After this chapter you will be able to derive the taddhita words of the rest of the second quarter of Pāṇini's fifth book, SK 1846 to SK 1946. There are 101 sūtras. The chapter opens with numbers in excess: a hundred with eleven over is ekādaśaṃ śatam. Buttermilk bought for two parts of barley is dvimayam. Then comes the ordinal affix ḍaṭ, with the augments that shape it: pañcamaḥ "fifth", ṣaṣṭhaḥ "sixth", bahutithaḥ, viṃśatitamaḥ "twentieth". Dvitīyaḥ "second" and tṛtīyaḥ "third" take their own affix, tīya. Next, a hymn or a chapter is named by a word it contains, as acchāvākīyaṃ sūktam. A long run of rules gives vun, kan and ṭhak in particular senses: pathakaḥ "skilled on the road", audarikaḥ "a glutton", aṃśakaḥ "an heir". Kan also makes names and figurative types, such as pārśvakaḥ "one who seeks by crooked means". Fevers and feast-days follow: dvitīyako jvaraḥ "a fever of the second day", guḍāpūpikā paurṇamāsī. The affixes ini and ṭhan give śrāddhī and śrāddhikaḥ, and fixed words such as sākṣī "witness" and indriyam "sense-organ". From SK 1894 comes matup, the affix meaning "having": gomān "having cows", jñānavān "having knowledge". Seven rules from other books are set beside it, because they build its form. Last come the other matvarthīya affixes: lac (cūḍālaḥ), ilac (phenilaḥ), śa (lomaśaḥ), na (pāmanaḥ), vini (tapasvī), urac (danturaḥ), ra (madhuraḥ), valac (kṛṣīvalaḥ), ini and ṭhan (daṇḍī, daṇḍikaḥ), ac (arśasaḥ), and finally yus and bha (ūrṇāyuḥ, kaṃyuḥ, tundibhaḥ). Every rule is worked on a concrete word.
Chapter 38 kept the name matvarthīya for this chapter. Matvarthīya means "in the sense of matup", that is, "having" or "in which there is". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators opens a new section at SK 1846 with the words "now the matvarthīya affixes". The first forty-eight rules come before matup itself is taught. Some of them already borrow its sense.
ekādaśa adhikā asmin [śate] → ekādaśaṃ [śatam]The chapter opens with three rules about numbers. The first two say that one number is "in excess" in another. A hundred in which eleven are in excess is ekādaśaṃ śatam, "a hundred and eleven". The affix is ḍa, heard as -a; its ḍ deletes the base's ṭi. The third rule gives mayaṭ, heard as -maya, for the price of a part.
Rule. After a first-case word ending in daśa "ten", ḍa comes. Its sense is "that is in excess (adhika) in this".
Example.
ekādaśa adhikā asmin [śate] "[a hundred] in which eleven are in excess" → ekādaśan + ḍa
→ the stem is bha before the vowel-initial affix
→ the ṭi an deleted before the ḍ-marked affix (SK 316) → ekādaś + a
→ ekādaśam [śatam] "a hundred and eleven".
Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas narrow the rule. First, it is wanted only when the whole in which the excess lies is śata "a hundred" or sahasra "a thousand". So there is no affix in ekādaśa adhikā asyāṃ viṃśatau "in this twenty, eleven are in excess".
Second, it is wanted only when the base and the affix mean things of the same kind (samānajātīya). So there is no affix in ekādaśa māṣā adhikā asmin suvarṇaśate. There eleven māṣas are in excess in a hundred suvarṇas, two different units. The editor of the printed edition says this "is wanted" comes from the sūtra's word iti.
Watch out. The rule says "ending in daśa", not simply "after daśa". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why. In a rule that prescribes an affix, the tadanta reading does not apply by itself. So the sūtra must say anta "ending in".
Bare daśa gets no affix: daśa adhikā asmin śate. It cannot count as "ending in daśa" either. That would need vyapadeśivadbhāva, treating a single item as if it were its own end. The same commentator says this does not hold for a nominal stem. He also says tad is restated to cut off the sixth-case asya "of this" running from the rules before.
Rule. Ḍa also comes after a number-word ending in śat, and after viṃśati "twenty". The sense is the same as in SK 1846. Bhaṭṭoji says, "ḍa comes in the sense already stated."
Example.
triṃśad adhikā asmin śate "a hundred in which thirty are in excess" → triṃśat + ḍa
→ the ṭi at deleted (SK 316) → triṃś + a
→ triṃśaṃ śatam "a hundred and thirty".
viṃśatir asminn adhikā → viṃśati + ḍa
→ ti deleted before the ḍ-marked affix (SK 844) → viṃśam [śatam] "a hundred and twenty".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.
