with the aka substitute [for vu], ṭi-deletion by nas taddhite' (pathin + vun → path + aka), which can only yield pathaka. The English gives pathakaḥ; the transmitted 'pathikaḥ' is left in the source layer and flagged here.

SK 1864 · A 5.2.64V

आकर्षादिभ्यः कन् ॥ १८६४ ॥

ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan

ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan — After ākarṣa etc., [seventh-case words (saptamyanta)], kan [in the sense 'skilled (kuśala) in that', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1863].

Rule. After ākarṣa and the words listed with it, in the seventh case, kan comes in the sense "skilled in that". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators treat SK 1863 as continuing here.

Example.

ākarṣe kuśalaḥ "skilled in the ākarṣa" → ākarṣa + kan

→ ākarṣa + ka → ākarṣakaḥ.

Kan begins with a consonant, so the stem is not bha and its a stays.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators raise a question. The vun carried forward would already give ākarṣakaḥ. Why name kan? One answers: for bases in i and u, such as aśanikaḥ, śakunikaḥ, tsarukaḥ.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji records a reading. The principal reading of the list's head word is ākaṣa, without the r. Ākaṣa is the touchstone (nikaṣopala). One of his commentators glosses it as "that on which gold and the like are rubbed".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आकर्षे कुशल आकर्षकः । आकषादिभ्य इति रेफरहितो मुख्यः पाठः । आकषो निकषोपलः ॥

Skilled in ākarṣa: ākarṣakaḥ. 'ākaṣādibhyaḥ', without the r, is the principal reading; ākaṣa is the touchstone (nikaṣopala).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 310

—आकर्षादिभ्यः कन्। वुना सिद्धे कन्ग्रहणं इदुदन्तार्थम् । अशनिकः । शकुनिकः। त्सरुकः॥—मुख्यः पाठ इति । आकषन्त्यस्मिन् सुवर्णादिकमित्याकषः । ‘पुंसि संज्ञायां घः’ इति व्याख्याय, ये तु ‘आकर्षादिभ्यः’ इति सरेफं पठन्ति, तेषाम् ‘आकर्ष इति घञि रूपम्’ इति हरदत्तेनोक्तत्वादिति भावः ॥—धने काम इति । ‘तत्र’ इत्यनुवर्तनात्सप्तम्यन्तात्प्रत्यय इति भावः

Bālamanoramā

आकर्षादिभ्यः कन् - आकर्षादिभ्यः कन् । आकर्षक इति । यद्यपि वुनैवाऽनुवृत्तेनेदं सिध्यति तथापि शकुनिक॑ इत्याद्यर्थं कन्ग्रहणम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: although ākarṣakaḥ would be established by the vun carried forward [from SK 1863], kan is named for the sake of śakunikaḥ etc. BM thus treats SK 1863 (tatra kuśalaḥ, with vun, 'vunaivānuvṛttena') as continuing into this sūtra. Followed for the bracketed seventh-case words and the sense 'skilled (kuśala) in that' carried forward from SK 1863 in sutra_en, as the kaumudī's own analysis 'ākarṣe kuśalaḥ' also shows; the point about śakunikaḥ is Recorded.
commentary TB (own block): since [ākarṣakaḥ] is established by vun [continuing from SK 1863], kan is named for the sake of [bases] ending in i and u: aśanikaḥ, śakunikaḥ, tsarukaḥ. On 'mukhyaḥ pāṭhaḥ': ākaṣa is 'that on which gold etc. is rubbed', with gha by 'puṃsi saṃjñāyāṃ ghaḥ'; this is the principal reading because Haradatta says that, for those who read 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ' with the r, 'ākarṣa is the form with ghañ'. (The digital TB reads 'ākarṣanty asmin … ity ākarṣaḥ'; NSP p. 310 (printed 300) scan prints 'ākaṣanty asmin … ity ākaṣaḥ', which the argument requires; read through, not corrected.) Followed for 'without the r' and 'touchstone', and, with BM, for the continuation of SK 1863 in sutra_en (TB states 'tatra' as carried forward explicitly only at the next sūtra).
textual NSP p. 310 (printed 300) scan agrees with the digital kaumudī: the example ākarṣe kuśala ākarṣakaḥ with r, then 'ākaṣādibhya iti repharahito mukhyaḥ pāṭhaḥ; ākaṣo nikaṣopalaḥ' without r. The raw OCR's 'ākarṣādibhya' and 'ākarṣo nikapopalaḥ' are OCR errors.

SK 1865 · A 5.2.65V

धनहिरण्यात् कामे ॥ १८६५ ॥

dhanahiraṇyāt kāme

dhanahiraṇyāt kāme — After dhana and hiraṇya [as seventh-case words (saptamyanta) — 'tatra' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1863], [kan — carried forward from SK 1864] in the sense of kāma (desire).

Rule. After dhana "wealth" and hiraṇya "gold", in the seventh case, kan comes when desire (kāma) is meant. Bhaṭṭoji glosses kāma as "desire" (icchā). One of his commentators adds: the desire, not the one who desires.

Example.

dhane kāmaḥ "desire for wealth" → dhana + kan → dhanakaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji's phrase is dhanako devadattasya "Devadatta's desire for wealth".

hiraṇye kāmaḥ → hiraṇyakaḥ "desire for gold".

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say tatra "in that" is carried forward. That is why the base stands in the seventh case.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

काम इच्छा । धने कामो धनको देवदत्तस्य । हिरण्यकः ॥

kāma [here] is desire (icchā) [not the one who desires]. Desire for wealth (dhane kāmaḥ): dhanakaḥ, of Devadatta [i.e., Devadatta's desire for wealth]. hiraṇyakaḥ [desire for gold].

Bālamanoramā

धनहिरण्यात् कामे - धनहिरण्यात्कामे । तत्रेत्यनुवर्तते । धनशब्दाद्धिरण्यशब्दाच्च सप्तम्यन्तात्कामे वाच्ये कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । काम इच्छेति । नतु कामयिता, व्याख्यानादिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tatra' is carried forward (anuvartate); the meaning is: after the words dhana and hiraṇya as seventh-case words (saptamyanta), kan comes when kāma is to be denoted. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti.
commentary BM on 'kāma icchā': not the one who desires (kāmayitṛ), on the strength of the explanation (vyākhyāna). Followed for '[not the one who desires]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1864.t1 (pratīka 'dhane kāma iti'): since 'tatra' is carried forward, the affix comes after a seventh-case word (saptamyanta). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti.

SK 1866 · A 5.2.66V

स्वाङ्गेभ्यः प्रसिते ॥ १८६६ ॥

svāṅgebhyaḥ prasite

svāṅgebhyaḥ prasite — After words for parts of one's own body (svāṅga) [as seventh-case words (saptamyanta) — 'tatra' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1863 —, kan — carried forward from SK 1864 — comes] in the sense 'devoted to' (prasita).

Rule. After a word for a part of one's own body (svāṅga), in the seventh case, kan comes in the sense "devoted to" (prasita).

Example.

keśeṣu prasitaḥ "devoted to his hair" → keśa + kan → keśakaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the sense: intent on arranging it.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses prasita as "eager", and the arranging as braiding the plait. He and the editor of the printed edition both say the word is correct only in this sense.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

केशेषु प्रसितः केशकः । तद्रचनायां तत्पर इत्यर्थः ॥

One devoted to his hair (keśeṣu): keśakaḥ. The sense is: intent on arranging it (tadracanā).

Bālamanoramā

स्वाङ्गेभ्यः प्रसिते - स्वाङ्गेभ्यः प्रसिते । तत्रेत्यनुवर्तते । स्वाङ्गेभ्यः सप्तम्यन्तेभ्यः प्रसितेऽर्थे कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । प्रसितः=उत्सुकः । तद्रचनायामिति । वेण्यादिग्रथने इत्यर्थः । अत्रैवार्थेऽस्य साधुत्वम्, व्याख्यानादिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tatra' is carried forward (anuvartate). After words for parts of one's own body, as seventh-case words (saptamyanta), kan comes in the sense prasita; prasita = eager (utsuka). Followed for the bracketed seventh case and kan in sutra_en.
commentary BM on 'tadracanāyām': that is, in braiding the plait etc. (veṇyādigrathana); the word is correct (sādhu) in this sense only, by the explanation (vyākhyāna). Followed for 'arranging'; the restriction is Recorded.
textual NSP editorial footnote on 'tadracanāyām', printed under sk.1867.n1 (NSP p. 311, printed 301): the word is correct (sādhu) only in this sense. Recorded. The OCR reads 'tadvacanāyām' in both the mūla and the footnote; the scan of p. 311 reads 'tadracanāyām', agreeing with our text and BM. No TB on this sūtra is printed (TB passes from SK 1865, under sk.1864.t1, to SK 1867).

SK 1867 · A 5.2.67V

उदराट्ठगाद्यूने ॥ १८६७ ॥

udarāṭṭhagādyūne

udarāṭ ṭhag ādyūne — ṭhak [comes] after udara ('belly') [as a seventh-case word (saptamyanta), in the sense 'intent upon' (prasita); 'tatra' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1863 and 'prasite' from SK 1866], when [the one so intent] is ādyūna, [i.e. without the desire to conquer].

Rule. After udara "belly", in the seventh case, ṭhak comes in the sense "devoted to". The one devoted must be ādyūna. Bhaṭṭoji explains ādyūna as "without the desire to conquer". He calls ṭhak an apavāda of kan.

Example.

udare prasitaḥ "devoted to his belly", being tormented by hunger → udara + ṭhak

→ ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → udara + ika

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, u → au (SK 1076) → audara + ika

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → audarikaḥ "a glutton".

Applies when / blocked by. Why ādyūne? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is udarakaḥ, with kan. One of his commentators supplies the person: a wrestler. The wrestler rubs his belly out of the desire to win a fight. He is devoted to his belly, but not ādyūna.

Both commentators explain the gloss. A rule, divo 'vijigīṣāyām, gives the participle of div an n only where there is no desire to conquer. Ādyūna is that participle. One of them adds that tatra and prasite are both carried forward here.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अविजिकीषौ ठक् स्यात् । कनोऽपवादः । बुभुक्षयात्यन्तपीडित उदरे प्रसित औदरिकः । आद्यूने किम् । उदरकः । उदरपरिमार्जनादौ प्रसक्त इत्यर्थः ॥

ṭhak comes when [the one intent is] without the desire to conquer (avijigīṣu). It is an exception (apavāda) to kan. One who, being extremely afflicted by hunger, is intent upon the belly: audarikaḥ ['glutton']. Why 'ādyūne'? udarakaḥ [said of a wrestler]: the meaning is 'one devoted to rubbing the belly and the like [out of the desire to conquer]'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 310–311

— उदरात्—आद्यूनशब्दार्थमाह—अविजिगीषाविति । ‘दिवोऽविजिगीषायाम्’ इति तत्रैव निष्ठानत्वविधानात्

Bālamanoramā

उदराट्ठगाद्यूने - उदराट्ठगाद्यूने । तत्र प्रसित इत्यनुवर्तते । सप्तम्यन्तादुदरशब्दादाद्यूने प्रसितेऽर्थे ठगित्यर्थ इत्यभिप्रेत्य आद्यूनशब्दं विवृण्वन्नाह — अविजिगीषाविति ।दिवोऽविजिगीषायामित्यविजिगीषायामेव दिवो निष्ठानत्वविधानादिति भावः । बुभुक्षयेति । क्षुधा पीडित एव सन् उदरपरिमार्जने प्रसितो नतु मल्लवद्युद्धे विजिगीषयेत्यर्थः । उदरक इति । 'मल्ल' इति शेषः । स हि युद्धे विजिगीषया उदरपरिमार्जनादौ उत्सुको भवति । तदाह — उदर परिमार्जनादौ प्रसक्त इति ।विजिगीषये॑ति शेषः ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 311 तद्वचनायामिति—अत्रैवार्थेऽस्य साधुत्वमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tatra prasita' is carried forward (anuvartate): ṭhak after the word udara ending in the seventh case, in the sense 'intent upon' (prasita), when [he is] ādyūna. Followed for the bracketed case, sense and anuvṛtti in sutra_en ('tatra' being read in SK 1863 and SK 1865, 'prasite' in SK 1866).
commentary BM: 'avijigīṣau' explains the word ādyūna, since by 'divo 'vijigīṣāyām' the niṣṭhā [t] of div is replaced by n only where there is no desire to conquer; the hungry man is intent on filling his belly because he is afflicted by hunger, not, like a wrestler, from the desire to win in a fight. On udarakaḥ: 'malla' (wrestler) is to be supplied, for he, desiring victory in combat, is eager to rub his belly etc.; and 'vijigīṣayā' is to be supplied after 'prasaktaḥ'. Followed for '[said of a wrestler]' and '[out of the desire to conquer]' in k1.
commentary TB: states the meaning of the word ādyūna with 'avijigīṣau', since in that very sense the niṣṭhā-n is taught by 'divo 'vijigīṣāyām'. Agrees with BM; followed for the gloss of ādyūna in sutra_en and k1.
textual The digital source reads 'avijikīṣau'; NSP p. 311 (printed 301; scan) reads 'avijigīṣau' (the OCR misreads ṣ as p), as do BM and TB. The English follows 'avijigīṣau'. The same page reads 'ādyūne' in the pratyudāharaṇa where the OCR garbles it; the scan confirms 'ādyūne', as in our text.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.1867.n1 (p. 311): on 'tadvacanāyām' [i.e. SK 1866's 'tadracanāyām'] — the point is that the word is correct (sādhu) only in this sense. It concerns SK 1866, not this unit, and is recorded here only because it is filed here.

SK 1868 · A 5.2.68V

सस्येन परिजातः ॥ १८६८ ॥

sasyena parijātaḥ

sasyena parijātaḥ — After sasya, [a third-case word (tṛtīyānta) denoting the agent, kan, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1864,] in the sense 'produced all round (parijāta)', [i.e. connected].

Rule. After sasya, a third-case word, kan comes in the sense "produced all round" (parijāta), that is, "connected". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the third case is that of the agent.

Example.

sasyena parijātaḥ "connected with sasya, a quality" → sasya + kan → sasyakaḥ "an excellent [one]".

Applies when / blocked by. Why kan and not the nearer ṭhak of SK 1867? Bhaṭṭoji says kan is marked svarita, and so continues; ṭhak is not. One of his commentators adds that for this marking the tradition itself is the only authority.

Watch out. Here sasya denotes a quality, not grain. Bhaṭṭoji says so, and gives a variant reading, śasya. One of his commentators says the gloss rests on vyākhyāna. He explains the variant: śasya, from śaṃs "praise", means "praiseworthy", and what is praiseworthy is a quality.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कन् स्वर्यते नतु ठक् । सस्यशब्दो गुणवाची नतु धान्यवाची । शस्येनेति पाठान्तरम् । सस्येन गुणेन परिजातः संबद्धः सस्यकः साधुः ॥

kan is marked svarita [and so continues here], not ṭhak. The word sasya denotes a quality (guṇa), not grain (dhānya). 'śasyena' is a variant reading. One who is 'produced all round' (parijāta), i.e. connected (saṃbaddha), with sasya, a quality: sasyakaḥ, an excellent [one] (sādhu).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 311

—सस्येन—कर्तरि तृतीयेयम् । परितो जातः परिजातः ॥ फलितमाह—संबद्ध इति ॥—अत एवेति । ‘अकेनोः—’ इति निषेधादिति भावः

Bālamanoramā

सस्येन परिजातः - सस्येन परिजातः । तृतीयान्तात्सस्यशब्दात्परिजात इत्यर्थे कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । सन्निहितष्ठगेव कुतो नानुवर्तत इत्यत आह — कन्स्वर्यते नतु ठगिति । स्वरितत्वप्रतिज्ञायां तु पाणिनीयपरम्परैव प्रमाणम् । गुणवाचीति । व्याख्यानमेवात्र शरणम् । शस्येनेतीति । 'शंसु स्तुतौ' इति धातोः कर्मणि यति शस्यशब्दः स्तुत्यपर्यायः । स्तुत्यश्च गुण एवेति भावः । परिजात इत्यस्य विवरणं — संबद्ध इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after the word sasya, a third-case word (tṛtīyānta), kan in the sense parijāta. Why is the nearer ṭhak [of SK 1867] not carried forward? Hence 'kan is marked svarita, not ṭhak'; for the claim that it is marked svarita the Pāṇinian tradition alone is the authority. On 'guṇavācī': explanation (vyākhyāna) is the only refuge here. On the variant 'śasyena': śasya is from 'śaṃsu stutau' with yat in the object sense, a synonym of 'praiseworthy', and what is praiseworthy is a quality. 'saṃbaddha' explains parijāta. Followed for the third-case word and kan in sutra_en and for '[and so continues here]'.
commentary TB (own block): this is the third case of the agent (kartari tṛtīyā); parijāta is 'born all round' (parito jātaḥ); 'saṃbaddha' states the resulting sense. Followed for 'denoting the agent' in sutra_en and 'produced all round'.
textual NSP p. 311 (printed 301) agrees with the digital kaumudī, reading 'natu ṭhak' and 'natu dhānyavācī' (scan; the raw OCR's 'nanu' is an OCR error).

SK 1869 · A 5.2.69V

अंशं हारी ॥ १८६९ ॥

aṃśaṃ hārī

aṃśaṃ hārī — After aṃśa [as a second-case word (dvitīyānta), kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1864 — comes] in the sense 'one who [is bound to] take' (hārin).

Rule. After aṃśa "share", in the second case, kan comes in the sense "one who [is bound to] take" (hārin).

Example.

aṃśaṃ hārī "one bound to take a share" → aṃśa + kan → aṃśakaḥ "an heir".

Applies when / blocked by. Why is aṃśam in the second case? With a kṛt, the object normally stands in the sixth case. Bhaṭṭoji says hārin has the affix ṇini in the sense of necessity. For that very reason there is no sixth case with it. One of his commentators names the rules. Ṇini comes by SK 3311, a rule of a later chapter, and the sixth case is forbidden by SK 628. Ṇini is a kṛt heard as -in.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हारीत्यावश्यके णिनिः । अत एव तद्योगे षष्ठी न । अंशको दायादः ॥

In 'hārin', ṇini is in the sense of necessity (āvaśyaka). For this very reason there is no sixth case [of the object] in construction with it [by the prohibition 'akenor bhaviṣyadādhamarṇyayoḥ', SK 628]. aṃśakaḥ, an heir (dāyāda).

Bālamanoramā

अंशं हारी - अंशं हारी । द्वितीयान्तादंशशब्दाद्धारीत्यर्थे कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । ननु कृद्योगषष्ठीप्रसङ्गादंशमिति कथं द्वितीयेत्यत आह — आवश्यके णिनिरिति ।आवश्यकाधमर्ण्ययो॑रित्यनेने॑ति शेषः । षष्ठी नेति ।अकेनोरिति तन्निषेधादिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after aṃśa as a second-case word (dvitīyānta), kan in the sense 'hārin'. Objection: since a sixth case with a kṛt would obtain, how is 'aṃśam' in the second case? Answer: ṇini is in the sense of necessity — by 'āvaśyakādhamarṇyayor ṇiniḥ' (SK 3311), to be supplied. 'ṣaṣṭhī na': because of its prohibition by 'akenoḥ'. Followed for the second case and kan in sutra_en and for the bracketed prohibition in k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1868.t1: 'ata eva' — because of the prohibition 'akenoḥ…'. Followed for the bracketed prohibition.

SK 1870 · A 5.2.70V

तन्त्रादचिरापहृते ॥ १८७० ॥

tantrādacirāpahṛte

tantrād acirāpahṛte — After tantra [as a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta), kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1864 — comes] in the sense 'recently taken off'.

Rule. After tantra, in the fifth case, kan comes in the sense "recently taken off" (acirāpahṛta).

Example.

tantrād acirāpahṛtaḥ "recently taken off the tantra" → tantra + kan → tantrakaḥ paṭaḥ "a new cloth".

Bhaṭṭoji glosses the sense as "new" (pratyagra).

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gloss tantra here as the weaver's rod. The cloth has just come off it. They both say the compound acirāpahṛta is formed by SK 716.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तन्त्रकः । पटः । प्रत्यग्र इत्यर्थः ॥

tantrakaḥ paṭaḥ, a cloth [recently taken off the weaver's rod (tantra)]. The sense is 'new' (pratyagra).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 311

—तन्त्रात्—तन्यन्ते तन्तवोऽस्मिन्निति व्युत्पत्त्या तन्त्रं तन्तुवायशलाका । अचिरः कालोऽपहृतस्येत्यचिरापहृतस्तस्मिन् । ‘कालाः परिमाणिना’ इति समासः ॥—प्रत्यग्र इति । नूतन इत्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

तन्त्रादचिरापहृते - तन्त्रादचिरापहृते । तन्त्रशब्दात्पञ्चम्यन्तादचिरापहृतेऽर्थे कनित्यर्थः । तन्त्रं — तन्तुवायशलाका । अचिरेण कालेन अपहृतः — अचिरापहृतः ।कालाः परिमाणिने॑ति समासः । प्रत्यग्र इति । नूतन इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after tantra as a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta), kan in the sense acirāpahṛta. tantra = the weaver's rod (tantuvāyaśalākā). acirāpahṛta = taken off after a short time (acireṇa kālena apahṛtaḥ), compounded by 'kālāḥ parimāṇinā' (SK 716). 'pratyagra' = new (nūtana). Followed for the fifth case and kan in sutra_en and for the bracketed 'recently taken off the weaver's rod'.
commentary TB: tantra, by the derivation 'in which threads are stretched', is the weaver's rod; acirāpahṛta is [the cloth] for which the time since removal is short (aciraḥ kālo 'pahṛtasya), the sūtra's seventh-case word meaning 'in that [sense]', compounded by 'kālāḥ parimāṇinā'. 'pratyagra' = new (nūtana). Followed; TB's analysis of the compound differs in wording from BM's ('acireṇa kālena apahṛtaḥ'), both invoking the same rule, and the English 'recently taken off' covers both.
textual The digital source reads 'tantrakaḥ. paṭaḥ.', separating the two words by a daṇḍa; NSP p. 311 (printed 301) prints 'tantrakaḥ paṭaḥ' without it (scan), the word paṭa being the thing qualified. The English follows the print.

SK 1871 · A 5.2.71V

ब्राह्मणकोष्णिके संज्ञायाम् ॥ १८७१ ॥

brāhmaṇakoṣṇike saṃjñāyām

brāhmaṇakoṣṇike saṃjñāyām — brāhmaṇaka and uṣṇikā [are irregularly formed (nipātana) with kan, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan' (SK 1864), after first-case words (prathamānta), in the sense 'in which' (asmin)], when a name (saṃjñā) is meant.

Rule. Brāhmaṇaka and uṣṇikā are fixed by nipātana, when a name is meant. Each is made with kan after a first-case word, in the sense "in which".

Example.

āyudhajīvino brāhmaṇā yasmin deśe "a region in which brāhmaṇas live by weapons" → brāhmaṇa + kan

→ brāhmaṇakaḥ [deśaḥ].

alpam annaṃ yasyām "[a gruel] in which there is little grain-food" → uṣṇa replaces anna by nipātana → uṣṇa + kan

→ feminine, with ṭāp, and i for the a before k (SK 463) → uṣṇikā yavāgūḥ.

Yavāgū is a rice-gruel. Bhaṭṭoji says the substitution of uṣṇa for anna is by nipātana.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads the replaced word as alpānna "little food", the whole compound, not anna alone. The two readings stand in different copies of the text; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आयुधजीविनो ब्राह्मणा यस्मिन्देशे स ब्राह्मणकः । अल्पमन्नं यस्यां सा उष्णिका यवागूः । अन्नशब्दस्य उष्णादेशो निपात्यते ॥

A region in which the brāhmaṇas live by weapons (āyudhajīvin) is brāhmaṇakaḥ. A rice-gruel (yavāgū) in which there is little grain-food (anna) is uṣṇikā. The substitution (ādeśa) of uṣṇa for the word anna is irregularly established (nipātyate).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 311

—ब्राह्मणकोष्णिके—। ब्राह्मणशब्दादायुधजीवित्वोपाधिकात्प्रथमान्तात् सप्तम्यर्थं कन् प्रत्ययो निपात्यते । अन्नशब्दात्तु अल्पत्वौपाधिकात् । तदाह—आयुधेत्यादि

Bālamanoramā

ब्राह्मणकोष्णिके संज्ञायाम् - ब्राह्मणकोष्णिके । आयुधजीविविषयब्राह्मणशब्दात्प्रथमान्तादस्मिन्नित्यर्थे कन्निपात्यत इत्यर्थः । अल्पान्नशब्दस्येति । अल्पान्नशब्दात्प्रथमान्तादस्मिन्नित्यर्थे कन्प्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेरुष्णादेशश्च निपात्यत इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kan is irregularly established (nipātyate) in the sense 'in this' (asmin) after the word brāhmaṇa, as a first-case word (prathamānta), restricted to [brāhmaṇas] living by weapons; and after the word alpānna, as a first-case word, in the sense 'in this', the affix kan and the substitution of uṣṇa for the base (prakṛti) are irregularly established. Followed for the bracketed first-case words and the sense 'in which' in sutra_en.
commentary TB: after the word brāhmaṇa, as a first-case word conditioned by living by weapons (āyudhajīvitva), the affix kan is irregularly established in the sense of the seventh case (saptamyartha); but after the word anna, conditioned by smallness (alpatva); that is what [Bhaṭṭoji] says with 'āyudha…'. Followed for the sense 'in which' and for 'little grain-food' (the smallness being a condition on anna).
translator Neither commentator on this sūtra names the source of kan; TB on SK 1875 states that kan is carried forward from 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan' (SK 1864), and the bracket in sutra_en applies that statement here.
textual Our source reads 'annaśabdasya uṣṇādeśo nipātyate', and NSP p. 311 (printed 301) agrees (scan confirms); TB's 'annaśabdāt tu alpatvaupādhikāt' fits this reading. BM's pratīka 'alpānnaśabdasyeti' (sk.1871.b1) shows that BM's kaumudī read 'alpānnaśabdasya', making the whole compound alpānna the substituend, and the Wikisource SK+BM print (p. 872, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0046.txt) does read the mūla 'alpānnaśabdasyoṣṇādeśo nipātyate'. TB and BM therefore read two different texts. The English follows our source and NSP, with TB; BM's reading is recorded in its commentary note.

SK 1872 · A 5.2.72V

शीतोष्णाभ्यां कारिणि ॥ १८७२ ॥

śītoṣṇābhyāṃ kāriṇi

śītoṣṇābhyāṃ kāriṇi — [kan, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1864,] after śīta ('cold') and uṣṇa ('hot') [as second-case words (dvitīyānta) qualifying the action (kriyāviśeṣaṇa), 'coldly' = slowly and 'hotly' = quickly], in the sense 'one who does (kārin)'.

Rule. After śīta "cold" and uṣṇa "hot", kan comes in the sense "one who does" (kārin). Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the base is a second-case word qualifying the action. Śīta means "like cold", that is, slow; uṣṇa means "like hot", that is, quick.

Example.

śītaṃ karoti "he does [things] coldly", i.e. slowly → śīta + kan → śītakaḥ "a sluggard".

uṣṇaṃ karoti "he does [things] hotly", i.e. quickly → uṣṇa + kan → uṣṇakaḥ "one who acts quickly".

Applies when / blocked by. The affix does not come after the words in their plain sense of temperature. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is anabhidhāna: usage does not express that sense with it.

Watch out. The Bhāṣya narrows both words. A śītaka does slowly what should be done quickly. An uṣṇaka does quickly what should not be done quickly. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports this. Scholars discuss how Kaiyaṭa derives the narrower sense.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

करोतीति शीतकोऽलसः । उष्णं करोतीति उष्णकः शीघ्रकारी ॥

[He] does [things] '[coldly]' (śītam), [i.e. slowly]: śītakaḥ, a sluggard. He does [things] 'hotly' (uṣṇam), [i.e. quickly]: uṣṇakaḥ, one who acts quickly.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 311

—शीतोष्णाभ्याम्—। शीतमिव शीतम् । मन्दमित्यर्थः । शीते सति कार्यकरणे पाटवाभावात् ॥ उष्णमिवोष्णम् । शीघ्रमित्यर्थः । क्रियाविशेषणाभ्यां द्वितीयान्ताभ्यां प्रत्ययः । कृद्योगलक्षणा षष्ठी तु क्रियाविशेषणान्नेत्युक्तम् । मुख्यार्थवृत्तिभ्यां तु प्रत्ययो न भवत्यनभिधानात्

Bālamanoramā

शीतोष्णाभ्यां कारिणि - शीतोष्णाभ्यां शीतमिव शीतं मन्दमित्यर्थः । उष्णमिव उष्णम् । शीघ्रमित्यर्थः । आभ्यां क्रियाविशेषणाभ्यां द्वितीयान्ताभ्यां कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । य आशु कर्तव्यानर्थाश्चिरेण करोति स शीतक उच्यते, यस्तु अनाशु कर्तव्यानाश्वेव करोति स उष्णक उच्यत इति भाष्ये । संज्ञायामित्यनुवृत्तेरयमर्थो लभ्यत इति कैयटः । तदाह — शीतकोऽलस इति । उष्णकः शीघ्रकारीति च ।

translator notes

commentary BM: śīta is 'like cold', i.e. slow (manda); uṣṇa is 'like hot', i.e. quick (śīghra); kan comes after these two as qualifiers of the action ending in the second case. The Bhāṣya: one who does slowly things that should be done quickly is called śītaka; one who does quickly things that should not be done quickly is called uṣṇaka; Kaiyaṭa: 'this meaning is obtained from the anuvṛtti of saṃjñāyām' (digital BM 'saṃjñāyām ity anuvṛtteḥ'); the Wikisource SK+BM print (p. 872, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0046.txt) reads the opposite, 'saṃjñāyām ity ananuvṛtteḥ', 'from the non-continuation of saṃjñāyām'. Followed for the bracketed kan ('kan syāt'), case, kriyāviśeṣaṇa and senses in sutra_en and for '[i.e. slowly]', '[i.e. quickly]' in k1; the Bhāṣya's narrower meaning and Kaiyaṭa's remark, in both readings, are Recorded, not added.
commentary TB: śīta = 'like cold', i.e. slow, since in the cold one lacks skill in doing work; uṣṇa = 'like hot', i.e. quick; the affix comes after the two as second-case qualifiers of the action; the sixth case due to connection with a kṛt does not occur after a qualifier of the action; after the words in their primary senses the affix does not come, as it would not express [the meaning] (anabhidhāna). Agrees with BM; followed for the second case and the figurative senses.
translator The source of kan, 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan' (SK 1864), reaffirmed at SK 1868 ('kan svaryate'), is supplied by the translator from TB on SK 1875 ('ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan ity ataḥ kan anuvartate'); BM here says only 'kan syāt'. Whether 'saṃjñāyām' (SK 1871) continues into this sūtra is left open, the BM witnesses splitting on Kaiyaṭa's 'anuvṛtteḥ' / 'ananuvṛtteḥ'; TB on SK 1881 (under sk.1878.t1) speaks of pulling 'saṃjñā' back (apakarṣaṇa) from the following sūtra, which sits less easily with an unbroken anuvṛtti from SK 1871.
textual The digital source opens k1 with 'karotīti śītako 'lasaḥ', lacking the object; NSP p. 311 (printed 301) reads 'śītaṃ karotīti śītako 'lasaḥ' (scan confirms 'śītaṃ' at the end of the sūtra line). The missing word is supplied in the English as '[coldly]'.

SK 1873 · A 5.2.73V

अधिकम् ॥ १८७३ ॥

adhikam

adhikam — adhika ['in excess, more'; the finished form is stated].

Rule. The sūtra states the finished word adhika "in excess, more".

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the derivation.

adhyārūḍha "mounted upon" + kan → the latter member ārūḍha deleted → adhi + ka → adhikam.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this derivation only explains the word. Adhika itself is a conventional word (rūḍha): its meaning is fixed by usage, not by its parts.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अध्यारूढशब्दात्कन् उत्तरपदलोपश्च ॥

[adhika is formed] from the word adhyārūḍha ('mounted upon'), with kan and elision of the latter member (uttarapada).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 311

—अधिकम् ॥—अध्यारूढशब्दादिति । ‘गत्यर्थाकर्मक—’ इत्यादिना रुहेः कर्तरि कर्मणि वा को विहितः । आद्ये कप्रत्ययेन कर्मणोऽनभिहितत्वाद् अध्यारूढशब्दयोगे द्वितीया । अध्यारूढो द्रोणः खारीमिति ग्रामं गत इति वत् । तथा अधिकशब्देनापि योगे द्वितीयायां प्राप्तायां ‘यस्मादधिकं’ ‘तदस्मिन्नधिकम्’ इति च निर्देशद्वयात् पञ्चमीसप्तम्यौ भवतः । अधिको द्रोणः खार्याः । अधिको द्रोणः खार्यामिति । द्वितीये तु केन कर्मणोऽभिहितत्वात्प्रथमा । अधिका खारी द्रोणेन । कर्मणोऽभिहितत्वादेव पञ्चमीसप्तम्याविह न शङ्कनीये ॥—अनुका—। समाहारद्वन्द्वे सौत्रं पुंस्त्वम् । सूत्रत्वाल्लिङ्गव्यत्यय इति फलितोऽर्थः ॥—अन्वभिभ्यां कनिति । क्रियाविशिष्टसाधनवाचिभ्यां स्वार्थे निपात्यत इत्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

अधिकम् - अधिकम् । अध्यारूढशब्दादिति । व्युत्पादनमात्रमिदम् । शुद्धरूढ एवायमिति बोध्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'from the word adhyārūḍha' is only an etymological derivation (vyutpādanamātram); the word is to be understood as purely conventional (śuddharūḍha). Recorded; the English keeps Bhaṭṭoji's derivation as he gives it.
commentary TB: in adhyārūḍha, ka (kta) of ruh is taught by 'gatyarthākarmaka…' in the agent or the object sense. In the first, the object being unexpressed, the second case goes with adhyārūḍha ('adhyārūḍho droṇaḥ khārīm'); with adhika too the second case would then apply, but the two wordings 'yasmād adhikam' and 'tad asminn adhikam' give the fifth and seventh cases: 'adhiko droṇaḥ khāryāḥ / khāryām'. In the second, the object being expressed by ka, the first case: 'adhikā khārī droṇena'; and precisely because the object is expressed, the fifth and seventh cases are not to be suspected here (NSP p. 311, scan: 'karmaṇo 'bhihitatvād eva pañcamīsaptamyāv iha na śaṅkanīye'). Recorded; it bears on the syntax of adhika, not on the kaumudī's wording. (In the digital TB block this closing step is garbled and followed by 'tāvatāṃ pūraṇaṃ tāvatitham …', which is not in the print at this point: it is OCR contamination from TB on SK 1877. The print continues with TB's 'anukā—' and 'anvabhibhyāṃ kan iti', both on SK 1874.)
translator The sūtra consists of the ready form adhikam alone; 'the finished form is stated' describes the sūtra's wording and is not a claim of either commentator. The kaumudī's kan is the affix of this section (from SK 1864).

SK 1874 · A 5.2.74V

अनुकाभिकाभीकः कमिता ॥ १८७४ ॥

anukābhikābhīkaḥ kamitā

anukābhikābhīkaḥ kamitā — anuka, abhika and abhīka [are laid down by nipātana] in the sense 'one who desires' (kamitṛ).

Rule. Anuka, abhika and abhīka are fixed by nipātana in the sense "one who desires" (kamitṛ). Bhaṭṭoji says kan comes after anu and after abhi, and abhi is optionally lengthened.

Example.

anukāmayate "he desires" → anu + kan → anukaḥ.

abhikāmayate "he desires" → abhi + kan → abhikaḥ;

with the long vowel → abhīkaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the nipātana. Here anu and abhi themselves stand for the desirer. Kan is added in its own sense (svārthe), adding no meaning.

Watch out. The sūtra's word anukābhikābhīkaḥ is masculine singular. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it a samāhāra dvandva, a compound treating its members as one collective whole. He says its masculine gender is sautra: a change of gender allowed in a sūtra's own wording.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अन्वभिभ्यां कन् । अभेः पाक्षिको दीर्घश्च । अनुकामयते अनुकः । आभिकामयते अभिकः । आभीकः ॥

After anu and abhi [themselves denoting the agent qualified by the action, i.e. the desirer], kan [in its own sense (svārthe), by nipātana]; and optional lengthening of abhi. [One who] desires (anukāmayate): anukaḥ. [One who] desires (abhikāmayate): abhikaḥ; abhīkaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

अनुकाभिकाभीकः कमिता - अनुकाभिका । अनुक, अभिक, अभीक-एषां समाहारद्वन्द्वः । सौत्रं पुंस्त्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: anuka, abhika, abhīka form a samāhāra-dvandva; the masculine [ending -aḥ] is a sūtra usage (sautra). Recorded; sutra_en lists the three words.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1873.t1 (read from NSP p. 311, printed 301, scan): 'anukā—': in the samāhāra-dvandva the masculine is sautra, i.e. a change of gender (liṅgavyatyaya) by sūtra licence. 'anvabhibhyāṃ kan': [kan] is laid down by nipātana in its own sense (svārthe) after [anu and abhi] denoting the agent (sādhana) qualified by the action. Followed for the brackets '[themselves denoting the agent …]' and '[in its own sense (svārthe), by nipātana]'.
textual The digital TB layer (sk.1873.t1) omits TB's 'anukā—' pratīka and its gloss and runs the preceding and following comments together; NSP p. 311 (printed 301) (scan) has them, and they are summarised in the TB note above. The OCR also reads 'khāryaṃ' where the print has 'svārthe'.
textual The digital source reads 'ābhikāmayate abhikaḥ'; NSP p. 311 (printed 301) reads 'abhikāmayate abhikaḥ' (scan confirms), which the English translates.

SK 1875 · A 5.2.75V

पार्श्वेनान्विच्छति ॥ १८७५ ॥

pārśvenānvicchati

pārśvenānvicchati — After pārśva ('side') [as a third-case word (tṛtīyānta)], in the sense 'seeks by' (anvicchati), [kan comes, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan' (SK 1864), when a name (saṃjñā) is meant].

Rule. After pārśva "side", in the third case, kan comes in the sense "seeks by" (anvicchati). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kan is carried forward from SK 1864. The other says this holds when a name is meant.

Example.

pārśvenānvicchati "he seeks by the side" → pārśva + kan → pārśvakaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji explains: pārśva "side" is a crooked means. The Bhāṣya, as one of his commentators quotes it, says: one who seeks by crooked means what should be sought by straight means.

Watch out. The word is figurative only. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the side is "not straight" because it lies crosswise. He adds that śīta, uṣṇa, pārśva, ayaḥśūla and daṇḍājina are all taken here in a secondary sense. In their plain sense, no affix comes.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अनृजुरुपायः पार्श्वं तेनान्विच्छति पार्श्वकः ॥

pārśva ('side') is a crooked (anṛju) means; one who seeks by that is pārśvakaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 311

—पार्श्वेनान्विच्छति । ‘आकर्षादिभ्यः कन्’ इत्यतः कन्नुवर्तते ॥—अनृजुरिति । तिर्यगवस्थानात्पार्श्वमनृजु, तत्साधर्म्यादुपायोऽपि ॥ इह शीतोष्णपार्श्वायःशूलदण्डाजिनशब्दा गौणा एव गृह्यन्ते । मुख्यार्थेभ्यस्तु प्रत्ययो न भवत्यनभिधानात्

Bālamanoramā

पार्श्वेनान्विच्छति - पार्श्वेनान्विच्छति । तृतीयान्तात्पार्श्वशब्दादन्विच्छतीत्यर्थ संज्ञायां कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । अन्वेषणं=मार्गणम् । पार्श्वमिव पार्श्वम् । अनृजुरुपायः ।ऋजूपायेन अन्वेष्टव्यानर्थान्योऽनृजुनोपायेनान्विच्छति स पार्श्वक इति भाष्यम् । तदाह — अनृजुरित्यादि ।

translator notes

commentary TB: kan is carried forward (anuvartate) from 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan'. Followed for the bracketed kan in sutra_en.
commentary BM: after the word pārśva as a third-case word (tṛtīyānta), in the sense 'seeks', kan comes when a name is meant (saṃjñāyām); anveṣaṇa is searching (mārgaṇa). Followed for the bracketed third-case word and 'when a name is meant' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: pārśva, 'like a side', is a crooked means; the Bhāṣya: 'one who seeks by a crooked means things that are to be sought by a straight means is pārśvaka'; that is what [Bhaṭṭoji] says with 'anṛjuḥ…'. Followed for taking pārśva figuratively as the means.
commentary TB: the side is not straight because it lies crosswise (tiryagavasthāna), and the means is [called pārśva] by resemblance to it. Here the words śīta, uṣṇa, pārśva, ayaḥśūla and daṇḍājina are taken only in a secondary (gauṇa) sense; from them in their primary sense the affix does not come, for want of usage expressing it (anabhidhāna). Followed for the figurative sense.
translator 'When a name is meant' rests on BM's explicit 'saṃjñāyāṃ kan syāt' here (the Wikisource SK+BM print, p. 872, agrees). BM does not say where 'saṃjñāyām' comes from; its nearest occurrence is 'brāhmaṇakoṣṇike saṃjñāyām' (SK 1871), but no commentator states an anuvṛtti from there, so no SK number is given in sutra_en.

SK 1876 · A 5.2.76V

अयःशूलदण्डाजिनाभ्यां ठक्ठञौ ॥ १८७६ ॥

ayaḥśūladaṇḍājinābhyāṃ ṭhakṭhañau

ayaḥśūladaṇḍājinābhyāṃ ṭhakṭhañau — After ayaḥśūla ('iron spike') and daṇḍājina ('staff and deerskin') [as third-case words (tṛtīyānta), in the sense 'seeks by' (anvicchati) [as in SK 1875], when a name (saṃjñā) is meant], ṭhak and ṭhañ.

Rule. After ayaḥśūla "iron spike" and daṇḍājina "staff and deerskin", in the third case, ṭhak and ṭhañ come. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the sense "seeks by", as a name.

Example.

ayaḥśūlenānvicchati "he seeks by an iron spike" → ayaḥśūla + ṭhak/ṭhañ

→ ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted (SK 311)

→ āyaḥśūlikaḥ "a man of violence".

daṇḍājinenānvicchati → dāṇḍājinikaḥ "a hypocrite".

Bhaṭṭoji explains: the iron spike is a harsh means; staff and deerskin stand for hypocrisy.

Watch out. Nobody says which affix goes with which base. Both affixes bring vṛddhi and are heard as -ika, so the forms do not show it.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तीक्ष्ण उपायोऽयः शूलं तेनान्विच्छति आयःशूलिकः - साहसिकः । दण्डाजिनं दम्भः, तेनान्विच्छति दाण्डाजिनिकः ॥

ayaḥśūla ('iron spike') is a harsh (tīkṣṇa) means; one who seeks by that is āyaḥśūlikaḥ, i.e. a man of violence (sāhasika). daṇḍājina ('staff and deerskin') is hypocrisy (dambha); one who seeks by that is dāṇḍājinikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

अयःशूलदण्डाजिनाभ्यां ठक्ठञौ - अयःशूल । अयःशूल, दण्डाजिन आभ्यां, तृतीयान्ताभ्यामन्विच्छतीत्यर्थे संज्ञायां ठक्ठञौ स्त इत्यर्थः । अयःशूलमिव अयःशूलम् । साहसमित्यर्थः । यो मृदुनोपायेनान्वेष्टव्यानर्थास्तीक्ष्णोपायेनान्विच्छति स आयःशूलिक॑ इति भाष्यम् । तदाह — तीक्ष्णोपाय इत्यादि । दम्भ इति । दम्भार्थत्वाद्दण्डाजिनशब्दो दम्भे लाक्षणिक इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after ayaḥśūla and daṇḍājina as third-case words (tṛtīyānta), in the sense 'seeks', ṭhak and ṭhañ come when a name is meant (saṃjñāyām). Followed for the bracketed conditions in sutra_en.
commentary BM: ayaḥśūla, 'like an iron spike', means violence (sāhasa); the Bhāṣya: 'one who seeks by a harsh means things that are to be sought by a gentle means is āyaḥśūlika'. On 'dambha': because [staff and deerskin] serve the purpose of hypocrisy, the word daṇḍājina denotes hypocrisy by secondary signification (lākṣaṇika). Followed for the figurative senses.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1875.t1: the words ayaḥśūla and daṇḍājina (with śīta, uṣṇa and pārśva) are taken here only in a secondary (gauṇa) sense; from them in their primary sense the affix does not come, for want of usage expressing it (anabhidhāna). Followed for the figurative senses; TB has no separate comment on this sūtra.
translator Neither the kaumudī nor the commentators say which of ṭhak and ṭhañ goes with which base; the forms āyaḥśūlikaḥ and dāṇḍājinikaḥ do not distinguish them, so sutra_en leaves the pairing open. The sense 'seeks by' is BM's ('anvicchatīty arthe'); that it comes from the preceding sūtra 'pārśvenānvicchati' (SK 1875) is the translator's attribution, no commentator stating an anuvṛtti. For 'saṃjñāyām' see the translator's note on SK 1875.