Applies when / blocked by. Because the sūtra says "ending in", ekatriṃśaṃ śatam "a hundred and thirty-one" is also formed. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains: without anta, a paribhāṣā on affix-rules would limit the base to words beginning with the named word itself (triṃśat etc.), shutting out ekatriṃśat. For ekaviṃśaṃ śatam "a hundred and twenty-one", the two commentators take different routes. One cites the vārttika viṃśatāv apy antagrahaṇam, "'ending in' applies to viṃśati too". The other reads anta with viṃśati as well. The result is the same.
Watch out. The base must be a number-word. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the word saṃkhyā is carried forward from SK 1843. So there is no affix in gotriṃśad adhikā asmin gośate "in this hundred of cows, thirty cows are in excess".
Rule. After a numeral in the first case, mayaṭ comes in the sense "of this". The numeral must refer to the price (nimāna) of a part (guṇa). Bhaṭṭoji glosses: "occurring with reference to the price of a part". Mayaṭ is heard as -maya.
Example.
yavānāṃ dvau bhāgau nimānam asya udaśvidbhāgasya "two parts of barley are the price of this part of buttermilk" → dvi + mayaṭ
→ dvimayam udaśvid yavānām "buttermilk [bought for] two [parts] of barley".
Udaśvit is buttermilk. The numeral dvi counts the parts paid; the part of buttermilk bought is the affix's meaning.
Applies when / blocked by. The first case and the sense "of this" both come from earlier rules. The word tad of SK 1846 gives the first case. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says tad asya "that … of this" is carried forward. The other says it comes by a frog's leap from SK 1837.
Why "of a part" (guṇasya)? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is dvau vrīhiyavau nimānam asya udaśvitaḥ, "rice and barley, two, are the price of this buttermilk". One of his commentators explains: those are two heaps, not parts, so no affix comes.
Why "as the price" (nimāne)? The counter-example is dvau guṇau kṣīrasya ekas tailasya, "two parts of milk, one of oil". That gives dviguṇaṃ kṣīraṃ pacyate tailena "milk twofold is boiled with oil". The parts are not a price, so mayaṭ does not come.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that the numeral must be more than one. So there is no affix in eko bhāgo nimānam asya "one part is the price of this". The editor of the printed edition reads guṇasya with both saṃkhyāyāḥ and nimāne; scholars discuss this.
pañcānāṃ pūraṇaḥ → pañcamaḥA pūraṇa is "that which fills up" a number: the fifth fills up the five. English calls such a word an ordinal. The general affix is ḍaṭ, heard as -a; its ḍ deletes the ṭi and its ṭ is an it. Most of the rules below add an augment (āgama) to it. An augment is a sound added to an item without replacing anything. On the running example, pañcan "five" + ḍaṭ with the augment maṭ gives pañcamaḥ "fifth". Two words, dvi "two" and tri "three", take a separate affix, tīya.
Rule. After a number-word in the sixth case, ḍaṭ comes. Its sense is "that which fills it up" (pūraṇa). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says saṃkhyāyāḥ "after a number-word" is carried forward from SK 1848.
Example.
ekādaśānāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the eleven" → ekādaśan + ḍaṭ
→ the ṭi an deleted (SK 316) → ekādaś + a
→ ekādaśaḥ "the eleventh".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the idea. Without the eleventh, the number eleven is not reached; with it, the number is filled.
Applies when / blocked by. The number filled must be the word's own ground of application (pravṛttinimitta). That is the property for which the word is used: for ekādaśan, elevenness. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so. So there is no ḍaṭ for the water that fills five pots. The water fills the pots, not the number five. One commentator adds that the singular of tasya "of it" is not meant.
Rule. After a word ending in n, ḍaṭ takes the augment maṭ. The word must not begin with a number-word. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the ḍaṭ of SK 1849 is carried forward and read as "of ḍaṭ".
Example.
pañcānāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the five" → pañcan + ḍaṭ
→ the augment maṭ (heard as m) → pañcan + m + a
→ the n deleted → pañcamaḥ "the fifth".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "ending in n"? viṃśaḥ "the twentieth" takes no maṭ. Why "not beginning with a number-word"? ekādaśaḥ "the eleventh" takes no maṭ: ekādaśan begins with eka "one".
Watch out. Maṭ is an augment, not a separate affix. As an affix it would give the same form. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the choice is made for the accent. One adds that tamaṭ, in the rules below, must also be an augment so that it is unaccented.