SK 1877 · A 5.2.77V

तावतिथं ग्रहणमिति लुग्वा ॥ १८७७ ॥

tāvatithaṃ grahaṇamiti lugvā

tāvatithaṃ grahaṇam iti lug vā — [kan, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1864, comes after] tāvatitha [i.e. a word ending in a pūraṇa affix] when grasping (grahaṇa) [of a text] is meant, in accordance with usage (iti); and optionally luk [of the pūraṇa affix].

Rule. Kan comes after a word ending in a pūraṇa affix, when grasping (grahaṇa) of a text is meant. The pūraṇa affix itself is optionally deleted by luk. The sūtra's tāvatitha "the so-manieth" stands for any such word, as both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say.

Example.

dvitīyena rūpeṇa grahaṇam "grasping [a text] at the second going-over" → dvitīya + kan

→ dvitīyakam;

→ with luk of the pūraṇa affix tīya → dvi + ka → dvikam.

Bhaṭṭoji's phrase: dvitīyakaṃ dvikaṃ vā grahaṇaṃ devadattasya "Devadatta's grasping at the second going-over".

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika extends the rule to the one who grasps. In the sense "he grasps by the so-manieth [going-over]", kan comes, and the luk is obligatory.

ṣaṣṭhena rūpeṇa gṛhṇāti "he grasps at the sixth going-over" → ṣaṭko devadattaḥ. Likewise pañcakaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the word iti ties the rule to usage, so it concerns texts only. So there is no affix in dvitīyaṃ grahaṇaṃ devadattena daṇḍasya "Devadatta's second grasping of a stick". The other commentator says ṭhak and ṭhañ of SK 1876 do not continue here, not being svarita.

Watch out. The luk is of the pūraṇa affix, not of kan. Bhaṭṭoji says so, and one of his commentators argues it. Otherwise the word vā "optionally" would be pointless. The author of the vārttikas took the luk to be of kan; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कन् स्यात्पूरणप्रत्ययस्य च लुग्वा । द्वितीयकं द्विकं वा ग्रहणं देवदत्तस्य । द्वितीयेन रूपेण ग्रहणमित्यर्थः ।

kan comes, and optionally luk of the pūraṇa affix: dvitīyakaṃ dvikaṃ vā grahaṇaṃ devadattasya, 'Devadatta's grasping [of the text] at the second [going-over]'. The meaning is: grasping by the second repetition (rūpa).

vārttika

तावतिथेन गृह्णातीति कन्वक्तव्यो नित्यं च लुक्

(vārttika) In the sense 'he grasps (gṛhṇāti) by the so-manieth [repetition]', kan is to be stated, and luk [of the pūraṇa affix] is obligatory.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ षष्ठेन रूपेण गृह्णाति षट्को देवदत्तः । पञ्चकः ॥

ṣaṣṭhena rūpeṇa gṛhṇāti, 'he grasps [the text] by the sixth repetition': ṣaṭko devadattaḥ. [Likewise] pañcakaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 311

—तावतिथं ग्रहणमिति लुग्वा । तावतां पूरणं तावतिथम् । ‘वतोरिधुक्’ यथा ‘तस्यापत्यम्’ इत्यत्र तस्येति षष्ठ्यन्तानां सामान्यनिर्देशस्तथात्र ‘तावतिथम्’ इति पूरणप्रत्ययान्तानां सामान्यनिर्देशः ॥ अनन्तरावपि ठक्ठञौ नानुवर्तते, अस्वरितत्वादित्यभिप्रेत्याह—कन्स्यादिति ॥—पूरणप्रत्ययस्येति । नतु कनो लुक् । वाग्रहणानर्थक्यप्रसङ्गात् । पञ्चमं पञ्चमकमित्यादिरूपं हि तेन साध्यम् । तच्च महाविभाषाधिकाराद्विकल्पेन कन उत्पत्त्यापि सिद्धमेव, तस्मात्पूरणप्रत्ययस्यैव लुक्सूत्रकारस्याभिमत इति व्याचष्टे—द्विकमिति । वार्तिककारस्तु कन एव लुगिति व्याख्यामभिप्रेत्य ‘तावतिथं ग्रहणमिति लुग्वा वचनानर्थक्यं विभाषाग्रहणात्’ इत्याह । तन्मते द्वितीयकं द्वितीयमित्येव रूपं न तु द्विकमिति बोध्यम् ॥—तावतिथेनेति । पूरणप्रत्ययान्ताग्रहणोपाधिकात् स्वार्थे विधीयमानो ग्रहीतरि न प्राप्नोतीति वचनमिति कैयटः

Bālamanoramā

तावतिथं ग्रहणमिति लुग्वा - तावतिथं । तावतां पूरणं तावतिथमिति पूरणप्रत्ययान्तानां सामान्यनिर्देशः । तृतीयार्थे प्रथमा ।ग्रहण॑मिति भावे ल्युडन्तम् । तथा च तृतीयान्तात्पूरणप्रत्ययान्ताद्ग्रहणमित्यर्थे कन्स्यात्पूरणप्रत्ययस्य च लुग्वेत्यर्थ इत्यभिप्रेत्याह — कन्स्यादित्यादि । पूरणप्रत्ययान्तस्य तु प्रकृतिभूतस्य न लुक्, किंतु पूरणप्रत्ययमात्रस्य, षष्ठेन गृह्णाति षट्क इति भाष्योदाहरणात् । द्वितीयेन रूपेणेति । अनेन तृतीयैव समर्थविभक्तिरिति सूचितम् । इतिना लोकानुसारित्वं गम्यते । एवं च ग्रन्थविषयकमेव ग्रहणमिह फलति । तेनद्वितीयं ग्रहणं देवदत्तेन दण्डस्ये॑त्यादौ न भवति । तावतिथेनेति । ग्रहणेऽर्थे विहितं ग्रहीतरि न प्राप्नोतीत्यारम्भः । षट्को देवदत्त इति । भाष्ये एवमेवोदाहृतत्वात्पूरणप्रत्ययस्यैव लुगिति गम्यते, नतु तदन्तस्य ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tāvatitha' (tāvatāṃ pūraṇam) is a generic reference to words ending in pūraṇa affixes; it is a first case (prathamā) standing for the third case (tṛtīyā); 'grahaṇa' ends in lyuṭ in the stative sense (bhāve). So: after a third-case word (tṛtīyānta) ending in a pūraṇa affix, kan in the sense 'grasping', and optionally luk of the pūraṇa affix. The word iti conveys conformity with usage (lokānusāritva), so grasping here concerns texts only; hence not in 'dvitīyaṃ grahaṇaṃ devadattena daṇḍasya'. Followed for the bracketed pūraṇa-affix reading of tāvatitha, '[of a text]' and 'in accordance with usage (iti)'.
commentary TB: 'tāvatitha' is a generic reference to words ending in pūraṇa affixes, as 'tasya' in 'tasyāpatyam' is to sixth-case words. The immediately preceding ṭhak and ṭhañ are not carried forward, not being svarita; hence 'kan syāt' (kan being carried forward from 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan', SK 1864, as TB says under SK 1875). Followed for the bracketed kan and its source.
commentary BM: the luk is not of the whole base ending in the pūraṇa affix but of the pūraṇa affix alone, because the Bhāṣya's example is 'ṣaṣṭhena gṛhṇāti ṣaṭkaḥ'. 'dvitīyena rūpeṇa' shows that the third case (tṛtīyā) is the samartha-vibhakti. Followed for 'luk of the pūraṇa affix' and 'by the second repetition'.
commentary TB on 'pūraṇapratyayasya': [the luk is of the pūraṇa affix,] not luk of kan (natu kano luk; scan NSP p. 311, OCR 'nanu'), for then 'vā' would be pointless, since forms like pañcamam / pañcamakam are already obtained by the optional arising of kan under the mahāvibhāṣā adhikāra; so the sūtrakāra means luk of the pūraṇa affix, and Bhaṭṭoji accordingly gives 'dvikam'. The vārttikakāra, however, taking the luk to be of kan, says 'tāvatithaṃ grahaṇam iti lug vā vacanānarthakyaṃ vibhāṣāgrahaṇāt'; on his view the forms are only dvitīyakam and dvitīyam, not dvikam. Recorded; the English follows the kaumudī's own statement 'luk of the pūraṇa affix'.
commentary BM: the vārttika is begun because [kan] enjoined in the sense 'grasping' would not reach the grasper (grahītṛ); since the Bhāṣya gives exactly 'ṣaṭko devadattaḥ', the luk is of the pūraṇa affix only, not of the word ending in it. Followed for '[of the pūraṇa affix]'.
commentary TB, citing Kaiyaṭa: [kan] enjoined in its own sense (svārthe) after a word ending in a pūraṇa affix, with grasping as a qualifying condition (grahaṇopādhika), would not reach the grasper; hence the vārttika. Recorded; sutra_en keeps 'when grasping is meant'.
translator BM takes grasping as the affix-meaning after a third-case word (tṛtīyānta); TB (after Kaiyaṭa) takes kan as svārthika with grasping as a qualifying condition. sutra_en ('when grasping is meant') is kept neutral between the two (§16).
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 311 (printed 301) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'tāvatithena gṛhṇāti…' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
translator rūpa is taken as 'repetition, going-over' of the text being learnt, which the examples require (the second / sixth time through). The bracketed '[of the text]' rests on BM's restriction to texts.

SK 1878 · A 5.2.78V

स एषां ग्रामणीः ॥ १८७८ ॥

sa eṣāṃ grāmaṇīḥ

sa eṣāṃ grāmaṇīḥ — [kan, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1864, comes after a first-case word (prathamānta) denoting a particular chief] in the sense 'he is the chief (grāmaṇī) of these'.

Rule. After a first-case word naming a chief, kan comes in the sense "he is the chief (grāmaṇī) of these". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses grāmaṇī as "chief" (mukhya), citing Amara's lexicon.

Example.

devadatto mukhyo yeṣāṃ te "those whose chief is Devadatta" → devadatta + kan → devadattakāḥ.

tvatkāḥ "those whose chief is you"; matkāḥ "those whose chief is me".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains tvatkāḥ and matkāḥ. Before the affix, "you" and "I" take the forms tva and ma by SK 1373.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

देवदत्तोमुख्यो येषां ते देवदत्तकाः । त्वत्काः । मत्काः ॥

devadatto mukhyo yeṣāṃ te, 'those whose chief (mukhya) is Devadatta': devadattakāḥ. tvatkāḥ ['those whose chief is you']. matkāḥ ['those whose chief is me'].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 311–312

—स एषां ग्रामणीः । ‘ग्रामणीर्नापिते पुंसि श्रेष्ठे ग्रामाधिपे त्रिषु’ इत्यमरः ॥—करभ इति । उष्ट्रबालकः ॥—द्वितीयेऽहनीति । यद्यपि द्वितीयशब्दः कालवाची न भवति, तथाप्यर्थप्रकरणादिना वृत्तिविषये काले वर्तते इति भावः ॥ ननु साक्षात्कालवाचिभ्यो मासादिभ्यो न भवति, द्वितीयादिभ्यस्तु भवतीत्यत्र किं मानमिति चेत् । अत्राहुः—उत्तरसूत्रस्थसंज्ञापकर्षणाच्छब्दस्वाभाव्याद्वा तद्वोध्यमिति ॥—वटकेभ्य इति । कनि प्राप्ते वचनम् ॥ ननु संज्ञाग्रहणात्कन्न भविष्यतीति चेत् । किं ततः । इनेरप्राप्तत्वात्तदर्थं वचनमङ्गीकार्यमेव । ‘अत इनिठनौ—’ इत्येव कथंचिदिनिः सिद्ध्यतीत्याशात्र न कार्या । ‘सप्तम्यां च न तौ स्मृतौ’ इति वचनात् ॥—श्रोत्रियन्—। यश्छन्दोऽधीते सः श्रोत्रियो भवति । अत्र भाष्ये ‘छन्दोऽधीते इत्यस्य वाक्यस्यार्थे श्रोत्रियन्नित्येतत्पदं निपात्यते’ इति वाक्यार्थे पदवचनपक्षः । छन्दसो वा श्रोत्रभावो निपात्यते ‘तदधीत इत्येतस्मिन्नर्थे घश्च प्रत्ययः’ इति पक्षान्तरं च स्थितम् । व्याख्यातं च कैयटेन ‘वाक्यार्थस्य संबन्धरूपस्य क्रियारूपस्य वाऽसत्त्वरूपत्वात् । श्रोत्रियशब्दस्य च सत्त्वरूपार्थाभिधायित्वाद्वाक्यार्थग्रहणेन तदाश्रयश्छन्दोऽध्यायी अभिधीयत इति ॥ एकां शाखामधीत्य श्रोत्रियो भवतीति धर्मशास्त्रम् ॥—वेत्यनुवृत्तेरिति । ‘तावतिथं ग्रहणमिति लुग्वा’ इत्यतः

Bālamanoramā

स एषां ग्रामणीः - स एषांग्रामणीः । ग्रामणीविशेषवाचकाच्छब्दात्प्रथमान्तादस्येत्यर्थे कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । देवदत्तो मुख्य एषामिति । एतेन ग्रामणीशब्दो मुख्यपर्याय इति सूचितम् ।ग्रामणीर्नापिते पुंसि श्रेष्ठे ग्रामाधिपे त्रिषु॑ इत्यमरः । त्वत्काः मत्का इति । त्वमहं वा मुख्य एषामिति विग्रहः ।प्रत्ययोत्तरपदयोश्चे॑ति त्वमौ शृङ्खलमस्य । करभ इति । षष्ठ्यर्थे सप्तमी ।बन्धन॑मिति करणे ल्युट् । अस्य करभस्य शृङ्खलं बन्धनमिति विग्रहे बन्धनविशेषणाच्छृङ्खलशब्दात्प्रथमान्तादस्य करभस्येत्यर्थे कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । शृङ्खलक इति । शृङ्खलेन बद्ध इति यावत् । करभः=बाल उष्ट्रः ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 312 १ कालप्रयोजनादिति—कालवाचकः पूरणप्रत्ययान्त एव ततः सप्तम्यन्ताद्भवे प्रत्ययः । कारणवाचकात्तृतीयान्ताज्जनित इत्यर्थे, फलबोधकात्प्रथमान्तादस्य कार्यमित्यर्थे, अभिधानस्वाभाव्यादिति शब्देन्दुशेखरे ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after a word denoting a particular grāmaṇī, a first-case word (prathamānta), kan comes in the sense of the sixth case (asya). The analysis 'devadatto mukhya eṣām' shows that grāmaṇī is a synonym of mukhya, 'chief'; Amara: grāmaṇī is masculine for a barber, and of all three genders for 'best' and 'village headman'. Followed for the bracketed first-case word and for 'chief'.
commentary BM: tvatkāḥ, matkāḥ are analysed 'tvam ahaṃ vā mukhya eṣām', with the substitutes tva and ma by 'pratyayottarapadayoś ca'. Followed for the bracketed glosses.
commentary TB cites only Amara on grāmaṇī (barber; best; village headman). Recorded; agrees with BM's gloss 'chief'.
textual The BM block filed here (sk.1878.b1) also carries, after the comment on 'tvatkāḥ matkāḥ', Vāsudeva's comment on the next sūtra 'śṛṅkhalam asya bandhanaṃ karabhe' (SK 1879: karabha, śṛṅkhalaka), which has no BM block of its own in our source.
translator The source of kan (SK 1864, 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan') is not named by BM here; it is supplied from TB's statement under SK 1875 that kan is carried forward from that sūtra, and from TB under SK 1877 that the intervening ṭhak/ṭhañ do not continue.

SK 1879 · A 5.2.79V

शृङ्खलमस्य बन्धनं करभे ॥ १८७९ ॥

śṛṅkhalamasya bandhanaṃ karabhe

śṛṅkhalam asya bandhanaṃ karabhe — After śṛṅkhala [a first-case word (prathamānta)], in the sense 'this has a chain (śṛṅkhala) as its fetter (bandhana)', [kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1864], when [the one fettered is] a karabha (young camel) [karabhe being a seventh-case word in the sense of the sixth (ṣaṣṭhyarthe saptamī)].

Rule. After śṛṅkhala "chain", kan comes in the sense "this has a chain as its fetter". The one fettered must be a young camel (karabha).

Example.

śṛṅkhalam asya bandhanam "a chain is the fetter of this [young camel]" → śṛṅkhala + kan

→ śṛṅkhalakaḥ karabhaḥ "a young camel bound with a chain".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the sūtra's karabhe. It is a seventh-case word used in the sense of the sixth: "of a young camel".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शृङ्खलकः करभः ॥

śṛṅkhalakaḥ karabhaḥ [a young camel whose fetter is a chain, i.e., one bound with a chain].

translator notes

textual BM on this sūtra is printed under sk.1878.b1: after BM's comment on SK 1878 ('pratyayottarapadayoś ceti tvamau') the block runs straight on into 'śṛṅkhalam asya. karabha iti …' without a separate pratīka.
commentary BM (printed under sk.1878.b1): in 'karabhe' the seventh case stands in the sense of the sixth (ṣaṣṭhyarthe saptamī); 'bandhanam' has lyuṭ in the sense of instrument (karaṇa). With the vigraha 'asya karabhasya śṛṅkhalaṃ bandhanam', kan comes after the word śṛṅkhala, a first-case word (prathamānta) qualifying 'bandhana', in the sense 'of this karabha'. śṛṅkhalakaḥ = bound with a chain; karabha = a young camel. Followed for the bracketed case and sense in sutra_en and the gloss in k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1878.t1 (pratīka 'karabha iti'): a young camel (uṣṭrabālaka). Followed for '(young camel)'.
translator The SK number for kan (SK 1864, ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan) is the translator's; BM says only 'kan syāt'. TB under sk.1875.t1 states kan's anuvṛtti from 'ākarṣādibhyaḥ kan' for the neighbouring sūtra.

SK 1880 · A 5.2.80V

उत्क उन्मनाः ॥ १८८० ॥

utka unmanāḥ

utka unmanāḥ — utka [is formed] in the sense unmanas, 'one whose mind has gone up'.

Rule. Utka is formed in the sense unmanas, "one whose mind has gone up". Bhaṭṭoji says kan comes in its own sense (svārthe) after ud, used for "one whose mind has gone up".

Example.

ud + kan → utkaḥ "one who longs" (utkaṇṭhita).

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses ud here as "used in the sense of longing".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उद्गतमनस्कवृत्तेरुच्छब्दात्स्वर्थे कन् । उत्कः उत्कण्ठितः ॥

After the word ud used in the sense 'one whose mind has gone up' (udgatamanaska), kan in its own sense (svārthe). utkaḥ: one who longs (utkaṇṭhita).

Bālamanoramā

उत्क उन्मनाः - उत्क उन्मनाः । उद्गतमनस्कवृत्तेरिति । उत्कण्ठितवृत्तेरित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'udgatamanaskavṛtteḥ': i.e., [ud] used in the sense 'longing' (utkaṇṭhitavṛtteḥ). Followed; the English's 'one who longs' for utkaṇṭhita agrees.
textual The digital source reads 'svarthe'; NSP p. 312 (printed 302) reads 'svārthe' (scan confirms), which the English translates. No TB on this sūtra is printed: sk.1878.t1 passes from 'karabha iti' (SK 1879) to 'dvitīye 'hani' (SK 1881).

SK 1881 · A 5.2.81V

कालप्रयोजनाद्रोगे ॥ १८८१ ॥

kālaprayojanādroge

kālaprayojanād roge — After [a word denoting] time (kāla) [— here only a word ending in a pūraṇa affix used of time, such as dvitīya, not māsa etc. (BM)] or prayojana (the cause or the result [of the disease]), [ending in whatever case is appropriate], [kan] when a disease (roga) [is denoted].

Rule. Kan comes after a word for time (kāla) or for a prayojana, when a disease is meant. Bhaṭṭoji defines prayojana here as the cause of the disease or its result. It is not "purpose".

Example.

Time: dvitīye 'hani bhavaḥ "occurring on the second day" → dvitīya + kan → dvitīyako jvaraḥ "a fever of the second day".

Cause: viṣapuṣpair janitaḥ "produced by poisonous flowers" → viṣapuṣpa + kan → viṣapuṣpakaḥ.

Result: uṣṇaṃ kāryam asya "heat is its effect" → uṣṇa + kan → uṣṇakaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "when a disease is meant"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is dvitīyo divaso 'sya "the second day is his". Nothing is a disease there, so no affix comes.

"Time" here means only a pūraṇa-word used of time, such as dvitīya. It does not mean a word like māsa "month". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so, and so does the editor of the printed edition.

Watch out. The case of the base changes with the sense. The editor of the printed edition sets it out. For time, the seventh case, "occurring on". For a cause, the third case, "produced by". For a result, the first case, "is its effect".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कालवचनात्प्रयोजनवचनाच्च कन् स्याद्रोगे । द्वितीयेऽहनि भवोद्वितीयको ज्वरः । प्रयोजनं कारणं रोगस्य फलं वा । विषपुष्पैर्जनितो विषपुष्पकः । उष्णं कार्यमस्य उष्णकः । रोगे किम् । द्वितीयो दिवसोऽस्य ॥

After a word denoting time and after a word denoting a prayojana, kan comes when a disease [is denoted]. Occurring (bhava) on the second day: dvitīyako jvaraḥ, 'a fever [of] the second day'. prayojana is the cause (kāraṇa) of the disease or its result (phala). Produced by poisonous flowers: viṣapuṣpakaḥ. Heat (uṣṇa) is its effect: uṣṇakaḥ. Why 'when a disease [is denoted]'? [There is no kan in] dvitīyo divaso 'sya, 'the second day is his'.

Bālamanoramā

कालप्रयोजनाद्रोगे - कालप्रयोजनाद्रोगे । काल, प्रयोजन — अनयोः समाहारद्वन्द्वः । तदाह — कालवचनात्प्रयोजनवचनाच्चेति ।यथोचितविभक्त्यन्ता॑दिति शेषः । कालशब्देनाऽत्र कालवृत्तिःपूरणप्रत्ययान्तो द्वितीयादिशब्द एव गृह्यते, न तु मासादिशब्दः, व्याख्यानात् । तदाह — द्वितीयेऽहनीति । प्रयुज्यतेऽनेनेति करणे ल्युटिप्रयोजनं॑साधनम् । कर्मणि ल्युटि तु फलम् । तदाह — प्रयोजनं कारणं रोगस्य फलं वेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kāla and prayojana form a collective dvandva (samāhāra); hence 'kālavacanāt prayojanavacanāc ca', with 'ending in the appropriate case' (yathocitavibhaktyantāt) to be supplied. By kāla only dvitīya etc., words ending in a pūraṇa affix used of time, are taken here, not māsa etc., on the strength of explanation (vyākhyāna); hence 'dvitīye 'hani'. prayojana with lyuṭ in the instrument sense ('by which [something] is brought about') is the means (sādhana); with lyuṭ in the object sense it is the result (phala); hence 'cause or result'. Followed for the bracketed case and the bracketed restriction of kāla in sutra_en, and for rendering prayojana as 'the cause or the result' (not 'purpose'), keeping its two senses.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1878.t1, on 'dvitīye 'hani': although the word dvitīya does not denote time, in the derivative it is used of time through the meaning, the context etc. Objection: what is the authority for [the affix] not coming after words directly denoting time such as māsa, but coming after dvitīya etc.? Answer: it is to be understood from pulling back (apakarṣaṇa) 'saṃjñāyām' from the next sūtra, or from the nature of the words. Recorded; agrees with BM that only dvitīya etc. are meant.
textual NSP footnote 1, printed under sk.1878.n1 (NSP p. 312, printed 302), on 'kālaprayojanāt': only a word denoting time that ends in a pūraṇa affix [is meant], and from it, as a seventh-case word (saptamyanta), the affix [comes] in the sense 'occurring' (bhava); from a word denoting a cause, a third-case word (tṛtīyānta), in the sense 'produced'; from a word denoting a result, a first-case word (prathamānta), in the sense 'its effect' (asya kāryam); by the nature of expression (abhidhānasvābhāvya) — so the Śabdenduśekhara. The kaumudī text agrees with the print (scan).

SK 1882 · A 5.2.82V

तदस्मिन्नन्नं प्राये संज्ञायाम् ॥ १८८२ ॥

tadasminnannaṃ prāye saṃjñāyām

tad asminn annaṃ prāye saṃjñāyām — [kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1864 — comes] after a first-case word (prathamānta) [denoting] food (anna), in the sense 'in this', when [that food] predominates (prāya), to form a name (saṃjñā).

Rule. After a first-case word for a food (anna), kan comes in the sense "in this". The food must predominate (prāya), and the word must be a name.

Example.

guḍāpūpāḥ prāyeṇānnam asyām "on which the food is mostly cakes with molasses" → guḍāpūpa + kan

→ feminine, with ṭāp, and i for the a before k (SK 463) → guḍāpūpikā paurṇamāsī.

Paurṇamāsī is the full-moon day.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika gives ini instead after vaṭaka, a kind of cake. Ini is heard as -in.

vaṭaka + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → vaṭakin → feminine → vaṭakinī [paurṇamāsī].

Watch out. Why is a vārttika needed for ini? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ini could not come otherwise. SK 1922, later in this chapter, gives ini and ṭhan. But a traditional verse says those two are not taught in the sense "in this".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रथमान्तात्सप्तम्यर्थे कन् स्यात् यत्प्रथमान्तमन्नं चेत्प्रायविषयं तत् । गुडापूपाः प्रायेणान्नमस्यां गुडापूपिका पौर्णमासी ।

After a first-case word (prathamānta), kan comes in the sense of the seventh case (saptamyartha), provided that what the first-case word denotes is food (anna) and that it has predominance (prāya) as its domain. The full-moon day on which the food is mostly cakes with molasses (guḍāpūpa): guḍāpūpikā paurṇamāsī.

vārttika

वटकेभ्य इनिर्वाच्यः

(vārttika) ini is to be stated after vaṭaka.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वटकिनी ॥

vaṭakinī [paurṇamāsī, the full-moon day on which the food is mostly vaṭakas].

Bālamanoramā

तदस्मिन्नन्नं प्राये संज्ञायाम् - तदस्मिन्नन्नं । प्रथमान्तादन्नवाचकादस्मिन्नित्यर्थे कन् स्यादन्नस्य बाहुल्ये गम्ये संज्ञायामित्यर्थः । वटकेभ्य इति । संज्ञायामित्येव वटकिनीति । वटकाः प्रायेण अन्नमस्यां पौर्णमास्यामिति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after a first-case word denoting food, kan comes in the sense 'in this' (asmin), when abundance (bāhulya) of the food is to be understood, in a name. Followed for 'predominates' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'saṃjñāyām' holds here too (ity eva); vaṭakinī is analysed as 'vaṭakāḥ prāyeṇa annam asyāṃ paurṇamāsyām'. Followed for the bracketed paurṇamāsī in k3.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1878.t1: the statement is made because kan would [otherwise] obtain. Objection: since 'saṃjñāyām' is stated, kan will not [apply]? What of it? ini was not obtainable, so the statement must be accepted for its sake. Nor should one hope to get ini somehow from 'ata iniṭhanau' (SK 1922), because of the statement 'saptamyāṃ ca na tau smṛtau'. Recorded as the rule interaction the kaumudī does not state.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 312 (printed 302) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'vaṭakebhyaḥ' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1883 · A 5.2.83V

कुल्माषादञ् ॥ १८८३ ॥

kulmāṣādañ

kulmāṣād añ — After kulmāṣa, añ [in the sense 'this is mostly the food in it', as a name (saṃjñā) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1882].

Rule. After kulmāṣa, a kind of food, añ comes in the sense of SK 1882. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it an apavāda of kan. Añ is heard as -a and brings vṛddhi.

Example.

kulmāṣāḥ prāyeṇānnam asyām "on which the food is mostly kulmāṣa" → kulmāṣa + añ

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, u → au (SK 1075) → the final a deleted (SK 311) → kaulmāṣa

→ feminine, with ṅīp after añ (SK 470) → kaulmāṣī [paurṇamāsī].

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कुल्माषाः प्रायेणान्नमस्यां कौल्माषी ॥

Kulmāṣas are mostly the food on it: kaulmāṣī [a full-moon day (paurṇamāsī)].

Bālamanoramā

कुल्माषादञ् - कुल्माषादञ् । कनोऽपवादः ।स्याद्यावकस्तु कुल्माषश्चणको हरिमन्थकः॑ इत्यमरः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: [añ] is an exception (apavāda) to kan [of SK 1882]. BM cites Amara: yāvaka and kulmāṣa [are synonyms] (syād yāvakas tu kulmāṣaḥ). Recorded; kulmāṣa is left untranslated.
translator The bracketed sense in sutra_en is supplied by the translator from the kaumudī's own vigraha ('prāyeṇa annam asyām') and BM's 'kano 'pavādaḥ', which refers to the kan of SK 1882 (tad asminn annaṃ prāye saṃjñāyām). '[a full-moon day]' follows the feminine 'asyām' and SK 1882's example (guḍāpūpikā paurṇamāsī). No TB on this sūtra is printed: sk.1878.t1 passes from 'vaṭakebhya iti' (SK 1882) to 'śrotriyan' (SK 1884).

SK 1884 · A 5.2.84V

श्रोत्रियंश्छन्दोऽधीते ॥ १८८४ ॥

śrotriyaṃśchando'dhīte

śrotriyaṃś chando 'dhīte — śrotriyan [is given by nipātana] in the sense 'studies the chandas' [— optionally, 'vā' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1877 by maṇḍūkapluti (BM)].

Rule. Śrotriya is fixed by nipātana in the sense "studies the chandas", the Veda. The sūtra writes it śrotriyan.

Example.

chando 'dhīte "he studies the Veda" → śrotriyaḥ.

The other form: the ordinary affix for a student, aṇ → chāndasaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the word vā "optionally" is carried forward, so chāndasaḥ stands too. Both of his commentators trace vā to SK 1877. One says it comes by a frog's leap. Without it, the fixed word would block the student's aṇ.

Watch out. How śrotriya is built is not settled. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says śrotra replaces chandas and the affix ghan is added. The other reports two views of the Bhāṣya: the whole word fixed for the whole phrase, or śrotra with the affix gha. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

श्रोत्रियः । वेत्यनुवृत्तेश्छान्दसः ॥

śrotriyaḥ. Because 'vā' is carried forward (anuvṛtti), [there is also] chāndasaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

श्रोत्रियंश्छन्दोऽधीते - श्रोत्रियंश्छन्दोऽधीते । द्वितीयान्ताच्छन्दश्शब्दादधीते इत्यर्थे घन्, प्रकृतेः श्रोत्रादेशश्च निपात्यते । अध्येत्रणोऽपवादः । वेत्यनुवृत्तेरिति ।तावतिथ॑मिति सूत्रान्मण्डूकप्लुत्ये॑ति शेषः । ततश्च घनभावे अद्येत्रणिति भावः । वाग्रहणाननुवृत्तौ तु घना अध्येत्रणो बाधः स्यादिति बोध्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after chandas as a second-case word (dvitīyānta), in the sense 'adhīte', the affix ghan and the substitute śrotra for the base are given by nipātana; this is an exception (apavāda) to the aṇ of the student (adhyetṛ). 'vā' is carried forward from the sūtra 'tāvatithaṃ…' (SK 1877) by maṇḍūkapluti; so, when ghan does not apply, the aṇ of the student [gives chāndasa]; without the anuvṛtti of 'vā', ghan would block the aṇ of the student. Followed for 'optionally' and the source of 'vā'; BM's analysis into ghan + śrotra is Recorded (see TB).
commentary TB, printed under sk.1878.t1: one who studies the chandas is a śrotriya. The Bhāṣya states the view that the word śrotriyan is given by nipātana in the sense of the sentence 'chando 'dhīte' (a word stated for a sentence-meaning), and also the alternative that the substitute śrotra for chandas is given by nipātana and the affix gha in the sense 'tad adhīte'. Kaiyaṭa explains: since the sentence-meaning (a relation or an action) is not a substance while śrotriya denotes a substance, by taking the sentence-meaning its substrate, the student of the chandas, is denoted. The Dharmaśāstra says one becomes a śrotriya by studying one branch (śākhā). 'vā' is carried forward from 'tāvatithaṃ grahaṇam iti lug vā'. Followed for the source of 'vā'; sutra_en keeps 'is given by nipātana' neutral between the two Bhāṣya views and between BM's 'ghan' and TB's 'gha'.

SK 1885 · A 5.2.85V

श्राद्धमनेन भुक्तमिनिठनौ ॥ १८८५ ॥

śrāddhamanena bhuktaminiṭhanau

śrāddham anena bhuktam iniṭhanau — After śrāddha [as a first-case word (prathamānta), denoting the materials of the śrāddha], in the sense 'has been eaten by this [person]', ini and ṭhan.

Rule. After śrāddha, a first-case word, ini and ṭhan come in the sense "has been eaten by this [person]". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say śrāddha here stands for the materials of the rite for the ancestors. The rite itself cannot be eaten.

Example.

śrāddham anena bhuktam "the śrāddha [food] has been eaten by this [person]"

→ śrāddha + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → śrāddhin → śrāddhī;

→ śrāddha + ṭhan → ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → the final a deleted → śrāddhikaḥ.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators restricts the words to food eaten today. One who ate it today is not called śrāddhika tomorrow.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

श्राद्धी । श्राद्धिकः ॥

śrāddhī, śrāddhikaḥ ('one by whom [the food of] a śrāddha has been eaten').

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 312

—श्राद्धमनेन—। श्रद्धास्मिन्नस्तीति श्राद्धम्—‘प्रज्ञाश्रद्धार्चाभ्यो णः’ ॥ यद्यपि पित्र्यं कर्म श्राद्धशब्दे- नोच्यते तथापीह तत्साधनद्रव्यमुच्यते । मुख्यश्राद्धस्य भोक्तुमशक्यत्वात् ॥—श्राद्धी । श्राद्धिक इति । ‘अद्यतन एवेष्यते’ अद्य भुक्ते श्वः श्राद्धिक इति मा भूत्

Bālamanoramā

श्राद्धमनेन भुक्तमिनिठनौ - श्राद्धमनेन । प्रथमान्ताच्छ्राद्धशब्दाद्भुक्तमनेनेत्यर्थे इनिठनौ [एतौ] स्त इत्यर्थः । श्राद्धसाधनद्रव्ये श्राद्धशब्दो लाक्षणिकः । इनिप्रत्यये नकारादिकार उच्चारणार्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after the word śrāddha as a first-case word (prathamānta), in the sense 'has been eaten by this', ini and ṭhan come; the word śrāddha stands by secondary signification (lākṣaṇika) for the materials used in the śrāddha; in the affix ini the i after n is for pronunciation. Followed for the bracketed first-case word and materials in sutra_en and '[the food of]' in k1.
commentary TB: śrāddha is from śraddhā, 'that in which there is faith', by 'prajñāśraddhārcābhyo ṇaḥ'; although the word śrāddha denotes the rite for the ancestors, here it denotes the materials of that rite, since the rite in the primary sense cannot be eaten. Followed, as with BM.
commentary TB on śrāddhī, śrāddhikaḥ: 'it is desired only for [what was eaten] today (adyatana)', so that one who has eaten today is not called śrāddhika tomorrow. Recorded; the kaumudī does not state the restriction.

SK 1886 · A 5.2.86V

पूर्वादिनिः ॥ १८८६ ॥

pūrvādiniḥ

pūrvād iniḥ — After pūrva ('before') [as a second-case word (dvitīyānta) qualifying an action, in the sense 'by this [agent]', 'anena' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1885, some verb such as 'done' being supplied], ini.

Rule. After pūrva "before", ini comes in the sense "by this [agent]". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say anena "by this" is carried forward. Pūrva is a second-case word qualifying some action, which must be supplied.

Example.

pūrvaṃ kṛtam anena "[something] has been done before by this [person]" → pūrva + ini

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → pūrvin → pūrvī.

Applies when / blocked by. Why supply "done"? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: there is no agent without an action. So some action must be understood. One adds that the general action, expressed by kṛ "do", is what comes to mind.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूर्वं कृतमनेन पूर्वी ॥

pūrvaṃ kṛtam anena, '[something] has been done before by this [person]': pūrvī.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 312

—पूर्वादिनिः । पूर्वमिति क्रियाविशेषणात् द्वितीयान्तात्प्रत्ययः ॥ ‘अनेन’ इति कर्तृवाचकमनुवर्तते । न च क्रियामन्तरेण कर्ता संभवतीति कांचित्क्रियामध्याह्नस्य प्रत्ययो विधेयस्तदाह— पूर्वं कृतमनेनेति

Bālamanoramā

पूर्वादिनिः - पूर्वादिनिः । अनेनेति कर्तृतृतीयान्तमनुवर्तते । कां क्रियां प्रति कर्तेत्याकाङ्क्षायां भुक्तं पीतमित्यादि यत्किञ्चित्क्रियापदमध्याहार्यम् । उपस्थितत्वात् कृञर्थभूतं क्रियासामान्यमेव प्रतीयते । ततश्च पूर्वं कृतमनेनेति विग्रहे कृतमित्यादिक्रियाविशेषणात्पूर्वशब्दादनेनेत्यर्थे इनिः स्यादित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'anena', a third-case word (tṛtīyānta) of the agent, is carried forward (anuvartate). On the question 'agent of what action?', some action word or other such as 'eaten' or 'drunk' is to be supplied; being present to mind, the general action (kriyāsāmānya) expressed by kṛ is what is understood. So with the analysis 'pūrvaṃ kṛtam anena', ini comes after the word pūrva, which qualifies an action such as 'done', in the sense 'by this'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and supplied verb in sutra_en and for '[something] … done' in k1.
commentary TB: the affix comes after pūrva as a second-case word (dvitīyānta) qualifying an action; 'anena', denoting the agent, is carried forward (anuvartate); since there is no agent without an action, the affix is to be prescribed after supplying some action; that is what [Bhaṭṭoji] says with 'pūrvaṃ kṛtam anena'. Followed for the bracketed second-case word in sutra_en.
translator BM ('anena … anuvartate') and TB ('anena … anuvartate') state that 'anena' is carried forward but do not name its sūtra; its identification as 'śrāddham anena bhuktam iniṭhanau' (SK 1885) is the translator's.

SK 1887 · A 5.2.87V

सपूर्वाच्च ॥ १८८७ ॥

sapūrvācca

sapūrvāc ca — And after [pūrva] when it has a prior member (sapūrva) [i.e. after a word ending in pūrva, ini comes in the sense 'by this (agent)' (anena); the preceding sūtra and 'anena' are carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1886].

Rule. Ini also comes after pūrva when it has a prior member (sapūrva). In effect, after a word ending in pūrva. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators puts it so: "after one ending in pūrva".

Example.

kṛtapūrva + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → kṛtapūrvin → kṛtapūrvī "one who has done [something] before".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads Bhaṭṭoji's example as kṛtapūrvī kaṭam, with the object kaṭa "a mat".

Applies when / blocked by. Why is this rule needed after SK 1886? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: in a rule prescribing an affix, the tadanta reading is barred. So SK 1886 alone would not reach kṛtapūrva.

Watch out. The other commentator draws two jñāpakas, one from each rule. This rule shows a paribhāṣā: a nominal stem named in a rule does not stand for stems ending in it (grahaṇavatā prātipadikena tadantavidhir na). SK 1886 shows another: vyapadeśivadbhāva does not hold for a nominal stem (vyapadeśivadbhāvo 'prātipadikena). Otherwise bare pūrva could count as "ending in pūrva", and SK 1886 would be unnecessary.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कृतपूर्वी ॥

kṛtapūrvī ('one by whom [something] has been done before').

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 312

—सपूर्वाच्च । ‘अनेन’ इति, पूर्वसूत्रं चानुवर्तते ॥ विद्यमानपूर्वकात्पूर्वशब्दादनेनेत्यस्मिन्नर्थं इनिः स्यात् ॥ ‘पूर्वान्ताच्च’ इत्येतत्फलितम् ॥—कृतपूर्वीति । कृतपूर्वशब्दयोः ‘सुप्सुपा’ इति समासः । इह प्रातिपदिकाधिकारात् ‘पूर्वादिनिः’ इत्यनेनैव पूर्वशब्दान्तप्रातिपदिकात् कृतपूर्वशब्दादिनौ सिद्धे ‘सपूर्वाच्च’ इत्येतद् ‘ग्रहणवता प्रातिपदिकेन तदन्तविधिर्न’ इति परिभाषां ज्ञापयति । कृतपूर्वीत्येतत्सिद्धये ‘पूर्वान्ताच्च’ इति स्वीकृते तेनैव व्यपदेशिवद्भावेन पूर्वीत्यपि रूपे सिद्धे ‘पूर्वादिनिः’ इत्येतत् ‘व्यपदेशिवद्भावोऽप्रातिपदिकेन’ इति परिभाषां ज्ञापयति ॥—छन्दसि— पर्यवस्थातृशब्दाच्छत्रुपर्यायात्स्वार्थं इनिप्रत्ययः, अवस्थातृशब्दस्य च पन्थ पर एतावादेशौ निपात्येते ॥ ‘अपत्यं परिपन्थिनम्’ ‘मा त्वा परिणो विदन्’ । उभयत्रापि परिशब्दे अवग्रहः ॥—लोके त्विति । ‘अनुपस्थितपरिपन्थिभिः पार्थिवैः’ इत्यादौ

Bālamanoramā

सपूर्वाच्च - सपूर्वाच्च । विद्यमानपूर्वादपि पूर्वशब्दादुक्तविषये इनिः स्यादित्यर्थः । पूर्वान्तादिति यावत् । प्रातपदिकविशेषणत्वेऽपि प्रत्ययविधौ तदन्तविधिप्रतिषेधादप्राप्ते सूत्रमिदम् । कृतपूर्वी कटमिति । अत्र यद्वक्तव्यं तत्कर्तृकर्मणोः कृतीत्यत्रोक्तम् ।

translator notes

commentary TB: 'anena' and the preceding sūtra are carried forward (anuvartate); ini comes after the word pūrva when it has a prior member, in the sense 'anena' — the upshot is 'pūrvāntāc ca'. kṛtapūrvī: kṛta and pūrva are compounded by 'supsupā'. Since, under the prātipadika heading, ini would already follow from 'pūrvād iniḥ' after kṛtapūrva as a stem ending in pūrva, 'sapūrvāc ca' indicates (jñāpaka) the paribhāṣā 'grahaṇavatā prātipadikena tadantavidhir na'; and since, once 'pūrvāntāc ca' is accepted for kṛtapūrvī, pūrvī too would follow from it by treating the single word as its own end (vyapadeśivadbhāva), 'pūrvād iniḥ' indicates the paribhāṣā 'vyapadeśivadbhāvo 'prātipadikena'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and 'ending in pūrva' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: ini comes in the stated domain after the word pūrva even when it has a prior member, i.e. after [a word] ending in pūrva; although [pūrva] qualifies the prātipadika, tadantavidhi is barred in an affix-rule, so this was not obtained, hence the sūtra. On 'kṛtapūrvī kaṭam': what is to be said here has been said under 'kartṛkarmaṇoḥ kṛti' (SK 623). Followed for 'ending in pūrva'.
textual Our source and NSP p. 312 (printed 302; scan confirms) give only 'kṛtapūrvī'. BM's pratīka 'kṛtapūrvī kaṭam iti' (sk.1887.b1) carries the object kaṭam, and TB under sk.1908.t1 cites 'kṛtapūrvī kaṭam' as a known instance; the Wikisource SK+BM print (p. 875, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0049.txt) does read the mūla 'kṛtapūrvī kaṭam'. The English follows our source and NSP.
translator The gloss follows the analysis 'pūrvaṃ kṛtam anena' given for pūrvī in SK 1886, with kṛta now inside the compound.

SK 1888 · A 5.2.88V

इष्टादिभ्यश्च ॥ १८८८ ॥

iṣṭādibhyaśca

iṣṭādibhyaś ca — And after iṣṭa etc., [iniḥ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1886 — in the sense 'by this one' (anena) — carried forward from SK 1885].

Rule. Ini also comes after iṣṭa "sacrificed" and the words listed with it, in the sense "by this one".

Example.

iṣṭam anena "[a sacrifice] has been performed by this one" → iṣṭa + ini

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → iṣṭin → iṣṭī.

Likewise adhītī "one who has studied".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इष्टमनेन इष्टी । अधीती ॥

Sacrificed (iṣṭam) by this one: iṣṭī. adhītī [one by whom (something) has been studied].

Bālamanoramā

इष्टादिभ्यश्च - इष्टादिभ्यश्च । इष्टादिभ्यस्तृतीयान्तेभ्योऽनेनेत्यर्थे इनिः स्यादित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after iṣṭa etc., as third-case words (tṛtīyānta), iniḥ comes in the sense 'by this one' (anena). Followed for iniḥ and the sense 'anena'. BM's 'tṛtīyāntebhyaḥ' is Recorded; the English does not name the case of the base.
translator BM's 'tṛtīyāntebhyaḥ' sits oddly with the kaumudī's vigraha 'iṣṭam anena', where iṣṭa is a first-case word and 'anena' is the third-case sense-word; it may be a slip for the sense-word, so sutra_en leaves the case of the base unstated. The SK numbers are the translator's: 'anena' first stands in SK 1885 (śrāddham anena bhuktam iniṭhanau), and TB states its anuvṛtti under SK 1886 and SK 1887 (sk.1886.t1, sk.1887.t1); iniḥ is from SK 1886 (pūrvād iniḥ). No TB on this sūtra is printed: sk.1887.t1 passes from 'kṛtapūrvī' (SK 1887) to 'chandasi' (SK 1889).

SK 1889 · A 5.2.89V

छन्दसि परिपन्थिपरिपरिणौ पर्यवस्थातरि ॥ १८८९ ॥

chandasi paripanthiparipariṇau paryavasthātari

chandasi paripanthiparipariṇau paryavasthātari — In the Veda (chandas), paripanthin and pariparin [are given by nipātana] in the sense 'adversary' (paryavasthātṛ).

Rule. In the Veda (chandas), paripanthin and pariparin are fixed by nipātana in the sense "adversary" (paryavasthātṛ).

Example. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the nipātana. In paryavasthātṛ, the part avasthātṛ is replaced, and ini is added.

pari + avasthātṛ → pantha replaces avasthātṛ → paripantha + ini → paripanthin.

pari + avasthātṛ → para replaces avasthātṛ → paripara + ini → pariparin.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites a Ṛgveda verse, apa tyaṃ paripanthinam (1.42.3).

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji says that in ordinary usage the word paripanthin is not proper. The rule is for the Veda only. One of his commentators says the sūtra really belongs to the section on Vedic forms.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लोके तु परिपन्थिशब्दो न न्याय्यः ॥

In ordinary usage (loka), however, the word paripanthin is not proper.

Bālamanoramā

छन्दसि परिपन्थिपरिपरिणौ पर्यवस्थातरि - छन्दसि परिपन्थि । परिपन्थिन्, परिपरिन् एतौ शब्दौ छन्दसि निपात्येते पर्यवस्थातरि वाच्ये । पर्यवस्थातृशब्दादिनिप्रत्यये अवस्थातृशब्दस्य पन्थादेशे परिपन्थिन्शब्दः । पर्यवस्थातृशब्दादिनिप्रत्यये अवस्थातृशब्दस्य पर इत्यादेशे परिपरिन्शब्दः ।मा त्वा विदन्परिपन्थिनः, मा वा परिपरिणो विदन् इति श्रुतौ उदाहरणम् । इदं सूत्रं वैदिकप्रक्रियायामेव व्याख्यातुमुचितम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the words paripanthin and pariparin are given by nipātana in the Veda in the sense paryavasthātṛ: from paryavasthātṛ with the affix ini, avasthātṛ is replaced by pantha, giving paripanthin, or by para, giving pariparin (BM's stems 'paripanthin, pariparin'; the ṇ of the sūtra's 'paripariṇau' belongs to the inflected form). Vedic examples 'mā tvā vidan paripanthinaḥ' and 'mā vā paripariṇo vidan'. This sūtra would properly be explained in the Vaidika-prakriyā. Followed for 'are given by nipātana'; the derivation is Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1887.t1: after paryavasthātṛ, a synonym of śatru, the affix ini in its own sense (svārthe), and pantha and para as substitutes for avasthātṛ, are given by nipātana; examples 'apa tyaṃ paripanthinam' (RV 1.42.3; the print writes 'apatyaṃ' undivided) and 'mā tvā paripariṇo vidan' (the print itself, NSP p. 312 scan, reads 'mā lā pariṇo vidan': 'paripariṇo' and 'tvā' are the translator's emendation of a defective print, not a read-through of OCR); in both the avagraha falls after pari. On 'loke tu', TB cites the usage 'anupasthitaparipanthibhiḥ pārthivaiḥ'. Recorded; TB's citation is not incorporated into the English, which keeps the kaumudī's judgement as stated.

SK 1890 · A 5.2.90V

अनुपद्यन्वेष्टा ॥ १८९० ॥

anupadyanveṣṭā

anupady anveṣṭā — anupadin [— ini after anupadam, given by nipātana —] in the sense 'one who searches' (anveṣṭṛ).

Rule. Anupadin is fixed by nipātana in the sense "one who searches" (anveṣṭṛ). Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say ini comes after anupadam.

Example.

anupadam anveṣṭā "one who searches following the tracks" → anupada + ini

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → anupadin → anupadī gavām "one who tracks cows".

Applies when / blocked by. Anupadam is an avyayībhāva, an indeclinable compound, meaning "after the footprint". An indeclinable (avyaya) is a word that does not change its form. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so. One of them reports Haradatta, a commentator: the word is used for tracking cows, not for searching after gold and the like.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अनुपदमन्वेष्टा अनुपदी गवाम् ॥

One who searches following the tracks (anupadam): anupadī gavām, 'one who tracks cows'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 312

—अनुपद्यन्वेष्टा । अन्वेष्टरि इनिः प्रत्ययो निपात्यते ॥—अनुपदमिति । पदस्य पश्चात् । पश्चादर्थेऽव्ययीभावः ॥—अनुपदी गवामिति । पदापेक्षया षष्ठी । गोपदात्पश्चादन्वेषणं गवामेव । तेन हिरण्यादावन्वेष्ये न भवतीति हरदत्तः

Bālamanoramā

अनुपद्यन्वेष्टा - अनुपद्यन्वेष्टा । पदस्य पश्चादनुपदम् । पश्चादर्थे अव्ययीभावः । सप्तम्या अम्भावः । अनुपदमित्यस्मादन्वेष्टरि अर्थे इनिप्रत्ययो निपात्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: anupadam = after the foot[print] (padasya paścāt), an avyayībhāva in the sense 'after', with am in place of the seventh-case ending; after anupadam the affix ini is given by nipātana in the sense 'searcher'. Followed for the bracket in sutra_en and for 'following the tracks'.
commentary TB: ini is given by nipātana in the sense anveṣṭṛ; anupadam = after the foot[print], an avyayībhāva in the sense 'after'. In 'anupadī gavām' the sixth case is in relation to 'pada': the searching after the cow-tracks is of cows only; hence [the word] is not used where gold etc. is what is sought — so Haradatta. Followed for 'tracks cows' (gavām construed with the tracks); Haradatta's restriction is Recorded.

SK 1891 · A 5.2.91V

साक्षाद्द्रष्टरि संज्ञायाम् ॥ १८९१ ॥

sākṣāddraṣṭari saṃjñāyām

sākṣād draṣṭari saṃjñāyām — After [the indeclinable] sākṣāt, [ini — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1886 —] in the sense 'one who sees' (draṣṭṛ), when a name (saṃjñā) [is meant].

Rule. After the indeclinable sākṣāt "directly", ini comes in the sense "one who sees" (draṣṭṛ), when a name is meant. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supply ini.

Example.

sākṣād draṣṭā "one who sees directly" → sākṣāt + ini

→ the ṭi āt deleted → sākṣ + in → sākṣin → sākṣī "a witness".

Both commentators give the ṭi deletion by the vārttika avyayānāṃ bhamātre ṭilopaḥ: an indeclinable that is bha loses its ṭi.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "as a name"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Three people see a transaction directly: the giver, the receiver and the onlooker. Because the word is a name, sākṣin means the onlooker alone. The other commentator describes the witness as one who watches the act without taking part.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

साक्षाद्रष्टा साक्षी ॥

sākṣād draṣṭā, 'one who sees directly': sākṣī ('witness').

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 312–313

—साक्षाद्द्रष्टरि—। द्रष्टर्यर्थे इनिः स्यात् ॥ साक्षाच्छब्दोऽव्ययम्, तेन ‘प्रकृतिवदनुकरणम्’ इत्यतिदेशादिह सूत्रे पञ्चम्या लुक् । ‘उदः स्थास्तम्भोः—’ ‘अवाच्चालम्बना—’ इत्यादौ तु ‘प्रकृतिवत्’ इत्यतिदेशस्य वैकल्पिकत्वेनाव्ययत्वा- भावात् पञ्चम्या लुङ् न भवतीति बोध्यम् ॥—साक्षीति । ‘अव्ययानां भमात्रे’ इति टिलोपः । यद्यपि साक्षाद्द्रष्टारस्त्रयो भवन्ति दाता ग्रहीता उपद्रष्टा च, तथापीह संज्ञाग्रहणात् साक्षिशब्देनोपद्रष्टैवोच्यत इत्याहुः

Bālamanoramā

साक्षाद्द्रष्टरि संज्ञायाम् - साक्षाद्द्रष्टरि ।साक्षा॑दित्यव्ययम्, इह शब्दस्वरूपपरं लुप्तपञ्चमीकम् । साक्षादित्यव्ययाद्द्रष्टर्यर्थे इनिः स्यादित्यर्थः । साक्षीति । यः कर्मणि स्वयं न व्याप्रियते, किन्तु कर्म क्रियमाणं पश्यति सोऽयं साक्षीत्युच्यते । साक्षादित्यव्ययादिनिप्रत्ययः । 'अव्ययानां भमात्रे' इति टिलोपः ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 313 १ संबन्धेऽस्तिविवक्षायामिति पाठः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: sākṣāt is an indeclinable (avyaya); here it denotes its own word-form and its fifth-case ending (pañcamī) has been elided. ini comes after the indeclinable sākṣāt in the sense 'one who sees'. sākṣī: one who does not himself take part in the act but watches the act being done; ini after sākṣāt, and deletion of the ṭi by 'avyayānāṃ bhamātre'. Followed for '[the indeclinable]' and '[ini]' in sutra_en.
commentary TB: ini in the sense 'one who sees'. sākṣāt is an indeclinable, so by the extension 'prakṛtivad anukaraṇam' the fifth-case ending is deleted (luk) in the sūtra (OCR 'pañcamyā buddhaḥ' for 'luk'); in 'udaḥ sthāstambhoḥ…', 'avāc cālambanā…' etc. the extension is optional, so there is no avyaya status and no luk of the fifth case. sākṣī: ṭi-deletion by 'avyayānāṃ bhamātre'. Although three see directly — the giver, the receiver and the onlooker (upadraṣṭṛ) — here, because of 'saṃjñā', the onlooker alone is meant by sākṣin. Followed for 'witness'.
translator SK 1886 ('pūrvād iniḥ') is identified by the translator as the source of the ini that BM and TB supply; neither commentator names the sūtra.
textual Our kaumudī writes 'sākṣādraṣṭā' with a single d, while our sūtra has 'sākṣāddraṣṭari'. NSP p. 312 (printed 302) prints the stacked double d in both sūtra and kaumudī ('sākṣāddraṣṭari', 'sākṣāddraṣṭā'; scan, where the OCR shows a single d), and the Wikisource SK+BM print (p. 875) also reads 'sākṣāddraṣṭā'. Our kaumudī's single d is thus a loss in the digital text. The English gives the words as sākṣād draṣṭā.

SK 1892 · A 5.2.92V

क्षेत्रियच् परक्षेत्रे चिकित्स्यः ॥ १८९२ ॥

kṣetriyac parakṣetre cikitsyaḥ

kṣetriyac parakṣetre cikitsyaḥ — kṣetriyac [i.e. the form kṣetriya, marked with c] in the sense 'to be treated (cikitsya) in another field (parakṣetra)'.

Rule. The form kṣetriya, marked with c, means "to be treated in another field (parakṣetra)". The "field" is the body.

Example.

kṣetriyo vyādhiḥ "a disease to be treated in another body".

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: one that cannot be remedied [in this body]. One of his commentators says the other body is the future one.

On one analysis the steps are:

parakṣetra + ghac → para deleted by nipātana → kṣetra + iya (SK 475)

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → kṣetriyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report two analyses. One, which both cite, is ghac after parakṣetra in the seventh case, with para deleted, as above. Others take the whole word kṣetriya as fixed for the whole phrase. Scholars discuss this.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators records further uses of kṣetriya. There is a poison treated by moving it into another body, and weeds in a field meant for crops. There is also the adulterer, for whom another's wife is the "other field", where he is to be "treated", that is, punished. Bhaṭṭoji himself gives only the disease.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्षेत्रियो व्याधिः शरीरान्तरे चिकित्स्यः । अप्रतीकार्यं इत्यर्थः ॥

kṣetriyo vyādhiḥ: a disease that is to be treated in another body. The meaning is: one that cannot be remedied [in this body].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 313

—क्षेत्रियच्— ‘परक्षेत्रशब्दात्सप्तम्यन्ताद्घच् परशब्दस्य लोपश्च निपात्यते’ इति मनोरमा ॥ अन्ये तु ‘परक्षेत्रे चिकित्स्यः’ इत्यर्थे ‘क्षेत्रियच्’ इति निपात्यते । वाक्यार्थे पदवचनं श्रोत्रियवदित्यप्याहुः ॥ एवमन्यत्राप्यूह्यम् ॥—क्षेत्रियो व्याधिरिति । किंच क्षेत्रियं विषम् । यत्परशरीरे संक्रमय्य चिकित्स्यते ॥ अपि च क्षेत्रियाणि तृणानि । यानि सस्यानि सस्यार्थक्षेत्रे जातानि चिकित्स्यानि विनाशयितव्यानि ॥ किं च क्षेत्रियः पारदारिकः ॥ परदाराः परक्षेत्रम् । तत्र चिकित्स्यो निग्रहीतव्यः । सर्वेऽप्येते पक्षा आकरे स्थिताः

translator notes

commentary TB quotes the Manoramā: from the word parakṣetra, a seventh-case word (saptamyanta), ghac is prescribed, and deletion of para, by nipātana. Others say that kṣetriyac as a whole is prescribed by nipātana in the sense 'to be treated in another field', a word standing for a sentence-meaning (vākyārthe padavacana) as with śrotriya; the same is to be understood elsewhere. Recorded; the two analyses differ, so sutra_en is kept neutral between them (§16).
commentary TB on 'kṣetriyo vyādhiḥ' adds further senses: kṣetriyaṃ viṣam, a poison that is treated by transferring it to another's body; kṣetriyāṇi tṛṇāni, weeds grown in a field meant for crops, which are to be 'treated', i.e. destroyed; kṣetriyaḥ pāradārikaḥ, an adulterer, another's wife being the 'other field', where he is to be 'treated', i.e. punished. All these views are found in the source works (ākara). Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the disease.
textual The BM block formerly filed under sk.1892.b1 (pratīka 'indriyam indraliṅgam…') is BM on the next sūtra, SK 1893, and was re-filed there as sk.1893.b1 (2026-10-05). Neither sk.1891.b1 (on 'sākṣād draṣṭari saṃjñāyām') nor sk.1893.b1 carries BM on this sūtra, so our digital source has no BM on 'kṣetriyac parakṣetre cikitsyaḥ'; the printed BM on it survives in the Wikisource SK+BM print and is given in the BM commentary note.
commentary BM (printed ed., not in the digital source; Wikisource SK+BM pp. 875–876, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0049.txt–0050.txt): parakṣetra is another (para) field (kṣetra), i.e. body (śarīra); cikitsya means 'to be remedied' (by 'kiter vyādhipratīkāre'). From the word parakṣetra, a seventh-case word, ghac in the sense 'cikitsya' and deletion of the word para are given by nipātana. On 'śarīrāntare': to be treated in a future body (bhāvini śarīre), not in the present body; the upshot (phalita) is 'apratikāryaḥ'. Followed for '[in this body]' in k1 (BM's 'not in the present body'); BM's specific sense of 'another body' as the future body is Recorded, the English keeping the kaumudī's 'another body'. BM's ghac + para-deletion analysis is the Manoramā view that TB quotes; sutra_en stays neutral between it and TB's 'others' (§16).

SK 1893 · A 5.2.93V

इन्द्रियमिन्द्रलिंगमिन्द्रदृष्टमिन्द्रसृष्टमिन्द्रजुष्टमिन्द्रदत्तमिति वा ॥ १८९३ ॥

indriyamindraliṃgamindradṛṣṭamindrasṛṣṭamindrajuṣṭamindradattamiti vā

indriyam indraliṅgam indradṛṣṭam indrasṛṣṭam indrajuṣṭam indradattam iti vā — indriya [ghac after indra, given by nipātana] in the senses 'mark of indra', 'seen by indra', 'created by indra', 'served by indra', 'given by indra', or [in senses] of this kind.

Rule. Indriya is fixed by nipātana. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say it is ghac after indra. The senses are "mark of indra", "seen by indra", "created by indra", "served by indra" and "given by indra". The word iti adds other senses of this kind.

Example.

indrasya liṅgam "the mark of indra" → indra + ghac

→ gha → iy (SK 475) → indra + iya

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → indriyam "a sense-organ".

By iti, Bhaṭṭoji adds: indreṇa durjayam "hard for indra to conquer" is also indriya.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says indra here is the self (ātman). The sense-organ is its mark, because an agent is inferred from an instrument. One of his commentators spells out the inference. The eye and the other senses are instruments. Like a stick used to make a pot, they need an agent to direct them.

Watch out. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators call indriya a conventional word (rūḍha). Its derivation is given "only somehow". One of them glosses "seen by indra" as known by the self as "my eye, my ear".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इन्द्र आत्मा तस्य लिङ्गं करणेन कर्तुरनुमानात् । इतिशब्दः प्रकारार्थः । इन्द्रेण दुर्जमिन्द्रियम् ॥

indra is the self (ātman); [indriya is] its mark (liṅga), because an agent (kartṛ) is inferred from an instrument (karaṇa). The word 'iti' means 'of this kind' (prakāra): indriya [is also] what is hard to conquer (durjaya) for indra.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 313

—इन्द्रियमिन्द्र— इन्द्रशब्दाद्घच् । इन्द्रेण दृष्टं ज्ञातं ‘मम चक्षुः, मम श्रोत्रम्’ इत्यादिकमेण सृष्टमदृष्टद्वारा जुष्टं प्रीणितं सेवितं वा । दत्तं यथायथं विषयेभ्यः । रूढिशब्दोऽयं यथाकथंचिद्व्युत्पादितः

Bālamanoramā

इन्द्रियमिन्द्रलिंगमिन्द्रदृष्टमिन्द्रसृष्टमिन्द्रजुष्टम्- इन्द्रदत्तमिति वा - इन्द्रियम् । इन्द्रलिङ्गमित्याद्यर्थेषु इन्द्रियमिति भवति । इन्द्रशब्दाद्यथायोगं षष्ठीतृतीयान्ताल्लिङ्गमित्याद्यर्थेषु घच् निपात्यत इति यावत् । इन्द्र आत्मेति ।स एतमेव पुरुषं ब्रह्म ततममपश्यदिदमदर्शमिति । तस्मादिदन्द्रो नामेदन्द्रो ह वै नाम तमिदन्द्रं सन्तमिन्द्रमित्याचक्षते॑ इति श्रुतेरिति भावः । तस्यलिङ्गमिति । आत्मनोऽनुमापकमित्यर्थः । लिङ्गत्वमुपपादयति — करणेनेति ।चक्षुरादीन्द्रियं किञ्चित्कर्त्रधिष्ठितं भवितुमर्हति, करणत्वात्, घटकरणदण्डादिव॑दित्यनुमानादित्यर्थः । मम चक्षुरित्येवमिन्द्रेण दृष्टं ज्ञातमिन्द्रियम् । इन्द्रेण जुष्टं सेवितं प्रीणितं वा इन्द्रियम् । रूढशब्दोऽयं कथञ्चिद्व्युत्पादितः । इन्द्रेण दुर्जयमिन्द्रियमिति साधयितुमाह — इतिकरणमिति । इतिशब्द इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.1893.b1): indriya is formed in the senses 'mark of indra' etc.; that is, after indra as a sixth- or third-case word as fits, ghac is given by nipātana in the senses liṅga etc. Followed for the bracketed ghac in sutra_en.
commentary BM (sk.1893.b1): 'indra ātmā' — on the strength of the Śruti 'sa etam eva puruṣaṃ brahma tatamam apaśyat… tam idandraṃ santam indram ity ācakṣate'. 'tasya liṅgam' = what makes the self inferable. 'karaṇena' establishes the mark: by the inference 'the eye and other sense-organs must be presided over by some agent, being instruments, like the stick etc. that are instruments for a pot'. dṛṣṭa = known by indra as 'my eye'; juṣṭa = served or pleased by indra. The word is conventional (rūḍha), derived only somehow. To establish 'hard to conquer for indra' he says 'itikaraṇam' (the word iti). Followed for 'the self', for the inference and for taking 'iti' to license the further sense.
commentary TB: ghac after indra. dṛṣṭa = known as 'my eye, my ear' etc.; sṛṣṭa = created through the unseen (adṛṣṭa); juṣṭa = pleased or served; datta = given to the several objects as fits. A conventional word (rūḍhiśabda), derived only somehow. Followed for ghac in sutra_en; the glosses of the senses are Recorded.
textual Our text reads 'indreṇa durjam indriyam'; NSP p. 313 (printed 303) reads 'indreṇa durjayam indriyam' (scan confirms), as does BM's paraphrase 'indreṇa durjayam indriyam iti sādhayitum' (sk.1893.b1). 'durjam' looks like a loss of the syllable ya. The English follows the print ('hard to conquer', durjaya).
textual The Bālamanoramā on this sūtra (pratīka 'indriyam indraliṅgam…'), formerly filed under the neighbour sk.1892 as sk.1892.b1, was re-filed here as sk.1893.b1 (2026-10-05); our source carries no BM on SK 1892.

SK 1894 · A 5.2.94V

तदस्यास्त्यस्मिन्निति मतुप् ॥ १८९४ ॥

tadasyāstyasminniti matup

tad asyāsty asminn iti matup — After 'tad' [a first-case word (prathamānta) co-referent with 'asti'], matup comes in the sense 'that is (asti) of this (asya)' or 'that is in this (asmin)'; [the word iti restricts it to particular domains].

Rule. Matup comes after a first-case word that goes with the verb asti "is". The sense is "that is of this" (asya) or "that is in this" (asmin). Matup is heard as -mat; its u and p are it.

Example.

gāvo 'syāsmin vā santi "cows are his, or cows are in it" → go + matup → go + mat

→ nominative singular: the augment num (an n, SK 361) and lengthening (SK 425) → gomān.

The last steps are those of yāvān in chapter 38.

Applies when / blocked by. The word iti in the sūtra limits matup to particular domains. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so. Bhaṭṭoji then quotes a vārttika in verse. It names six domains in which matup and its fellow affixes come, when "is" is meant:

abundance (bhūman): gomān "rich in cows";
blame (nindā): kakudāvartinī kanyā "a girl with a whorl (āvarta) on her back";
praise (praśaṃsā): rūpavān "handsome";
constant connection (nityayoga): kṣīriṇo vṛkṣāḥ "trees having milk (kṣīra)";
excess (atiśāyana): udariṇī kanyā "a big-bellied girl";
contact (saṃsarga): daṇḍī "one holding a staff".

The examples come from Bhaṭṭoji's commentators. One of them calls the list generally true, not exhaustive.

For contact, only a man actually holding a staff is daṇḍī. A man whose staff lies at home is not. And one never says puruṣī daṇḍaḥ "a staff having a man". The formation needs a particular relation, and here it is lacking. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain this.

Watch out. The tense of asti counts. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says dhanavān "wealthy" is not said of wealth already gone, or not yet come.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

गावोऽस्यास्मिन्वा सन्ति गोमान् ।

gāvo 'syāsmin vā santi, 'he has cows' or 'cows are in it': gomān.

vārttika

भूमनिन्दाप्रशंसासु नित्ययोगेऽतिशायने

(vārttika) In abundance (bhūman), blame (nindā), praise (praśaṃsā), constant connection (nityayoga), excess (atiśāyana),

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ संसर्गेऽस्तिविवक्षायां भवन्ति मतुबादयः ॥

[and] connection (saṃsarga) — [in these domains] the [affixes] matup and the rest, [enjoined] when 'is (asti)' is meant to be expressed, come about.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 313

—तदस्यास्त्यस्मिन्निति मतुप् । तदिति प्रथमासमर्थात्प्रत्ययः ॥ अस्तीति पुरुषवचने अविवक्षिते, कालस्तु विवक्षितः, धने गते भाविनि वा ‘धनवानयम्’ इति प्रतीत्यभावात् । इतिशब्दो विषयविशेषलाभार्थः । तथाहि— ‘भूमनिन्दाप्रशंसासु नित्ययोगेऽतिशायने । संसर्गेऽस्तिविवक्षायां भवन्ति मतुबादयः’ ॥ अस्तिविवक्षायां ये मतुवादयो विधीयन्ते ते भूमादिषु विषयेषु भवन्तीति वार्तिकार्थः ॥—भूमा बहुलम् । तच्चापेक्षिकम् । यस्य हि यावदुचितं तावदेव बहुलबोधकवहुशब्देनापि प्रतीयते । तथा पञ्चषाभिरपि गोभिर्देवदत्तस्य बहवो गाव इति व्यवहारः । राज्ञस्तु सहस्रगोरपि गावोऽल्पा इति व्यवहारः ॥ गोमान् । यवमान् । यस्य खार्यादिभिः परिच्छिन्ना यवाः सन्ति स एवमुच्यते । नतु सहस्रेणापि यवैर्यवमानिति । कथं तर्हि ‘यवमतीभिरद्भिर्यूपं प्रोक्षति’ इति । अत्राहुः । जातिमात्रसंबन्धस्य विवक्षितत्वाद्भूमाभावेऽप्यत्र मतुप् ॥ भूमादिग्रहणं तु प्रायेण भूमादयः प्रतीयन्त इत्येवंपरमिति ॥—निन्दायां ककुदावर्तिनी कन्या ॥—प्रशंसायां, रूपवान् ॥—नित्ययोगे, क्षीरिणो वृक्षाः ॥—अतिशायने, उदरिणी कन्या ॥—संसर्गे, दण्डी । संसर्गः संयोगः तेन संयुक्तदण्ड एवोच्यते, न तु गृहावस्थितदण्डोऽपि ॥ इह दण्डपुरुषयोः संयोगे सत्यपि दण्डी पुरुष इत्यादिवत् ‘पुरुषी दण्डः’ ‘पुरुषवान् दण्डः’ इति न प्रयुज्यते । वृत्तिनियामकस्य विलक्षणसंबन्धस्याभावात् । संयोगे स-मानेऽपि प्रतीतिवलाद्वैलक्षण्यं कल्प्यत इत्याहुः ॥ एवं च यवसंयोगमात्रेण यवमत्य आपो न भवन्ति, किं तु यवमज्जलवच्च पात्रमेवेत्याशयेन ‘कथं यवमतीभिरद्भिः’ इत्याक्षेपो भूमादिग्रहणं प्रायिकमित्याद्युत्तरं च संगच्छत एव ॥—अन्यमत्वर्थीयेति । कथं तर्हि ‘रूपिणी कन्या’ ‘रसिको नटः’ इति । अत्राहुः । रसादिगणे ‘गुणात्’ इति पठ्यते । तेन गुणवाचिभ्य एवान्यमत्यर्थायस्य निषेधः, रूपिणीत्यत्र तु रूपशब्देन सौन्दर्यं गृह्यते । तच्च न गुणः ॥ रसिक इत्यत्र तु रसशब्देन भावो गृह्यते न तु रसनाग्राह्यो गुण इति ॥—गुणवचनेभ्य इति । गुणे तद्वति च प्रसिद्धा ये शुक्लादयस्त एव गृह्यन्ते न तु रूपादयोऽपि । तेन रूपं वस्त्रमित्यादिप्रयोगो न भवति

Bālamanoramā

तदस्यास्त्यस्मिन्निति मतुप् - तदस्यास्त्यस्मिन्निति मतुप् । तदस्यास्तीति तदस्मिन्नस्तीति विग्रहे अस्तिसमानाधिकरणात्प्रथमान्तादस्य अस्मिन्निति चार्थे मतुप्स्यादित्यर्थः । उपावितौ । इतिशब्दो विषयविशेषलाभार्थः । तदाह — भूमनिन्देति । श्लोकवार्तिकमिदम् । भूमा=बहुत्वम् । यथा गोमान्, यवमान् । निन्दायां-ककुदावर्तिनी कन्या । प्रशंसायां-रूपवान् । नित्ययोगे — क्षीरिणो वृक्षाः । अतिशायने-उदरिणी कन्या । संसर्गे-दण्डी । छत्री । वृत्तिनियामकः संसर्गविशेषो विवक्षितः । तेन 'परुषी दण्ड' इति नास्ति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: on the analyses 'tad asyāsti' and 'tad asminn asti', matup comes after a first-case word (prathamānta) co-referent with 'asti', in the senses 'asya' and 'asmin'; u and p are it. The word iti serves to obtain particular domains (viṣayaviśeṣa); hence the kaumudī cites 'bhūmanindā…'. Followed for the bracketed co-reference with 'asti' and the function of iti.
commentary TB: 'tad' makes the affix come after a first-case samartha (prathamāsamartha). In 'asti' person and number are not intended but time is, since 'dhanavān ayam' is not understood when the wealth is gone or yet to come. iti serves to obtain particular domains. Followed for the bracketed first-case word and the function of iti; the tense point is recorded only.
commentary TB quotes the verse whole and construes it: the matup etc. that are enjoined when 'is' is meant come about in the domains bhūman and the rest. bhūman = abundance, which is relative (a few cows are 'many' for Devadatta, a thousand 'few' for a king): gomān, yavamān. Examples: blame, kakudāvartinī kanyā; praise, rūpavān; constant connection, kṣīriṇo vṛkṣāḥ; excess, udariṇī kanyā; connection, daṇḍī — saṃsarga is contact, so only one holding a staff, not one with a staff lying at home; and 'puruṣī daṇḍaḥ' is not said, for want of the distinctive relation governing the formation (vṛttiniyāmaka). The listing of bhūman etc. is 'prāyika' (generally so), given 'yavamatībhir adbhiḥ'. Followed for the construal across k2–k3.
commentary BM: this is a verse-vārttika (ślokavārttika); bhūman = plurality. Examples: (gomān, yavamān; kakudāvartinī kanyā; rūpavān; kṣīriṇo vṛkṣāḥ; udariṇī kanyā; daṇḍī, chatrī). In saṃsarga a particular relation governing the formation is meant, so 'puruṣī daṇḍaḥ' does not occur. Followed for treating k2–k3 as one vārttika verse.
textual The digital source splits the verse-vārttika after its first half and opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, so that the second half-verse looks like Bhaṭṭoji's prose. NSP p. 313 (printed 303) prints one vārttika sign before 'bhūmanindā…' and runs the whole verse unbroken to 'matubādayaḥ ||' (scan confirms), and TB and BM quote it as one verse. The tag is left untranslated and k3 is rendered as the second half of the vārttika.
textual NSP footnote 1, printed under sk.1891.n1 (NSP p. 313, printed 303; marker on 'saṃsarge'): the variant reading 'saṃbandhe 'stivivakṣāyām' ('in relation'). Recorded; the English follows the transmitted 'saṃsarge'.

SK 1895 · A 5.2.95V

रसादिभ्यश्च ॥ १८९५ ॥

rasādibhyaśca

rasādibhyaś ca — And after rasa ('taste') and the rest [matup comes, in the domain already stated (uktaviṣaye); carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1894].

Rule. After rasa "taste" and the words listed with it, matup comes, in the domains of SK 1894. The rule adds nothing new; matup was already due. Its point is to exclude the other matvarthīya affixes, Bhaṭṭoji says.

Example.

rūpam asyāsti "it has form (colour)" → rūpa + matup → v for m (SK 1897) → rūpavān.

Applies when / blocked by. The list is rasa, rūpa, varṇa, gandha, sparśa, śabda, sneha. Two gaṇasūtras follow in it. A gaṇasūtra is a short rule written inside such a list (gaṇa).

guṇāt: these words, only when they denote a quality (guṇa). Bhaṭṭoji says this "mention of guṇa" qualifies rasa and the rest.
ekācaḥ: a word with a single vowel. sva + matup → svavān.

So a word of the list escapes the rule when it does not mean a quality. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives rūpiṇī kanyā and rasiko naṭaḥ. Here rūpa is beauty and rasa is sentiment, not the qualities of sight and taste. So other affixes may come.

Watch out. Scholars discuss whether this sūtra is needed at all. Learn it as Bhaṭṭoji gives it.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मतुप् । रूपवान् । अन्यमत्वर्थीयनिवृत्त्यर्थं वचनम् । रस, रुप, वर्ण, गन्ध, स्पर्श, शब्द, स्नेह । (गणसूत्रम् -) गुणात् ॥ (गणसूत्रम् -) एकाचः ॥ स्ववान् । गुणग्रहणं रसादीनां विशेषणम् ॥

matup: rūpavān ['possessed of form (rūpa)']. The statement (vacana) serves to exclude the other affixes in the matup sense (matvarthīya). rasa, rūpa, varṇa, gandha, sparśa, śabda, sneha. (gaṇasūtra) guṇāt — '[these,] when [they denote] a quality (guṇa)'. (gaṇasūtra) ekācaḥ — '[a word] having a single vowel (ac)': svavān. The mention of guṇa is a qualifier of rasa and the rest.

Bālamanoramā

रसादिभ्यश्च - रसादिभ्यश्च । मतुबिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । 'उक्तविषये' इति शेषः । पूर्वेणैव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — अन्यमत्वर्थीयेति । 'अत इनिठनौ' इत्यादिनिवृत्त्यर्थमित्यर्थः । रसादीन्पठति — रसरूपेत्यादि भावेत्यन्तम् । गुणादिति । एकाचेति । गणसूत्रम् । उदाहरति-स्ववानिति । गुणग्रहणमिति । गुणादित्येतद्रसादीनां षण्णां विशेषणमित्यर्थः । तेन गुणवाचकानामेव एषां ग्रहणाज्जलादिवाचकानां रसादिशब्दानां द्रव्यवाचिनां च गन्धादिशब्दानामिह न ग्रहणमिति भावः । 'रसिको नटः' 'स्पर्शिकं वारि' इत्यादि प्रयोगदर्शनादिदं सूत्रं भाष्ये प्रत्याख्यातम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'matup' is a supplying of what is left unsaid (śeṣapūraṇa), and 'uktaviṣaye' ('in the stated domain', i.e. that of SK 1894) is to be supplied. Followed for the bracketed matup and domain in sutra_en.
commentary BM: since [matup] is already obtained by the preceding rule, the purpose is the exclusion of 'ata iniṭhanau' etc.; it lists rasa, rūpa … 'up to bhāva'; 'guṇāt' and 'ekācaḥ' are gaṇasūtras; 'guṇāt' qualifies the six, rasa etc., so that rasa meaning water etc. and gandha etc. denoting substances are not included here; the Bhāṣya rejects this sūtra (pratyākhyāta) because usages like 'rasiko naṭaḥ' and 'sparśikaṃ vāri' are seen. Followed for 'other affixes in the matup sense' and for construing 'guṇāt' with the list; BM's 'up to bhāva' and the Bhāṣya's rejection are recorded.
commentary TB (printed under sk.1894.t1): how then 'rūpiṇī kanyā', 'rasiko naṭaḥ'? Because 'guṇāt' is read in the rasādi gaṇa, other matvarthīyas are barred only after words denoting a quality; in rūpiṇī, rūpa means beauty, which is not a guṇa, and in rasika, rasa means sentiment (bhāva), not the quality grasped by the tongue. Followed for rendering 'guṇāt' as restricting the list to quality-words; TB's defence of the rule differs from BM's report that the Bhāṣya rejects it, and both are recorded.
textual The digital source reads 'rupa' in the list; NSP p. 313 (printed 303; scan) reads 'rūpa', as does the example rūpavān. The English gives 'rūpa'. NSP ends the list with 'sneha', as does our text (scan confirms), and lacks the example 'rasavān'. BM's 'up to bhāva' reflects a longer list, which the Wikisource SK+BM print (p. 876, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0050.txt) carries in the mūla: 'matup. rasavān. rūpavān … sneha, bhāva, guṇāt, ekācaḥ'. The English follows NSP and our text. NSP prints '(ga)' before 'guṇāt' and 'ekācaḥ', rendered by the label '(gaṇasūtra)'.

SK 1896 · A 1.4.19भसंज्ञा

तसौ मत्वर्थे ॥ १८९६ ॥

tasau matvarthe

tasau matvarthe — [A word ending in] t or s is termed bha when an affix in the sense of matup (matvartha) follows.

Rule. A word ending in t or in s is called bha before a matvarthīya affix. Bha is the name a stem normally has only before an affix beginning with a vowel or y (chapter 8). This rule comes from Pāṇini's first book, placed here because it shapes matup's forms.

Example.

vidvas + matup "having a learned man" → the stem is bha by this rule

→ so SK 435, which works only on a bha, gives saṃprasāraṇa → viduṣmān.

Saṃprasāraṇa is the vowel-change you met in chapter 11 (SK 330, 435). Here it turns vidvas into viduṣ-.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the rule needed? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. The m of matup is neither a vowel nor y. So without this rule vidvas would not be bha, and SK 435 could not apply.

Bhaṭṭoji adds a vārttika: guṇavacanebhyo matupo lug iṣṭaḥ. After a word for a quality, luk of matup is wanted.

śuklo guṇo 'syāsti "whiteness is its quality" → śukla + matup → luk of matup → śuklaḥ paṭaḥ "a white cloth". Likewise kṛṣṇaḥ "black".

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both limit this to words like śukla, used both of the quality and of what has it. So not rūpa: rūpaṃ vastram is not said.

Watch out. Because the stem is bha, it is not a pada. So rules for the end of a pada do not touch it. You will see this in vidyutvān (SK 1898) and yaśasvān (SK 1897).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तान्तसान्तौ भसंज्ञौ स्तो मत्वर्थे प्रत्यये परे । वसोः संप्रसारणम् SK 435 । विदुष्मान् ।

[Words] ending in t and ending in s are termed bha when an affix in the sense of matup follows. 'vasoḥ samprasāraṇam' (SK 435) [therefore applies]: viduṣmān.

vārttika

गुणवचनेभ्यो मतुपो लुगिष्टः

(vārttika) guṇavacanebhyo matupo lug iṣṭaḥ — After words expressing a quality (guṇavacana), luk of matup is desired.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ शुक्लो गुणोऽस्यास्तीति शुक्लः पटः । कृष्णः ॥

'Whiteness, a quality, belongs to it' (śuklo guṇo 'syāsti): śuklaḥ paṭaḥ, 'a white cloth'. kṛṣṇaḥ ['black'].

Bālamanoramā

तसौ मत्वर्थे - ननु विद्वच्छब्दान्मतुपि यजादिस्वादिपरकत्वाऽभावेन भत्वाऽभावात्वसोः संप्रसारण॑मिति कथं संप्रसारणमित्यत आह — तसौ मत्वर्थे । मत्वर्थप्रत्ययाक्षिप्तप्रातिपदिकविशेषणत्वात्तदन्तविधिमभिप्रेत्याह-तान्तसान्ताविति । तकारसकारान्तावित्यर्थः । गुणवचनेभ्य इति वार्तिकमिदम्, गुणे गुणवति च ये प्रसिद्धाः शुक्लादिशब्दास्त एव गृह्यन्ते, नतु रूपादिशब्दा अपि.तेनरूपं वस्त्र॑मित्यादि न भवति । अत्र यद्वक्तव्यं तदध्वरमीमांसाकौतूहले अरुणाधिकरणे प्रपञ्चितमस्माभिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: Objection: when matup follows vidvas, [vidvas] is not bha [by the usual rules], since it is not followed by a svādi affix beginning with y or a vowel (yajādisvādiparakatvābhāvena); so how can 'vasoḥ samprasāraṇam' give samprasāraṇa? Hence this sūtra. Since [t and s] qualify the prātipadika implied by the matvarthīya affix, the tadantavidhi holds; hence 'ending in t and ending in s', i.e. ending in the consonants t and s. Followed for '[A word ending in]' in sutra_en and for '[therefore applies]' in k1.
commentary BM (own block): 'guṇavacanebhyaḥ' is a vārttika; only words such as śukla, known [as denoting] both the quality and what has the quality, are taken, not words such as rūpa; hence no 'rūpaṃ vastram'. BM refers for more to its author's Adhvaramīmāṃsākutūhala, aruṇādhikaraṇa. Followed for 'words expressing a quality'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1894.t1, on 'guṇavacanebhyaḥ': only śukla etc., known for the quality and for its possessor, are taken, not rūpa etc.; so 'rūpaṃ vastram' is not used. Recorded; agrees with BM. No TB on the sūtra 'tasau matvarthe' itself was found in this or the neighbouring units.
textual The digital source opens k3 with '(vārttikam)', an editorial tag; NSP p. 313 (printed 303) marks the vārttika with a sign before it and has no such tag (scan). The tag is not rendered. The kaumudī text otherwise agrees with the print, including 'vasoḥ samprasāraṇam 435'.

SK 1897 · A 8.2.9V

मादुपधायाश्च मतोर्वोऽयवादिभ्यः ॥ १८९७ ॥

mādupadhāyāśca matorvo'yavādibhyaḥ

mād upadhāyāś ca mator vo 'yavādibhyaḥ — After [a word ending in] m or a, and after m or a [standing] as penultimate (upadhā), v [replaces the m] of matup, except after yava etc.

Rule. V replaces the m of matup in two cases. The base ends in m or in an a-vowel (a or ā). Or the base has m or an a-vowel as its upadhā, its penultimate sound. The words yava and the rest are excepted. This rule comes from the eighth book.

Example. The running example, and one word of each type:

jñānam asyāsti "he has knowledge" → jñāna + mat → the base ends in a → v for m → jñānavān.

kim → ends in m → kiṃvān.

vidyā → ends in ā → vidyāvān.

lakṣmī → m is the penultimate → lakṣmīvān.

yaśas → a is the penultimate → yaśasvān.

bhās → ā is the penultimate → bhāsvān.

But after yava and the rest: yavamān, bhūmimān.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the wording. The word māt "after m or a" is read twice. Once it means "after a base ending in them". Once, with upadhāyāḥ, it means "after a penultimate m or a". The same commentator says ā is included because the sūtra's a is not marked with t.