Rule. Ṣaṣ "six", kati "how many", katipaya "some" and catur "four" take the augment thuk when ḍaṭ follows. In thuk the k is an it and the u is only for pronunciation, so it is heard as th.
Example.
ṣaṇṇāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the six" → ṣaṣ + th + a → ṣaṣṭhaḥ "sixth".
kati + th + a → katithaḥ "the how-manieth".
katipaya + th + a → katipayathaḥ.
catur + th + a → caturthaḥ "fourth".
Applies when / blocked by. Katipaya is not a number-word. Bhaṭṭoji says ḍaṭ comes after it all the same, as a jñāpaka of this very rule. Naming it here would be pointless unless ḍaṭ could follow it.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes two things in the forms. The ṣ of ṣaṣṭhaḥ takes no jaśtva, and the r of caturthaḥ does not become visarga (the final breath ḥ). Neither sound stands at the end of a pada.
A vārttika adds more for catur. After catur, cha and yat also come in the sense of pūraṇa, and the first syllable ca is lost.
catur + cha → ca lost, cha → īya → turīyaḥ "fourth".
catur + yat → turyaḥ "fourth".
Yat is heard as -ya.
Watch out. These two do not replace caturthaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ḍaṭ is not blocked by them. The rule has prescribed thuk for catur, and that prescription keeps ḍaṭ in force.
Rule. Bahu "many", pūga, gaṇa and saṅgha take the augment tithuk when ḍaṭ follows. Bhaṭṭoji says "when ḍaṭ follows" still holds. Tithuk is heard as tith.
Example.
bahu + ḍaṭ → the augment tithuk → bahu + tith + a → bahutithaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji writes "bahutithaḥ, etc." One of his commentators fills in the rest: pūgatithaḥ, gaṇatithaḥ, saṅghatithaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bahu and gaṇa are number-words already (SK 258). Pūga and saṅgha are not. Bhaṭṭoji says ḍaṭ comes after them on the evidence of this very rule. One of his commentators adds that tithuk, being marked with k, is placed after the base (SK 36).
Rule. A base ending in the affix vatup takes the augment ithuk when ḍaṭ follows. Ithuk is heard as ith.
Example.
yāvatāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up 'as many'" → yāvat + ḍaṭ (SK 1849)
→ the augment ithuk → yāvat + ith + a
→ yāvatithaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why ḍaṭ can come at all. Yāvat ends in vatu, so it is a number-word by SK 258.
Rule. After dvi "two", the affix tīya comes in the sense "that which fills it up". Bhaṭṭoji calls it an apavāda of ḍaṭ.
Example.
dvayoḥ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the two" → dvi + tīya → dvitīyaḥ "second".
Watch out. Tīya is a separate affix. It is not a substitute put in place of ḍaṭ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. As a substitute, tīya would inherit the markers of ḍaṭ and the operations they bring. Among them, the feminine would take ṅīp by SK 470. That clashes with the form dvitīyā, ending in -ā, in SK 686 (dvitīyāśrita…).
The editor of the printed edition adds a note. Dvitīya meaning "companion" is an underived word. It does not owe its correctness to this rule.
Rule. After tri "three", tīya comes too, and the base undergoes saṃprasāraṇa: its r is replaced by the vowel ṛ.
Example.
trayāṇāṃ pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the three" → tri + tīya
→ saṃprasāraṇa, r → ṛ → tṛ-i + tīya
→ the ṛ absorbs the i (SK 330) → tṛtīyaḥ "third".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.
Applies when / blocked by. The ṛ is not lengthened. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say a later rule, SK 2559 (halaḥ), does not apply. The word aṇaḥ is carried into it from SK 174. The ṛ is not an aṇ vowel, which are a, i and u.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators asks why Pāṇini did not simply say "tṛ for tri". His answer: tṛ might then be taken for an affix.
Rule. After viṃśati "twenty" and the words that follow it, ḍaṭ optionally (anyatarasyām) takes the augment tamaṭ. In tamaṭ the ṭ is an it and the a after the m is only for pronunciation, so it is heard as tam.
Example.
viṃśati + ḍaṭ → with tamaṭ → viṃśati + tam + a → viṃśatitamaḥ "twentieth".
Without tamaṭ → ti deleted (SK 844) → viṃśaḥ.
Likewise ekaviṃśatitamaḥ or ekaviṃśaḥ "twenty-first".
Applies when / blocked by. Which words are "viṃśati and the rest"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report two views. One takes the list in SK 1725, paṅkti, viṃśati, triṃśat and so on. The other takes the ordinary numerals. Scholars discuss this. On the first view, ekaviṃśati is reached through the tadanta reading that SK 1858 reveals.