Watch out. In yaśasvān the s is not turned into ru. Ru is the substitute that normally replaces a pada-final s. Here the stem is bha by SK 1896, so it is not a pada. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this reason.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मवर्णावर्णान्तान्मवर्णावर्णोपधाच्च यवादिवर्जितात्परस्य मतोर्मस्य वः स्यात् । किंवान् । ज्ञानवान् । विद्यावान । लक्ष्मीवान् । यशस्वान् । भास्वान् । यवादेस्तु यवमान् । भूमिमान् ॥

In place of the m of matup coming after [a word] ending in m or in an a-vowel (avarṇa), or having m or an a-vowel as its penultimate (upadhā), provided it is not yava etc., v occurs. kiṃvān. jñānavān. vidyāvān. lakṣmīvān. yaśasvān. bhāsvān. But after yava etc.: yavamān, bhūmimān.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 313

—मादुपधाया— म् च अश्च मं समाहारे द्वन्द्वः । तेन मतुप्प्रत्ययाक्षिप्तं प्रातिपदिकं विशेष्यते । तदाह—मवर्णावर्णान्तादिति । ‘उपधायाश्च’ इति वाक्यान्तरम् । उपधा-भूतान्मात्परस्य मतोरित्यर्थः । ‘येन नाव्यवधान’ न्यायेनान्त्याल्यवहितेऽपि भवतीति । एवमक्षरार्थे स्थिते फलितमाह—मवर्णावर्णोपधादिति

Bālamanoramā

मादुपधायाश्च मतोर्वोऽयवादिभ्यः - मादुपधायाश्च । मात् उपधायाश्चेति च्छेदः । मादित्यावर्तते । मू च अश्चेति समाहारद्वनद्वात्पञ्चम्येकवचनम् । मतुप्प्रत्ययाक्षिप्तप्रातिपदिकविशेषणत्वात्तदन्तविधिः । मवर्णान्तादवर्णान्तात्प्रातिपदिकात्परस्य मतोर्मस्य वः स्यादित्येकोऽर्थः । मादित्युपधाविशेषणम् । मकारात्मिका अकारात्मिका च या उपधा ततः परस्य मतोर्मस्य वः स्यादित्यन्योऽर्थः । फलितमाह — मवर्णेत्यादिना । मान्तादुदाहरति — किंवानिति । किमस्यास्मिन्वाऽस्तीति विग्रहः । एवमग्रेऽपि । अकारान्तादुदाहरति — ज्ञानवानिति । अत्र तपरकरणाऽभावादाकारस्यापि ग्रहणमिति मत्वाग — विद्यावानिति । मोपधादुदाहरति — लक्ष्मीवानिति । अदुपदादुदाहरति — यशस्वानिति । 'तसौ मत्वर्थे' इति भत्वान्न रुत्वम् । आकारोपधादुदाहरति — लक्ष्मीवानिति । अदुपधादुदाहरति-यशस्वानिति । 'तसौ मत्वर्थे' इति भत्वान्न रुत्वम् । आकारोपधादुदाहरति — भास्वानिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is split 'māt upadhāyāś ca', and 'māt' is repeated (āvartate). 'm' is a samāhāra dvandva of m and a, in the fifth-case singular. Because it qualifies the prātipadika implied by the affix matup, it takes in what ends in it (tadantavidhi): v in place of the m of matu after a prātipadika ending in m or in a is one meaning; 'māt' also qualifies 'upadhā': after a penultimate consisting of m or of a is the other meaning. The kaumudī's 'mavarṇa…' states the result. Examples by type: kiṃvān (m-final; analysis 'kim asya asmin vā asti'), jñānavān (a-final), vidyāvān (ā-final: ā is included since the sūtra has no t-marking, taparakaraṇa), lakṣmīvān (m penultimate), yaśasvān (a penultimate; no ru, because the word is bha by 'tasau matvarthe', SK 1896), bhāsvān (ā penultimate). Followed for the double construal in k1 and for 'a-vowel (avarṇa)', which covers ā.
commentary TB: 'm' is a samāhāra dvandva of m and a, qualifying the prātipadika implied by matup; hence 'ending in m or a-vowel'. 'upadhāyāś ca' is a separate sentence (vākyāntara): after m that is penultimate. By the maxim 'yena nāvyavadhānam' it applies even when [m or a] is separated [from matup] by the final [sound]. Followed for the two conditions in k1.
textual The digital source reads 'vidyāvāna' without the final virāma; NSP p. 313 (printed 303) reads 'vidyāvān' (scan confirms). The English gives vidyāvān.

SK 1898 · A 8.2.10V

झयः ॥ १८९८ ॥

jhayaḥ

jhayaḥ — After [a stem ending in] a jhay [consonant, v replaces the m of matup — 'matoḥ' and 'vaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1897].

Rule. V also replaces the m of matup after a stem ending in a jhay. Jhay is a pratyāhāra, a short name for a group of consonants; the t of vidyut is one of them.

Example.

vidyut + matup "having lightning" → the stem ends in a jhay → v for m

→ no jaśtva → vidyutvān.

Applies when / blocked by. Why a separate rule? Vidyut neither ends in m or a nor has one as its penultimate. So SK 1897 does not reach it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this reason.

Why no jaśtva? Bhaṭṭoji says the t is not pada-final. One of his commentators adds that the stem is bha by SK 1896, which blocks pada status.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators discusses godhuh "milker" and madhulih "bee". Before matup their h is replaced by gh and ḍh. But those substitutes are asiddha, treated as not yet there. So this rule does not give v after them.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

झयन्तान्मतोर्मस्य वः स्यात् । अपदान्तत्वान्न जश्त्वम् । विद्युत्वान् ॥

v replaces the m of matup after [a stem] ending in a jhay. Since [the final consonant] is not at the end of a pada [the stem being bha by 'tasau matvarthe', SK 1896], there is no substitution of jaś (jaśtva): vidyutvān.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 313–314

—झयः । इदमपि मतुवाक्षिप्तस्य प्रातिपदिकस्य विशेषणम् । तदाह—झयन्तादिति ॥—विद्युत्वानिति । एतेन ‘वह्निमद्वान्’ इति नैयायिकप्रयोगो निरस्तः । उक्तरीत्या जश्त्वस्याप्रवृत्तेः । मत्वन्तान्मतुपो नि- वेधाच्च ॥ ननु गोधुङ्मान् मधुलिण्मानित्यत्र हस्य घत्वे ढत्वे च कृते ‘झयः’ इति वत्वप्रवृत्त्याऽनुनासिकपरलाभावात् ‘प्रत्यये भाषायां नित्यम्’ इत्यनेन घकारढकारयोरनुनासिकाप्रवृत्तेर्गोधुग्वान् मधुलिड्वानित्यनिष्टं प्रसज्येत । मैवम् । घत्वढत्वयोर-सिद्धत्वेन ‘झयः’ इति वत्वाप्रवृत्तेः ॥—प्राणिस्थात्—॥—शिखावान्दीप इति । प्रत्युदाहरणदिग्यियं दर्शिता । शिखा-शब्दस्य ब्रीह्यादिपाठेन लचोऽप्रसङ्गात् । ‘चूडावान् वृक्षः’ इति प्रत्युदाहार्यमिति हरदत्तः ॥ न च वृक्षस्य प्राणित्वमस्तीति शङ्क्यम् । मुखनासासंचारी वायुः प्राणः, तद्वानेव प्राणीति तदाशयात्

Bālamanoramā

झयः - अथविद्युत्वा॑नित्यत्र मकाराऽकारान्तत्वाऽभावान्मकाराऽकारोपधत्वाऽभावान्न मादुपधाया इति वत्वाऽप्राप्तावाह — झयः । अपदान्तत्वादिति । तसौ मत्वर्थे॑ इति भत्वेन पदत्वबाधादिति भावः ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 314 आसन्दीवदिति—अत्र सूत्रे कक्षीवच्छब्दपाठोऽनार्प इति ‘न संप्रसारणे—’ इति सूत्रस्थभाष्यस्वरसः । तत्र हि ‘कक्ष्यायाः संज्ञाया मतौ संप्रसारणं वक्तव्यम्’ इति वचनमेवारब्धम्, वत्वं तु ‘संज्ञायाम्’ इति सूत्रेण सिद्धमिति ।

translator notes

commentary TB: this too qualifies the prātipadika implied (ākṣipta) by matup, hence 'jhayantāt'. vidyutvān: by this the Naiyāyikas' usage 'vahnimadvān' is refuted, both because jaśtva does not apply in the way stated and because matup is barred after a stem ending in matup. Objection: in godhuk + matup and madhuliṭ + matup, once h has become gh and ḍh, v by 'jhayaḥ' would apply; with no nasal following, the nasal substitution by 'pratyaye bhāṣāyāṃ nityam' would not reach gh and ḍh, giving the unwanted godhugvān and madhuliḍvān. Answer: no, since gh and ḍh are asiddha, v by 'jhayaḥ' does not apply. Followed for '[a stem] ending in a jhay'; the rest is Recorded.
commentary BM: in vidyutvān the stem neither ends in m or a nor has m or a as its penultimate, so v by 'mādupadhāyāḥ' (SK 1897) is not obtained; hence 'jhayaḥ'. On 'apadāntatvāt': pada-status is blocked by bha-status under 'tasau matvarthe' (SK 1896). Followed for the bracketed reason in k1.
translator The kaumudī's own gloss supplies 'matoḥ … masya vaḥ'; its attribution to SK 1897 as anuvṛtti is the translator's, since neither commentator names the source.

SK 1899 · A 8.2.11V

संज्ञायाम् ॥ १८९९ ॥

saṃjñāyām

saṃjñāyām — When a name (saṃjñā) [is denoted, v in place of the m of matup — as the kaumudī supplies it].

Rule. In a saṃjñā, a proper name, v replaces the m of matup. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "the m of matup", the wording of SK 1897.

Example.

ahi + matup → ī for the final i by śarādīnāṃ ca (SK 1042) → ahī + mat

→ v for m in a name → ahīvat → feminine ahīvatī.

Likewise munīvatī.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says these are names of a particular river or city.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मतोर्मस्य वः स्यात् । अहीवती । मुनीवती ।शरादीनां च SK 1042 इति दीर्घः ॥

v occurs in place of the m of matup. ahīvatī. munīvatī. [The long ī is] by 'śarādīnāṃ ca' (SK 1042).

translator notes

commentary BM (printed ed., not in the digital source; Wikisource purva-3-2/0051–0052): ahīvatī and the rest are names of a particular river or of a particular city. On 'śarādi[tvāt]': the lengthening is by 'śarādīnāṃ ca'. Recorded; it agrees with the English. The BM print's mūla reads 'śarāditvād dīrghaḥ' where our source and NSP p. 314 read 'śarādīnāṃ ca iti dīrghaḥ'; the sense is the same.
translator The kaumudī supplies 'matormasya vaḥ'; the SK number of its source (SK 1897, mād upadhāyāś ca matorvo 'yavādibhyaḥ) is the translator's, no commentator naming it. Our source carries no BM on this sūtra (BM passes from sk.1898.b1, jhayaḥ, to sk.1900.b1); the BM print has one (previous note). TB under sk.1898.t1 passes from 'jhayaḥ' straight to 'prāṇisthāt' (SK 1903), so there is no TB on this sūtra.

SK 1900 · A 8.2.12V

आसन्दीवदष्ठीवच्चक्रीवत्कक्षीवद्रुमण्वच्चर्मण्वती ॥ १९०० ॥

āsandīvadaṣṭhīvaccakrīvatkakṣīvadrumaṇvaccarmaṇvatī

āsandīvad-aṣṭhīvac-cakrīvat-kakṣīvad-rumaṇvac-carmaṇvatī — āsandīvat, aṣṭhīvat, cakrīvat, kakṣīvat, rumaṇvat and carmaṇvatī [are given as ready-made forms (nipātana) when a name (saṃjñā) is meant, 'saṃjñāyām' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1899].

Rule. Six names are fixed by nipātana. What is fixed is a change in the base. The v itself comes by SK 1899, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says.

Example. Each name, and the ordinary word used elsewhere:

āsana → āsandī → āsandīvān grāmaḥ "the village Āsandīvat"; elsewhere āsanavān.

asthi → aṣṭhī → aṣṭhīvān ṛṣiḥ "the sage Aṣṭhīvat"; elsewhere asthimān.

cakra → cakrī → cakrīvān rājā "the king Cakrīvat"; elsewhere cakravān.

kakṣyā → saṃprasāraṇa → kakṣīvān ṛṣiḥ "the sage Kakṣīvat"; elsewhere kakṣyāvān.

lavaṇa → rumaṇ → rumaṇvān parvataḥ "the mountain Rumaṇvat"; elsewhere lavaṇavān.

carman → the n is kept and becomes ṇ → carmaṇvatī nadī "the river Carmaṇvatī"; elsewhere carmavatī.

Watch out. Scholars discuss whether kakṣīvat belongs in this sūtra at all.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एते षट् संज्ञायां निपात्यन्ते । आसनशब्दस्यासन्दीभावः । आसन्दीवान् ग्रामः । अन्यत्रासनवान् । अस्थिशब्दस्याष्ठीभावः । अष्ठीवान् नाम ऋषिः । अस्थिमानन्यत्र । चक्रशब्दस्य चक्रीभावः । चक्रीवान्नाम राजा । चक्रवानन्यत्र । कक्ष्यायाः संप्रसारणम् । कक्षीवान्नाम ऋषिः । कक्ष्यावानन्यत्र । लवणशब्दस्य रुमण्भावः । रुमण्वान्नाम पर्वतः । लवणवानन्यत्र । चर्मणो नलोपाभावो णत्वं च । चर्मण्वती नाम नदी । चर्मवत्यन्यत्र ॥

These six are given as ready-made forms (nipātyante) when a name (saṃjñā) is meant. For the word āsana, the state of āsandī: āsandīvān grāmaḥ ('the village Āsandīvat'); elsewhere, āsanavān. For the word asthi, the state of aṣṭhī: aṣṭhīvān nāma ṛṣiḥ ('a sage named Aṣṭhīvat'); elsewhere, asthimān. For the word cakra, the state of cakrī: cakrīvān nāma rājā ('a king named Cakrīvat'); elsewhere, cakravān. For kakṣyā, saṃprasāraṇa [is given as a ready-made form]: kakṣīvān nāma ṛṣiḥ ('a sage named Kakṣīvat'); elsewhere, kakṣyāvān. For the word lavaṇa, the state of rumaṇ: rumaṇvān nāma parvataḥ ('a mountain named Rumaṇvat'); elsewhere, lavaṇavān. For carman, non-deletion of the n and substitution of ṇ (ṇatva): carmaṇvatī nāma nadī ('a river named Carmaṇvatī'); elsewhere, carmavatī.

Bālamanoramā

आसन्दीवदष्ठीवच्चक्रीवत्कक्षीवद्रुमण्वच्चर्मण्वती - आसन्दीवत् । समाहारद्वन्द्वे ह्रस्वत्वम् । निपात्यन्त इति । आसन्दीभावादिकमेवात्र निपात्यते, वत्वं तु संज्ञायामिति सिद्धम् । कक्ष्यायाः सम्प्रसारणमिति । 'निपात्यते' इति शेषः । 'न सम्प्रसारणे' इति सूत्रभाष्ये तुकक्ष्यायाः संज्ञायां मतौ सम्प्रसारणं वक्तव्य॑मित्यारब्धम् । अतोऽत्र सूत्रे कक्षीवच्छब्दपाठोऽनार्ष इत्याहुः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in the samāhāra-dvandva there is shortening. On 'nipātyante': only the state of āsandī etc. is stipulated here as a ready-made form; the v is established by 'saṃjñāyām' (SK 1899). On 'kakṣyāyāḥ saṃprasāraṇam': 'nipātyate' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). In the Bhāṣya on 'na saṃprasāraṇe [saṃprasāraṇam]' (SK 363), however, the separate statement 'kakṣyāyāḥ saṃjñāyāṃ matau saṃprasāraṇaṃ vaktavyam' is made; hence some say the reading kakṣīvat in this sūtra is not original (anārṣa). Followed for '[is given as a ready-made form]' after kakṣyā; the doubt on kakṣīvat is Recorded.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.1898.n1 (NSP p. 314, printed 304; scan confirms it is footnote 1 of that page, keyed to 'āsandīvat'): the Bhāṣya on 'na saṃprasāraṇe…' implies that the reading of kakṣīvat in this sūtra is not original (anārṣa), since there the statement 'kakṣyāyāḥ saṃjñāyāṃ matau saṃprasāraṇaṃ vaktavyam' is made, while the v is established by the sūtra 'saṃjñāyām'. Recorded.
textual No TB comment on this sūtra is printed: TB's comment on 'jhayaḥ' (sk.1898.t1) runs straight on to 'prāṇisthāt' (SK 1903), and NSP p. 314 (printed 304) prints no TB on SK 1899–1902 (scan). The OCR of that page reads 'aṣṭīvān', 'aṣṭībhāvaḥ'; the scan has ṣṭh, as in our source.
translator The kaumudī itself supplies 'saṃjñāyām'; its identification as anuvṛtti from SK 1899 is the translator's.

SK 1901 · A 8.2.13V

उदन्वानुदधौ च ॥ १९०१ ॥

udanvānudadhau ca

udanvān udadhau ca — udanvat [with udan in place of udaka before matup] in the sense 'ocean' (udadhi), and [when a name (saṃjñā) is denoted — 'saṃjñāyām' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1899].

Rule. Udan replaces udaka "water" before matup. This happens when the ocean (udadhi) is meant, and also in a name.

Example.

udaka + matup → udan for udaka → udan + vat → udanvān.

It means the ocean, and it is also the name of a sage.

Applies when / blocked by. "In a name" is carried forward from SK 1899 by anuvṛtti, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. He adds that the shorter wording udanvāṃś ca would have been enough.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उदकस्य उदन्भावो मतौ उदधौ संज्ञायं च । उदन्वान् समुद्रः ऋषिश्च ॥

udan in place of udaka before matup, when the ocean (udadhi) [is denoted] and when a name (saṃjñā) [is denoted]. udanvān: the ocean, and a sage (ṛṣi).

Bālamanoramā

उदन्वानुदधौ च - उदन्वानुदधौ च । उदधौ संज्ञायां चेति । वस्तुतस्तु उदन्वांश्चेत्येव सूत्रयितुमुचितं, संज्ञायामित्यनुवृत्त्यैव समुद्रेऽपि उदन्वच्छब्दस्य सिद्धत्वात् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'udadhau saṃjñāyāṃ ca': in fact it would have been proper to frame the sūtra simply as 'udanvāṃś ca', since with 'saṃjñāyām' carried forward (anuvṛtti) the word udanvat is established for the ocean as well. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti of 'saṃjñāyām'; BM's criticism of the wording is Recorded.
textual The digital source reads 'saṃjñāyaṃ ca'; NSP p. 314 (printed 304) reads 'saṃjñāyāṃ ca' (scan confirms), which the English translates. No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1898.t1 passes from 'jhayaḥ' to 'prāṇisthāt', SK 1903).

SK 1902 · A 8.2.14V

राजन्वान् सौराज्ये ॥ १९०२ ॥

rājanvān saurājye

rājanvān saurājye — rājanvat [is laid down by nipātana, without deletion of the n,] in the sense of good kingship (saurājya).

Rule. Rājanvat is fixed by nipātana in the sense of saurājya, good kingship. A land whose king is good has saurājya.

Example.

rājan + matup → the n is kept → rājanvatī bhūḥ "a land with a good king".

Elsewhere: rājavān "having a king".

Applies when / blocked by. What exactly is fixed here? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. The v is already given by SK 1897. The nipātana only keeps the n from being deleted.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

राजन्वती भूः । राजवानन्यत्र ॥

rājanvatī bhūḥ, a land [having a good king]. Elsewhere, rājavān.

Bālamanoramā

राजन्वान् सौराज्ये - राजन्वान् सौराज्ये । सु=शोभनोराजा यस्य देशस्य स सुराजा, तस्य भावः सौराज्यम् । तस्मिन्नर्थे राजन्शब्दान्मतुपि 'मादुपधायाः' इति वत्वं सिद्धम् । नलोपाऽभावो निपात्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a country whose king is good (su) is surājā; its state is saurājya. In that sense, with matup after rājan, v [for m] is already established by 'mād upadhāyāḥ'; what is laid down by nipātana is the non-deletion of n (nalopābhāva). Followed for the bracketed parts of sutra_en and k1.
translator No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1898.t1 passes from 'jhayaḥ' to 'prāṇisthāt', SK 1903). NSP p. 314 (printed 304) (scan) agrees with the digital kaumudī.

SK 1903 · A 5.2.96V

प्राणिस्थादातो लजन्यतरस्याम् ॥ १९०३ ॥

prāṇisthādāto lajanyatarasyām

prāṇisthād āto laj anyatarasyām — After [a word] ending in ā that denotes something located in a living being (prāṇistha), lac optionally [in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied].

Rule. Lac comes after a word ending in ā that denotes something located in a living being (prāṇistha). By anyatarasyām, matup comes as well. Lac is heard as -la; its c is a marker.

Example.

cūḍā asyāsti "he has a crest" → cūḍā + lac → cūḍā + la → cūḍālaḥ.

With matup: cūḍā + mat → v for m (SK 1897) → cūḍāvān.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives two counter-examples.

Not in a living being: śikhāvān dīpaḥ "a lamp having a flame". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain this one differently.
Not ending in ā: hastavān "having a hand".

Bhaṭṭoji then adds prāṇyaṅgād eva: only after a word for a limb (aṅga) of a living being. So not here: medhāvān "intelligent". Intelligence is in a living being, but it is not a limb. One of his commentators rests this restriction on the Bhāṣya.

Watch out. Why is lac marked with c? A c-marked affix is udātta on its last vowel (citaḥ, SK 3710). But the affix's own accent would give that anyway. Bhaṭṭoji says the c blocks a svarita accent, a vowel partly high then low, in a phrase like cūḍālo 'si. There the rule svarito vānudātte padādau (SK 3659) would otherwise apply. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both work this out step by step.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चूडालः । चूडवान् । प्राणिस्थात्किम् । शिखावान्दीपः । आतः किम् । हस्तवान् ॥

cūḍālaḥ; cūḍāvān [with matup]. Why 'located in a living being'? śikhāvān dīpaḥ, 'a lamp having a flame'. Why 'ending in ā'? hastavān.

vārttika

प्राण्यङ्गादेव

Only after [a word denoting] a limb of a living being (prāṇyaṅga).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नेह । मेधावान् । प्रत्ययस्वरेणैव सिद्धे अन्तोदात्तत्वे चूडालोऽसीत्यादौ स्वरितो वानुदात्ते पदादौ SK 3659 इति स्वरितबाधनार्थश्चकारः ॥

Not here: medhāvān. Since the final udātta would already be established by the affix accent (pratyayasvara), the c [of lac] serves to block the svarita [that would come] by 'svarito vānudātte padādau' (SK 3659) in cūḍālo 'si and the like.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 314

—प्राण्यङ्गादेवेति । एतच्चेति करणानुवृत्त्या लभ्यते ॥—चूडालोऽसीति । असीत्यस्य ‘तिङ्ङतिङः’ इति निघातः । चूडालशब्दात्सोरुत्वे तस्य ‘अतो रोरप्लुतात्—इत्युकारे कृते हलां संसनधर्मत्वात्तत्स्थानिकोऽकारोऽनुदात्तः । सुप्स्थानिकस्यापि सुप्त्वात् ‘अनुदात्तौ सुप्पितौ’ इत्यनुदात्त इत्यन्ये ॥ पूर्वेण सह आद्गुणे सति ‘एकादेश उदात्तेन’ इत्योकार उदात्तः । ततः ‘एङः पदान्तादति’ इति पूर्वरूपमेकादेश-स्तस्य ‘स्वरितो वानुदात्तः’ इत्यादिना स्वरिते प्राप्ते तद्वाधनाय चकार इत्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

प्राणिस्थादातो लजन्यतरस्याम् - प्राणिस्थात् । आदन्तात्प्राणिस्थवाचिनः शब्दान्मत्वर्थे लज्वा स्यादित्यर्थः । शिखावान् दीप इति । अत्र शिखाशब्दस्य दीपाग्रवाचिनः प्राणिस्थवाचित्वाऽभावान्न लजिति भावः । प्राण्यङ्गादेवेति । भाष्ये तथा वचनादिति भावः । ननु लचिश्चत्करणं व्यर्थं, चित इत्यन्तोदात्तत्वस्य प्रत्ययस्वरेणैव सिद्धेरित्यत आह — प्रत्ययस्वरेणेति । चूडालोऽसीति । तत्र असीत्येतत् 'तिङ्ङतिङः' इति निहतम् । चूडालात्सो रुत्वे उत्वे तस्य सुप्त्वेनाऽनुदात्तस्याद्गुणस्यएकादेश उदात्तेने॑त्युदात्तत्वे तस्य परेण पूर्वरूपैकादेशे तस्य पदाद्यनुदात्ते सहैकादेशत्वात्स्वरितो वाऽनुदात्ते॑ इत्यस्य प्राप्तौ तन्निवृत्त्यर्थं चित्करणमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after a word ending in ā that denotes something located in a living being, lac optionally in the sense of matup (matvarthe). Followed for the bracketed 'in the sense of matup' in sutra_en.
commentary BM on 'śikhāvān dīpaḥ': here śikhā denotes the tip [of the flame] of a lamp and does not denote something located in a living being, so there is no lac. Recorded beside TB's differing account (next note); the English gives the counter-example without either explanation.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1898.t1, on 'śikhāvān dīpaḥ': this only shows the direction of the counter-example, since lac could not arise after śikhā anyway, śikhā being read in the vrīhyādi list; Haradatta says 'cūḍāvān vṛkṣaḥ' should be the counter-example. Nor may one object that a tree is not a living being: prāṇa is the breath moving through mouth and nose, and only what has it is meant by prāṇin. Recorded; it differs from BM, and the English stays neutral (§16).
commentary BM on 'prāṇyaṅgād eva': [this restriction holds] because the Bhāṣya says so. Recorded.
commentary TB: 'prāṇyaṅgād eva' is obtained by the anuvṛtti of 'iti' [from 'tad asyāsty asminn iti matup', SK 1894]. Recorded; it says how the restriction is obtained, not whether the statement is a vārttika (see the textual note on k3).
commentary BM: objection: the c-marking of lac is pointless, since the final udātta prescribed by 'citaḥ' is already established by the affix accent. Answer, on 'cūḍālo 'si': asi is made unaccented (nihata) by 'tiṅṅatiṅaḥ'. In cūḍāla + s[u], s becomes ru and then u; the u, being unaccented as su, combines with the preceding [udātta] a into guṇa o, which is udātta by 'ekādeśa udāttenodāttaḥ'; that o and the a of asi then take the single substitute of the prior form (pūrvarūpa), and since this is a single substitute with a word-initial anudātta, 'svarito vānudātte padādau' would apply; the c-marking is to prevent it. Followed for 'the c [of lac]'.
commentary TB on 'cūḍālo 'si': asi is unaccented by 'tiṅṅatiṅaḥ'. After s[u] of cūḍāla becomes ru and ru becomes u by 'ato ror aplutāt…', the u is anudātta (TB's reason, turning on the replacement of a consonant taking on its properties, is garbled in the OCR); others say it is anudātta by 'anudāttau suppitau', since what replaces sup is also sup. On merging with the preceding [a], the o is udātta by 'ekādeśa udāttenodāttaḥ'; then pūrvarūpa by 'eṅaḥ padāntād ati' gives a single substitute, for which svarita would follow by 'svarito vānudātte…'; the c is to block that. Recorded; it agrees with BM.
textual The digital source reads 'cūḍavān'; NSP p. 314 (printed 304) reads 'cūḍāvān' (scan confirms), matching cūḍālaḥ and TB's 'cūḍālaś cūḍāvān' (sk.1904.t1). The English gives cūḍāvān.
textual The digital source classes k2 'prāṇyaṅgād eva' as a vārttika and opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)'; NSP p. 314 (printed 304) prints 'prāṇyaṅgād eva' as running prose with no vārttika sign (scan confirms). The Wikisource SK+BM print (purva-3-2/0052), however, marks it as a vārttika ('prāṇyaṅgād eva', vā 3189), and BM's 'because the Bhāṣya says so' fits a Bhāṣya statement (vārttika or iṣṭi) better than Bhaṭṭoji's own prose. The witnesses split; the English follows the NSP layout, leaves the tag untranslated and does not label k2 a vārttika.
translator BM supplies 'matvarthe' without naming a source; that the sense comes from 'tad asyāsty asminn iti matup' (SK 1894) is the translator's identification.

SK 1904 · A 5.2.97V

सिध्मादिभ्यश्च ॥ १९०४ ॥

sidhmādibhyaśca

sidhmādibhyaś ca — After sidhma and the rest, too, [lac, with 'anyatarasyām', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1903; in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied (śeṣa)].

Rule. Lac also comes after sidhma and the words listed with it. Matup comes as well.

Example.

sidhma + lac → sidhmalaḥ. With matup: sidhmavān.

Applies when / blocked by. Here Bhaṭṭoji settles the meaning of anyatarasyām. It is carried forward from SK 1903. Its purpose is samuccaya, adding matup alongside. It does not make the affix optional. Bhaṭṭoji draws the consequence: after the words of this list that end in a, ini and ṭhan do not come.

Why would they come? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Suppose anyatarasyām meant "optionally". Then, where lac did not come, the general affixes for a-stems, ini and ṭhan of SK 1922, would come. The "adding" reading leaves only lac and matup. So when Bhaṭṭoji writes "lac comes, vā", vā means "and", not "or".

The same commentator says this anyatarasyām continues through all the following matvarthīya rules. It does not apply to conventional words (rūḍha).

A gaṇasūtra in the list: vātadantabalalalāṭānām ūṅ ca. After vāta "wind", danta "tooth", bala "strength" and lalāṭa "forehead", lac comes, and ūṅ (heard as ū) replaces the final.

vāta + lac → ū for the final a → vātū + la → vātūlaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds dantūlaḥ, balūlaḥ and lalāṭūlaḥ. Both explain the ṅ: it shows that ūṅ is a substitute, not a new affix.

Watch out. From this rule on, read anyatarasyām and vā in this section as "as well", not "optionally". There are two exceptions. In the vārttika hṛdayāc cālur anyatarasyām under SK 1928, anyatarasyām is an option: where cālu does not come, ini and ṭhan do. And in SK 1942 it means "optionally".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लज्वा स्यात् । सिध्मलः । सिध्मवान् । अन्यतरस्यां ग्रहणं मतुप्समुच्चयार्थं नतु प्रत्ययविकल्पार्थं । तेनाकारान्तेभ्य इनिठनौ न ॥ (गणसूत्रम् -) वातदन्तबलललाटानामूङ् च ॥ वातूलः ॥

[In the sense of matup (matvarthe),] lac comes as well (vā) [as matup]: sidhmalaḥ, sidhmavān. The mention of 'anyatarasyām' [carried forward from SK 1903] serves to add (samuccaya) matup, not to make the affix optional. Hence ini and ṭhan do not come after those [among sidhma and the rest] that end in a. (gaṇasūtra) vātadantabalalalāṭānām ūṅ ca — [lac comes after] vāta, danta, bala and lalāṭa, and ūṅ [is substituted for their final]: vātūlaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 314

—सिध्मादिभ्यश्च । सिध्म गडु मणि विजय निष्पाव पांसु हनु पार्ष्ण्यादयः सिध्मादयः ॥—समुच्चयार्थमिति । निपातानामनेकार्थत्वादिति भावः । न च इनिठनाव-प्यन्यतरस्यांग्रहणेन समुच्चयेतामिति शङ्क्यम् । तयोरप्रकृतत्वात् । मतुप्प्रत्ययस्तु समुच्चीयते । तस्य प्रकृतत्वात् । अस्ति चेह लिङ्गं ‘केशाद्रः’ इत्यत्रान्यतरस्यांग्रहणम् । तद्धि इनिठनोः प्राप्त्यर्थं क्रियते । प्रकृतस्यान्यतरस्यांग्रहणस्य विकल्पार्थत्वे तदनु- वृत्त्यैव सिद्धौ किं तेन । क्रियमाणं तु पूर्वस्यान्यतरस्याग्रहणस्य समुच्चयार्थतां ज्ञापयत्येव । तथा च वार्तिकं, ‘लजन्यतरस्यामिति समुच्चयः’ इति । अयं भावः । ‘प्राणिस्थात्’ इति सूत्रेण लचि विकल्पिते पक्षे मतुबिति चूडालश्रूडावानिति रूपद्वयं यद्यपि सिद्ध्यति तथापि सिध्मादिषु येऽदन्तास्तेषु इनिठनोः प्रवृत्त्या दोषः । समुच्चयार्थत्वे तु न दोष इति ॥ एवं च ‘लज्वा स्यात्’ इति वृत्तौ वाशब्दः समुच्चये वोध्यः । ‘वा स्याद्विकल्पोपमयोरेवार्थेऽपि समुच्चये’ इत्यमरः ॥— वातदन्तेत्यादि सिध्माद्यन्तर्गणसूत्रम् ॥—ऊङ् चेति । डित्त्वादन्तादेशः । ऊकारमात्रोक्तावन्तादेशस्रसिद्धावपि प्रत्ययत्वशङ्कानिवारणाय ङानुवन्धः कृतः । न च षष्ठ्यन्ताद्विहितस्य प्रत्ययत्वं वेति शङ्क्यम् । ‘अहंशुभमोर्युस्’ ‘गोपयसोर्यत्’ इत्यादौ प्रत्ययत्वाभ्युपगमात् ॥—वातूल इति । अन्तोदात्तमिदम् । प्राचा तु ‘वलादूलः’ ‘वाताच्च’ इति पठित्वा वातूल इत्युक्तम् । तदुपेक्ष्यम् । प्रत्ययस्वरेण मध्योदात्तत्वप्रसङ्गात् । गणसूत्रबलेनान्तोदात्तमेवेष्यत इत्याहुः ॥ ‘पार्ष्णिधमन्योर्दीर्घश्च’ । ‘क्षुद्रजन्तूपतापाच्च’ इत्यपि गणे पठ्यते । पार्णीलः । धमनीलः । क्षुद्रजन्तुः । यूकालः । मक्षिकालः ॥ उपतापो रोगः । विपादिकालः

Bālamanoramā

सिध्मादिभ्यश्च - सिध्मादिभ्यश्च । लज्वा स्यादिति । 'मत्वर्थे' इति शेषः । अन्यतरस्यामिति । पूर्वसूत्रादन्यतरस्यामित्यनुवृत्तं न लच्प्रत्ययविकल्पार्थकं, किन्तु मतुप्प्रत्ययसमुच्चयार्थकमेव, अन्यतरस्यामित्यस्याव्ययत्वेनाऽनेकार्थकत्वात् । ततश्च सिध्मादिभ्यो लच्, मतुप्च स्यादिति लभ्यते । नचान्यतरस्यामित्यस्याऽत्र लच्प्रत्ययविकल्पार्थकत्वेऽपि तदभावे मतुप्सिद्ध इति वाच्यम्,लजभावे मतुबेव भवति, नतु अत इनिठनौ॑ इत्येतदर्थ समुच्चयविधानात् । तदाह — तेनेति । सिध्मादिषु ये अकारान्तास्तेभ्य इनिठनौ नेत्यर्थः । एतत्सर्वं भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । सिध्म, गडु, मणि, विजय, [निष्पाव]पांसु, हनु, पाष्ण इत्यादयः सिध्मादिषु पठिताः । एवंच लज्वा स्यादिति विवरणवाक्ये वाशब्दश्चार्थे । इदमन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणमुत्तरसूत्रेषु सर्वत्र मत्वर्थीयविधिष्वनुवर्तते, नतु रूढशब्देषु । अतो न तेषु मतुप्समुच्चय इत्यास्तां तावत् । वातदन्तबलललाटानामूङ् चेति । सिघ्मादिगणसूत्रमिदम् । एभ्यो लच्, प्रकृतेरूङ् चादेशः । ङकारस्तु #आदेशत्वसूचनार्थः । अन्यथा प्रत्ययत्वशङ्का स्यात् । वातूलः । एवं दन्तूलः, बलूलः ललाटूलः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: supply 'matvarthe' (śeṣa). 'anyatarasyām', carried forward from the preceding sūtra, does not make lac optional but adds matup, since anyatarasyām, being an indeclinable, has several meanings; so after sidhma etc. both lac and matup come. One may not say that with lac optional matup would follow in its absence anyway: in the absence of lac matup alone is to come, not 'ata iniṭhanau', and that is why the adding is taught — hence 'no ini, ṭhan after those ending in a'. So in 'laj vā syāt' vā means ca. This anyatarasyām continues through all the following matvarthīya rules, but not for rūḍha words. The gaṇasūtra: lac after these, and ūṅ as substitute for the base; the ṅ shows it is a substitute, else it might be taken for an affix; likewise dantūlaḥ, balūlaḥ, lalāṭūlaḥ. Followed for '[in the sense of matup]', 'as well (vā) [as matup]' and '[is substituted]'.
commentary TB: sidhmādi = sidhma, gaḍu, maṇi, vijaya, niṣpāva, pāṃsu, hanu, pārṣṇi etc. 'samuccayārtham': particles have several meanings. ini and ṭhan are not added, not being in context; matup is, being in context. A sign (liṅga): the anyatarasyām in 'keśād vo 'nyatarasyām' is made to obtain ini and ṭhan, which would be pointless if the anyatarasyām in context were optional; vārttika 'laj anyatarasyām iti samuccayaḥ'. So in the vṛtti's 'laj vā syāt', vā is in the sense of samuccaya (Amara). vātadanta… is a gaṇasūtra inside sidhmādi; ūṅ, being ṅit, replaces the final; the ṅ prevents taking it for an affix. vātūla is final-acute. Followed for 'as well (vā)' and '[for their final]'.

SK 1905 · A 5.2.98V

वत्सांसाभ्यां कामबले ॥ १९०५ ॥

vatsāṃsābhyāṃ kāmabale

vatsāṃsābhyāṃ kāmabale — [lac] after vatsa ('calf') and aṃsa ('shoulder'), [in the matup sense (matvarthe) — supplied (śeṣa),] in the senses kāma ('affection') and bala ('strength') [i.e. 'having affection', 'having strength'], respectively.

Rule. Lac comes after vatsa "calf" and aṃsa "shoulder". The senses are "having affection" (kāma) and "having strength" (bala). They pair with the two bases in order: this pairing is yathāsaṃkhya.

Example.

vatsa + lac → vatsalaḥ "affectionate".

aṃsa + lac → aṃsalaḥ "strong".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji again writes "lac comes, vā". As in SK 1904, vā is read "as well", not "optionally". Here that reading serves only to shut out ini and ṭhan, which "optionally" would let in after these a-final bases.

Watch out. Matup itself is not wanted in this rule. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so. vatsavatī gauḥ means "a cow with a calf", and aṃsavān durbalaḥ "a weak man with shoulders". The matup forms do not carry the senses "affection" and "strength".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आभ्यां लज्वा स्याद्यथासंख्यं कामवति बलवति चार्थे । वत्सलः । अंसलः ॥

After these two, lac comes as well (vā), respectively, in the sense 'having affection' (kāmavat) and in the sense 'having strength' (balavat): vatsalaḥ ['affectionate'], aṃsalaḥ ['strong'].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 314–315

—वत्सांसाभ्याम्—॥—कामवतीति । कामवलशब्दौ सूत्रे अर्शाद्यजन्ताविति भावः ॥—वत्सल इति । स्नेहवानित्यर्थः ॥ ननु वत्सांसशब्दौ वयोविशेषे प्राण्यङ्गविशेषे च रूढौ, न कामवलयोः । तत्कथं ताभ्यां लजन्ताभ्यां कामवान् वलवांश्चोच्यत इति चेत् । अत्राहुः । वृत्तिविषये वत्सांसशब्दौ स्नेहवलयोर्वर्तेते इति ॥ अस्मिंस्तु प्रकरणे सर्वत्र समुच्चीयमानोऽपि मतुविह नेष्यते । मतुवन्तेनोक्तार्थस्याप्रतीतेः । किं त्वर्थान्तरमेव । तेन प्रतीयते । वत्सवती गौः । अंसवान् दुर्वल इति

Bālamanoramā

वत्सांसाभ्यां कामबले - वत्सासाभ्यां लच्स्यादिति । 'मत्वर्थे' इति शेषः । कामबलशब्दौ तद्वति लाक्षणिकावित्यभिप्रेत्याह — कामवति बलवति चेति ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 315 १ उत्तरार्धं इति—तपःसहस्राभ्यामण्विनीनी इति न्यायेन भिन्नविभक्त्युच्चारणादयं उभयसंवन्धो विनीन्योर्यथासंख्यं च सिद्धमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'vatsāṃsābhyāṃ lac syāt' — 'matvarthe' is to be supplied; kāma and bala stand by secondary usage (lākṣaṇika) for one possessing them, hence 'kāmavati balavati ca'. Followed for the bracketed lac and 'in the matup sense' in sutra_en and for 'having affection', 'having strength'.
commentary TB: on 'kāmavati': kāma and bala in the sūtra end in ac of the arśaādi class [and so mean 'possessing affection / strength']; vatsala = snehavān ('affectionate'). Objection: vatsa and aṃsa are conventional for a young animal and a body part, not for affection and strength. Answer: within the derivative (vṛtti) they denote affection and strength. And though matup is conjoined throughout this section, it is not wanted here, since the matup-form would not convey the meaning but something else: vatsavatī gauḥ, aṃsavān durbalaḥ. TB's arśaādi-ac account and BM's lakṣaṇā account of 'kāmabale' differ; the English 'having affection / having strength' is neutral between them. Followed for the gloss 'affectionate'.
translator 'as well (vā)' follows the kaumudī at SK 1904, which says the 'anyatarasyām' of SK 1903 is for adding (samuccaya) matup, not for making the affix optional, and SK 1906, which says it continues; BM on SK 1904 takes the vā of 'laj vā syāt' as 'and' and says this anyatarasyām continues through all the following matvarthīya rules, though not for conventional (rūḍha) words. 'optionally' would readmit ini and ṭhan after these a-final bases, which SK 1904 rules out. TB here holds that the conjoined matup is not wanted in this rule (vatsavatī gauḥ and aṃsavān have another meaning), so the English does not add '[as matup]'. The bracketed lac follows BM's gloss; that it is the lac of SK 1903 is the translator's identification, no commentator naming the source sūtra.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.1905.n1 (p. 315): on 'uttarārtha' — with a single rule 'tapaḥsahasrābhyām aṇvinīnī', the different case-form would itself give aṇ's connection with both bases and the respective order for vini and ini. It belongs to SK 1910 ('aṇ ca') and is recorded there; it is not about this unit.

SK 1906 · A 5.2.99V

फेनादिलच् च ॥ १९०६ ॥

phenādilac ca

phenād ilac ca — After phena, ilac [comes in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied (śeṣa)], and [by 'ca', lac, which is at hand (saṃnihita), as well].

Rule. After phena "foam", ilac comes. By ca "and", lac comes as well, since it is close at hand. Bhaṭṭoji also says anyatarasyām is carried forward to add matup. Ilac is heard as -ila.

Example.

phena + ilac → the final a deleted (SK 311) → phenilaḥ "foamy".

phena + lac → phenalaḥ.

phena + matup → phenavān.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators raises a doubt. If ca brings only lac, would matup be lost? Bhaṭṭoji's own sentence answers it: the adding anyatarasyām still runs.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चाल्लच् । अन्यततरस्यांग्रहणं मतुप्समुच्चयार्थमनुवर्तते । फेनिलः । फेनलः । फेनवान् ॥

By 'ca', lac [too]. The expression 'anyatarasyām' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) for the purpose of adding matup [alongside] (samuccaya). phenilaḥ; phenalaḥ; phenavān.

Bālamanoramā

फेनादिलच् च - फेनादिलच्च । 'मत्वर्थ' इति शेषः । चाल्लजिति । संनिहितत्वादिति भावः । नन्वेवं सति मतुब् नैव स्यादित्यत आह — अन्यतरस्यांग्रहणमिति । सिघ्मादिसूत्रे व्याख्यातमिदम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'in the matvartha sense' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). 'cāl lac': because [lac] is close at hand (saṃnihita). Objection: if so, matup would not come at all? He answers 'anyatarasyāṃgrahaṇam…', which is explained on the sidhmādi sūtra (SK 1904). Followed for the bracketed matup sense and for lac 'at hand' in sutra_en.
textual The digital source reads 'anyatatarasyāṃgrahaṇaṃ' with the syllable ta doubled; NSP p. 314 (printed 304) prints 'anyata-' at a line end and 'rasyāṃgrahaṇaṃ' on the next line (scan), without the doubling. The English follows the print ('anyatarasyām').
translator No TB on this sūtra is printed: TB passes from SK 1905 (sk.1905.t1) to SK 1907 (sk.1907.t1). The samuccaya reading of 'anyatarasyām' is argued by BM and TB on SK 1904 (sk.1904.b1, sk.1904.t1), to which BM here refers.
translator BM says only that the matup sense is supplied and that lac is drawn in by ca because it is at hand; that this lac is the one taught in SK 1903 and continued through SK 1905 is the translator's identification. The anuvṛtti of 'anyatarasyām' in k1 is the kaumudī's own statement.

SK 1907 · A 5.2.100V

लोमादिपामादिपिच्छादिभ्यः शनेलचः ॥ १९०७ ॥

lomādipāmādipicchādibhyaḥ śanelacaḥ

lomādipāmādipicchādibhyaḥ śanelacaḥ — After lomādi, pāmādi and picchādi respectively, śa, na and ilac [in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied].

Rule. Three lists take three affixes, in order. After loman and its list, śa. After pāman and its list, na. After piccha and its list, ilac. Matup comes beside each.

Example.

Śa: lomaśaḥ "hairy", lomavān; romaśaḥ, romavān.

Na: pāmanaḥ.

Ilac: picchilaḥ, picchavān; urasilaḥ, urasvān.

Applies when / blocked by. Two gaṇasūtras stand in the pāman list.

aṅgāt kalyāṇe: na after aṅga "limb" when the limbs are beautiful. aṅganā "a woman whose limbs are beautiful".
lakṣmyā a[t] ca: na after lakṣmī, and a replaces its final. lakṣmī + na → lakṣma + na → ṇ for n after ṣ → lakṣmaṇaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains both in this way.

A vārttika adds viṣvak: viṣvag ity uttarapadalopaś cākṛtasandheḥ. Na comes after viṣu + añc taken before sandhi, the joining of sounds. And the final member añc is lost.

viṣu + añc → the final member lost → viṣu + na → ṇ for n → viṣuṇaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names añc as the lost member.

Watch out. In lakṣmyā a[t] ca the letters ac are not an affix, nor the name for all vowels. They are a with t after it, which means short a only (as in at, SK 1922), and then ca "and".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लोमादिभ्यः शः । लोमशः । लोमवान् । रोमशः । रोमवान् । पामादिभ्यो नः । पामनः ॥ (गणसूत्रम् -) अङ्गात्कल्याणे । अङ्गना ॥ (गणसूत्रम् -) लक्ष्म्या अच्च । लक्ष्मणः ।

After lomādi (loman and the rest), śa: lomaśaḥ, lomavān; romaśaḥ, romavān. After pāmādi (pāman and the rest), na: pāmanaḥ. (gaṇasūtra) aṅgāt kalyāṇe — after aṅga, when [the limbs are] beautiful (kalyāṇa), [na, in the sense of matup]: aṅganā ['she whose limbs are beautiful']. (gaṇasūtra) lakṣmyā acca (a[t] ca) — after lakṣmī [na comes], and a [replaces the final of the base]: lakṣmaṇaḥ.

vārttika

विष्वगित्युत्तरपदलोपश्चाकृतसन्धेः

(vārttika) [After] viṣvak [na comes], and elision of the final member (uttarapada) of [the form] in which sandhi has not been made.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ विषुणः । पिच्छादिभ्य इलच् । पिच्छिलः । पिच्छवान् । उरसिलः । उरस्वान् ॥

viṣuṇaḥ. After picchādi (piccha and the rest), ilac: picchilaḥ, picchavān; urasilaḥ, urasvān.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 315

—लोमादि—। इह ‘नन्दिग्रहिपचादिभ्यः’ इति वत् ‘लोमपामपिच्छादिभ्यः’ इति सुपठम् ॥ ‘अङ्ग कल्याणे’ इति गणसूत्रमर्थतः पठति—अङ्गादिति ।—शाकीपलालीदर्द्र्वा ह्रस्वत्वं च । चान्नप्रत्ययः ॥ महच्छाकं शाकी तद्वत् शाकिनम् ॥ महत्पलालं पलाली तद्वत् पलालिनम् ॥ ‘दरिद्रातेरालोपश्च’ इत्युणादिसूत्रेण इकाराकारयोर्लोपश्चाद्प्रत्ययः । दर्द्रूस्त्वप्रोगविशेषः । तद्वान् दर्श्यः ॥—विष्वगिति । ‘समर्थानाम्’ इत्यस्यापवादोऽयम् । अकृतसन्धेरकृतयणादेशस्याश्चतेर्लोपः । चकारान्नप्रत्यय इत्यर्थः ॥ यदि तु कृते यणादेशे उत्तरपदलोपः स्यात्, तदा वलिलोपे सति विष्ण इति स्यात् ॥—विषुण इति । विषु नाना अञ्चन्तीति । विष्वं चित्तान्यस्य सन्ति विषुणः विषुवदाख्यः कालः । तस्य हि नानागतानि दिनानि सन्ति । दिनान्तराणां न्यूनाधिकभावस्य तन्मूलत्वात् । अयं भावः—विषुवति दिनानां समतायां जातायामग्रे न्यूनान्यधिकानि च दिनानि भवेयुरिति नानागतदिनवत्त्वं यद्यपि विषुवति नास्ति तथापि नानागतदिनमूलभूतदिनानां सत्वात्तथोच्यते इति ॥ तथा नानागमनवत्त्वान्मृत्युर्वायुरव्यवस्थितचित्तश्च विषुणशब्देनोच्यते

translator notes

commentary TB: the sūtra could well have read 'lomapāmapicchādibhyaḥ', like 'nandigrahipacādibhyaḥ'. Bhaṭṭoji gives the gaṇasūtra 'aṅga kalyāṇe' in substance (arthataḥ) as 'aṅgāt kalyāṇe'. TB also cites a gaṇasūtra 'śākīpalālīdardrūṇāṃ hrasvatvaṃ ca' (by ca, the affix na: śākina, palālina) not in the kaumudī. Recorded; the English follows the kaumudī's wording.
commentary TB on 'viṣvag iti': this is an exception to 'samarthānām'. 'akṛtasandheḥ' = of [viṣu + añc] in which the yaṇ substitution has not been made; the elision is of añc; by ca, the affix na. If the final member were elided after yaṇ had been made, then, with elision of v, a wrong form would result. viṣuṇa: 'viṣu nānā añcanti' — one whose mind goes various ways; the time called viṣuvat (equinox), from which days vary; also death, wind, an unsettled mind. Followed for '[na comes]'; the identification of the elided final member as añc is recorded.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 315 (printed 305) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'viṣvag ity…' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
textual Our digital source has no Bālamanoramā on this sūtra: the BM block formerly filed here (sk.1907.b1, pratīka 'prajñāśraddhā'rcāvṛttibhyo ṇaḥ') is Vāsudeva's comment on the next sūtra, SK 1908, and was re-filed to sk.1908.b1 (2026-10-05); neither SK 1905 nor SK 1906 carries BM on lomādi. The printed SK+BM (Wikisource purva-3-2/0054) does have BM on lomādi; it is recorded in the commentary notes on k1 and k2.
commentary BM (printed ed., not in the digital source; Wikisource purva-3-2/0054): śa, na and ilac come after the three classes respectively, in the matup sense (matvarthe). 'aṅgāt kalyāṇe' is a gaṇasūtra of pāmādi: after the word aṅga qualified by kalyāṇa ('beautiful'), the affix na in the matup sense; aṅganā: kalyāṇāny aṅgāny asyāḥ. 'lakṣmyā acca' is also a pāmādi gaṇasūtra: after lakṣmī, na in the matup sense, and a replaces the final of the base; lakṣmaṇaḥ: lakṣmīr asyāsti, with na, a as final substitute, and ṇ for n. Followed for 'in the sense of matup' in sutra_en and for the bracketed parts of both gaṇasūtras in k1.
commentary BM (printed ed., not in the digital source; Wikisource purva-3-2/0054) on 'viṣvak': some hold that this too is a pāmādi gaṇasūtra, but in the Bhāṣya it is read as a vārttika in the na-section. viṣu is an indeclinable meaning 'on all sides'; viṣvaṅ is 'going on all sides' (Dhūrtasvāmin); viṣu means 'crosswise' (Bhavasvāmin); 'turned away' (Bhaṭṭabhāskara). After viṣu + añc with sandhi not made, na in the matup sense, and elision of the final member; the laukika analysis of viṣuṇa is viṣvaṅ asyāsti. It is an exception to 'samarthānām'. Followed for labelling k2 a vārttika.

SK 1908 · A 5.2.101V

प्रज्ञाश्रद्धार्चाभ्यो णः ॥ १९०८ ॥

prajñāśraddhārcābhyo ṇaḥ

prajñāśraddhārcābhyo ṇaḥ — After prajñā, śraddhā and arcā, ṇa [in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied].

Rule. After prajñā "wisdom", śraddhā "faith" and arcā "worship", ṇa comes. It is heard as -a. Its ṇ brings vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075).

Example.

prajñā + ṇa → vṛddhi a → ā → the final ā deleted (SK 311) → prājñaḥ "wise".

Bhaṭṭoji's phrase is prājño vyākaraṇe "wise in grammar".

Likewise śrāddhaḥ "faithful" and ārcaḥ "worshipful".

Applies when / blocked by. Why cite the feminine prājñā? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain. Prājña could also come from prajña with aṇ. But the feminine of an aṇ word takes ṅīp (-ī). With ṇa the feminine takes ṭāp (-ā): prājñā. So prajñā must stand in the rule.

A vārttika adds vṛtteś ca: after vṛtti "livelihood" too.

vṛttir asyāsti → vṛtti + ṇa → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → the i deleted → vārtaḥ.

The printed text writes the base with one t. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both read vṛtti.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads prājño vyākaraṇam, with the second case. Scholars discuss this; the sense is the same.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्राज्ञो व्याकरणे । प्राज्ञा । श्राद्धः । आर्चः ।

prājño vyākaraṇe, 'wise in grammar'. prājñā [feminine]. śrāddhaḥ. ārcaḥ.

vārttika

वृतेश्च

(vārttika) And after vṛtti [ṇa, in the sense of matup].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वार्तः ॥

vārtaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 315

—प्रज्ञाश्रद्धा—॥—प्राज्ञो व्याकरण इति । गुणभूतया क्रियया कर्मत्वेन संवन्धः कृद्ग्रहणात्तद्धितप्रयोगे षष्ठी न कृतपूर्वीकटमितिवत् ॥ ननु प्रकर्षेण जानातीति प्रज्ञः । स एव प्रज्ञावान् । तथा च प्रज्ञ एव प्राज्ञ इत्यणि कृते सिद्धमिष्टं किमत्र प्रज्ञाग्रहणेनेत्याशङ्कां निराकुर्वन्नाह—प्राज्ञेति । स्त्रियां टाप् । ‘प्रज्ञादिभ्यश्च’ इत्यणि तु ङीप् स्यादिति भावः ॥—वृत्तेश्चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । काशिकाकृता तु वृत्तिशब्दः सूत्रे प्रक्षिप्तः ॥ विच्छिन्नस्य प्रतिविधानं वृत्तिः ॥—तपस्वी । सहस्रीति । असन्तत्वाददन्तत्वाच्च सिद्धे पुनर्वचनमणा वाधा माभूदिति । सहस्रात्तु ठनोऽपि वाधनार्थम् । एतच्च समाधानं मूलपुस्तकेष्वपि क्वचिद्दृश्यते ॥—उत्तरार्थ इति । विनीन्योर्यथासंख्यप्रवृत्त्यर्थश्चेत्यपि वोध्यम् ॥—ज्यौत्स्न इति । शुक्लपक्षः ॥—तामिस्र इति । कृष्णपक्षः नरकविशेषश्च । तमःसमूहस्तमिस्रम् । ‘ज्योत्स्नातमिस्रा—’ इति निपातनान्मत्वर्थायो रः । तत्र ह्यवयवभूतानि तमांसि विद्यन्ते । तदस्मिन्नस्तीति विग्रहे रान्तादण् । स्त्रियां तामिस्रा ‘तमिस्रा तामसी रात्रिज्यौत्स्नी चन्द्रिकयान्विता’ इत्यमरोक्तौ तु तमिस्रेत्येतद्वान्तं न त्वणन्तमिति न विरोधः ॥ एवं च तमिस्रा रात्रयो अस्मिन् सन्ति तामिस्रः पक्ष इत्यपि व्याख्यातुं शक्यम्

Bālamanoramā

प्रज्ञाश्रद्धाऽर्चावृत्तिभ्यो णः - प्रज्ञाश्रद्धार्चाभ्योणः । प्रज्ञा, श्रद्धा, अर्चा एभ्यो मत्वर्थे णप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । प्राज्ञो व्याकरणमिति । प्रज्ञानं प्रज्ञा । स्त्रियामित्यधिकारे प्रपूर्वकाज्ज्ञाधातोः 'आतश्चोपसर्गे' इति भावे अङ् । प्रज्ञा अस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । उपसर्जनभूतामपि प्रज्ञानतन्निषेधात् । अत्र यद्वक्तव्यं तत्कर्तृकर्मणोः कृतीत्यत्र प्रपञ्चितम् । नच प्रजानातीति प्रज्ञः ।इगुपधे॑ति कः । प्रज्ञशब्दात्स्वार्थे अणि प्राज्ञ इति सिध्यतीति शङ्क्यं, तथा सति स्त्रिया ङीप्प्रसङ्गात् । तदाह — प्राज्ञेति । श्राद्ध इति । श्रद्धा अस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । आर्चेति । अर्चा अस्यास्तीति विग्रहः ।वृत्तेश्चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । 'मत्वर्थे णप्रत्यय' इति शेषः । वार्त इति । वृत्तिरस्यास्तीति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.1908.b1; its pratīka heads the sūtra as 'prajñāśraddhārcāvṛttibhyo ṇaḥ'): after prajñā, śraddhā and arcā, the affix ṇa in the sense of matup (matvarthe). Analyses: prajñā asya asti; śraddhā asya asti; arcā asya asti. Followed for the bracketed 'in the sense of matup' in sutra_en.
commentary BM (sk.1908.b1) on 'prājñā': prajñā is aṅ in the abstract sense (bhāva) after jñā with pra, by 'ātaś copasarge', under the heading 'striyām'. One may not argue that prajña ('one who knows well', with ka by 'igupadha…') plus aṇ in its own sense (svārthe) already gives prājña, since then the feminine would take ṅīp; hence [the kaumudī cites] prājñā. Followed for '[feminine]' in k1.
commentary TB: objection: prajña, 'one who knows eminently', is the same as prajñāvān, and aṇ after prajña gives the desired prājña, so why mention prajñā in the sūtra? To answer this he says 'prājñā': in the feminine [ṇa gives] ṭāp, whereas aṇ by 'prajñādibhyaś ca' would give ṅīp. Followed for '[feminine]' in k1.
commentary TB on 'prājño vyākaraṇa iti' (so printed, NSP p. 315, scan): [vyākaraṇa] is connected as object (karman) with the subordinate action [of knowing]; because 'kṛt' is specified [in 'kartṛkarmaṇoḥ kṛti'], the sixth case does not apply with a taddhita, as in kṛtapūrvī kaṭam. Recorded; see the textual note on k1.
textual Our source and NSP p. 315 (printed 305) read 'prājño vyākaraṇe' (scan confirms), a seventh-case word. BM reads the accusative outright: our source cites its pratīka as 'prājño vyākaraṇam iti', and the full BM of the printed SK+BM (Wikisource purva-3-2/0054; truncated in our source) adds that vyākaraṇa takes the second case because it is the object (karman) of the subordinate action of knowing (prajñāna), the sixth case taught for connection with a kṛt not applying with a taddhita; that print's mūla likewise reads 'prājño vyākaraṇam'. TB's printed pratīka 'prājño vyākaraṇa iti' is the regular sandhi of vyākaraṇe + iti, so TB's text witnesses 'vyākaraṇe', although its gloss (connection as object, no sixth case with a taddhita) suits an accusative better. The witnesses split; the English follows the transmitted 'vyākaraṇe' ('in grammar').
commentary TB on 'vṛtteś ca': this is a vārttika; the author of the Kāśikā has inserted the word vṛtti into the sūtra. vṛtti is the restoration of what has been cut off (vicchinnasya pratividhānam). Followed for labelling k2 a vārttika and for reading vṛtti.
commentary BM (sk.1908.b1) on 'vṛtteś ca': this is a vārttika; 'the affix ṇa in the sense of matup' is to be supplied (śeṣa). vārtaḥ: vṛttir asya asti. Followed for the bracketed '[ṇa, in the sense of matup]' and for reading vṛtti.
textual The vārttika reads 'vṛteś ca' (single t) in our source and in NSP p. 315 (printed 305; scan confirms), which prints the vārttika sign before it. BM and TB both cite it as 'vṛtteś ca' and analyse vārta from vṛtti. The English follows the commentators ('vṛtti'); the transmitted 'vṛteś' is preserved in the source.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)', closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 315 (printed 305) prints the vārttika sign before 'vṛteś ca' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated.
translator BM glosses 'matvarthe' without naming a source (and on 'vṛtteś ca' calls it supplied, śeṣa); that the sense comes from 'tad asyāsty asminn iti matup' (SK 1894) is the translator's identification.

SK 1909 · A 5.2.102V

तपःसहस्राभ्यां विनीनी ॥ १९०९ ॥

tapaḥsahasrābhyāṃ vinīnī

tapaḥsahasrābhyāṃ vinīnī — After tapas and sahasra, vini and ini [respectively, in the sense of matup (matvarthe)].

Rule. After tapas "austerity", vini comes; after sahasra "thousand", ini. The pairing is yathāsaṃkhya. Vini is heard as -vin, ini as -in.

Example.

tapas + vini → the stem is bha (SK 1896), so no ru → tapasvin → tapasvī "ascetic".

sahasra + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → sahasrin → sahasrī "having a thousand".

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the i in vini and ini? Bhaṭṭoji says it protects the n. A final n in an affix would be a marker; with the i after it, it is not final.

These affixes would come anyway. Tapas ends in as (SK 1928), and sahasra ends in a (SK 1922). They are restated so that the aṇ of SK 1910 does not block them. For sahasra, the restatement also blocks ṭhan. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both note that this explanation stands only in some copies of the text.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विनीन्योरिकारो नकारपरित्राणार्थः । तपस्वी । सहस्री । असन्तत्वाददन्तत्वाच्च सिद्धे पुनर्वचनमणा बाधा माभूदिति । सहस्रात्तु ठनोऽपि बाधनार्थम् ॥

The i of vini and ini serves to protect the n [from being an it]. tapasvī. sahasrī. Although [these forms] would be established because [tapas] ends in as [by SK 1928] and [sahasra] ends in a [by SK 1922], the restatement is so that there be no blocking by aṇ [of the next sūtra, SK 1910]; and in the case of sahasra, it is also for blocking ṭhan.

Bālamanoramā

तपःसहस्राभ्यां विनीनी - तपः सहस्राभ्यां । विनिश्च इनिश्चेति द्वन्द्वः । 'मत्वर्थे' इति शेषः । यथासंख्यमन्वयः । विनिप्रत्यये इनि प्रत्यये च नकारादिकारौ उच्चारणार्थौ । ननु नकारयोरित्संज्ञा कुतो न स्यात् । नच प्रयोजनाऽभावः, नित्स्वरस्यैव फलत्वादित्यत आह — नकारपरित्राणार्थ इति । तथा च उपदेशे अन्त्यत्वाऽभावान्नेत्संज्ञेचि भावः । यद्यपिअस्मायामेधे॑त्यसन्तत्वादेव तपःशब्दाद्विन्सिद्धः, सहस्रशब्दात्तु 'अत इनिठनौ' इत्येवेन्सिद्धस्ततथापि विशिष्य उत्तरसूत्रविहितेन अणा असन्ताऽदन्तलक्षणयोर्विनीन्योः सामान्यविहितयोर्बाधो मा भूदिति विशिष्येह तपःसहस्रशब्दाभ्यां तयोर्विधानम् । सहस्रशब्दात्तु अदन्तलक्षणठनोऽपि बाधनार्थमिह इन्विधानम् । एतत्समाधानं क्वचिन्मूलपुस्तकेषु दृश्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'vini' and 'ini' form a dvandva; 'matvarthe' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ); the construal is respective (yathāsaṃkhya). Followed for '[respectively, in the sense of matup]' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: Objection: why should the n not be an it? And one cannot say it would serve no purpose, since the accent of an affix with n as it would be its effect. Hence 'nakāraparitrāṇārthaḥ': the n is not final in the original enunciation (upadeśa), so it is not an it. Although vin follows for tapas from 'asmāyāmedhāsrajo viniḥ' (SK 1928) because it ends in as, and in for sahasra from 'ata iniṭhanau' (SK 1922), nonetheless, so that the generally enjoined vini and ini (by the as-ending and a-ending rules) are not blocked by the aṇ specifically enjoined in the next sūtra, they are enjoined here specifically for tapas and sahasra; for sahasra, the enjoining of in here also blocks the ṭhan of the a-ending rule. This solution is found in some copies of the mūla. Followed for '[from being an it]', '[by SK 1928]', '[by SK 1922]' and '[of the next sūtra, SK 1910]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1908.t1: on 'tapasvī, sahasrī' TB gives the same solution in the same words ('asantatvād adantatvāc ca siddhe punarvacanam aṇā bādhā mā bhūd iti; sahasrāt tu ṭhano 'pi bādhanārtham') and adds that this solution is also found in some copies of the mūla (mūlapustakeṣv api kvacit). Recorded; see the textual note.
textual The passage 'asantatvād adantatvāc ca siddhe … ṭhano 'pi bādhanārtham' is printed in the kaumudī in our source and in NSP p. 315 (printed 305; scan confirms), but both BM and TB say this solution is found in some mūla copies (kvacit). It is translated as part of the kaumudī, as transmitted.
translator The commentators' remark that the solution appears only in some copies of the mūla suggests that the passage may be an explanation that entered some copies of the kaumudī; this is an inference, not a reading of either commentary.

SK 1910 · A 5.2.103V

अण् च ॥ १९१० ॥

aṇ ca

aṇ ca — And aṇ [after tapas ('austerity') and sahasra ('thousand'), in the matup sense (matvarthe) — supplied (śeṣa)].

Rule. Aṇ too comes after tapas and sahasra. Aṇ is heard as -a and brings vṛddhi.

Example.

tapas + aṇ → vṛddhi a → ā → tāpasaḥ "ascetic".

sahasra + aṇ → the final a deleted → sāhasraḥ "having a thousand".

Applies when / blocked by. Why make aṇ a separate rule? Bhaṭṭoji says the split, yogavibhāga, is "for the sake of what follows". One of his commentators says it lets aṇ alone continue into SK 1911. The other says it also keeps vini and ini paired in order. Scholars discuss this.

A vārttika, jyotsnādibhya upasaṃkhyānam, adds jyotsnā "moonlight" and the rest. Upasaṃkhyāna is adding a base to a rule.

jyotsnā + aṇ → jyautsnaḥ "the bright fortnight".

tamisrā + aṇ → tāmisraḥ "the dark fortnight".

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give these glosses.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

योगविभाग उत्तरार्थः । तापसः । साहस्रः ।

The splitting of the rule (yogavibhāga) is for the sake of what follows. tāpasaḥ ['ascetic']; sāhasraḥ ['possessing a thousand'].

vārttika

ज्योत्स्नादिभ्य उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) After jyotsnā ('moonlight') and the rest, [aṇ] is to be additionally stated (upasaṃkhyāna).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ज्यौत्स्नः । तामिस्रः ॥

jyautsnaḥ ['the bright fortnight']; tāmisraḥ ['the dark fortnight'].

Bālamanoramā

अण् च - अण्च ।तपःसहस्राभ्यां मत्वर्थे॑ इति शेषः । ननुतपःसहस्राभ्यां विनीन्यणः॑ इत्येकमेव सूत्रमस्तु । नच तपःसहस्राभ्यां विनीन्योर्यथासंख्यार्थं पृथक्सूत्रकरणम्, अन्यथा त्रयोऽपि प्रत्यया द्वाभ्यां स्युरिति वाच्यं,तपःसहस्राभ्यामण्विनीनी॑ इति सूत्रकरणे भिन्नविभक्त्युच्चारणादेव अण उभयसम्बन्धस्य, विनीन्योर्यथासंख्य(त्व)स्य च सिद्धेरित्यत आह — योगविभाग उत्तरार्थ इति । उत्तरसूत्रे अण एवानुवृत्त्यर्थ इत्यर्थः । ज्यौत्स्न इति । 'शुक्लपक्ष' इति शेषः । ज्योत्स्ना=चन्द्रिका । सा अस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । तामिस्र इति । 'कृष्णपक्ष' इति शेषः । तमिस्राः=तमोयुक्ता रात्रयः । ता अस्य सन्तीति विग्रहः । ज्योत्स्नादित्वादण् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tapaḥsahasrābhyāṃ matvarthe' is to be supplied. Followed for the bracketed bases and sense in sutra_en.
commentary BM: Objection: let there be one rule 'tapaḥsahasrābhyāṃ vinīnyaṇaḥ'. Nor can one say a separate rule is needed so that vini and ini apply respectively (otherwise all three affixes would come after both), for with a rule 'tapaḥsahasrābhyām aṇvinīnī' the different case-forms would give aṇ's connection with both and the respective order of vini and ini. Hence: the split is 'uttarārtha', i.e. so that aṇ alone is carried forward into the next rule. Followed: 'for the sake of what follows' is left as the kaumudī's own phrase.
commentary TB (printed under sk.1908.t1): on 'uttarārtha': it is to be understood as also serving the respective application of vini and ini. This differs from BM, who holds that the respective order is secured anyway and the split is for the following rule only; the English stays neutral (§16) and both are recorded.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.1905.n1 (p. 315): on 'uttarārtha' — the point is that with [a rule framed] 'tapaḥsahasrābhyām aṇvinīnī' (iti nyāyena), the pronouncing of a different case-form establishes aṇ's connection with both and the respective order of vini and ini. It agrees with BM against TB. The scan clearly reads 'nyāyena'; the sense, as BM's parallel 'iti sūtrakaraṇe' shows, is 'if the rule were so framed', and the rendering keeps to that rather than to a technical 'principle'.
commentary BM: on jyautsnaḥ, 'śuklapakṣa' (the bright fortnight) is to be supplied — jyotsnā is moonlight, 'it has that'; on tāmisraḥ, 'kṛṣṇapakṣa' (the dark fortnight) — tamisrāḥ are nights with darkness, 'it has those'; aṇ because they belong to the jyotsnādi class. Followed for the bracketed glosses in k3.
commentary TB (printed under sk.1908.t1): jyautsna = the bright fortnight; tāmisra = the dark fortnight and also a particular hell; tamisra is a mass of darkness, with the matvarthīya ra by nipātana in 'jyotsnātamisrā…', and aṇ after the ra-form in the sense 'it has that in it'; feminine tāmisrā. Agrees with BM on the glosses; 'a particular hell' is recorded.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 315 (printed 305) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'jyotsnādibhya upasaṃkhyānam' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
textual NSP p. 315 (printed 305): the OCR's 'sāhasaḥ' is a misreading; the scan reads 'sāhasraḥ', as our text does.
translator BM calls 'tapaḥsahasrābhyāṃ matvarthe' supplied (śeṣa), not carried forward; that the words are those of SK 1909 (tapaḥsahasrābhyāṃ vinīnī) is the translator's identification.

SK 1911 · A 5.2.104V

सिकताशर्कराभ्यां च ॥ १९११ ॥

sikatāśarkarābhyāṃ ca

sikatāśarkarābhyāṃ ca — And after sikatā ('sand') and śarkarā ('gravel'), [aṇ in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied (śeṣa)].

Rule. Aṇ also comes after sikatā "sand" and śarkarā "gravel".

Example.

sikatā asya santi "it has sands" → sikatā + aṇ → vṛddhi i → ai → the final ā deleted → saikato ghaṭaḥ "a pot with sand in it".

śarkarā + aṇ → śārkaraḥ "having gravel".

Applies when / blocked by. Why does Bhaṭṭoji say "a pot"? A region is taught next, in SK 1912. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give this reason.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सैकतो घटः ॥ शार्करः ॥

saikato ghaṭaḥ, 'a pot having sand'. śārkaraḥ ['having gravel'].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 315

—सिकताशर्करा—। देशविशेषस्य वक्ष्यमाणत्वादाह—घट इति ॥—मतुप् चेति । अन्यतरस्यांग्रहणेन सर्वत्र मतुपा समुच्चयादिति भावः ॥—सिकता इति । लुपि युक्तवद्भावः ॥ अत्र सूत्रद्वयस्योदाहरणान्यमरः संजग्राह—‘स्त्री शर्करा शर्करिलः शार्करः शर्करावति । देश एवादिमावेवमुन्नेयाः सिकतावति’ इति

Bālamanoramā

सिकताशर्कराभ्यां च - सिकताशर्कराभ्यां च । 'मत्वर्थे अ' णिति शेषः । सैकतो घट इति । सिकता अस्य सन्तीति विग्रहः । देशे लुपो वक्ष्यमाणत्वाद्धट इति विशेष्यम् ।अप्सुमनःसमासिकतावर्षाणां बहुत्वं चे॑ति लिङ्गानुशासनसूत्रात्सिकताशब्दो नित्यं बहुवचनान्तः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'aṇ in the sense of matup' (matvarthe aṇ) is to be supplied. saikato ghaṭaḥ is analysed 'sikatā asya santi' (sands are its). The qualified [noun] is 'ghaṭa' because for a region (deśa) lup will be taught [in SK 1912]. By the liṅgānuśāsana sūtra 'apsumanaḥsamāsikatāvarṣāṇāṃ bahutvaṃ ca', the word sikatā is always plural. Followed for the bracketed aṇ and sense in sutra_en and for the sense of 'saikataḥ'.
commentary TB (own block): because a particular region (deśa) is going to be stated [in SK 1912], he says 'ghaṭaḥ'. Agrees with BM. TB adds that Amara gathered the examples of the two sūtras: 'strī śarkarā śarkarilaḥ śārkaraḥ śarkarāvati; deśa evādimāv evam unneyāḥ sikatāvati'. Recorded.
textual NSP p. 315 (printed 305) prints 'śārkaraḥ' with long ā (scan), agreeing with the digital kaumudī; the raw OCR's 'śarkaraḥ' is an OCR error.
translator BM calls 'matvarthe aṇ' supplied (śeṣa); that the aṇ is that of 'aṇ ca' (SK 1910) is the translator's identification.

SK 1912 · A 5.2.105V

देशे लुबिलचौ च ॥ १९१२ ॥

deśe lubilacau ca

deśe lubilacau ca — When a region (deśa) [is denoted, after sikatā and śarkarā], lup [of the aṇ of SK 1911] and ilac [come]; and [by ca, aṇ, and matup too, 'anyatarasyām' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) in the sense of cumulation].

Rule. When a region (deśa) is meant, after sikatā and śarkarā, two things may happen. The aṇ of SK 1911 undergoes lup, or ilac comes. By ca, aṇ itself also comes, and matup as well. Lup is a kind of deletion of an affix.

Example. sikatāḥ santy asmin deśe "there are sands in this region" gives four words:

sikatā + aṇ → lup of aṇ → sikatāḥ (plural).

sikatā + ilac → the final ā deleted → sikatilaḥ.

sikatā + aṇ → saikataḥ.

sikatā + matup → sikatāvān.

So too śarkarāḥ and the rest.

Applies when / blocked by. Why does matup still come? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. The adding anyatarasyām is carried forward, so matup is added everywhere.

Watch out. sikatāḥ is plural though the region is one. When the affix undergoes lup, the word keeps the number of its base; this is yuktavadbhāva. And sikatā is always plural. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains both points.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चादण् मतुप् च । सिकताः सन्त्यस्मिन्देशे सिकताः । सिकतिलः । सैकतः । सिकतावान् । एवं शर्करा इत्यादि ॥

By ca, aṇ; and matup. Sands are in this region: sikatāḥ [with lup], sikatilaḥ [with ilac], saikataḥ [with aṇ], sikatāvān [with matup]. So too śarkarāḥ etc.

Bālamanoramā

देशे लुबिलचौ च - देशे लुबिलचौ च । पूर्वसूत्रविहितस्या.ञणो लुप्, इलच्च स्यादित्यर्थः । चादणिति । संनिहितत्वादिति भावः । तर्हि अपवादेन मुक्ते उत्सर्गस्याऽप्रवृत्तेर्मतुब्नैव स्यादित्यत आह — मतुप्चेति । समुच्चयार्थकन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणानुवृत्तेरिति भावः । सिकता इति । सिकताशब्दान्नित्यं बहुवचनान्तादणो लुपि प्रातिपदिकावयवत्वात्सुपो लुकि युक्तवद्भावाद्विशेष्यस्य देशस्य एकत्वेऽपि बहुवचनमिति भावः ।हयवर॑डिति सूत्रेएका च सिकता तैलदाने असमर्थेति भाष्ये प्रयोगात्सिकताशब्द एकवचनान्तोऽप्यस्तीति लिङ्गानुशासने मूलकारो वक्ष्यति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: lup of the aṇ taught in the preceding sūtra, and ilac. On 'cād aṇ': because it is near (saṃnihita). Objection: then, when the apavāda is set aside, the utsarga does not apply, so matup could not come at all. Hence 'matup ca': because 'anyatarasyām', whose sense is cumulation (samuccaya), is carried forward. On sikatāḥ: from sikatā, always plural, when aṇ undergoes lup and the sup [inside the prātipadika] undergoes luk, the plural stands through yuktavadbhāva although the qualified region is one. BM adds that the Bhāṣya on 'hayavaraṭ' uses 'ekā ca sikatā tailadāne 'samarthā', so sikatā also occurs in the singular, as the mūlakāra will say in the liṅgānuśāsana. Followed for the bracketed lup of aṇ, the anuvṛtti of 'anyatarasyām' in sutra_en and the bracketed affixes in k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1911.t1, on 'matup ca': because by the word anyatarasyām matup is cumulated everywhere (sarvatra samuccaya); on 'sikatāḥ': [the plural is by] yuktavadbhāva under lup. Followed; agrees with BM.
translator Neither BM nor TB here names the sūtra from which 'anyatarasyām' is carried; BM under sk.1916.b1 names 'prāṇisthād āto laj anyatarasyām' (SK 1903, A 5.2.96). The plural 'sikatāḥ' for a single region is the point of the lup example (see BM).
textual NSP p. 315 (printed 305) agrees with the digital kaumudī (scan).

SK 1913 · A 5.2.106V

दन्त उन्नत उरच् ॥ १९१३ ॥

danta unnata urac

danta unnata urac — After danta [a seventh-case word used in the sense of the fifth (pañcamyarthe saptamī)], when [the teeth are] prominent (unnata) [— 'unnata' qualifying the base], urac [in the sense of matup (matvartha)].

Rule. After danta "tooth", when the teeth are prominent (unnata), urac comes. It is heard as -ura. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says unnata qualifies the base. He reads dante as a seventh case used in the sense of the fifth.

Example.

unnatā dantāḥ santy asya "he has prominent teeth" → danta + urac → the final a deleted (SK 311) → danturaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "prominent"? Without it, one who simply has teeth is dantavān. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this counter-example.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उन्नता दन्ताः सन्त्यस्य दन्तुरः ॥

He has prominent teeth: danturaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 315

—दन्त उन्नत—। उन्नत इति किम् । दन्तवान्

Bālamanoramā

दन्त उन्नत उरच् - दन्त उन्नत उरच् । उन्नतविशेषणकाद्दन्तशब्दान्मत्वर्थेउरच्स्यादित्यर्थः । 'उन्नत' इति प्रकृतिविशेषणम् । दन्त इति सप्तमी पञ्चम्यर्थे ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after the word danta qualified by 'unnata', urac comes in the sense of matup (matvartha); 'unnata' is a qualifier of the base (prakṛtiviśeṣaṇa); 'dante' is a seventh case in the sense of the fifth. Followed for the bracketed parts of sutra_en.
commentary TB: why 'unnata'? [Otherwise] dantavān. Recorded; the kaumudī gives no counter-example.

SK 1914 · A 5.2.107V

ऊषसुषिमुष्कमधो रः ॥ १९१४ ॥

ūṣasuṣimuṣkamadho raḥ

ūṣasuṣimuṣkamadho raḥ — After ūṣa, suṣi, muṣka and madhu, the affix ra [in the sense of matup (matvarthe)].

Rule. After ūṣa, suṣi, muṣka and madhu, ra comes. It is heard as -ra.

Example.

ūṣa + ra → ūṣaraḥ "having saline soil".

suṣi + ra → suṣiraḥ "having a hole".

muṣka + ra → muṣkaraḥ; muṣka is the testicle.

madhu + ra → madhuraḥ "sweet".

The glosses of ūṣaraḥ and suṣiraḥ are those of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says madhu here means sweetness, not honey. One of his commentators gives the reason. Otherwise a pot holding honey would be called madhuraḥ.

Three vārttikas extend the rule.

rapakaraṇe khamukhakuñjebhya upasaṃkhyānam: add kha, mukha and kuñja. kharaḥ, mukharaḥ, kuñjaraḥ. Kuñja is an elephant's jaw.
nagapāṃsupāṇḍubhyaś ca: also after naga, pāṃsu and pāṇḍu. nagaram, pāṃsuraḥ, pāṇḍuraḥ.
kacchvā hrasvatvaṃ ca: after kacchū, with shortening of its final. kacchū → kacchu + ra → kacchuraḥ.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji adds that the word pāṇḍura is simply avyutpanna, underived. One of his commentators says why: it is used both of the colour and of what has it. Some copies read pāṇḍara here, and scholars discuss which word is meant.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ऊषरः । सुषिरः । मुष्कोऽण्डः, मुष्करः । मधु माधुर्यम्, मधुरः ।

ūṣaraḥ ['having saline soil']. suṣiraḥ ['having a hole']. muṣka is the testicle: muṣkaraḥ. madhu [here] is sweetness: madhuraḥ.

vārttika

रप्रकरणे खमुखकुञ्जेभ्य उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) In the section on ra, kha, mukha and kuñja are to be added (upasaṃkhyāna).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ खरः । मुखरः । कुञ्जो हस्तिहनुः, कुञ्जरः ।

kharaḥ. mukharaḥ. kuñja is an elephant's jaw: kuñjaraḥ.

vārttika

नगपांसुपाण्डुभ्यश्च

(vārttika) And after naga, pāṃsu and pāṇḍu.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नगरम् । पांसुरः । पाण्डुरः । पाण्डुरशब्दस्तु अव्युत्पन्न एव ।

nagaram. pāṃsuraḥ. pāṇḍuraḥ. The word pāṇḍura, however, is simply underived (avyutpanna).

vārttika

कच्छ्वा ह्रस्वत्वं च

(vārttika) After kacchū [too], and shortening [of its final].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ कच्छुरः ॥

kacchuraḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 315–316

—ऊषसुषि—। समाहारद्वन्द्वे सौत्रं पुंस्त्वम् ॥ ‘स्यादूषः क्षारमृत्तिका । ऊषवानूषरः’ इत्यमरः । सुषिश्छिद्रम् ॥—खर इति । महत्कण्ठविवरं खं तद्वानित्यर्थः । गर्दभे रूढोऽयम् ॥ मुखरो वाचाल इति हरदत्तः ॥—नगरमिति । नगा वृक्षाः पर्वताश्च । जातिशब्दोऽयम् । तथा च नगरीत्यत्र ङीप् भवति ॥ नगशब्दोऽयमश्मादिषु पठ्यते इति ‘वुञ्छण्—’ आदिसूत्रेणास्य सिद्धत्वादस्माद्रोऽयं न वक्तव्य इति हरदत्तः ॥—पाण्डुर इति । पाण्डुः शुक्लो वर्ण- सद्वान् ॥—अव्युत्पन्न एवेति । गुणमात्रे गुणिनि च वर्तते । ‘हरिणः पाण्डुरः पाण्डुः’ इत्यमरः । ‘गुणे शुक्लादयः पुंसि गुणिलिङ्गास्तु तद्वति’ इति च ॥—कच्छ्वा इति । कच्छूस्त्वग्रोगविशेषः

Bālamanoramā

ऊषसुषिमुष्कमधो रः - ऊषसुषि । ऊष, सुषि, मुष्क, मधु-एषां समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्येकवचनम् । सोत्रं पुंस्त्वम् । एभ्यो मत्वर्थे रप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । ऊषर इति । ऊषः क्षारमृत्तिकाविशेषोऽस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । सुषिर इति । सुषिः=बिलम्,-अस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । मधुशब्दः क्षोद्रे द्रव्ये, माधुर्यात्मकरसविशेषे च गुणे वर्तते । तत्र रसविशेषवाचिन एवात्र ग्रहणमित्याह — मधुमाधुर्यमिति । तथा भाष्यादिति भावः । अन्यथा मधुद्रव्यवति घटेऽपि मधुरपदप्रयोगः स्यात् । खरो गर्दभः, धिष्णयो वा । मुखरः=शभ्दं कुर्वन् । कुञ्जरो-हल्ती । रूढशब्दा एते । नगपांस्विति । वार्तिकमिदम् ।नगर॑मिति जातिविशेषवाची । अत एव नगरीति ङीष् । पांसुर इति । पांसुरस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । पाण्डुर इति । पाण्डुः=शुक्लवर्णः, स अस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । कथं पाण्डरशब्द इत्यत आह — पाण्डरशब्दस्त्विति ।हरिणः पाण्डरः पाण्डु॑रित्यमरः । कच्छ्वा इति । वार्तिकमिदम् । कच्छूशब्दाप्र्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेह्र्यस्वश्च अन्तादेश इत्यर्थः । कच्छुरः — शुनां रोगविशेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ūṣa, suṣi, muṣka, madhu form a collective (samāhāra) dvandva with a fifth-case singular ending; the masculine is sūtra-usage (sautra); after these, the affix ra in the sense of matup (matvarthe). Followed for the bracketed sense in sutra_en.
commentary BM: ūṣara = having ūṣa, a kind of saline earth; suṣira = having suṣi, a hole. madhu denotes both the substance honey and the quality sweetness (a kind of taste); only the latter is taken here, as the Bhāṣya shows — otherwise a pot holding honey would be called madhura. Followed for the glosses and for '[here]'.
commentary TB: the masculine in the samāhāra dvandva is sautra. Amara: ūṣa is saline earth, ūṣara 'having it'. suṣi is a hole (chidra). Followed for the glosses.
commentary BM: khara = donkey, or a fire-altar (dhiṣṇya); mukhara = one who makes noise; kuñjara = elephant; these are conventional (rūḍha) words. Recorded; the kaumudī gives no glosses beyond kuñja.
commentary TB: kha is the large throat-cavity, khara 'one having it', conventional for the donkey; mukhara = talkative (Haradatta). Recorded.
commentary BM: nagara denotes a particular class (jāti), hence ṅīṣ in nagarī. pāṃsura: pāṃsu is his; pāṇḍura: pāṇḍu, the white colour, is his. BM then reads the kaumudī's last sentence as being about pāṇḍara: 'how is the word pāṇḍara [formed]? — pāṇḍaraśabdas tu …', citing Amara 'hariṇaḥ pāṇḍaraḥ pāṇḍuḥ'. Recorded; see the textual note.
commentary TB: naga = trees and mountains; a class word, hence ṅīp in nagarī; Haradatta: since naga is read in aśmādi, [nagara] is already given by 'vuñchaṇ…', and ra need not be stated after it. pāṇḍura: having pāṇḍu, the white colour. On 'avyutpanna eva': [the word] is used both of the mere quality and of what has it; Amara 'hariṇaḥ pāṇḍuraḥ pāṇḍuḥ', and 'śuklādi words are masculine of the quality, take the gender of the qualified when used of it'. Recorded: for TB the underived pāṇḍura is used both of the bare quality and of what has it; the English adds no bracket on its use.
textual Our source reads 'pāṇḍuraśabdas tu avyutpanna eva', and NSP p. 315 (printed 305) prints 'pāṇḍuraśabdastu' (scan confirms, with the u-sign), as TB takes it. BM's pratīka and question read 'pāṇḍaraśabdas tu' (pāṇḍara), and the Wikisource printed SK+BM (purva-3-2/0056) reads the kaumudī itself as 'pāṇḍaraśabdas tv avyutpanna eva'. The kaumudī text is thus split between the witnesses: NSP and TB have pāṇḍura, the BM print (mūla and commentary) pāṇḍara. The English follows the transmitted pāṇḍura; the pāṇḍara reading is recorded.
commentary BM: a vārttika: after kacchū the affix ra, and shortening as substitute for the final of the base; kacchura is a disease of dogs. Followed for '[of its final]'.
commentary TB: kacchū is a particular skin disease. Recorded.
textual The digital source opens k3, k5 and k7 each with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in the preceding block; NSP pp. 315–316 (printed 305–306) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'rapakaraṇe…', 'nagapāṃsu…' and 'kacchvā…' (scan confirms). The tags are left untranslated, and k3, k5, k7 are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
translator The bracketed glosses of ūṣara and suṣira are from BM and TB; the kaumudī gives the bare forms.

SK 1915 · A 5.2.108V

द्युद्रुभ्यां मः ॥ १९१५ ॥

dyudrubhyāṃ maḥ

dyudrubhyāṃ maḥ — After dyu [i.e. div] and dru, the affix ma [in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied].