Rule. After śata "hundred" and the numerals above it, ḍaṭ always (nityam) takes tamaṭ. The same holds after māsa "month", ardhamāsa "half-month" and saṃvatsara "year". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators paraphrases the rule with tamaṭ.
Example.
śatasya pūraṇaḥ "that which fills up the hundred" → śata + ḍaṭ with tamaṭ → śatatamaḥ "hundredth".
ekaśatatamaḥ "hundred-and-first".
māsa + ḍaṭ with tamaṭ → māsatamaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Māsa is not a number-word. Bhaṭṭoji says ḍaṭ comes after it by this very rule. One of his commentators explains māsatama as the part that completes a month, such as a half-month. He also comments on ardhamāsatamaḥ and saṃvatsaratamaḥ.
Watch out. Why does Bhaṭṭoji cite ekaśatatamaḥ? Both of his commentators answer. SK 1858 would already give śatatamaḥ. But SK 1858 excludes a base beginning with a numeral, such as ekaśata. This rule is needed for that one.
Rule. After ṣaṣṭi "sixty" and the numerals after it, tamaṭ is always added. The base must not begin with a numeral. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this an apavāda of the option in SK 1856.
Example.
ṣaṣṭi + ḍaṭ with tamaṭ → ṣaṣṭitamaḥ "sixtieth".
For ekaṣaṣṭi, which begins with a numeral, only the option of SK 1856 applies:
ekaṣaṣṭi + ḍaṭ with tamaṭ → ekaṣaṣṭitamaḥ "sixty-first";
without tamaṭ → the i deleted (SK 311) → ekaṣaṣṭaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the deletion.
Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draw a jñāpaka from the words "not beginning with a numeral". A rule about bare ṣaṣṭi could never reach ekaṣaṣṭi in the first place. So the exclusion shows that the tadanta reading holds in this section. That is how SK 1856 reaches ekaviṃśati and ekaṣaṣṭi. One commentator adds that the option holds only below śata, since SK 1857 governs from there.
acchāvākaśabdo 'sminn asti → acchāvākīyaṃ sūktamThe next four rules name a piece of text by a word that occurs in it. A hymn that contains the word acchāvāka is acchāvākīyaṃ sūktam. The affixes come "in the sense of matup" (matau, matvarthe). Matup itself is taught later, at SK 1894, in the sense "this has that" or "that is in this". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says matau means "in the domain of matup". So the base is a first-case word, and the sense is "whose" or "in which", exactly as for matup.
Rule. Cha comes in the sense of matup when a hymn (sūkta) or a chant (sāman) is meant. The base is a first-case word naming a word as a form, and cha is heard as -īya.
Example.
acchāvākaśabdo 'sminn asti "the word acchāvāka is in this" → acchāvāka + cha
→ cha → īya (SK 475) → acchāvāka + īya
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → acchāvākīyaṃ sūktam "the hymn containing the word acchāvāka".
Likewise vāravantīyaṃ sāma. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains it: the chant sung on the Vedic verse aśvaṃ na tvā vāravantam.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds asyavāmīyam, from the words asya vāmasya. Here the ending of asya is not deleted. He explains that "an imitation is treated like its original" (prakṛtivad anukaraṇam) does not always hold.
Rule. When a chapter (adhyāya) or a lesson (anuvāka) is meant, the cha of SK 1859 is deleted by luk. The luk is optional.
Example.
gardabhāṇḍa + cha "[a chapter or lesson] containing the word gardabhāṇḍa"
→ with luk → gardabhāṇḍaḥ;
→ without luk → cha → īya → gardabhāṇḍīyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. SK 1859 gives cha only for a hymn or a chant. How can cha reach a chapter at all? Bhaṭṭoji answers: this very rule is the jñāpaka. A luk of cha for a chapter presupposes cha for a chapter.
Why is the luk optional? Bhaṭṭoji says: by the force of its being prescribed (vidhānasāmarthya). Both of his commentators report Kaiyaṭa, an earlier commentator on the Bhāṣya. This rule could have been placed in the matup section itself. Prescribing the luk here instead lets one infer an option. One commentator also reports other explanations of the option; the forms are the same.
Rule. After vimukta and the words listed with it, aṇ comes in the sense of matup, when a chapter or a lesson is meant. Bhaṭṭoji supplies both conditions himself. Aṇ is heard as -a and brings vṛddhi.
Example.
vimuktaḥ śabdo 'sminn asti "the word vimukta is in this" → vimukta + aṇ
→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, i → ai (SK 1075) → vaimukta + a
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → vaimuktaḥ "a chapter or lesson containing the word vimukta".