Rule. After dyu and dru, ma comes. Dyu is the word div "sky" after u has replaced its v by diva ut (SK 337). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains this.

Example.

dyu + ma → dyumaḥ.

dru + ma → drumaḥ "tree".

Watch out. No matup forms are given here. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says these are conventional words. Their meaning cannot be expressed by matup, so matup is not added to them.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्युमः । द्रुमः ॥

dyumaḥ. drumaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 316

—द्युद्रुभ्यां मः ॥—द्युम इति । द्यौरस्यास्ति ‘दिव उत्’ इत्युत्वम् ॥ द्रुर्वृक्षः सोऽस्यास्ति जनकतयेति द्रुमोऽपि वृक्ष एव । ‘पलाशी द्रुद्रुमागमाः’ इत्यमरः । इह सर्वत्र समुच्चीयमानोऽपि मतुप् रूढशब्देषु नेष्यते । तदर्थस्य मतुपा अभिधातुमशक्यत्वात् ॥—दृश्यत इति । व इत्यनुवर्तते ॥—अर्णव इति । अर्तेरसुन् नुट्च । अर्णः जलं तद्वान् ॥—संज्ञायामिति । ‘तदस्यास्ति—’ इति सूत्रस्थेतिशब्दस्यैवायं प्रपञ्चः ॥—यणेति । ‘ख्यत्यात्—’ इतिवत्कृतयणादेशस्यानुकरणं न भवति । लक्ष्ये यणोऽभावात् । किंतु सूत्रे सांहितिकोऽयं यणिति भावः ॥ प्रयुज्यते चोभयथा । ‘अधिरोहति गाण्डिवं महेषौ’ । ‘गाण्डीवी कनकशिला-निमं भुजाभ्याम्’ इति च ॥—आसुतीवल इति । ‘षुञ् अभिषवे’ क्तिन् । आसुतिरभिषवः ॥—परिषद्वल इति । परितः सीदतीति परिषत् ‘सत्सूद्विष—’ इत्यादिना क्विप् ‘सदिरप्रतेः’ इति षत्वम् ॥—पाठान्तरमिति । ‘शृदृभसोऽदिः’ इत्यदि-प्रत्ययो वाहुलकात् पृषेरपि भवति ॥ तथा च भाष्यं ‘पार्षदकृतिरेषा तत्रभवतां’ ‘सर्ववेदपार्षदं हीदं शास्त्रम्’ इति च । भट्टिस्त्वाह । ‘पर्षद्वलान्महाब्रह्मैराटनैकटिकाश्रमान्’ इति ‘पर्षदेषा दशावरा’ इति मनुः ॥—भ्रातृवल इति । ‘वले’ इत्यत्राण्ग्रहणानुवृत्तेर्नेह दीर्घः । पुत्रवलादौ तु स्यात्तत्राह—संज्ञायामित्यनुवृत्तेरिति । ‘वनगिर्योः’ इति सूत्रादिति भावः ॥ ज्योत्स्ना चन्द्रप्रभा । तत्रावयवीभूतं ज्योतिरस्तीति मत्वर्थीयोपपत्तिः । एतेन तमस्संमूहे तमिस्राशब्दो व्याख्यातः । निघण्टुषु तमःपर्यायस्तमिस्रशब्दः पठितः । तत्र समूहसमूहिनोरभेदोपचार इति हरदत्तः ॥—स्त्रीत्वमतन्त्रमिति । व्याख्यानमत्र शरणम् ॥ ऊर्जस्विन्गोमिन्नित्यत्र नान्तत्वाभिव्यक्तये नलोपो न कृतः

Bālamanoramā

द्युद्रुभ्यां मः - द्युद्रुभ्यां मः ।दिव उ॑दिति कृतोत्वस्य दिव्शब्दस्य 'द्यु' इति निर्देशः । दिव्शब्दात् द्रुशब्दाच्च मप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । द्युमः द्रुम इति । रूढशब्दावेतौ ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'dyu' is the word div as it stands after u has been substituted by 'diva ut'; after div and dru the affix ma comes. dyuma and druma are conventional (rūḍha) words. Followed for '[i.e. div]'.
commentary TB: dyuma — 'dyaur asyāsti', with u by 'diva ut'. dru is a tree; 'that which has it as its generator (janakatayā)' — so druma too is just a tree (Amara: 'palāśī drudrumāgamāḥ'). Matup, though added (samuccaya) everywhere in this section, is not wanted with conventional words, since their meaning cannot be expressed by matup. Recorded; hence no matup form is given here.

SK 1916 · A 5.2.109V

केशाद्वोऽन्यतरस्याम् ॥ १९१६ ॥

keśādvo'nyatarasyām

keśād vo 'nyatarasyām — After keśa, va [in the sense of matup (matvarthe)]; anyatarasyām [— stated afresh, per the kaumudī, so that ini and ṭhan also come, besides matup].

Rule. After keśa "hair", va comes. The fresh word anyatarasyām lets ini and ṭhan come as well. Matup is already brought by the anyatarasyām carried forward from SK 1903.

Example. keśā asya santi "he has hair" gives four words:

keśa + va → keśavaḥ.

keśa + ini → the final a deleted → keśī.

keśa + ṭhan → ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → keśikaḥ.

keśa + matup → v for m → keśavān.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators counts the four forms.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji explains the repetition. Matup would follow anyway from the anyatarasyām in context. So repeating the word must serve to include ini and ṭhan. One of his commentators draws a further point. This repetition is a jñāpaka. It shows that the earlier anyatarasyām means "as well", not "optionally". If it meant "optionally", this second one would add nothing.

Two vārttikas follow.

anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate: va is seen after other words too. maṇivaḥ, a kind of serpent (nāga). hiraṇyavaḥ, a kind of treasure.
arṇaso lopaś ca: after arṇas "water", va, and its s is lost. arṇas + va → arṇa + va → arṇavaḥ "that which has water".

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both gloss arṇas as water.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रकृतेनमान्यतरस्यां ग्रहणेन मतुपि सिद्धे पुनर्ग्रहणमिनिठनोः समावेशार्थम् । केशवः । केशी । केशिकः । केशवान् ।

Since matup would already be established by the mention of anyatarasyām that is in context [through anuvṛtti from 'prāṇisthād āto laj anyatarasyām', SK 1903], the fresh mention [of anyatarasyām here] is for the inclusion (samāveśa) of ini and ṭhan [as well]. keśavaḥ. keśī. keśikaḥ. keśavān.

vārttika

अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते

(vārttika) [va] is seen after other [words] too.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ मणिवो नागविशेषः । हिरण्यवो निधिविशेषः ।

maṇivaḥ, a particular serpent (nāga). hiraṇyavaḥ, a particular treasure (nidhi).

vārttika

अर्णसो लोपश्च

(vārttika) After arṇas [va comes], and deletion [of the final s].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अर्णवः ॥

arṇavaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

केशाद्वोऽन्यतरस्याम् - केशाद्रोऽन्यतरस्याम् । 'मत्वर्थे' इति शेषः । नन्विहाऽन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणं व्यर्थं, समर्थानामिति वाग्रहणेनैव वाक्यस्य सिद्धत्वात् । नच महाविभाषया अपवादेन मुक्ते औत्सर्गिकस्याऽप्रवृत्तेःपारेमध्ये षष्ठआ वे॑त्यत्रोक्तत्वादिह मतुपोऽप्रवृत्त्यापत्तौ तत्प्रवृत्त्यर्थमन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणमिति वाच्यं,प्राणिस्था॑दिति सूत्रादन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणस्य समुच्चयार्थकस्याऽनुवृत्त्यैव तत्सिद्धेरित्यत आह — प्रकृतेनेति । इनिठनोरिति । इनिठनोरपीत्यर्थः । अन्यथासिध्मादिभ्यश्चे॑त्यत्रेव मतुबेव समुच्चीयेत, नत्विनिठनाविति भावः । तथाच वप्रत्यये इनिठनोर्मतुपि च चत्वारि रूपाणीत्याह — केशव इत्यादि । अन्येभ्योऽपीति । वार्तिकमिदम् । केशादन्येभ्योऽपि मत्वर्थे वो दृश्यत इत्यर्थः । अर्णस इति । वार्तिकमिदम् । अर्णसो वप्रत्ययः प्रकृतेः सकारस्य लोपश्चेत्यर्थः ।अर्णव इति । अर्णः=जलम् । तत्प्रभूतमस्मिन्नस्तीति विग्रहः । इदं तु वार्तिकं भाष्ये न दृश्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'matvarthe' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). Objection: 'anyatarasyām' here is useless, since the optional analytic phrase (vākya) already follows from the mention of 'vā' in 'samarthānāṃ [prathamād vā]'. Nor may one say it is needed so that matup may apply — on the ground that, by the great option (mahāvibhāṣā), the general rule (utsarga) does not apply once the exception (apavāda) is set aside, as stated at 'pāremadhye ṣaṣṭhyā vā' — because matup follows anyway by the anuvṛtti of the cumulative (samuccayārthaka) anyatarasyām from 'prāṇisthāt' (SK 1903). To this he says 'prakṛtena'. 'iniṭhanoḥ' means 'of ini and ṭhan too'; otherwise, as in 'sidhmādibhyaś ca' (SK 1904), only matup would be cumulated, not ini and ṭhan. So with va, ini, ṭhan and matup there are four forms. Followed for the bracketed source of the anyatarasyām in context, for '[as well]', and for 'matvarthe' in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1904.t1 (on 'sidhmādibhyaś ca'): the anyatarasyām in 'keśād vaḥ' is a sign (liṅga): it is made in order to obtain ini and ṭhan; if the anyatarasyām in context meant mere option, that would already follow from its anuvṛtti, so why make it? Being made, it indicates (jñāpayati) that the earlier anyatarasyām is cumulative (samuccayārtha). Followed for reading 'prakṛtena anyatarasyāṃgrahaṇena' as the cumulative anyatarasyām carried forward.
textual The digital source reads 'prakṛtenam anyatarasyāṃ grahaṇena'; NSP p. 316 (printed 306) reads 'prakṛtenānyatarasyāṃgrahaṇena' (scan confirms), with no m. The English follows the print.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika: va is seen in the sense of matup after words other than keśa too. Followed for '[va]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1915.t1: on 'dṛśyate', 'va' is carried forward (anuvartate). Followed for '[va]'.
textual The digital source opens k3 and k5 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttikas of k2 and k4; NSP p. 316 (printed 306) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate' and 'arṇaso lopaś ca' (scan confirms). The tags are left untranslated, and k3 and k5 are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika: after arṇas, the affix va, and deletion of the s of the base. arṇavaḥ: arṇas = water; the analysis is 'it is abundantly present in this'. This vārttika is not seen in the Bhāṣya. Followed for '[va comes]' and '[of the final s]'; the absence from the Bhāṣya is Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1915.t1: arṇas is from ṛ with asun and the augment nuṭ (OCR 'attarasun'; scan 'arter asun'); arṇaḥ is water, [arṇava] the one possessing it. Recorded.

SK 1917 · A 5.2.110V

गाण्ड्यजगात् संज्ञायाम् ॥ १९१७ ॥

gāṇḍyajagāt saṃjñāyām

gāṇḍyajagāt saṃjñāyām — After gāṇḍi/gāṇḍī and ajaga, [va comes in the matvartha sense] to form a name (saṃjñā).

Rule. After gāṇḍi (or gāṇḍī) and ajaga, va comes, to form a name.

Example.

gāṇḍi + va → gāṇḍivam; gāṇḍī + va → gāṇḍīvam. Both name Arjuna's bow.

ajaga + va → ajagavam, the bow Pināka.

Applies when / blocked by. How can one word stand for both gāṇḍi and gāṇḍī? Bhaṭṭoji says the short and the long are stated together through the yaṇ sound. In gāṇḍy-ajagāt, the y could stand for either i or ī. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the device differently.

One of them says saṃjñāyām here only spells out the iti of SK 1894.

Watch out. These are conventional names, so matup is not added. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ह्रस्वदीर्घयोर्यणा तन्त्रेण निर्देशः । गाण्डिवम् । गाण्डीवम् । अर्जुनस्य धनुः । अजगवं पिनाकः ॥

The short and the long [i.e. gāṇḍi and gāṇḍī] are stated together (tantreṇa) by means of the yaṇ [substitute]. gāṇḍivam; gāṇḍīvam: Arjuna's bow. ajagavam: Pināka [Śiva's bow].

Bālamanoramā

गाण्ड्यजगात् संज्ञायाम् - गाण्डजगात्संज्ञायाम् । ह्रस्वदीर्घयोरिति । गाण्डिशब्दस्य गाण्डीशब्दस्य च कृतयणो गाण्ड इति युगपन्निर्देशः — ॒ख्यत्वात्परस्ये॑त्यत्र खितिशब्दयोः खीतीशब्दयोश्च यथेत्यर्थः । ततश्च गाण्डिशब्दाद्गाण्जीशब्दादजगशब्दाच्च मत्वर्थे वप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । रूढशब्दत्वादिह न मतुप्समुच्चयः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'hrasvadīrghayoḥ' — 'gāṇḍ[y]' is a simultaneous statement of both gāṇḍi and gāṇḍī with yaṇ made, just as in 'khyatyāt parasya' (SK 255) [khi/khī and ti/tī are stated together]. Hence the affix va comes in the matvartha sense after gāṇḍi, gāṇḍī and ajaga. Being conventional words (rūḍha), there is no adding of matup (samuccaya) here. Followed for the bracketed va and matvartha in sutra_en and for '[i.e. gāṇḍi and gāṇḍī]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1915.t1: 'yaṇā' — this is not, as in 'khyatyāt', the imitation of a form in which the yaṇ substitution has been made, since there is no yaṇ in the target forms; rather the yaṇ stands in the sūtra by saṃhitā. Both forms are used: 'adhirohati gāṇḍivaṃ maheṣau' and 'gāṇḍīvī kanakaśilānibhaṃ bhujābhyām'. In the same block TB states that matup, though added everywhere [in this prakaraṇa], is not wanted with conventional words. Recorded; TB and BM differ on the comparison with 'khyatyāt', and the English 'by means of the yaṇ [substitute]' stays neutral between them (§16).
commentary TB, printed under sk.1915.t1 (NSP p. 316), on 'saṃjñāyām': this only spells out the word 'iti' in the sūtra 'tad asyāsty asminn iti matup' (SK 1894). Recorded; the English 'to form a name (saṃjñā)' is unaffected.
translator BM supplies va in the matvartha sense without calling it an anuvṛtti; that the va is that of SK 1916 (keśād vo 'nyatarasyām) is the translator's identification.

SK 1918 · A 5.2.111V

काण्डाण्डादीरन्नीरचौ ॥ १९१८ ॥

kāṇḍāṇḍādīrannīracau

kāṇḍāṇḍād īrann īracau — After kāṇḍa and āṇḍa, the affixes īran and īrac [in the sense of matup (matvartha)].

Rule. After kāṇḍa and āṇḍa, the affixes īran and īrac come. Both are heard as -īra.

Example.

kāṇḍa + īra → the final a deleted → kāṇḍīraḥ.

āṇḍa + īra → āṇḍīraḥ.

Watch out. Neither Bhaṭṭoji nor his commentators say whether the two affixes pair with the two bases in order. Leave the question open.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

काण्डीरः । आण्डीरः ॥

kāṇḍīraḥ. āṇḍīraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

काण्डाण्डादीरन्नीरचौ - काण्डाण्डादीरन्नीरचौ । काण्ड, आण्ड-आभ्यां ईरन्, ईरच् इति प्रत्ययौ मत्वर्थे स्त इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after kāṇḍa and āṇḍa the two affixes īran and īrac occur in the sense of matup (matvartha). Followed for the bracketed sense.
translator Neither the kaumudī nor BM says whether the two affixes go with the two bases respectively or each with both; the English leaves this open. No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1915.t1 passes from 'yaṇeti' (SK 1917) to 'āsutīvala iti' (SK 1919)).

SK 1919 · A 5.2.112V

रजःकृष्यासुतिपरिषदो वलच् ॥ १९१९ ॥

rajaḥkṛṣyāsutipariṣado valac

rajaḥkṛṣyāsutipariṣado valac — After rajas, kṛṣi, āsuti and pariṣad, valac [in the sense of matup (matvarthe)].

Rule. After rajas, kṛṣi "ploughing", āsuti and pariṣad "assembly", valac comes. It is heard as -vala.

Example.

rajas + valac → the stem is bha (SK 1896), so the s stays → rajasvalā strī "a woman in her courses".

kṛṣi + valac → ī for i by vale (SK 1040) → kṛṣīvalaḥ "a cultivator".

āsuti + valac → lengthening likewise → āsutīvalaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji glosses it as śauṇḍika, a distiller.

pariṣad + valac → pariṣadvalaḥ. A variant reading has parṣad: parṣadvalam.

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain āsuti as "pressing", from the root su with ā.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate, valac is seen after other words too. bhrātṛvalaḥ, putravalaḥ, śatruvalaḥ.

Watch out. These three words have no lengthening. Bhaṭṭoji says the rule vale (SK 1040) carries "in a name" (saṃjñāyām) forward by anuvṛtti. These words are not names, so vale does not lengthen them. His commentators both add a second reason for bhrātṛ. The lengthening is limited to the vowels named aṇ, and ṛ is not among them.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

रजस्वला स्त्री । कृषीवलः । वले SK 1040 इति दीर्घः । आसुतीवलः । शौण्डिकः । परिषद्वलः । पर्षदितिपाठान्तरम् । पर्षद्वलम् ।

rajasvalā strī, 'a woman in her courses'. kṛṣīvalaḥ ['a cultivator']: the lengthening is by 'vale' (SK 1040). āsutīvalaḥ, [that is,] a śauṇḍika ['a distiller']. pariṣadvalaḥ. parṣad is a variant reading: parṣadvalam.

vārttika

अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते

(vārttika) anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate — [valac] is seen after other [words] too.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ भ्रातृवलः । पुत्रवलः । शत्रुवलः । वले SK 1040 इत्यत्र संज्ञायामित्यनुवृत्तेर्नेह दीर्घः ॥

bhrātṛvalaḥ, putravalaḥ, śatruvalaḥ. Because 'saṃjñāyām' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) into 'vale' (SK 1040), there is no lengthening here.

Bālamanoramā

रजःकृष्यासुतिपरिषदो वलच् - रजःकृषि । रजस्, कृषि, आसुति, परिषद् एभ्यो मत्वर्थे वलच्स्यादित्यर्थः । आसुतीवल इति ।षुञ् अभिषवे॑ । आङ्पूर्वात्स्त्रियां क्तिन् । 'वले' इति दीर्घः ।अन्येभ्योऽपीति । वार्तिकमिदम् ।रजः कृषी॑त्यादिसूत्रोपात्तादन्येभ्योऽपि वलच्दृश्यत इत्यर्थः । भ्रातृवलः । 'ढ्रलोपे' इत्यतोऽण इत्यनुवृत्तेः 'वले' इति न दीर्घः । पुत्रवल इत्यादौ 'वले' इति दीर्घमाशङ्क्याह — वले इत्यत्रेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after rajas, kṛṣi, āsuti and pariṣad, valac comes in the sense of matup (matvarthe). āsutīvalaḥ: from 'ṣuñ abhiṣave' preceded by āṅ, ktin in the feminine; the lengthening is by 'vale'. Followed for the bracketed sense in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1915.t1: āsutīvala — from 'ṣuñ abhiṣave' with ktin, āsuti is pressing (abhiṣava). pariṣadvala — pariṣad is 'that which sits around', with kvip by 'satsūdviṣa…', and ṣ by 'sadir aprateḥ'. On the variant: by 'śṛdṛbhaso 'diḥ' the affix adi comes by bahulaka after pṛṣ too; the Bhāṣya has 'pārṣadakṛtir eṣā tatrabhavatām' and 'sarvavedapārṣadaṃ hīdaṃ śāstram', Bhaṭṭi 'parṣadvalān…', and Manu 'parṣad eṣā daśāvarā'. Recorded; the English does not depend on it.
commentary BM: 'anyebhyo 'pi' is a vārttika: valac is seen after [words] other than those taken up in the sūtra. In bhrātṛvalaḥ there is no lengthening by 'vale' because 'aṇaḥ' is carried forward from 'ḍhralope…' (SK 174, A 6.3.111); for putravalaḥ etc., where the lengthening would be expected, Bhaṭṭoji says 'vale ity atra…'. Followed: 'no lengthening here' is taken as aimed chiefly at putravala and śatruvala.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1915.t1: in bhrātṛvala there is no lengthening because 'aṇ' is carried forward into 'vale'; in putravala etc. it would come, hence 'saṃjñāyām ity anuvṛtteḥ' — [saṃjñāyām] from the sūtra 'vanagiryoḥ…' (SK 1038, A 6.3.117). Followed; agrees with BM.
textual The digital source opens k3 with '(vārttikam)', an editorial tag; NSP p. 316 (printed 306) marks the vārttika with a sign before it and has no such tag (scan). The tag is not rendered. The print otherwise agrees with the digital kaumudī, including 'parṣadvalam' (neuter) and 'vale 1040' (scan).
translator 'śauṇḍikaḥ' stands as a separate sentence after āsutīvalaḥ; it is taken as the kaumudī's gloss of that example. The glosses of rajasvalā and kṛṣīvalaḥ are the translator's.

SK 1920 · A 5.2.113V

दन्तशिखात् संज्ञायाम् ॥ १९२० ॥

dantaśikhāt saṃjñāyām

dantaśikhāt saṃjñāyām — After danta and śikhā, [valac in the sense of matup (matvarthe),] when a name (saṃjñā) [is meant].

Rule. After danta "tooth" and śikhā "crest", valac comes, to form a name. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies valac and the matup sense.

Example.

danta + valac → dantāvalaḥ "the elephant".

śikhā + valac → śikhāvalaḥ "the peacock".

Watch out. Note the long ā in dantāvalaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji does not explain it under this rule. Simply learn the word as he gives it.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दन्तावलो हस्ती । शिखावलः केकी ॥

dantāvalaḥ, the elephant (hastin). śikhāvalaḥ, the peacock (kekin).

translator notes

textual The BM block formerly filed as sk.1920.b1 is BM on the next sūtra, SK 1921 (its pratīka is 'jyotsnātamisrā…'), and was re-filed to sk.1921.b1 (2026-10-05); sk.1919.b1 ends with SK 1919's own vārttika. Our digital source therefore has no BM on this sūtra; the printed SK+BM has one (see the commentary note on the sūtra). No TB is printed on it either: NSP p. 316 (printed 306) passes in TB from SK 1919 ('…saṃjñāyām ity anuvṛtter iti. vanagiryoḥ…') straight to 'jyotsnā candraprabhā' of SK 1921 (scan confirms).
commentary BM (printed ed., not in the digital source; Wikisource purva-3-2/0058): [danta-śikhāt] is a fifth case from a collective (samāhāra) dvandva; after the words danta and śikhā, valac in the matup sense (matvarthe), when a name is meant. Followed for the bracketed valac and matup sense in sutra_en and for taking dantaśikhāt as 'after danta and śikhā'.
translator 'valac' and 'in the sense of matup' are supplied as in the printed BM (previous note); that valac is the one of 'rajaḥkṛṣyāsutipariṣado valac' (SK 1919), as the examples dantāvala and śikhāvala show, and that the matup sense is from the heading 'tad asyāsty asminn iti' (SK 1894), are the translator's identifications, no commentator naming them. The long ā of dantāvala is not explained here; the kaumudī under SK 1919 says 'vale' (SK 1040) lengthens only where 'saṃjñāyām' holds.

SK 1921 · A 5.2.114V

ज्योत्स्नातमिस्राशृङ्गिणोर्जस्विन्नूर्जस्वलगोमिन्मलिनमलीमसाः ॥ १९२१ ॥

jyotsnātamisrāśṛṅgiṇorjasvinnūrjasvalagominmalinamalīmasāḥ

jyotsnātamisrāśṛṅgiṇorjasvinnūrjasvalagominmalinamalīmasāḥ — jyotsnā, tamisrā, śṛṅgiṇa, ūrjasvin, ūrjasvala, gomin, malina and malīmasa [are given by nipātana in the matvartha sense].

Rule. Eight words are fixed by nipātana in the matup sense. Bhaṭṭoji names the base and the affix of each.

Example.

jyotis → the penultimate i lost, and the affix na → jyotsnā "moonlight".

tamas → i for the penultimate a, and the affix ra → tamisrā "a dark night".

śṛṅga "horn" → inac → śṛṅgiṇaḥ "horned".

ūrjas → valac → ūrjasvalaḥ; and vini → ūrjasvī.

go "cow" → mini → gomī.

mala → inac → malinaḥ; and īmasa → malīmasaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Three remarks of Bhaṭṭoji's own.

The feminine of tamisrā is not essential, so tamisram is also correct.

Vini is named after ūrjas so that valac does not block it. Vini would otherwise come by SK 1928, which gives it after a word ending in as.

The Vṛtti, an older commentary on the sūtras, derives these words from ūrj with an augment as. Bhaṭṭoji calls that questionable. Ūrjas already ends in as, as the word ūrjasvatī shows.

Watch out. Mini and inac are heard as -min and -ina. In śṛṅgiṇaḥ the n becomes ṇ after the ṛ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names this ṇ-substitution.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मत्वर्थे निपात्यन्ते । ज्योतिष उपधालोपो नश्च प्रत्ययः । ज्योत्स्ना । तमस उपधाया इत्वं रश्च । तमिस्रा । स्त्रीत्वमदन्त्रम् । तमिस्रम् । शृङ्गादिनच् । शृङ्गिणः । ऊर्जसो वलच् । तेन बाधा माभूदिति विनिरपि । ऊर्जस्वी । उर्जस्वलः । ऊर्जोऽसुगागम इति वृत्तिस्तु चिन्त्या । ऊर्जस्वतीतिवदसुन्नन्तेनैवोपपत्तेः । गोशब्दान्मिनिः । गोमी । मलशब्दादिनच् । मलिनः । ईमसश्च । मलीमसः ॥

These are given by nipātana in the matvartha sense. From jyotis: loss of the penultimate (upadhā) and the affix na: jyotsnā. From tamas: i in place of the penultimate, and [the affix] ra: tamisrā. The feminine gender is not essential (atantra): tamisram [also]. From śṛṅga, inac: śṛṅgiṇaḥ. From ūrjas, valac; and vini as well, lest [vini] be blocked by that [valac]: ūrjasvī, ūrjasvalaḥ. But the Vṛtti's [statement] 'after ūrj, the augment asuk' is open to question (cintya), since [the forms] are accounted for simply by [ūrjas] ending in asun, as with ūrjasvatī. From go, mini: gomī. From mala, inac: malinaḥ; and īmasa: malīmasaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

ज्योत्स्नातमिस्राशृङ्गिणोजस्विन्नूर्जस्वलगोमिन्- मलिनमलीमसाः - ज्योत्स्ना । ज्योतिष इति । ज्योत्स्नावयवाः=ज्योतीषि, तान्यस्यां सन्तीति विग्रहे ज्योतिष्शब्दान्नप्रत्ययः, उपधाभूतस्य इकारस्य लोपश्च निपात्यते । सति च इकारस्य लोपे इणः परत्वाऽभावात्षत्वनिवृत्तौ ज्योत्स्नेति रूपम् ।चन्द्रिका कौमुदी ज्योत्स्ने॑त्यमरः । तमस इति । तमोऽस्यास्तीति विग्रहे तमस्शब्दात् रक्प्रत्ययः । उपधाभूतस्य मकारादकारस्य इत्वं च निपात्यत इत्यर्थः ।तमिरुआआ तामसी रात्रि॑रित्यमरः । ननुतमिरुओ॑ति स्त्रीलिङ्गनिसर्देशात्तमिरुआं गृहमिति कथमित्यत आह — स्त्रीत्वमतन्त्रमिति । शृङ्गादिनजिति । 'निपात्यते' इति शेषः । शृङ्गिण इति । शृङ्गमस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । इनचि णत्वम् । ऊर्जसो वलजिति । 'निपात्यते' इति शेषः । ऊर्जसित्यसुन्नन्तं प्रातिपदिकम् । ननुअस्मायामेधे॑ति लिनिना सिद्धेरूर्जस्विन्निति भूदित्येतदर्थं विनो निपातनमित्यर्थः । ऊर्ज इति । ऊर्जशब्दाद्वलचि प्रकृतेरसुगागम इति वृत्तिग्रन्थोऽनुपपन्न इत्यर्थः । कुत इत्यत आह — ऊर्जस्वतीरितिवदिति । ऊर्जस्वतीरित्यत्र बलप्रत्ययाऽभावेन तत्सन्नियोगशिष्टस्य असुगागमस्याऽप्रसक्तेस्तत्र ऊर्जसित्यसुन्नन्तं प्रातिपदिकमवयश्यमभ्युपेयम् । तेनैव ऊर्जस्विन्नूर्जस्वलयोर्विनिवलज्मात्रनिपातनोपपत्तेरित्यर्थः । ईमसच्चेति । मलशब्दान्निपात्यत इति शेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.1921.b1): jyotsnā — its parts are lights (jyotīṃṣi), which are in it; so from jyotis the affix na and loss of the penultimate i are given by nipātana, and with i lost, ṣ-substitution lapses because [s] no longer follows iṇ, giving jyotsnā. tamisrā — from tamas, the affix rak, and i for the penultimate a after m, by nipātana (both BM witnesses, our OCR and the Wikisource print purva-3-2/0058, read rak where the kaumudī says ra; recorded, not harmonised). 'strītvam atantram' answers how 'tamisraṃ gṛham' is possible when the sūtra states the feminine. śṛṅgiṇa — ṇ-substitution with inac. ūrjas is a prātipadika ending in asun; since vini would already come by 'asmāyāmedhāsrajo viniḥ' (SK 1928), vini is given by nipātana so that [it is not blocked by valac]. The Vṛtti's statement that from ūrja with valac the base takes the augment asuk is untenable: in ūrjasvatīḥ there is no valac, so the augment asuk conditioned by it cannot arise, and a prātipadika ūrjas ending in asun must in any case be accepted; with that, the nipātana of vini and valac alone accounts for ūrjasvin and ūrjasvala. īmasac from mala by nipātana. Followed for 'lest [vini] be blocked by that [valac]', for '[ūrjas] ending in asun' and for the derivations of jyotsnā and tamisrā.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1915.t1: jyotsnā is moonlight; light (jyotis) is present in it as a component, which justifies a matvarthīya affix; tamisrā is explained on the same lines [as a mass of darkness]. In the lexicons tamisra is listed as a synonym of tamas, collection and members being treated as identical — so Haradatta. 'strītvam atantram': the explanation (vyākhyāna) is the authority here. In 'ūrjasvin', 'gomin' the loss of n is not made [in the sūtra] in order to show that they end in n. Recorded.
textual Our text reads 'strītvam adantram'; NSP p. 316 (printed 306) reads 'strītvam atantram' (scan confirms), as do the pratīkas of BM ('strītvam atantram iti', sk.1921.b1) and TB ('strītvam atantram iti', sk.1915.t1). The English follows the print ('not essential').
textual Our text reads 'urjasvalaḥ' with short u; NSP p. 316 (printed 306) reads 'ūrjasvalaḥ' (scan confirms), matching the sūtra. The English follows the print.
textual The Bālamanoramā on this sūtra (pratīka 'jyotsnātamisrā…'), formerly filed under the neighbour sk.1920 as sk.1920.b1, was re-filed here as sk.1921.b1 (2026-10-05); our digital source carries no BM on SK 1920 (the printed SK+BM has one; see sk1920).
translator 'ūrjaḥ' in the Vṛtti citation is rendered 'after ūrj'; BM paraphrases it as 'ūrjaśabdāt' (from the word ūrja). The syntax 'tena bādhā mā bhūd iti vinir api' leaves the blocked item implicit; the brackets follow BM.

SK 1922 · A 5.2.115V

अत इनिठनौ ॥ १९२२ ॥

ata iniṭhanau

ata iniṭhanau — After [a stem] ending in short a (at), ini and ṭhan [come in the matup sense (matvarthe); and, since 'anyatarasyām' in the sense of conjunction (samuccaya) is carried forward (anuvṛtti), matup as well].

Rule. After a stem ending in short a, ini and ṭhan come. Matup comes as well, because the adding anyatarasyām is carried forward. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.

Example.

daṇḍo 'syāsti "he has a staff" → daṇḍa + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → daṇḍin → daṇḍī.

daṇḍa + ṭhan → ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → the a deleted → daṇḍikaḥ.

daṇḍa + matup → daṇḍavān.

Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra writes at: a with t after it, which means short a only. So a stem in long ā is excluded: khaṭvāvān "having a bed" takes matup only. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this counter-example.

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both quote a verse: ekākṣarāt kṛto jāteḥ saptamyāṃ ca na tau smṛtau. The two affixes are not taught

after a one-syllable word: svavān;
after a word formed with a kṛt: kārakavān;
after a word for a species (jāti): vyāghravān;
in the sense "in which": daṇḍavatī śālā "a hall in which there are staffs".

This is only generally true, they add. kāryī and taṇḍulī are correct.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दण्डी । दण्डिकः ॥

daṇḍī, daṇḍikaḥ ['having a staff'].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 316

—अत इनिठनौ । तपरकरणं किम् । खद्वावान् ‘एकाक्षरात्कृतो जातेः सप्तम्यां च न तौ स्मृतौ’ । एकाक्षरात्—स्ववान् । कृतः—कारकवान् । जातेः—व्याघ्रवान् सिंहवान् । सप्तम्यां—दण्डाः अस्यां सन्ति दण्डवती शाला । ‘तदस्यास्ति—’ इति सूत्रस्थेतिकरणो विषयनियमार्थः सर्वत्रापि संवध्यत इति ॥ क्वचित्कृतोऽपि भवति—कार्यां कार्यिकः । क्वचित्तु जातेरपि—तण्डुली तण्डुलिकः ॥ एतच्च काशिकादौ स्पष्टम्

Bālamanoramā

अत इनिठनौ - अत इनिठनौ । अदन्तान्मत्वर्थे इनि ठन् एतौ स्त इत्यर्थः । समुच्चयार्थकान्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणानुवृत्तेर्मतुबपि भवति । एकाक्षरात्कृतो जातेः सप्तम्यां च न तौ स्मृतौ॑ इति भाष्यम् । एकाक्षरात्-स्ववान्, कृतः-कारकवान्, जातेः-वृक्षकवान्, सप्तम्यां — दण्डाः अस्यां शालायां सन्ति दण्डवती । इदं प्रायिकम् । तेन कार्यी कार्यिकः, तण्डुली तण्डुलिक इत्यादि सिद्धमिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after a stem ending in a, in the matup sense, these two, ini and ṭhan, come; because 'anyatarasyām', meaning conjunction (samuccaya), is carried forward, matup also comes. Followed for the bracketed sense, the anuvṛtti of 'anyatarasyām' and matup in sutra_en.
commentary TB: why the t in 'at' (taparakaraṇa)? [So that a stem in long ā is excluded:] khaṭvāvān. Followed for 'short a'.
commentary BM cites the Bhāṣya verse 'ekākṣarāt kṛto jāteḥ saptamyāṃ ca na tau smṛtau' — the two [ini, ṭhan] are not taught after a monosyllable (svavān), after a kṛt-formation (kārakavān), after a class-word (vṛkṣakavān), or in the seventh-case sense (daṇḍāḥ asyāṃ śālāyāṃ santi: daṇḍavatī); this is general, not absolute (prāyika), so kāryī, kāryikaḥ, taṇḍulī, taṇḍulikaḥ are established, as the Bhāṣya makes clear. Recorded; not in the kaumudī.
commentary TB cites the same verse, with vyāghravān, siṃhavān for the class-word and 'daṇḍavatī śālā' for the seventh case; the 'iti' of 'tad asyāsty…' (SK 1894), which restricts the domain, is connected everywhere; sometimes [the affixes come] after a kṛt too (kāryī, kāryikaḥ) and sometimes after a class-word (taṇḍulī, taṇḍulikaḥ), as is clear in the Kāśikā etc. Agrees with BM; recorded.
translator BM names no source sūtra for the carried-forward 'anyatarasyām'; that it is the 'anyatarasyām' of 'prāṇisthād āto laj anyatarasyām' (SK 1903), taken as samuccaya at SK 1904, is the translator's identification.

SK 1923 · A 5.2.116V

व्रीह्यादिभ्यश्च ॥ १९२३ ॥

vrīhyādibhyaśca

vrīhyādibhyaś ca — And after vrīhi ('rice') etc. [ini and ṭhan come in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied (śeṣa)].

Rule. Ini and ṭhan also come after vrīhi "rice" and the words listed with it.

Example.

vrīhi + ini → the final i deleted (SK 311) → vrīhī "having rice".

vrīhi + ṭhan → vrīhikaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji warns that not every word of the list takes both. A vārttika sorts them.

śikhāmālāsaṃjñādibhya iniḥ: after śikhā, mālā, saṃjñā and the like, ini only.
yavakhadādibhya ikaḥ: after yavakhada and the like, ika, that is ṭhan, only.

After the other words of the list, both come.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the second group: yavakhala, nau and kumārī. He reads yavakhala for yavakhada.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

व्रीही । व्रीहीकः । न च सर्वेभ्यो व्रीह्यादिभ्य इनिठनाविष्येते । किं तर्हि ।

vrīhī, vrīhikaḥ ('possessing rice'). But ini and ṭhan are not desired after all [the words of the group] vrīhi etc. What then?

vārttika

शिखामालासंज्ञादिभ्य इनिः

(vārttika) After śikhā, mālā, saṃjñā etc., ini [only].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ यवखदादिभ्य इकः ॥ अन्येभ्य उभयम् ॥

(vārttika, continued) After yavakhada etc., ika [i.e. ṭhan only]. After the others, both.

Bālamanoramā

व्रीह्यादिभ्यश्च - व्रीह्रादिभ्यश्च । 'मत्वर्थे इनिठनौ' इति शेषः । शिखामालेत्यादि । वार्तिकमिदम् ।शिखा, माला, संज्ञा, वीणा, बडवा, बलाका, पताका, वर्मन्, शर्मन् एभ्य इनिरेव, नतु ठनित्यर्थः । यवखलेति । यवखल, नौ, कुमारी एभ्यष्ठनेव, न त्विनिरित्यर्थः । परिशिष्टेभ्यस्तु व्रीह्रादिगणपठितेभ्य उभावित्यर्थसिद्धम् । इदं वृत्तौ स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'matvarthe iniṭhanau' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). Followed for the bracketed ini, ṭhan and matup sense in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'śikhāmālā…' is a vārttika: after śikhā, mālā, saṃjñā, vīṇā, baḍavā, balākā, patākā, varman and śarman, only ini, not ṭhan; after yavakhala, nau and kumārī only ṭhan, not ini; after the remaining words read in the vrīhi group both [ini and ṭhan] follow by implication (arthasiddha); this is clear in the Vṛtti. Followed for '[only]' in k2 and '[i.e. ṭhan only]' in k3.
textual The digital source reads 'vrīhīkaḥ' (long ī before k); NSP p. 316 (printed 306) reads 'vrīhikaḥ' (scan confirms), the regular form with ṭhan → ika. The English follows the print ('vrīhikaḥ').
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika after 'iniḥ'. NSP p. 316 (printed 306; scan) prints the vārttika sign once, before 'śikhāmālāsaṃjñādibhya iniḥ', and closes with a double daṇḍa only after 'yavakhadādibhya ikaḥ', taking 'yavakhadādibhya ikaḥ' as part of the same vārttika; 'anyebhya ubhayam' follows as a separate sentence. The Wikisource SK+BM print (purva-3-2/0059) likewise quotes 'śikhāmālāsaṃjñādibhya iniḥ, yavakhalādibhya ikaḥ' as a single vārttika (vā 3209), and BM glosses both halves together as the vārttika. The tag is left untranslated; 'yavakhadādibhya ikaḥ' is labelled as the continuation of the vārttika, and only 'anyebhya ubhayam' is Bhaṭṭoji's prose.
textual Our source and NSP p. 316 (scan) read 'yavakhada'; BM's gloss (sk.1923.b1) and the mūla of the Wikisource SK+BM print (purva-3-2/0059) read 'yavakhala'. Recorded; the English follows our source.
translator BM calls 'matvarthe iniṭhanau' supplied (śeṣa); that ini and ṭhan are those of 'ata iniṭhanau' (SK 1922) is the translator's identification.

SK 1924 · A 5.2.117V

तुन्दादिभ्य इलच् च ॥ १९२४ ॥

tundādibhya ilac ca

tundādibhya ilac ca — And ilac after tunda ('belly') and the rest [in the matup sense; by 'ca', ini and ṭhan too; and, since 'anyatarasyām' in the sense of conjunction (samuccaya) is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1903, matup as well].

Rule. After tunda "belly" and its list, ilac comes. By ca, ini and ṭhan come too, and matup as well.

Example. One with a big belly gives four words:

tunda + ilac → tundilaḥ.

tunda + ini → tundī.

tunda + ṭhan → tundikaḥ.

tunda + matup → tundavān.

The list goes on with udara, picaṇḍa, yava and vrīhi.

Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra in the list: svāṅgād vivṛddhau. After a word for one's own body part (svāṅga), when it is enlarged, ilac and the rest come.

vivṛddhau karṇau yasya "one whose ears are enlarged" → karṇilaḥ, karṇī, karṇikaḥ, karṇavān.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चादिनि ठनौ मतुप् च । तुन्दिलः । तुन्दी । तुन्दिकः । तुन्दवान् । उदर, पिचण्ड, यव, व्रीहि ॥ (गणसूत्रम् -) स्वाङ्गाद्विवृद्धौ । विवृद्ध्युपाधिकात्स्वाङ्गवाचिन इलजादयः स्युः । विवृद्धौ कर्णौ यस्य कर्णिलः । कर्णी । कर्णिकः । कर्णवान् ॥

By 'ca', ini and ṭhan, and matup too: tundilaḥ, tundī, tundikaḥ, tundavān ['pot-bellied']. [The list continues:] udara, picaṇḍa, yava, vrīhi. (gaṇasūtra) svāṅgād vivṛddhau — '[after a word for] one's own body part (svāṅga), when [its] enlargement (vivṛddhi) [is meant]'. ilac and the rest come after a word denoting one's own body part, when conditioned by enlargement: one whose two ears are enlarged [is] karṇilaḥ; karṇī; karṇikaḥ; karṇavān.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 316

—तुन्दादिभ्य इलच्च । अन्यतरस्यामित्यनुवर्तनादाह—मतुप् चेति । अत्र ‘स्वाङ्गाद् विवृद्धौ’ इति पठ्यते । विवृद्धयुपाधिकात्स्वाङ्गवाचिन इलजादयः स्युः । विवृद्धौ कर्णावस्य कर्णिलः कर्णी कर्णिकः कर्णवान्

Bālamanoramā

तुन्दादिभ्य इलच् च - तुन्दादिभ्य इलच्च । मतुप्चेति । समुच्चयार्थकाऽन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणानुवृत्तेरिति भावः । उदरादयश्चत्वारस्तुन्दादिगणपठिताः । स्वाङ्गाद्विवृद्धाविति । गणसूत्रमिदम् । वृद्धविषयात्वात्स्वाङ्गादिलच्, इनिठनौ मतुप्चेत्यर्थः । कर्णिल इति । वृद्धौ कर्णौ यस्येति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: on 'matup ca': because 'anyatarasyām', meaning conjunction (samuccaya), is carried forward; udara etc., four words, are read in the tundādi gaṇa; 'svāṅgād vivṛddhau' is a gaṇasūtra: from a body-part word having enlargement as its domain, ilac, ini, ṭhan and matup; karṇila = 'one whose ears are enlarged'. Followed for the anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for '[The list continues:]' in k1.
commentary TB: says 'matup ca' because 'anyatarasyām' is carried forward (anuvartanāt); in this [gaṇa] 'svāṅgād vivṛddhau' is read, and it repeats the kaumudī's gloss and examples. Agrees with BM; followed for the anuvṛtti.
textual The digital source reads 'vivṛddhau karṇau yasya karṇilaḥ'; NSP p. 316 (printed 306; scan) reads 'vivṛddhau karṇau yasya sa karṇilaḥ'. The correlative 'sa' does not alter the sense; the English '[is]' covers it.

SK 1925 · A 5.2.118V

एकगोपूर्वाट्ठञ् नित्यम् ॥ १९२५ ॥

ekagopūrvāṭṭhañ nityam

ekagopūrvāṭ ṭhañ nityam — After [a word ending in a (ataḥ) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1922 —] that has eka or go as its prior member, ṭhañ [comes in the sense of matup], invariably (nityam).

Rule. After a word in short a whose prior member is eka "one" or go "cow", ṭhañ comes. It comes always (nityam). Ṭhañ is heard as -ika and brings vṛddhi.

Example.

ekaśatam asyāsti "he has one hundred" → ekaśata + ṭhañ → ṭha → ika

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, e → ai (SK 1075) → the final a deleted → aikaśatikaḥ.

Likewise aikasahasrikaḥ, gauśatikaḥ, gausahasrikaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why nityam? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both answer. Ṭhañ alone would set aside ini and ṭhan. But matup would still come by the adding anyatarasyām. Nityam stops matup too.

The base must end in a; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "only after a". So not ekaviṃśatir asyāsti "he has twenty-one".

Watch out. Only the first vowel takes vṛddhi: aikaśatikaḥ, not aikaśātikaḥ. And remember: after this rule, the thread of matup is cut. It returns in SK 1928.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एकशतमस्यास्तीति ऐकशतिकः । ऐकसहस्रिकः । गौशतिकः । गौसहस्रिकः ॥

ekaśatam asyāsti, 'he has one hundred': aikaśatikaḥ. aikasahasrikaḥ. gauśatikaḥ. gausahasrikaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 316–317

—एकगोपूर्वात् ॥—एकशतिक इति । एकं च तच्छतं चेति ‘पूर्वकाल—’ इत्यादिना कर्मधारयः । षष्ठी-तत्पुरुषाद्बहुव्रीहेर्द्वन्द्वाच्च न भवत्यनभिधानादिति हरदत्तादयः ॥ अत इत्येव नेह—एकविंशतिरस्यास्तीति ॥ नित्यग्रहणं मतुपो बाधनार्थम् । अन्यथा ठञा इनिठनोर्वाधे कृतेऽप्यन्यतरस्यांग्रहणानुवृत्त्या मतुप् स्यादेवेत्याहुः ॥ कथम्—एकद्रव्यवान् इति । असाधुरेवायम् ॥ एकेन द्रव्यवानिति वा विग्रहीतव्यम् ॥ कथम् एकदण्डी इति । ‘एकदेशिनैकाधिकरणे’ इति निर्देशो ज्ञापयति ‘इनिरपि क्वचिद्भवति’ इति

Bālamanoramā

एकगोपूर्वाट्ठञ् नित्यम् - एकगोपूर्वाठ्ठञ्नित्यम् । एकपूर्वाद्गोपूर्वाच्च नित्यं ठञ्स्यादित्यर्थः । यद्यपि नित्यग्रहणाऽभावेऽपि ठञा इनिठनोर्निर्वृत्तिः सिध्यति, तथापि समुच्चयार्थकाऽन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणानुत्त्या मतुप्समुच्चीयेत, तन्निवत्त्यर्थं नित्यग्रहणम् । ऐकशतिक इति । 'पूर्वकाल' इति समासः ।सङ्ख्यायाः संवत्सर॑ इत्युत्तरपदवृद्धिस्तु न, तत्र प्रतिपदोक्ततद्धितार्थसमासस्यैव ग्रहणात् ।

translator notes

commentary TB: 'ata ity eva' — [the affix comes only after a word ending in a], so not here: 'ekaviṃśatir asyāsti'. 'nitya' is used to block matup; otherwise, even once ṭhañ has blocked ini and ṭhan, matup would still come by the anuvṛtti of 'anyatarasyām'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti of 'ataḥ' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: ṭhañ comes invariably after [a word] having eka or go as prior member. Although, even without 'nitya', ṭhañ would exclude ini and ṭhan, matup would be cumulated through the anuvṛtti of the cumulative (samuccayārthaka) anyatarasyām; 'nitya' is used to exclude it. Followed for the sense of 'invariably' (no matup alternative); both commentators agree.
commentary BM: aikaśatika: the compound is by 'pūrvakāla…'; there is no vṛddhi of the final member by 'saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃvatsara[saṃkhyasya ca]', since only a compound made in the taddhita sense (taddhitārtha) by an explicit rule (pratipadokta) is taken there. Recorded.
commentary TB: ekaśatika: 'ekaṃ ca tac chataṃ ca', a karmadhāraya by 'pūrvakāla…'; according to Haradatta and others the affix does not come after a ṣaṣṭhī-tatpuruṣa, a bahuvrīhi or a dvandva, for want of usage (anabhidhāna). How then 'ekadravyavān'? It is simply incorrect (asādhu); or it is to be analysed as 'ekena dravyavān'. How 'ekadaṇḍī'? The wording 'ekadeśinaikādhikaraṇe' indicates that ini too occurs sometimes. Recorded.

SK 1926 · A 5.2.119V

शतसहस्रान्ताच्च निष्कात् ॥ १९२६ ॥

śatasahasrāntācca niṣkāt

śatasahasrāntāc ca niṣkāt — And after [a base] ending in śata or sahasra [that stand] after niṣka, [ṭhañ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1925 — in the sense of matup (matvartha)].

Rule. Ṭhañ also comes after a word ending in śata "hundred" or sahasra "thousand" that follows niṣka.

Example.

niṣkaśatam asyāsti "he has a hundred niṣkas" → niṣkaśata + ṭhañ → vṛddhi i → ai → naiṣkaśatikaḥ.

Likewise naiṣkasahasrikaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Here niṣkāt is construed with śata and sahasra inside a compound. That is not the normal syntax of a compound. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators accepts it as the sūtra's own usage.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

निष्कात्परौ यौ शतसहस्रशब्दौ तदन्तात्प्रातिपदिकाट्ठञ् स्यान्मत्वर्थे । नैष्कशतिकः । नैष्कसहस्रिकः ॥

ṭhañ occurs in the sense of matup (matvartha) after a nominal stem (prātipadika) ending in the words śata and sahasra that stand after niṣka. naiṣkaśatikaḥ. naiṣkasahasrikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

शतसहस्रान्ताच्च निष्कात् - शतसहस्र । निष्कात्पराविति । असामर्थ्येऽपि सौत्रत्वात्समास इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'niṣkāt parau': although there is no syntactic capacity (asāmarthya), the compound is [admitted] because it is sūtra usage (sautra). Recorded; the English follows the kaumudī's construal of 'niṣkāt' with śata and sahasra.
translator BM's asāmarthya presumably concerns 'niṣkāt' being construed with śata and sahasra, which stand inside the compound śatasahasrānta. The kaumudī supplies ṭhañ; the SK number of its source (SK 1925, ekagopūrvāṭ ṭhañ nityam) is the translator's. No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1925.t1 ends with 'ekadaṇḍī'; sk.1927.t1 opens at 'rūpād āhata').

SK 1927 · A 5.2.120V

रूपादाहतप्रशंसयोर्यप् ॥ १९२७ ॥

rūpādāhatapraśaṃsayoryap

rūpād āhatapraśaṃsayor yap — After rūpa [qualified as] 'struck' (āhata) or [as meant in] praise (praśaṃsā), yap [in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied].

Rule. After rūpa "form", yap comes, when the form is "struck" (āhata) or praised. Yap is heard as -ya.

Example.

āhataṃ rūpam asyāsti "it has a struck form" → rūpa + yap → the final a deleted (SK 311) → rūpyaḥ kārṣāpaṇaḥ "a stamped coin".

praśastaṃ rūpam asyāsti "it has a fine form" → rūpyo gauḥ "a fine cow".

Otherwise: rūpavān.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains "struck". A kārṣāpaṇa is a piece of silver or gold with a stamp. Its form comes from the goldsmith's striking.

A vārttika: anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate, yap is seen after other words too.

himyāḥ parvatāḥ "mountains with much snow".

guṇyā brāhmaṇāḥ "brāhmaṇas with fine qualities".

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both take himyāḥ in the sense of abundance.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आहतं रूपमस्यास्तीति रूप्यः कार्षापणः । प्रशस्तं रूपमस्यास्तीति रूप्यो गौः । आहतेति किम् । रूपवान् ।

'It has a struck form (rūpa)': rūpyaḥ, a kārṣāpaṇa [coin]. 'It has a fine form': rūpyaḥ, a cow. Why 'struck' [etc.]? rūpavān.

vārttika

अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते

(vārttika) [yap] is seen after other [words] too.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ हिम्याः पर्वताः । गुण्या ब्राह्मणाः ॥

himyāḥ parvatāḥ, 'mountains [having much snow]'. guṇyā brāhmaṇāḥ, 'brāhmaṇas [having fine qualities]'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 317

—रूपादाहत—। आहतप्रशंसाविशिष्टेऽर्थे वर्तमानाद्रूपशब्दान्मत्वर्थे यप् स्यात् ॥—आहतमिति । आहननमाहतं ताडनमित्यर्थः । ततो निष्पन्नं यत्कार्षापणादिरूपं तदपि कार्ये कारणोपचारादाहतमित्युच्यते इत्याहतरूपयोः सामानाधिकरण्यमुपपद्यते ॥—हिम्या इति । भूम्नि यप् ॥—पर्वता इति । हिमवान् तत्पर्यन्तवर्तिनश्च ॥—गुण्या इति । दृशिग्रहणादिनिरपि । तथा च माघः—‘गुण्यगुण्य इति न व्यजीगणत्’ । गुणी अगुण्य इति पदच्छेदः

Bālamanoramā

रूपादाहतप्रशंसयोरप् - रूपादाहत । आहतेति भावे क्तः । आहतविशेषणकात्प्रशंसाविशेषणकाच्च रूपशब्दान्मत्वर्थे यप्स्यादित्यर्थः । आहतं रूपमिति । आहतेन निष्पन्नं स्वरूपं यस्येति विग्रहे रूपशब्द इत्यर्थः । रूप्यः कार्षापण इति । परिमाणविशिष्टो रजतसुवर्णादिर्मुद्रिकाविशेषयुक्तः कार्षापण इत्युच्यते । तत्स्वरूपं च स्वर्णकारकृता हनननिष्पाद्यमिति बोध्यम् । रूप्यो गौरिति । प्रशस्तरूपसम्पन्न इत्यर्थः । हिम्याः पर्वता इति । भूम्नि यप् । बहुलं हिममेष्वस्तीति विग्रहः । गुण्या ब्राह्मणा इति । प्रशंसायां यप् । प्रशस्तगुणसम्पन्ना इत्यर्थः । अन्येभ्योऽपीति । वार्तिकमिदम् । रूपशब्दादन्येभ्योऽपि यप्दृश्यत इत्यर्थः । हिम्याः पर्वता इति । भूम्नि यप् । बहुलं हिममेष्वस्तीति विग्रहः । गुण्या ब्राह्मणा इति । प्रशंसायां यप् । प्रशस्तगुणसम्पन्ना इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: āhata is kta in the abstract sense (bhāva). After the word rūpa qualified by āhata or by praśaṃsā, yap in the sense of matup. Followed for 'qualified' and for the bracketed 'in the sense of matup' in sutra_en.
commentary TB: after the word rūpa standing in a meaning qualified by āhata or praśaṃsā, yap in the sense of matup. Followed, with BM.
commentary TB on 'āhatam': āhata is the act of striking (āhanana, tāḍana); the form of a kārṣāpaṇa etc. produced by it is also called āhata by transferring the cause to the effect, so that āhata and rūpa stand in apposition (sāmānādhikaraṇya). Followed for 'a struck form'.
commentary BM on 'āhataṃ rūpam': rūpa here is a form produced by striking. A kārṣāpaṇa is silver, gold etc. of a set quantity bearing a particular stamp, its form being produced by the goldsmith's striking. rūpyo gauḥ = endowed with a fine form. Followed for '[coin]'.
commentary BM: 'anyebhyo 'pi' is a vārttika: yap is seen after words other than rūpa too. himyāḥ parvatāḥ: yap in the sense of abundance (bhūman), analysed 'bahulaṃ himam eṣu asti'; guṇyā brāhmaṇāḥ: yap in praise, 'endowed with praiseworthy qualities'. (BM's digital text gives this gloss twice.) Followed for the bracketed glosses in k3.
commentary TB: himyāḥ: yap in the sense of abundance (bhūman); parvatāḥ: the Himavat and the mountains lying along it. guṇyāḥ: because of the word 'dṛśyate', ini also occurs, as in Māgha's 'guṇyaguṇya iti na vyajīgaṇat', to be split 'guṇī aguṇyaḥ'. Recorded.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)', closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 317 (printed 307) prints the vārttika sign before 'anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate' (scan confirms; the OCR's 'hindyāḥ' is a misreading of the printed 'himyāḥ'). The tag is left untranslated.
translator BM and TB supply 'in the sense of matup' without naming a source; that it is the sense of 'tad asyāsty asminn iti matup' (SK 1894) is the translator's identification.

SK 1928 · A 5.2.121V

अस्मायामेधास्रजो विनिः ॥ १९२८ ॥

asmāyāmedhāsrajo viniḥ

asmāyāmedhāsrajo viniḥ — After [a word ending in] as, and after māyā, medhā and sraj, the affix vini [in the sense of matup (matvarthe); and matup as well, by 'anyatarasyām' carried forward (anuvṛtti) by frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti)].

Rule. Vini comes after a word ending in as, and after māyā "magic", medhā "intelligence" and sraj "garland". Matup comes as well.

Example.

yaśas + vini → the stem is bha (SK 1896), so no ru → yaśasvī "famous". With matup: yaśasvān.

māyā + vini → māyāvī; with matup, māyāvān.

Māyā is also in the vrīhi list (SK 1923), so ini and ṭhan come too: māyī, māyikaḥ.

sraj + vini → sraj ends in kvin (a kṛt affix), so ku, a velar, replaces the j (SK 377) → sragvī.

Applies when / blocked by. How can matup return, when nityam in SK 1925 stopped it? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both answer. The adding anyatarasyām comes back by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti), over the rules between. The reason is that the Bhāṣya gives yaśasvān.

Nine vārttikas follow.

āmayasyopasaṃkhyānaṃ dīrghaś ca: vini after āmaya "disease", with its final lengthened. āmayāvī.
śṛṅgavṛndābhyām ārakan: ārakan after śṛṅga and vṛnda. śṛṅgārakaḥ, vṛndārakaḥ.
phalabarhābhyām inac: inac after phala "fruit" and barha. phalinaḥ, barhiṇaḥ.
hṛdayāc cālur anyatarasyām: cālu after hṛdaya "heart". Its c is a marker, so it is heard as -ālu. hṛdayāluḥ.
śītoṣṇatṛprebhyas tad asahane: ālu after śīta "cold", uṣṇa "heat" and tṛpra, meaning "does not endure that". śītaṃ na sahate "he does not endure cold" → śītāluḥ. Likewise uṣṇāluḥ, tṛprāluḥ.
himāc celuḥ: elu after hima "snow". himaṃ na sahate → himeluḥ.
balād ūlaḥ: ūla after bala. balaṃ na sahate → balūlaḥ.
vātāt samūhe ca: ūla after vāta "wind", also for a mass. vātūlaḥ "one who cannot bear wind", or "a mass of wind".
tap parvamarudbhyām: tap after parvan and marut. parvataḥ "mountain", maruttaḥ.

Under cālu, Bhaṭṭoji adds that ini, ṭhan and matup come too: hṛdayī, hṛdayikaḥ, hṛdayavān. The vārttika's anyatarasyām brings ini and ṭhan. The carried-forward anyatarasyām brings matup. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain this.

Tṛpra, Bhaṭṭoji says, is the puroḍāśa, the sacrificial cake. Mādhava, an author Bhaṭṭoji cites, takes it as "sorrow".

Watch out. Do not read the c of cālu as ca "and". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both treat it as a marker. And some read tan for tap after parvan and marut; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

यशस्वी । यशस्वान् । मायावी । मायावान् । व्रीह्यादिपाठादिनिठनौ । मायी । मायिकः । क्विन्नन्तत्वात्कुः । स्रग्वी ।

yaśasvī, yaśasvān [with matup, by the carried-forward 'anyatarasyām']. māyāvī, māyāvān. Because [māyā] is read in vrīhyādi (SK 1923), ini and ṭhan [come too]: māyī, māyikaḥ. Because [sraj] ends in kvin, ku [replaces its final]: sragvī.

vārttika

आमयस्योपसंख्यानं दीर्घश्च

(vārttika) āmaya is to be added (upasaṃkhyāna), and lengthening [of its final].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ आमयावी ।

āmayāvī.

vārttika

शृङ्गवृन्दाभ्यामारकन्

(vārttika) After śṛṅga and vṛnda, ārakan.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ शृङ्गारकः । वृन्दारकः ।

śṛṅgārakaḥ. vṛndārakaḥ.

vārttika

फलबर्हाभ्यामिनच्

(vārttika) After phala and barha, inac.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ फलिनः । बर्हिणः ।

phalinaḥ. barhiṇaḥ.

vārttika

हृदयाच्चालुरन्यतरस्याम्

(vārttika) After hṛdaya, cālu (i.e. ālu), optionally (anyatarasyām).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ इनिठनौ मतुप् च । हृदयालुः । हृदयी । हृदयिकः । हृदयवान् ।

[When cālu does not apply, by 'anyatarasyām',] ini and ṭhan; and matup [by the carried-forward 'anyatarasyām']: hṛdayāluḥ, hṛdayī, hṛdayikaḥ, hṛdayavān.

vārttika

शीतोष्णतृप्रेभ्यस्तदसहने

(vārttika) After śīta, uṣṇa and tṛpra [ālu], in the sense of not enduring that.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ शीतं न सहते शीतालुः । उष्णालुः । स्फायितञ्चीति रक् । तृप्रः पुरोडाशः । तं न सहते तृप्रालुः । तृप्रं दुःखमिति माधवः ।

śītaṃ na sahate, 'he does not endure cold': śītāluḥ. uṣṇāluḥ. [tṛpra is formed with] rak by 'sphāyitañci…'. tṛpra is the puroḍāśa (sacrificial cake); tṛprāluḥ, one who does not endure it. tṛpra is sorrow (duḥkha), says Mādhava.

vārttika

हिमाच्चेलुः

(vārttika) After hima, elu (celu).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ हिमं न सहते हिमेलुः ।

himaṃ na sahate, 'he does not endure snow': himeluḥ.

vārttika

बलादूलः

(vārttika) After bala, ūla.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वलं न सहते बलूलः ।

balaṃ na sahate, 'he does not endure strength [or: an army]': balūlaḥ.

vārttika

वातात्समूहे च

(vārttika) After vāta, [ūla], also in the sense of collection (samūha).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वातं न सहते वातस्य समूहो वा वातूलः ।

vātaṃ na sahate vātasya samūho vā, 'he does not endure wind', or 'a mass of wind': vātūlaḥ.

vārttika

तप्पर्वमरुद्भ्याम्

(vārttika) tap after parvan and marut.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पर्वतः । मरुत्तः ॥

parvataḥ. maruttaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 317

—अस्मायामेधा—॥—यशस्वीति । ‘तसौ मलये’ इति भत्वाद्रुत्वं न ॥—यशस्वानिति । नित्यग्रहणात् ‘पूर्वत्रासंवद्धमप्यन्यतरस्यांग्रहणं मतुप्समुच्चयार्थमिह संवध्यत एव । ‘तसौ मलये’ इति सूत्रे यशस्वानिति भाष्योदाहरणादिति भावः ॥ ‘चोः कुः’ इत्यनेन सिद्धे व्रश्चादिषत्वमाशङ्क्याह—क्विन्नन्तत्वादिति ॥— हृदयाच्चालुरन्यतरस्याम् । अन्यतरस्यांग्रहणं इनिठनोः प्राप्त्यर्थं । मनुष् सर्वत्र समुच्चीयत एव । चकारस्य ‘चुटू’ इतीत्संज्ञा । तेन हृदयालुशब्दोऽन्तोदात्त इत्याहुः ॥—शीतोष्णेति । इह चालुरनुवर्तते ॥—पुरोडाश इति । ‘न तृप्रा उरुव्यचसम्’ इति मन्त्रस्य भाष्ये तथा व्याख्यातत्वादिति भावः ॥—माधव इति । मुब्धानुवृत्तौ स्थितमिदम् ॥—हिमाच्चेलुरिति । एकारादिरयं प्रत्यय इति माधवः ॥—वलादिति । सिध्मादिषु बलूलवातूलशब्दौ मलये प्रकारान्तरेण व्युत्पादितौ ॥—तप्पर्वमरुद्भ्याम् । पित्त्वमनुदात्तत्वार्थम् । काशिकायां तु ‘पर्वमरुङ्ग्यां तन्वक्तव्यः’ इति स्थितम् ॥ हरदत्तेन तु तन्निति प्रतीकमुपादाय आद्युदात्तत्वार्थो नकार इत्युक्तम् । तच्च मनोरमायां महता प्रबन्धेन दीक्षितैर्निराकृतं तत एव तदवधार्यम् ॥—पदत्वमिति । तेन ‘यस्येति च’ इति लोपो न प्रवर्तत इति भावः ॥—अनुवर्तयन्तीति । ‘वहुलं छन्दसि’ इत्यतः

Bālamanoramā

अस्मायामेधास्रजो विनिः - अस्मायामेधा ।अ॑सित्यनेन असन्तं विवक्षितम् । असन्त, माया, मेधा, स्रज् एभ्यो विनि प्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । प्रत्यये नकारादिकार उच्चारणार्थः । यशस्वीति । 'तसौ मत्वर्थे' इति भत्वान्न रुत्वमिति भावः । यशस्वानिति ।एकगोपूर्वा॑दिति सूत्रे नित्यग्रहणेन निवृत्तमपि समुच्चयार्थमन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणमिहमण्डूकप्लुत्या अनुवर्तते, 'तसौ मत्वर्थे' इति सूत्रे यशस्वानिति भाष्योदाहरणादिति भावः । स्रग्वीत्यत्रव्रश्चे॑ति षत्वमाशङ्क्याह — क्विन्नन्तत्वादिति । आमयस्येति । आमयशब्दान्मत्वर्थे विनिः प्रकृतेर्दीर्घश्चेत्यर्थः । शृङ्गवृन्दाभ्यामिति । फलबर्हाभ्यामिति । हृदयाच्चालुरिति । वार्तिकत्रयमिदम् । मतुप्चेति । 'वक्तव्य' इति शेषः, भाष्ये तथोक्तत्वात् । चुटू इति चकारस्येत्यसंज्ञा अन्यतरस्यांग्रहणाच्चालोपभावे इनिठनौ । समुच्चयार्थकान्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणानुवृत्तेर्मतुबपि । तथा चाऽत्र चत्वारः प्रत्ययाः । तदाह — हृदयालुरित्यादि ।॒शीतोष्णतृप्रेम्यस्तन्न सहते॑ इति वार्तिकमर्थतः सङ्गृहणाति — शीतेति । शीत, उष्ण, तृप्र — एभ्यो द्वितीयान्तेभ्यो न सहते इत्यर्थे चालुर्वक्तव्य इत्यर्थः । तृप्रः पुरोडाश इति । मन्त्रभाष्ये तथोक्तत्वादिति भावः । हिमाच्चेलुरिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । हिमशब्दाद्द्वितीयान्तान्न सहत इत्यर्थे चेलुः स्यादित्यर्थः । चकार इत् । बलादूल इति ।तन्न सहते इत्यर्थे वक्तव्य॑ इति शेषः । वातात्समूहे चेति । षष्ठन्ताद्वातशब्दात्समूहेऽर्थे, द्वितीयान्तान्न सहते इत्यर्थे च ऊलप्रत्ययो वाच्य इत्यर्थः । तप्पर्वमरुद्भ्यामिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । पर्वमरुद्भ्यां तप्वक्तव्य #इत्यर्थः । 'तन्वक्तव्य' इति वृत्तिकृत्, हरदत्तश्च । प्रौढमनोरमायां तु नित्त्वं निराकृतम् । शब्देन्दुशेखरे तु हरदत्तसंमतं नित्त्वमेव स्थापितम् । रूढत्वादवयवार्थाऽभावान्न मतुप् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'as' is meant as 'ending in as' (asanta); after asanta, māyā, medhā and sraj the affix vini; the i after n is for pronunciation. Followed for '[a word ending in] as'.
commentary BM: in yaśasvī there is no ru because the base is bha by 'tasau matvarthe' (SK 1896). yaśasvān: although the adding (samuccaya) 'anyatarasyām' was stopped by 'nityam' in 'ekagopūrvāt…' (SK 1925), it continues here by frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti), since the Bhāṣya on 'tasau matvarthe' gives yaśasvān. On sragvī, fearing ṣatva by 'vraśca…', he says 'kvinnantatvāt'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB: yaśasvī — by 'tasau matvarthe' it is bha, so no ru. yaśasvān — because of 'nitya'[-grahaṇa in SK 1925] the anyatarasyām, though unconnected with the preceding rule, serving to add matup, is connected here, the Bhāṣya on 'tasau matvarthe' giving yaśasvān. [ku] being already obtained by 'coḥ kuḥ', fearing ṣatva by 'vraśca…' he says 'kvinnantatvāt'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti.
commentary BM: after the word āmaya, vini in the sense of matup, and lengthening of the base. Followed for '[of its final]'. (Our BM OCR reads 'āmaśabdāt'; the Wikisource print, purva-3-2/0060, reads 'āmayaśabdāt'.)
commentary BM: supply 'vaktavya' with 'matup ca', since the Bhāṣya says so. The c of cālu is it by 'cuṭū'; by [the vārttika's] anyatarasyām, in the absence of cālu, ini and ṭhan; by the continuing adding (samuccaya) anyatarasyām, matup too — so four affixes here. Followed for rendering the affix in k8 as cālu (i.e. ālu), with c as its it-letter and not the particle ca, and for the two bracketed sources in k9.
commentary TB: the anyatarasyām in the vārttika serves to bring in ini and ṭhan; matup is added everywhere anyway. c is it by 'cuṭū', so hṛdayālu is final-acute. Followed.
commentary BM: Bhaṭṭoji gathers in substance (arthataḥ) the statement 'śītoṣṇatṛprebhyaḥ tadasahane cālur vaktavyaḥ' with 'śīta…': after śīta, uṣṇa, tṛpra as second-case words (dvitīyānta), cālu is to be stated in the sense 'does not endure'. 'tṛpra = puroḍāśa' as stated in the Mantrabhāṣya. Followed for '[ālu]'. (The reading follows the Wikisource print, purva-3-2/0060; our BM OCR's 'śītoṣṇatṛprebhyas tan na sahate iti vārttikam arthataḥ' is corrupt and does not report a different wording of the vārttika.)
commentary TB: here cālu is carried forward (anuvartate). tṛpra = puroḍāśa, as the Bhāṣya on the mantra 'na tṛprā uruvyacasam' explains. On 'mādhava iti': this is stated in [Mādhava's] Dhātuvṛtti. Followed for '[ālu]'.
commentary BM: after hima, a second-case word (dvitīyānta), celu in the sense 'does not endure'; c is it. Followed for 'elu (celu)'.
commentary TB: this affix begins with e, says Mādhava. Followed for 'elu'.
commentary BM: supply 'is to be stated in the sense tan na sahate'. Followed (the sense comes out in k15).
commentary TB: in sidhmādi [SK 1904, gaṇasūtra], balūla and vātūla are derived in another way, in the matvarthīya sense. Recorded.
commentary BM: after vāta as a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta) in the sense of collection, and as a second-case word (dvitīyānta) in the sense 'does not endure', the affix ūla is to be stated. Followed for '[ūla]' and 'also'.
commentary BM: tap is to be stated after parvan and marut. The Vṛttikāra and Haradatta read 'tan'; the Prauḍhamanoramā rejects the n-it, while the Śabdenduśekhara upholds Haradatta's n-it. Being conventional, with no sense of the parts, [these words take] no matup. Recorded; the English follows the transmitted 'tap' (§16).
commentary TB: the p is for anudātta accent. The Kāśikā reads 'parvamarudbhyāṃ tan vaktavyaḥ'; Haradatta, taking 'tan' as the pratīka, says the n is for initial acute; Dīkṣita refutes this at length in the Manoramā. Recorded; the English follows 'tap'.
textual The digital source opens each of k3, k5, k7, k9, k11, k13, k15, k17 and k19 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in the preceding block; NSP p. 317 (printed 307) instead prints the vārttika sign before each vārttika (āmayasya…, śṛṅgavṛndābhyām…, phalabarhābhyām…, hṛdayāc cālur…, śītoṣṇatṛprebhyaḥ…, himāc celuḥ, balād ūlaḥ, vātāt samūhe ca, tap parva…) (scan confirms). The tags are left untranslated; the following blocks are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose, including 'iniṭhanau matup ca' in k9, which the print places after the vārttika's closing double daṇḍa.
textual The digital source reads 'valaṃ na sahate'; NSP p. 317 (printed 307) reads 'balaṃ na sahate balūlaḥ' (scan confirms), as the vārttika 'balād ūlaḥ' requires. The English follows the print.
translator bala is left as 'strength [or: an army]': neither the kaumudī nor the commentators specify the sense.
translator BM and TB say the conjunctive 'anyatarasyām', stopped by 'nitya' in 'ekagopūrvāt…' (SK 1925), continues here by frog's leap; that it is the 'anyatarasyām' of 'prāṇisthād āto laj anyatarasyām' (SK 1903) is the translator's identification, neither naming the source sūtra.

SK 1929 · A 5.2.123V

ऊर्णाया युस् ॥ १९२९ ॥

ūrṇāyā yus

ūrṇāyā yus — After ūrṇā, yus [comes in the matvartha sense] [— according to some, only in the Veda, 'chandasi' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'bahulaṃ chandasi', SK 3498].

Rule. After ūrṇā "wool", yus comes. It is heard as -yu; its s is a marker.

Example.

ūrṇā + yus → the base is a pada, so the final ā is not deleted → ūrṇāyuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the ā kept? Bhaṭṭoji says the s-marking makes the base a pada. That is the rule siti ca (SK 1252). One of his commentators adds that yasyeti ca (SK 311) works only on a bha, so it does not apply.

Some grammarians carry "in the Veda" (chandasi) forward into this rule. It comes from bahulaṃ chandasi (SK 3498). Bhaṭṭoji approves. Otherwise, he says, Pāṇini would have put ūrṇā in SK 1946 beside aham and śubham.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सित्वात्पदत्वम् । ऊर्णायुः । अत्र छन्दसीति केचिदनुवर्तयन्ति । युक्तं चैतत् । अन्यथाहिअहंशुभमोः - SK 1946इत्यत्रैवोर्णाग्रहणं कुर्यात् ॥

Because [yus] has s as it (sit), [the base] is a pada: ūrṇāyuḥ. Here some carry forward (anuvṛtti) 'in the Veda' (chandasi) [from 'bahulaṃ chandasi']. And this is right; for otherwise [Pāṇini] would have mentioned ūrṇā in 'ahaṃśubhamoḥ…' (SK 1946) itself.

Bālamanoramā

ऊर्णाया युस् - ऊर्णाया युस् । ऊर्णायुशब्देयस्येति चे॑ति लोपमाशङ्क्याह — सित्त्वादिति । अनुवर्तयन्तीति ।बहुलं छन्दसीत्यस्मा॑दिति शेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: suspecting elision [of the final ā] in ūrṇāyu by 'yasyeti ca' (SK 311), he says 'sittvāt' [the base being a pada, it is not bha]. 'anuvartayanti': 'from bahulaṃ chandasi' is to be supplied. Followed for the source of the anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1928.t1: 'padatvam' — hence the elision by 'yasyeti ca' does not apply; 'anuvartayanti' — from 'bahulaṃ chandasi'. Followed for the source of the anuvṛtti.
translator 'sitvāt padatvam' rests on 'siti ca' (SK 1252), which neither commentator names here; the point of padatva, as both say, is to exclude 'yasyeti ca'. 'bahulaṃ chandasi' (5.2.122) is not treated in this prakaraṇa; SK 3498 is its place in the Vaidika section of our source. The bracketed 'in the matvartha sense' is supplied by the translator from the heading of the section; neither commentator states it on this sūtra.

SK 1930 · A 5.2.124V

वाचो ग्मिनिः ॥ १९३० ॥

vāco gminiḥ

vāco gminiḥ — After vāc ('speech'), gmini [in the matup sense (matvarthe)].

Rule. After vāc "speech", gmini comes. It is heard as -gmin. Its g is not a marker, because this is a taddhita; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators points to SK 195.

Example.

vāc + gmin → k for c (kutva, replacement by a velar) → vāk + gmin

→ g for k (jaśtva) → vāggmin → vāggmī "eloquent".

Note the two g.

Applies when / blocked by. Why gmini and not simply mini? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both answer. With mini, the g before the nasal m would become a nasal. The unwanted result would be vāṅmī.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वाग्ग्मी ॥

vāggmī ['eloquent'].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 317

—वाचो ग्मिनिः । इकारो नकारपरित्राणार्थः । चकारस्य कुत्वे जश्त्वे च कृते वाग्ग्मी वाग्ग्मिनावित्यादौ द्वयोर्गकारयोः श्रवणं भवति । द्वित्वे तु त्रयाणाम् ॥ ‘मिनिः’ इत्युक्ते तु द्वित्वे सति द्वयोर्गकारयोः श्रवणं द्वित्वाभावे त्वेकस्यैव श्रवणं स्यात् । किंच ‘यरोऽनुनासिके’ ‘प्रत्यये भाषायां नित्यम्’ इति वाङ्मयमित्यत्रेव नित्यमनुनासिकः प्राप्नोति । तच्चानिष्टमिति ग्मिनिः कृतः

Bālamanoramā

वाचो ग्मिनिः - वाचोग्मिनिः । वाच्शब्दान्मत्वर्थे ग्मिनिप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । नकारादिकार उच्चारणार्थः । अतद्धित इति पर्युदासाद्गकारस्य नेत्संज्ञा । वाग्ग्मीति । वाच्शब्दात्-ग्मिनिप्रत्यये कुत्वं जश्त्वम् । प्रत्यये गकारोच्चारणं तुप्रत्यये भाषाया॑मित्यनुनासिकाऽभावार्थम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the affix gmini comes after the word vāc in the matup sense; the i after n is for pronunciation (uccāraṇārtha); g is not an it because 'ataddhite' excludes taddhitas [from 'laśakv ataddhite']. vāggmī: after gmini, kutva and jaśtva [of c]; the g is pronounced in the affix to prevent the nasal [of 'pratyaye bhāṣāyām', i.e. vāṅmī]. Followed for the bracketed sense in sutra_en and for keeping the form vāggmī with two g.
commentary TB: the i is to protect the n (nakāraparitrāṇārtha) [from being an it]; after kutva and jaśtva of c, two g are heard in vāggmī, vāggminau etc., and three with doubling (dvitva); had the affix been 'mini', two g would be heard only with doubling and one without, and moreover by 'yaro 'nunāsike' and 'pratyaye bhāṣāyāṃ nityam' a nasal would always result, as in vāṅmaya, which is unwanted — hence gmini. TB's 'to protect n' and BM's 'for pronunciation' describe the i differently; sutra_en keeps the affix as 'gmini' and does not decide between them. Followed for the form vāggmī.
textual NSP p. 317 (printed 307): the OCR reads 'vāgmī', but the scan reads 'vāggmī', as our text does; the same holds for 'vāggmīty eva' in SK 1931.

SK 1931 · A 5.2.125V

आलजाटचौ बहुभाषिणि ॥ १९३१ ॥

ālajāṭacau bahubhāṣiṇi

ālajāṭacau bahubhāṣiṇi — [After vāc,] ālac and āṭac [come in the matvartha sense] in the sense 'one who talks much' (bahubhāṣin).

Rule. After vāc, ālac and āṭac come, for "one who talks much". They are heard as -āla and -āṭa. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this an apavāda of gmini.

Example.

vāc + ālac → vācālaḥ.

vāc + āṭac → vācāṭaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika limits the rule: kutsita iti vaktavyam. The talking must be contemptible. One who talks much and well is simply vāggmī, Bhaṭṭoji says.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

।

—

vārttika

कुत्सित इति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) '[When it is] contemptible' (kutsita) should be stated.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ कुत्सितं बहु भाषते वाचालः । वाचाटः । यस्तु सम्यग्बहु भाषते स वाग्ग्मीत्येव ॥

One who talks much contemptibly: vācālaḥ, vācāṭaḥ. But one who talks much and well is simply [called] vāggmī.

Bālamanoramā

आलजाटचौ बहुभाषिणि - आलजाटचौ । वाच्शब्दात् — आलच्, आटच् एतौ मत्वर्थे बहुभाषिणीत्यर्थः । ग्मिनोऽपवादः । यस्तु सम्यगिति । नच अबहु अकुत्सितं च यो वदति तत्रापि वाग्ग्मीति कुतो न भवतीति वाच्यं,यो हि सम्यग्बहु भाषते वाग्गमीत्येव स भवती॑ति भाष्यबलेन पूर्वसूत्रस्य सम्यग्बहुभाषिण्येव प्रवृत्तेरभ्युपगमादिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after vāc, ālac and āṭac [come] in the matvartha sense, [the owner being] one who talks much; an exception (apavāda) to gmini. Followed for the bracketed vāc and matvartha in sutra_en.
commentary BM on 'yas tu samyag': one may not ask why vāggmī is not used of one who speaks little and not contemptibly, since by the force of the Bhāṣya 'yo hi samyag bahu bhāṣate vāggmīty eva sa bhavati', the preceding sūtra (SK 1930) is accepted to apply only to one who talks much and well. Recorded.
textual k1 in the digital source is a bare daṇḍa. NSP p. 317 (printed 307) prints the vārttika sign directly after the sūtra number (scan confirms); no prose of Bhaṭṭoji's precedes the vārttika.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 317 (printed 307) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'kutsite' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
translator No TB on this sūtra is printed: TB passes from SK 1930 (sk.1930.t1) to SK 1932 (sk.1932.t1).
translator BM glosses 'after the word vāc' without calling it an anuvṛtti; that vāc is taken over from 'vāco gminiḥ' (SK 1930) is the translator's identification. k3 keeps the transmitted form vāggmī (two g), as in SK 1930; see the textual note there.

SK 1932 · A 5.2.126V

स्वामिन्नैश्वर्ये ॥ १९३२ ॥

svāminnaiśvarye

svāminn aiśvarye — svāmin [is irregularly formed (nipātana) with āminac, after sva denoting] lordship (aiśvarya) [, in the sense of matup (matvartha)].

Rule. Svāmin is fixed by nipātana. Āminac comes after sva when sva denotes lordship (aiśvarya).

Example.

sva + āminac → the final a deleted → svāmin → svāmī "lord".

Watch out. Svāmī means "master", not "rich man". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the word aiśvarye shuts out the sense "wealthy". The other gives svavān as the counter-example.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ऐश्वर्यवाचकात्स्वशब्दान्मत्वर्थे आमिनच् । स्वामी ॥

After the word sva denoting lordship (aiśvarya), āminac [is irregularly established (nipātyate)] in the sense of matup (matvartha): svāmī ('lord').

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 317

—स्वामिन्नैश्वर्ये ॥—ऐश्वर्यवाचकादिति । स्वशब्दस्यैश्वर्यवाचित्वमेतद् वृत्तिविषयकमेवेति बोध्यम् ॥ ईशिता हि ईश्वरः । स तु स्वामीत्युच्यते । यथा वागीश एव वाचस्पतिर्वाचः स्वामीति ॥ ऐश्वर्ये किम् । स्ववान्

Bālamanoramā

स्वामिन्नैश्वर्ये - स्वामिन्नैआर्ये । 'ऐश्वर्ये' इति प्रकृतिविशेषणमित्यभिप्रेत्याह — ऐआर्यवाचकादिति । आमिनजिति । 'निपात्यते' इति शेषः । स्वामीति । स्वम्ैआर्यं, तद्वानित्यर्थः । नियन्तेति यावत् । ऐश्वर्ये इत्युक्तेर्धनवानित्यर्थे स्वामीति न भवति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'aiśvarye' is a qualifier of the base (prakṛtiviśeṣaṇa), which is why [Bhaṭṭoji] says 'aiśvaryavācakāt'; after 'āminac', 'nipātyate' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). svāmī: sva is lordship; one who possesses it, i.e. a controller (niyantṛ). Because 'aiśvarye' is said, svāmī is not used in the sense 'rich' (dhanavān). Followed for construing aiśvarye with the base and for the bracketed 'is irregularly established'.
commentary TB: the word sva's denoting lordship holds only within the derivative (vṛttiviṣayaka); the one who exercises control (īśitṛ) is the lord (īśvara), and he is called svāmin, just as vāgīśa is vācaspati, 'lord of speech'. Why 'aiśvarye'? [Otherwise:] svavān. Recorded.

SK 1933 · A 5.2.127V

अर्शआदिभ्योऽच् ॥ १९३३ ॥

arśaādibhyo'c

arśaādibhyo 'c — After arśas etc., ac [in the sense of matup].

Rule. After arśas "piles" and the words listed with it, ac comes. It is heard as -a. The list is an ākṛtigaṇa, an open list defined by its type.

Example.

arśāṃsy asya vidyante "he has piles" → arśas + ac → arśasaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses arśas as a disease of the anus.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the list contains a line svāṅgād dhīnāt: after a word for a defective body part. khañjaḥ "one with a lame foot", kāṇaḥ "one with a blind eye".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अर्शास्यस्य विद्यन्ते अर्शसः । आकृतिगणोऽयम् ॥

'He has piles (arśāṃsi)': arśasaḥ. This is an open class (ākṛtigaṇa).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 317–318

—अर्शआदिभ्योऽच् । इह ‘स्वाङ्गाद्धीनात्’ इति गणे पठ्यते । खञ्जः पादोऽस्यास्तीति खञ्जः । काणं चक्षुर्यस्यास्तीति काणः ॥—प्रथिमिनीति । ‘पृथ्वादिभ्यः—’ इतीमनिचि ‘टेः’ इति टिलोपः । ‘र ऋतः’ इति रभावः । ‘अनिनस्मन्ग्रहणान्यर्थवता चानर्थकेन च तदन्तविधिं प्रयोजयन्ति’ इति मन्नन्तादिनौ कृते ‘नस्तद्धिते’ इति टिलोपे नान्तत्वान्ङीप् ॥—दामिनीति । दाधातोर्मनिन् ॥—होमिनी । सोमिनीति । ‘अर्तिस्तुसुहुसृधृक्षि—’ इत्यौणादिकेमनि नित्त्वाद्धोमसोमशब्दौ मन्प्रत्ययान्तौ ॥—कंशंभ्याम्—॥—पदत्वार्थ इति । अन्यथा ‘कम्युः, काम्यः, शम्युः, शाम्यः’ इति स्यादिति भावः ॥—वकारयकारपरस्येति । बहुव्रीहिरयम् ॥—अनुनासिकौ वयाविति । एतेन प्रथमप्रत्ययः दन्त्योष्ठ्यादिः, न तु पवर्गतृतीयः इति ध्वनितम् ॥—माधव इति । ‘तुडि तोडने’ इति धातौ तेनोक्तम्—‘वृद्धा नाभिस्तुण्डिः’ । इन् । तुण्डिरस्यास्तीति तुण्डिलः । ‘तुन्दादिभ्य इलच्च’ इत्यत्र ‘स्वाङ्गाद्विवृद्धौ’ इति गणसूत्रेण इलच् । तुण्डिल एव तुण्डिभः । ‘तुण्डिवलिवटेर्भः’ इति मत्वर्थीयो भ इति ॥—वटिभ इति । ‘वट वेष्टने’ इन् । वटिशब्दः पामादिषु पठ्यते । तेन वटिन इत्यपि भवति ॥—अहंयुः । शुभंयुरिति । पूर्ववदनुस्वारपरसवर्णौ ॥ इति मत्वर्थीयाः ॥

Bālamanoramā

अर्शआदिभ्योऽच् - अर्शआदिभ्योऽच् । अर्शस्शब्द आदिरेषामिति विग्रहः । अर्शस इति । अर्शो — गुदरोगविशेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the compound is analysed 'those of which the word arśas is the first'. arśas is a particular disease of the anus. Followed for 'piles'.
commentary TB: in this gaṇa 'svāṅgād dhīnāt' (after a word for a bodily part that is defective) is read: khañjaḥ, one who has a lame foot; kāṇaḥ, one who has a blind eye. Recorded; it illustrates the open class and is not in the kaumudī.
textual The digital source reads 'arśāsyasya'; NSP p. 317 (printed 307) reads 'arśāṃsyasya' (divided 'arśāṃ-|syasya'; scan confirms), i.e. arśāṃsi asya. The English follows the print ('arśāṃsi').
translator 'In the sense of matup' is supplied from the heading 'tad asyāsty asminn iti' (SK 1894); the kaumudī's analysis 'arśāṃsy asya vidyante' shows it, but neither commentator states it for this sūtra.

SK 1934 · A 5.2.128V

द्वन्द्वोपतापगर्ह्यात् प्राणिस्थादिनिः ॥ १९३४ ॥

dvandvopatāpagarhyāt prāṇisthādiniḥ

dvandvopatāpagarhyāt prāṇisthād iniḥ — After a dvandva [compound], [a word denoting] a disease (upatāpa) or [a word denoting] something blameworthy (garhya), [each ending in a — 'ataḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1922 by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti)], when [its referent is] located in a living being (prāṇistha), ini [in the sense of matup (matvarthe)].

Rule. Ini comes after three kinds of word, when the thing is located in a living being:

a dvandva, a compound of coordinate members ("X and Y");
a word for a disease (upatāpa);
a word for something blameworthy (garhya).

Example.

Dvandva: kaṭaka + valaya → kaṭakavalaya + ini → the final a deleted → feminine kaṭakavalayinī. Likewise śaṅkhanūpuriṇī.

Disease: kuṣṭha + ini → kuṣṭhī. Likewise kilāsī.

Blameworthy: kakudāvarta + ini → kakudāvartī. Likewise kākatālukī.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives three limits.

Not in a living being: puṣpaphalavān ghaṭaḥ "a pot with flowers and fruits".
prāṇyaṅgān na: not after a word for a limb of a living being. pāṇipādavatī "she who has hands and feet".
The base must end in a, as in SK 1922: citrakalalāṭikāvatī.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "ending in a" comes back from SK 1922 by the frog's leap. He adds that prāṇyaṅgān na rests on received interpretation (vyākhyāna) alone.

Why restate ini, when SK 1922 already gives it? Bhaṭṭoji says it is to block ṭhan and the rest. One of his commentators says "the rest" includes matup.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्वन्द्वः । कटकवलयिनी । शङ्खनूपुरिणी । उपतापोरोगः । कुष्ठी । किलासी । गर्ह्यं निन्द्यम् । ककुदावर्ती । काकतालुकी । प्राणिस्थात्किम् । पुष्पफलवान्घटः । प्राण्यङ्गान्न ॥ पाणिपादवती । अत इत्येव । चित्रकललाटिकावती । सिद्धे प्रत्यये पुनर्वचनं ठनादिबधनार्थम् ॥

Dvandva: kaṭakavalayinī, śaṅkhanūpuriṇī. upatāpa is disease: kuṣṭhī, kilāsī. garhya is 'blameworthy': kakudāvartī, kākatālukī. Why 'located in a living being'? puṣpaphalavān ghaṭaḥ, 'a pot having flowers and fruits'. Not after [a word denoting] a limb of a living being (prāṇyaṅga): pāṇipādavatī. [The condition] 'ataḥ' [ending in a, from 'ata iniṭhanau', SK 1922] still holds (ity eva): citrakalalāṭikāvatī. Since the affix [ini] is already established, its restatement serves to block ṭhan etc.

Bālamanoramā

द्वन्द्वोपतापगर्ह्यात् प्राणिस्थादिनिः - द्वन्द्वोपताप । द्वन्द्वसमासादुपतापवाचकाद्गर्ह्यवाचकाच्च प्राणिस्थविषयेभ्यो मत्वर्थे इनि स्यादित्यर्थः । द्वन्द्वेति उदाहरण सूचनम् । कटकवलयिनीति । कटकवलययोः कञ्चिदाकृतिभेदं परिकल्प्य द्वन्द्व उपपाद्यः । उपताप इत्यस्य विवरणं — रोग इति । किलासः कुष्ठभेदः । गर्ह्यमित्यस्य विवरणं — निन्द्यमिति । ककुदावर्तीति । ककुदं ग्रीवाया अधस्तात्पृष्ठभागः । तत्र आवर्तः ककुदावर्तः, सोऽस्यास्तीति विग्रहः । काकतालुकिनीति । काकस्येव तालुके काकतालुके, ते अस्याः स्त इति विग्रहः । प्राण्यङ्गान्नेति । व्याख्यानमेवात्र शरणम्, एवंविधवार्तिकस्य भाष्ये अदर्शनात् । अत इत्येवेति । समासन्त इति सूत्रभाष्यरीत्या मण्डूकप्लुत्या तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । चित्रकललाटिकावतीति । चित्रकं च ललाटिका चेति द्वन्द्वः । अदन्तत्वाऽभावादिनिर्नेति भावः । ननु 'अत इनिठनौ' इत्यतोऽनुवृत्त्यैव सिद्धे पुनरिह इनिग्रहणं किमर्थमित्यत आह — सिद्धे प्रत्यये इति । ठनादिति । आदिना मतुपः सग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after a dvandva compound, after a word denoting a disease, and after a word denoting something blameworthy, having things located in a living being as their object, ini in the sense of matup. Followed for the bracketed 'in the sense of matup' and the construal of prāṇistha in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'dvandvaḥ' announces the examples. kaṭakavalayinī: a dvandva is to be justified by imagining some difference of shape between kaṭaka and valaya. upatāpa is glossed as 'disease'; kilāsa is a kind of leprosy (kuṣṭha). garhya is glossed as 'blameworthy'. kakudāvartī: kakuda is the part of the back below the neck; a whorl (āvarta) there is kakudāvarta, and one who has it [is kakudāvartin]. kākatālukinī (so BM's pratīka): she whose palates are like a crow's. Recorded; the English gives the forms without glosses.
commentary BM on 'prāṇyaṅgān na': here commentary (vyākhyāna) alone is the authority, since no such vārttika is seen in the Bhāṣya. On 'ata ity eva': it is carried forward (anuvṛtti) by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti), following the Bhāṣya's method under the samāsānta sūtra. citrakalalāṭikāvatī: a dvandva of citraka and lalāṭikā; not ending in a, so no ini. Objection: ini would follow anyway from the anuvṛtti of 'ata iniṭhanau', so why is ini stated again? He answers 'siddhe pratyaye…'; by 'ādi' [in 'ṭhanādi'] matup is included. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti of 'ataḥ' in sutra_en and k1; 'etc.' is kept as the kaumudī's wording.
textual NSP p. 317 (printed 307) prints the vārttika sign before 'prāṇyaṅgān na' (scan confirms; the OCR's 'prāṇyaṅgāñca' is a misreading); our source runs it into the prose of k1. BM denies that it is a Bhāṣya vārttika (see the BM note), so the English does not label it.
textual The digital source reads 'ṭhanādibadhanārtham'; NSP p. 317 (printed 307) reads 'ṭhanādibādhanārtham' (scan confirms). The English gives 'to block'. The print also confirms 'kakudāvartī' (the OCR's 'kakudāvatī' is a misreading).
textual No TB is printed on this sūtra: NSP p. 317–318 (printed 307–308) passes in TB from 'arśaādibhyo 'c' (SK 1933) to 'prathiminī' and the later matvarthīya sūtras (scan of p. 317 and OCR of p. 318 checked).

SK 1935 · A 5.2.129V

वातातिसाराभ्यां कुक् च ॥ १९३५ ॥

vātātisārābhyāṃ kuk ca

vātātisārābhyāṃ kuk ca — After vāta ('wind') and atisāra ('dysentery') [ini comes in the sense of matup (matvarthe)], and [the base receives] the augment (āgama) kuk.

Rule. After vāta "wind" and atīsāra "dysentery", ini comes, by ca. The base also takes the augment kuk, heard as k. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains that, being k-marked, it is added at the end of the base.

Example.

vāta + kuk + ini → vātak + in → vātakī "one who suffers from wind-disease".

atīsāra + kuk + ini → atīsārakī "one who suffers from dysentery".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says this holds only for a disease. So a windy cave is vātavatī guhā, with matup.

A vārttika: piśācāc ca, and after piśāca "goblin". piśācakī.

Watch out. The sūtra in the heading writes atisāra with a short i. Bhaṭṭoji's example is atīsārakī, with a long ī, and the printed edition gives the sūtra so too.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चादिनिः । वतकी । अतीसारकी । रोगे चायमिष्यते ॥ नेह, वातवती गुहा ।

By 'ca', ini. vātakī ('one suffering from wind-disease'). atīsārakī ('one suffering from dysentery'). And this is desired [only] in [the sense of] a disease. Not here: vātavatī guhā ('a windy cave').

vārttika

पिशाचाच्च

(vārttika) And after piśāca [ini, with kuk].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पिशाचकी ॥

piśācakī.

Bālamanoramā

वातातिसाराभ्यां कुक् च - वातातीसाराभ्यां । चादिनिरिति । वात, अतीसार आभ्यां मत्वर्थे इनिः स्यात् प्रकृतेः कुक् चेत्यर्थः । कुकि ककार इत् । उकार उच्चारणार्थः । कित्त्वादन्तावयवः । वातकीति । वातरोगवानित्यर्थः । अतीसारकीति । अतीसाररोगवानित्यर्थः ।रोगे चायमिति । व्याख्यानादिति भावः । रोग एवेत्यर्थः । वातवती गुहेति । अत्र रोगस्याऽप्रतीतेरिनिकुकौ नेति भावः । पिशाचाच्चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । पिशाचादिनिः प्रकृतेः कुक्चेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after vāta and atīsāra, ini comes in the sense of matup (matvarthe), and the base (prakṛti) receives kuk; the k of kuk is an it-letter, the u is for pronunciation; being kit, it is added as the final portion [of the base]. Followed for the bracketed ini and matup sense in sutra_en.
commentary BM: vātakī means 'having the wind-disease', atīsārakī 'having dysentery'. On 'roge cāyam': [this rests on] interpretation (vyākhyāna); it means 'only in [the sense of] a disease'. In vātavatī guhā no disease is understood, so ini and kuk do not come. Followed for the bracketed '[only]' and the glosses.
commentary BM: 'piśācāc ca' is a vārttika: after piśāca, ini, and kuk for the base. Followed for the bracket in k2.
translator BM names no source for ini; ini is taught in 'dvandvopatāpagarhyāt prāṇisthād iniḥ' (SK 1934), immediately preceding; that the ini drawn in by 'ca' is that one is the translator's identification.
textual The digital source reads 'vatakī'; NSP p. 317 (printed 307) reads 'vātakī' (scan confirms), as does BM's pratīka 'vātakīti' (sk.1935.b1). The English follows the print ('vātakī').
textual NSP p. 317 (printed 307) prints the vārttika sign before 'roge cāyam iṣyate' (scan confirms), whereas our source runs it into Bhaṭṭoji's prose in k1; BM (sk.1935.b1) grounds the restriction on interpretation (vyākhyāna) and does not call it a vārttika. The English follows our source and leaves it unlabelled.
textual Our sūtra text reads 'vātātisārābhyām' (short i); NSP p. 317 (printed 307; scan) prints the sūtra as 'vātātīsārābhyām', and the kaumudī's example 'atīsārakī' and BM's lemma 'vātātīsārābhyām' have the long ī. Recorded; the pratīka in sutra_en follows our sūtra text.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 318 (printed 308; scan) prints the vārttika sign before 'piśācāc ca'. The tag is left untranslated; k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1936 · A 5.2.130V

वयसि पूरणात् ॥ १९३६ ॥

vayasi pūraṇāt

vayasi pūraṇāt — After [a word ending in] a pūraṇa affix, [ini comes in the matvartha sense] when age (vayas) [is to be conveyed].

Rule. After a word ending in a pūraṇa affix, ini comes when age (vayas) is meant. A pūraṇa affix makes an ordinal, such as pañcama "fifth" (SK 1849–1850).

Example.

māsaḥ saṃvatsaro vā pañcamo 'syāsti "it has its fifth month or year" → pañcama + ini

→ the final a deleted → pañcamin → pañcamī uṣṭraḥ "a camel in its fifth month or year".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the rule is for blocking ṭhan. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, and some copies of the text, read "ṭhan and the rest".

Why "age"? Otherwise matup: pañcamavān grāmaḥ "a village that has a fifth".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूरणप्रत्ययान्तान्मत्वर्थे इनिः स्याद्वयसि द्योत्ये । मासः संवत्सरो वा पञ्चमोऽस्यास्तीति पञ्चमी उष्ट्रः । ठन्बाधनार्थमिदम् । वयसि किम् । पञ्चमवान्ग्रामः ॥

After [a word] ending in a pūraṇa affix, ini comes in the matvartha sense when age (vayas) is to be conveyed. The fifth month or year belongs to it: pañcamī uṣṭraḥ, 'a camel in its fifth [month or year]'. This [rule] is for blocking ṭhan. Why 'vayasi'? pañcamavān grāmaḥ, 'a village that has a fifth'.

Bālamanoramā

वयसि पूरणात् - वयसि पूरणात् ।अत इनिठना॑वित्येव इनिसिद्धेः किमर्थमिदिमित्यत आह — ठनादिबाधनार्थमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: since ini is already obtained by 'ata iniṭhanau' (SK 1922), what is this for? He says 'for blocking ṭhan etc.' (ṭhanādibādhanārtham). Followed for 'for blocking ṭhan'; see the textual note on BM's wording.
textual BM's pratīka reads 'ṭhanādibādhanārtham' (ṭhan etc., i.e. also matup), where our text and NSP p. 318 (printed 308) read 'ṭhanbādhanārtham idam' (scan confirms). The mūla of the Wikisource SK+BM print (purva-3-2/0063) also reads 'ṭhanādibādhanārtham idam'. Preserved as transmitted; the English follows our text. The kaumudī on SK 1934 has 'ṭhanādibadhanārtham'. No TB on this sūtra is printed (TB passes from SK 1933 to SK 1943 in sk.1933.t1).
translator The kaumudī supplies ini in the matvartha sense; that this ini is the one of 'dvandvopatāpagarhyāt prāṇisthād iniḥ' (SK 1934) is the translator's identification, no commentator naming it.

SK 1937 · A 5.2.131V

सुखादिभ्यश्च ॥ १९३७ ॥

sukhādibhyaśca

sukhādibhyaś ca — And after sukha etc., [iniḥ alone, not ṭhan, in the sense of matup (matvarthe)].

Rule. After sukha "happiness" and its list, ini comes, in the matup sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators stresses: ini alone, not ṭhan.

Example.

sukham asyāsti "he has happiness" → sukha + ini → the final a deleted → sukhin → sukhī "happy".

Likewise duḥkhī "unhappy".

Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra in the list: mālā kṣepe. After mālā "garland", in censure. mālī.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इनिर्मत्वर्थे । सुखी । दुःखी ॥ (गणसूत्रम् -) मालाक्षेपे ॥ माली ॥

ini [alone, not ṭhan] in the sense of matup (matvartha). sukhī. duḥkhī. (gaṇasūtra) mālā kṣepe — [After] mālā when censure (kṣepa) [is meant]: mālī.

Bālamanoramā

सुखादिभ्यश्च - सुखादिभ्यश्च । इनिर्मत्वर्थे इति । इनिरेव, नतु ठनित्यर्थः । माला क्षेपे इति । सुखादिगणसूत्रमिदम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'inir matvarthe': ini alone, not ṭhan (inir eva, na tu ṭhan). 'mālā kṣepe' is a gaṇasūtra within the sukhādi list. Followed for '[alone, not ṭhan]' and for the gaṇasūtra label and its division 'mālā kṣepe'.
translator The SK number for iniḥ (SK 1934, dvandvopatāpagarhyāt prāṇisthād iniḥ) is the translator's. NSP p. 318 (printed 308) marks the gaṇasūtra '(ga)' (scan). No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1933.t1 passes from 'arśaādibhyaḥ' to 'prathiminīti', SK 1943).

SK 1938 · A 5.2.132V

धर्मशीलवर्णान्ताच्च ॥ १९३८ ॥

dharmaśīlavarṇāntācca

dharmaśīlavarṇāntāc ca — And after [a base] ending in dharma, śīla or varṇa, [iniḥ alone, in the sense of matup (matvarthe)].

Rule. After a word ending in dharma, śīla or varṇa, ini comes, in the matup sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators again says: ini alone.

Example.

brāhmaṇadharma + ini → brāhmaṇadharmī.

brāhmaṇaśīla + ini → brāhmaṇaśīlī.

brāhmaṇavarṇa + ini → brāhmaṇavarṇī.

Watch out. The rule works on a word ending in these three. This is the tadanta reading, which the sūtra states outright with -antāt.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

धर्माद्यन्तादिनिर्मत्वर्थे । ब्राह्मणधर्मी । ब्राह्मणशीली । ब्राह्मणवर्णी ॥

After [a base] ending in dharma etc., ini [alone] in the sense of matup (matvartha). brāhmaṇadharmī. brāhmaṇaśīlī. brāhmaṇavarṇī.

Bālamanoramā

धर्मशीलवर्णान्ताच्च - धर्मशील । धर्माद्यन्तादिति । धर्म, शील, वर्ण — एतदन्तादिनिरेवेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'dharmādyantāt': after what ends in dharma, śīla or varṇa, ini alone (inir eva). Followed for '[alone]'.
translator The SK number for iniḥ (SK 1934) is the translator's. No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1933.t1 passes from 'arśaādibhyaḥ' to 'prathiminīti', SK 1943).

SK 1939 · A 5.2.133V

हस्ताज्जातौ ॥ १९३९ ॥

hastājjātau

hastāj jātau — After hasta, [iniḥ alone, in the sense of matup (matvarthe)], when a jāti (species) [is denoted by the whole derivative].

Rule. After hasta "hand", ini alone comes, when the whole word names a species (jāti).

Example.

hasta + ini → the final a deleted → hastin → hastī "the elephant".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "species"? A man who has hands is hastavān puruṣaḥ, with matup.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हस्ती । जातौ किम् । हस्तवान्पुरुषः ॥

hastī [the elephant]. Why 'when a jāti [is denoted]'? hastavān puruṣaḥ, a man having hands.

Bālamanoramā

हस्ताज्जातौ - हस्ताज्जातौ । हस्तान्मत्वर्थे इनिरेव, समुदायेन जातिविशेषे गम्ये इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after hasta, in the sense of matup, ini alone, when a particular jāti is understood from the whole [derivative] (samudāyena jātiviśeṣe gamye). Followed for the bracketed parts of sutra_en.
translator The SK number for iniḥ (SK 1934) is the translator's; '[the elephant]' is the translator's gloss. No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1933.t1 passes from 'arśaādibhyaḥ' to 'prathiminīti', SK 1943).

SK 1940 · A 5.2.134V

वर्णाद्ब्रह्मचारिणि ॥ १९४० ॥

varṇādbrahmacāriṇi

varṇād brahmacāriṇi — After varṇa, [iniḥ alone, in the sense of matup (matvarthe)], when a brahmacārin (celibate student) [is denoted by the whole derivative].

Rule. After varṇa, ini alone comes, when the whole word means a brahmacārin, a celibate student.

Example.

varṇa + ini → varṇī "a brahmacārin".

Watch out. What does varṇa mean here? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes it as the initiation proper to each class. The editor of the printed edition takes it as celibacy for Vedic study. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वर्णी ॥

varṇī [a brahmacārin].

Bālamanoramā

वर्णाद्ब्रह्मचारिणि - वर्णाद्ब्रह्मचारिणि । वर्णशब्दान्मत्वर्थे इनिरेव, समुदायेन ब्रह्मचारिणि गम्ये इत्यर्थः । वर्णीति । वर्णः=ब्राह्मणादितत्तद्वर्णोचितवसन्तादिकाले उपनयनम्, सोऽस्यास्तीति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after the word varṇa, in the sense of matup, ini alone, when a brahmacārin is understood from the whole [derivative]. varṇī: varṇa here is the upanayana at the time (spring etc.) proper to each varṇa, brāhmaṇa and the rest; vigraha 'he has that'. Followed for the bracketed parts of sutra_en; BM's gloss of varṇa is Recorded.
textual NSP footnote 1 on 'varṇāt', NSP p. 318 (printed 308) (scan; the footnote is not captured in the digital source's editorial_notes): 'varṇa here is brahmacarya undertaken for Vedic study (vedādhyayanārthaṃ brahmacaryam)'. Recorded; it differs from BM's gloss of varṇa as the upanayana, and the English does not gloss varṇa.
translator The SK number for iniḥ (SK 1934) is the translator's. No TB on this sūtra is printed (sk.1933.t1 passes from 'arśaādibhyaḥ' to 'prathiminīti', SK 1943).

SK 1941 · A 5.2.135V

पुष्करादिभ्यो देशे ॥ १९४१ ॥

puṣkarādibhyo deśe

puṣkarādibhyo deśe — After puṣkara etc., [ini alone comes in the sense of matup,] when a place (deśa) [is to be understood].

Rule. After puṣkara "lotus" and its list, ini alone comes, when a place (deśa) is meant.

Example.

puṣkara + ini → the final a deleted → feminine puṣkariṇī, with ṇ for n after the r.

Likewise padminī.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "a place"? An elephant with a trunk-tip is puṣkaravān karī, with matup.

Four vārttikas add bases, each with ini alone.

bāhūrupūrvapadād balāt: after bala "strength" with bāhu "arm" or ūru "thigh" before it. bāhubalī, ūrubalī.
sarvādeś ca: after a word beginning with sarva "all". sarvadhanī, sarvabījī.
arthāc cāsaṃnihite: after artha "thing", when the thing is not at hand. arthī "one in want". When it is at hand: arthavān.
tadantāc ca: after a word ending in artha. dhānyārthī "one who wants grain", hiraṇyārthī "one who wants gold".

Watch out. Why is tadantāc ca needed? A rule that adds an affix does not by itself take in words ending in the named base. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this reason.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूष्करिणी । पद्मिनी । देशे किम् । पुष्करवान्करी ।

puṣkariṇī ('[a place] having lotuses'). padminī. Why 'a place'? puṣkaravān karī ('an elephant having a trunk-tip').

vārttika

बाहूरुपूर्वपदाद्बलात्

(vārttika) After bala having bāhu or ūru as its prior member [ini alone].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ बाहुबली । ऊरुबली ।

bāhubalī. ūrubalī.

vārttika

सर्वादेश्च

(vārttika) And after [a word] beginning with sarva [ini alone].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सर्वधनी । सर्वबीजी ॥

sarvadhanī. sarvabījī.

vārttika

अर्थाच्चासंनिहिते

(vārttika) And after artha, when [the object] is not at hand (asaṃnihita) [ini alone].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अर्थी । संनिहिते तु अर्थवान् ।

arthī ('one in want'). But when [the object] is at hand: arthavān.

vārttika

तदन्ताच्च

(vārttika) And after [a word] ending in that [artha, ini].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ धान्यार्थी ॥ हिरण्यार्थी ॥

dhānyārthī. hiraṇyārthī.

Bālamanoramā

पुष्करादिभ्यो देशे - पुष्करादिभ्यो देशे । पुष्करशब्दान्मत्वर्थे इनिरेव स्याद्देशे गम्ये ।बाहुरुपूर्वपदद्बलादिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । बहु, ऊरु एतत्पूर्वपदकाद्बलशब्दान्तान्मत्वर्थे इनिरेवेत्यर्थः । सर्वादेश्चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् ।॒इनिरेवे॑ति शेषः । अर्थाच्चासंनिहिते इति । वार्तिकमिदम् । असन्निहितविषयकादर्थशब्दादनिरेवेत्यर्थः । अर्थीति । असंनिहितोर्थोऽस्येति विग्रहः । अर्थो नास्तीति यावत् । अत्र विरोधादस्तीति न सम्बध्यते । अर्थोऽसंनिहितोऽस्येत्यर्थे अप्राप्त एव इनिर्विधीयत इति कैयटः ।प्रत्ययविधौ तदन्तविधिनिषेधादाह — तदन्ताच्चेति । अर्थशब्दान्तादपि इनिर्वक्तव्य इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after the word puṣkara, ini alone (inir eva) comes in the sense of matup when a place is to be understood. Followed for '[ini alone … in the sense of matup]' in sutra_en and for the bracketed 'ini alone' in k2, k4 and k6, where BM repeats 'inir eva' (for k4 as 'inir eva iti śeṣaḥ').
translator SK 1934 ('dvandvopatāpagarhyāt prāṇisthād iniḥ') is the translator's identification of the source of the ini that BM supplies. The glosses of puṣkariṇī ('having lotuses') and of puṣkaravān karī (puṣkara as the tip of an elephant's trunk) are the translator's; neither commentary glosses them.
textual The digital source reads 'pūṣkariṇī' (long ū); NSP p. 318 (printed 308) reads 'puṣkariṇī' (scan confirms), matching the sūtra. The English follows the print.
textual The digital source opens k3, k5, k7 and k9 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttikas of k2, k4, k6 and k8; NSP p. 318 (printed 308) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'bāhūrupūrvapadād balāt', 'sarvādeś ca', 'arthāc cāsaṃnihite' and 'tadantāc ca' (scan confirms). The tags are left untranslated, and k3, k5, k7 and k9 are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika: after [a word] ending in bala with bāhu or ūru as prior member (digital BM 'bahu'), ini alone in the sense of matup. Followed for 'having … as its prior member'.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika: ini alone after the word artha whose object is not at hand (asaṃnihitaviṣayaka). arthī: the analysis is 'asaṃnihito 'rtho 'sya', i.e. he lacks the thing; because of the contradiction, 'asti' is not construed here. According to Kaiyaṭa, ini is enjoined, where it was not otherwise obtained, in the sense 'artho 'saṃnihito 'sya'. Followed for '[the object]' in k6 and k7 and for the gloss 'one in want'.
commentary BM: because tadantavidhi is barred in an affix-rule, he states 'tadantāc ca': ini is to be stated after [a word] ending in the word artha too. Followed for '[artha, ini]'.
textual No TB comment on this sūtra is printed: TB's comments on SK 1934–1946 are printed together under sk.1933.t1 and pass from 'arśaādibhyo 'c' to 'prathiminī' (SK 1943) with nothing on SK 1941; NSP p. 318 (printed 308; scan) confirms.

SK 1942 · A 5.2.136V

बलादिभ्यो मतुबन्यतरस्याम् ॥ १९४२ ॥

balādibhyo matubanyatarasyām

balādibhyo matub anyatarasyām — After bala ('strength') etc., matup optionally (anyatarasyām) [; in the alternative where matup does not come, ini, which is in context (saṃnihita)].

Rule. After bala "strength" and its list, matup comes optionally. In the other alternative, the ini in context comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies this.

Example.

bala + matup → balavān; or bala + ini → balī "strong".

utsāha + matup → utsāhavān; or utsāhī "energetic".

Watch out. Here anyatarasyām has its plain sense, "optionally". The two forms are alternatives: matup, or ini.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

बलवान् बली । उत्साहवान् । उत्साही ॥

balavān, balī ('strong'). utsāhavān, utsāhī ('energetic').

Bālamanoramā

बलादिभ्यो मतुबन्यतरस्याम् - बलादिभ्यो । मतुबभावपक्षे संनिहित इनिरित्यभिप्रेत्योदाहरति — बलवान् बलीति । संज्ञायां मन्माभ्याम् । प्रथिमिनीति ।पृथ्वादिभ्य इमनिज्वे॑ति इमनिजन्तः प्रथिमन्शब्दः । अत्र मनोऽनर्थकत्वेऽपिअनिनस्म॑न्निति तदन्तविधिना इमनिजन्तोऽपि गृह्रते । प्रथिमन्शब्दादिनिप्रत्यये टिलोपे नान्तलक्षणङीपि प्रथिमिनीशब्दः । दामिनीति । दामन्शब्दादिनौ टिलोपे ङीबिति भावः । मेति । मान्तोदाहरणसूचनमिदम् । होमिनी सोमिनीति । होमशब्दात्सोमशब्दाच्च इनौ ङीबिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: intending that in the alternative where matup is absent the ini that is in context (saṃnihita) comes, [Bhaṭṭoji] gives the examples balavān, balī. Followed for the bracketed alternative in sutra_en.
translator BM calls ini only 'in context' (saṃnihita); that it is the ini of 'dvandvopatāpagarhyāt prāṇisthād iniḥ' (SK 1934), running through 'puṣkarādibhyo deśe' (SK 1941), is the translator's identification.
textual The BM block filed under this unit (sk.1942.b1) goes on, after its gloss on the present sūtra, to comment on the next sūtra, 'saṃjñāyāṃ manmābhyām' (SK 1943: prathiminī, dāminī, hominī, sominī); that part of BM belongs to SK 1943.

SK 1943 · A 5.2.137V

संज्ञायां मन्माभ्याम् ॥ १९४३ ॥

saṃjñāyāṃ manmābhyām

saṃjñāyāṃ manmābhyām — After man and ma [i.e., after a base ending in man or in ma], when a name (saṃjñā) [is denoted], [iniḥ in the sense of matup (matvarthe)].

Rule. After a base ending in man or in ma, ini comes in the matup sense, to form a name.

Example.

prathiman + ini → the ṭi an deleted by nas taddhite (SK 679) → prathimin

→ feminine ṅīp (-ī) → prathiminī.

Likewise dāminī, from dāman.

From ma-final bases: hominī, sominī.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "a name"? Otherwise matup: somavān.

Prathiman ends in iman, an affix of which man is only a meaningless part. How can the rule reach it? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites a paribhāṣā. It says that the named endings an, in, as and man count even when they are meaningless parts: aninasmangrahaṇāny arthavatā cānarthakena ca.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मन्नन्तान्मान्ताच्चेनिर्मत्वर्थे । प्रथिमिनी । दामिनी । होमिनी । सोमिनी । संज्ञायां किम् । सोमवान् ॥

After [a base] ending in man and [one] ending in ma, ini in the sense of matup (matvartha). prathiminī. dāminī. hominī. sominī. Why 'when a name [is denoted]'? somavān.

translator notes

textual BM on this sūtra is printed under sk.1942.b1, after BM's comment on SK 1942, beginning 'saṃjñāyāṃ manmābhyām. prathaminīti …'. TB on it is printed under sk.1933.t1, from 'prathiminīti' to 'somaśabdau manpratyayāntau'.
commentary BM (printed under sk.1942.b1): prathiman ends in imanic by 'pṛthvādibhya imanij vā'; although man [there] is meaningless (anarthaka), by 'aninasmangrahaṇāni …' the tadantavidhi takes in what ends in imanic too. prathiman + ini, deletion of the ṭi, ṅīp by being n-final: prathiminī. dāminī: from dāman with ini, deletion of the ṭi, ṅīp. 'mā': this hints at the examples of ma-final bases: hominī, sominī, from homa and soma with ini and ṅīp (see the textual note on the word 'mā'). Followed for '[a base] ending in man … ending in ma'.
commentary TB (printed under sk.1933.t1): prathiminī: imanic by 'pṛthvādibhyaḥ', ṭi-deletion by 'ṭeḥ', ra for ṛ by 'ra ṛtaḥ'; by 'aninasmangrahaṇāny arthavatā cānarthakena ca tadantavidhiṃ prayojayanti' ini comes after the man-final, the ṭi is deleted by 'nas taddhite', and ṅīp comes since it is n-final. dāminī: dā with manin. hominī, sominī: homa and soma end in the affix man, the auṇādika man of 'artistusuhusṛdhṛkṣi…', which has n as it. Recorded; TB gives the affix from which homa and soma are formed, BM classes them as the ma-final examples, and the English follows the kaumudī's 'mannantān māntāc ca'.
textual NSP p. 318 (printed 308) reads 'mannantān māntāc ca' as the digital source does (scan); the raw OCR's 'mantān' drops a syllable.
textual The mūla of the Wikisource SK+BM print (purva-3-2/0064) reads 'prathiminī. dāminī. mā. hominī. sominī', with 'mā' marking the start of the ma-final examples; BM's pratīka 'meti' comments on exactly that word. Our source and NSP p. 318 (printed 308; scan) lack 'mā'. The English follows our source; BM's pratīka is thus without its lemma in our kaumudī.
translator The kaumudī supplies ini in the matup sense; that this ini is the one of 'dvandvopatāpagarhyāt prāṇisthād iniḥ' (SK 1934) is the translator's identification, no commentator naming it.

SK 1944 · A 5.2.138V

कंशंभ्यां बभयुस्तितुतयसः ॥ १९४४ ॥

kaṃśaṃbhyāṃ babhayustitutayasaḥ

kaṃśaṃbhyāṃ babhayustitutayasaḥ — After kam and śam, [the seven affixes] va, bha, yus, ti, tu, ta and yas [in the sense of matup (matvarthe) — supplied (śeṣa)].

Rule. After kam and śam, seven affixes come: va, bha, yus, ti, tu, ta and yas. Kam means water or happiness; śam means happiness. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies the matup sense.

Example.

kam + yus → the s of yus makes the base a pada (SK 1252)

→ the pada-final m becomes anusvāra (SK 122) → kaṃyuḥ.

All seven: kaṃvaḥ, kaṃbhaḥ, kaṃyuḥ, kaṃtiḥ, kaṃtuḥ, kaṃtaḥ, kaṃyaḥ.

Likewise śaṃvaḥ, śaṃbhaḥ, śaṃyuḥ, śaṃtiḥ, śaṃtuḥ, śaṃtaḥ, śaṃyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the s of yus and yas is there to make the base a pada. One of his commentators says what would happen otherwise: kamyuḥ, śamyuḥ.

The anusvāra may optionally be replaced by parasavarṇa, the nasal matching the next sound (SK 125). Before v and y, that substitute is a nasal v or a nasal y.

Watch out. The sūtra in the heading above, and our text of the Kaumudī, read the first affix as ba, giving kaṃbaḥ and śaṃbaḥ. We read va. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read va. Bhaṭṭoji's own last sentence, "nasal v and y" (anunāsikau vayau), points the same way. Two printed editions also point to va. So the Rule, the forms and the Summary give va.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कंशमिति मान्तौ । कमित्युदकसुखयोः । शमिति सुखे । आभ्यां सप्त प्रत्ययाः स्युः । युस्थसोः सकारः पदत्वार्थः । कंबः । कंभः । कंयुः । कंतिः । कंतुः । कंतः । कंयः । शंबः । शंभः । शंयुः । शंतिः । शंतुः । शंतः । शंयः । अनुस्वारस्य वैकल्पिकः परसवर्णः । वकारयकारपरस्यानुनीसिकौ वयौ ॥

kam and śam end in m. kam [is used] in [the senses] water and happiness; śam in [the sense] happiness. After these two, seven affixes come. The s of yus and yas serves to make [the base] a pada. kaṃvaḥ, kaṃbhaḥ, kaṃyuḥ, kaṃtiḥ, kaṃtuḥ, kaṃtaḥ, kaṃyaḥ; śaṃvaḥ, śaṃbhaḥ, śaṃyuḥ, śaṃtiḥ, śaṃtuḥ, śaṃtaḥ, śaṃyaḥ. The substitution of the homorganic of the following sound (parasavarṇa) for the anusvāra is optional; for [an anusvāra] followed by v or y, [the substitutes are] nasal v and y.

Bālamanoramā

कंशंभ्यां बभयुस्तितुतयसः - कंशंभ्याम् । व, भ, युस्, ति, तु, त, यस्, एषां सप्तानां द्वन्द्वात् प्रथमाबहुवचनम् । सप्त प्रत्ययाः स्युरिति । 'मत्वर्थे' इति शेषः । पदत्वार्थ इति । अन्यथा कमित्यस्माद्युप्रत्यये यप्रत्यये च कृते भत्वात्पदत्वाऽभावादनुस्वारो न स्यादिति भावः । वकारयकारपरस्येति-बहुव्रीहि । वकारपरकस्य यकारपरकस्य चानुस्वारस्येत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra's last word is the first-case plural (prathamā bahuvacana) of a dvandva of the seven: va, bha, yus, ti, tu, ta, yas. 'sapta pratyayāḥ syuḥ': 'in the sense of matup' (matvarthe) is to be supplied. On 'padatvārtha': otherwise, when the affixes yu and ya are added to kam, [the base] would be bha, not pada, and there would be no anusvāra. 'vakārayakāraparasya' is a bahuvrīhi: of the anusvāra that has v or y after it. Followed for 'va' (not ba) as the first affix, for the bracketed sense in sutra_en and for the construal of the last sentence.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1933.t1: on 'padatvārtha': otherwise the forms would be 'kamyuḥ … śamyuḥ …'. 'vakārayakāraparasya' is a bahuvrīhi. On 'anunāsikau vayau': this suggests that the first affix begins with the labio-dental (dantyoṣṭhya) v, not with the third of the p-class (b). Followed for 'va' and for kaṃvaḥ, śaṃvaḥ; agrees with BM.
textual The digital source reads the sūtra as 'babhayus…' and the first forms as 'kaṃbaḥ', 'śaṃbaḥ' (with b). BM ('va, bha, yus …'), TB (the first affix is labio-dental, not the third of the p-class) and the kaumudī's own closing sentence (nasal v before v) all require v, so the English gives va, kaṃvaḥ, śaṃvaḥ; the pratīka in sutra_en is left as transmitted. The other witnesses support v: the NSP p. 318 (printed 308) OCR reads 'kaṃvaḥ … śaṃvaḥ', and the Wikisource SK+BM print (purva-3-2/0064) independently reads 'kaṃvaḥ … śaṃvaḥ' and prints the sūtra as 'kaṃśambhyāṃ vabhayus…'. The NSP scan is marginal at the available resolution but consistent with v.
textual The digital source reads 'yusthasoḥ sakāraḥ padatvārthaḥ'; NSP p. 318 (printed 308; scan confirms) and the Wikisource SK+BM print (purva-3-2/0064) read 'yusyasoḥ' (of yus and yas). The English follows the print ('The s of yus and yas').
textual The digital source reads 'vakārayakāraparasyānunīsikau vayau'; NSP p. 318 (printed 308; scan confirms) and the Wikisource print read 'anunāsikau'. The English follows the print ('nasal').
translator BM calls 'matvarthe' supplied (śeṣa); that the sense is that of 'tad asyāsty asminn iti matup' (SK 1894) is the translator's identification.

SK 1945 · A 5.2.139V

तुन्दिवलिवटेर्भः ॥ १९४५ ॥

tundivalivaṭerbhaḥ

tundivalivaṭer bhaḥ — After tundi, vali and vaṭi, bha [comes in the matvartha sense].

Rule. After tundi, vali and vaṭi, bha comes, in the matup sense. It is heard as -bha. Bhaṭṭoji explains tundi as an enlarged navel.

Example.

tundi + bha → tundibhaḥ.

vali + bha → valibhaḥ.

vaṭi + bha → vaṭibhaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Vali also belongs to the pāman list of SK 1907. So it takes na too: valinaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators puts vaṭi in that list instead, giving vaṭina. Scholars discuss this.

Watch out. Mādhava, Bhaṭṭoji reports, spells the first word with a retroflex: tuṇḍi.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वृद्धानाभिस्तुन्दिः । मूर्धन्योपधोऽयमिति माधवः । तुन्दिभः । वलिभः । वटिभः । पामादित्वाद्वलिनोऽपि ॥

tundi is an enlarged navel. Mādhava [says] this [word] has a retroflex (mūrdhanya) penultimate [i.e. tuṇḍi]. tundibhaḥ, valibhaḥ, vaṭibhaḥ. Because [vali] belongs to the pāmādi group, valinaḥ as well.

Bālamanoramā

तुन्दिवलिवटेर्भः - तुन्दिवलि । तुन्दि, वलि, वटि एभ्यो मत्वर्थे भप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्येकवचनम् । पुंस्त्वमार्षम् । वटिभ इति ।वट वेष्टने॑ । वटनं वटिः । सोऽस्यास्तीति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after tundi, vali and vaṭi, the affix bha in the matvartha sense; the fifth-case singular is from a samāhāra-dvandva, and the masculine [form] is ārṣa. vaṭibha: from 'vaṭa veṣṭane', vaṭi = vaṭana (encircling), 'he has it'. Followed for the matvartha sense in sutra_en; the rest Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1933.t1: 'mādhava iti' — under the root 'tuḍi toḍane' Mādhava said 'vṛddhā nābhis tuṇḍiḥ', with in; tuṇḍila, 'having a tuṇḍi', is by ilac under 'tundādibhya ilac ca' (SK 1924) through the gaṇasūtra 'svāṅgād vivṛddhau', and tuṇḍila is the same as tuṇḍibha, bha being the matvarthīya of 'tuṇḍivalivaṭer bhaḥ'. 'vaṭibha': 'vaṭa veṣṭane' + in; vaṭi is read in the pāmādi group, so vaṭina also occurs. Followed for '[i.e. tuṇḍi]'; TB's vaṭina (from vaṭi in pāmādi) differs from the kaumudī's valina (from vali) and is Recorded.
textual Our text writes 'vṛddhānābhistundiḥ' as one string; NSP p. 318 (printed 308) prints 'vṛddhā nābhis tundiḥ' (scan confirms), and TB quotes Mādhava as 'vṛddhā nābhis tuṇḍiḥ'. The English follows the print ('an enlarged navel'). The TB OCR reads 'dṛṣṭvā' for 'vṛddhā'.

SK 1946 · A 5.2.140V

अहंशुभमोर्युस् ॥ १९४६ ॥

ahaṃśubhamoryus

ahaṃśubhamor yus — After aham and śubham, yus [comes in the matvartha sense].

Rule. After aham and śubham, yus comes. Both are indeclinables ending in m. Aham means egoism; śubham means auspiciousness.

Example.

aham + yus → the base is a pada (SK 1252) → anusvāra for m → ahaṃyuḥ "possessed of egoism".

śubham + yus → śubhaṃyuḥ "endowed with auspiciousness".

Applies when / blocked by. Why stress that they are indeclinables? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. Aham and śubham here are indeclinables, not inflected forms. So there is no question of deleting a case-ending inside the word. The other says anusvāra and parasavarṇa follow as in SK 1944.

With this rule the matvarthīya affixes end, and so does the second quarter of Pāṇini's fifth book. The next chapter opens with prāg diśo vibhaktiḥ (SK 1947).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अहमितिमान्तमव्ययमहङ्कारे । शुभमिति शुभे । अहंयुः अहङ्कारवान् । शुभंयुः शुभान्वितः ॥

aham is an indeclinable (avyaya) ending in m, [used] in the sense of egoism (ahaṅkāra); śubham [likewise] in the sense 'auspiciousness' (śubha). ahaṃyuḥ, 'possessed of egoism'; śubhaṃyuḥ, 'endowed with auspiciousness'. [Thus the matvarthīya affixes.]

Bālamanoramā

अहंशुभमोर्युस् - अहंशुभमोर्युस् । अहंयुः शुभंयुरित्यत्र सुब्लुकमाशङ्क्याह — अहमित्यादीति । सित्त्वं पदत्वार्थम् । तेन पदत्वादनुस्वारे परसवर्णः सिध्यति । ***** इति बालमनोरमायम् मत्वर्थीयाः । *****अथ नामधातुप्रक्रिया ।

translator notes

commentary BM: suspecting luk of the case ending (sup) in ahaṃyu and śubhaṃyu, he says 'aham ity ādi' [i.e. they are m-final indeclinables, not inflected forms]. The s as it is for padatva; hence, being a pada, anusvāra and then parasavarṇa are obtained. Followed for 'indeclinable ending in m'; the rest Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1933.t1: 'ahaṃyuḥ, śubhaṃyuḥ' — anusvāra and parasavarṇa as before [on SK 1944]. The same block closes 'iti matvarthīyāḥ'. Recorded.
textual NSP p. 318 (printed 308) closes this unit with the colophon 'iti matvarthīyāḥ' (scan confirms), which our text lacks; it is supplied in square brackets in the English. After it NSP opens section 37, 'taddhiteṣu prāgdiśīyāḥ', with SK 1947. BM on this unit closes its own section with 'iti bālamanoramāyāṃ matvarthīyāḥ'; the digital BM then has the heading 'atha nāmadhātuprakriyā', which belongs to the digital edition, not to BM: the Wikisource SK+BM print (purva-3-2/0065) reads 'iti taddhite pañcamādhyāyasya dvitīyapāde matvarthīyaprakaraṇam. atha pañcamādhyāyasya tṛtīyapāde prāgdiśīyaprakaraṇaṃ nirūpyate', and sk.1947.b1 opens the prāgdiśīya section in the same way. The first unit of p40 (SK 1947) says nothing about this sūtra.

तद्धिताधिकारे मत्वर्थीयप्रकरणम्