Likewise devāsura + aṇ → e → ai → daivāsuraḥ.
Rule. After goṣada and the words listed with it, vun comes in the same sense and for the same texts. Bhaṭṭoji again supplies "in the sense of matup, for a chapter or a lesson". Vun is heard as -aka and brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
goṣada + vun → vu → aka (SK 1247) → goṣada + aka
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → goṣadakaḥ "a chapter or lesson containing the word goṣada".
iṣetvakaḥ "one containing the words iṣe tvā".
Watch out. In iṣetvakaḥ the ending -e of iṣe stays. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this follows the reasoning given for asyavāmīya under SK 1859.
ākarṣe kuśalaḥ → ākarṣakaḥThe next rules give an affix in one particular sense each: "skilled in", "desire for", "devoted to", "recently taken off". SK 1863 still uses the vun of SK 1862. SK 1864 introduces kan, heard as -ka and bringing no vṛddhi. From there on kan is the running affix of this stretch. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators states this at SK 1875: kan is carried forward from SK 1864. The frame "skilled in that" (tatra kuśalaḥ) of SK 1863 also continues for a while. On the running example, one skilled in the touchstone is ākarṣakaḥ.
Rule. After pathin "road", in the seventh case, vun comes in the sense "skilled in that". Bhaṭṭoji says simply "vun comes", carrying it from SK 1862.
Example.
pathi kuśalaḥ "skilled on the road" → pathin + vun
→ vu → aka (SK 1247) → pathin + aka
→ the ṭi in deleted before the taddhita (SK 679) → path + aka
→ pathakaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the ṭi deletion. Both put the base in the seventh case.
Watch out. The Kaumudī text itself, in every copy we have, reads pathikaḥ. We give pathakaḥ because the commentator's derivation (aka, then ṭi-deletion by nas taddhite) can only yield that.
Rule. After ākarṣa and the words listed with it, in the seventh case, kan comes in the sense "skilled in that". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators treat SK 1863 as continuing here.
Example.
ākarṣe kuśalaḥ "skilled in the ākarṣa" → ākarṣa + kan
→ ākarṣa + ka → ākarṣakaḥ.
Kan begins with a consonant, so the stem is not bha and its a stays.
Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators raise a question. The vun carried forward would already give ākarṣakaḥ. Why name kan? One answers: for bases in i and u, such as aśanikaḥ, śakunikaḥ, tsarukaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji records a reading. The principal reading of the list's head word is ākaṣa, without the r. Ākaṣa is the touchstone (nikaṣopala). One of his commentators glosses it as "that on which gold and the like are rubbed".
Rule. After dhana "wealth" and hiraṇya "gold", in the seventh case, kan comes when desire (kāma) is meant. Bhaṭṭoji glosses kāma as "desire" (icchā). One of his commentators adds: the desire, not the one who desires.
Example.
dhane kāmaḥ "desire for wealth" → dhana + kan → dhanakaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's phrase is dhanako devadattasya "Devadatta's desire for wealth".
hiraṇye kāmaḥ → hiraṇyakaḥ "desire for gold".
Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say tatra "in that" is carried forward. That is why the base stands in the seventh case.
Rule. After a word for a part of one's own body (svāṅga), in the seventh case, kan comes in the sense "devoted to" (prasita).
Example.
keśeṣu prasitaḥ "devoted to his hair" → keśa + kan → keśakaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji gives the sense: intent on arranging it.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses prasita as "eager", and the arranging as braiding the plait. He and the editor of the printed edition both say the word is correct only in this sense.
Rule. After udara "belly", in the seventh case, ṭhak comes in the sense "devoted to". The one devoted must be ādyūna. Bhaṭṭoji explains ādyūna as "without the desire to conquer". He calls ṭhak an apavāda of kan.
Example.
udare prasitaḥ "devoted to his belly", being tormented by hunger → udara + ṭhak
→ ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → udara + ika
→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, u → au (SK 1076) → audara + ika
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → audarikaḥ "a glutton".
Applies when / blocked by. Why ādyūne? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is udarakaḥ, with kan. One of his commentators supplies the person: a wrestler. The wrestler rubs his belly out of the desire to win a fight. He is devoted to his belly, but not ādyūna.
Both commentators explain the gloss. A rule, divo 'vijigīṣāyām, gives the participle of div an n only where there is no desire to conquer. Ādyūna is that participle. One of them adds that tatra and prasite are both carried forward here.
Rule. After sasya, a third-case word, kan comes in the sense "produced all round" (parijāta), that is, "connected". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the third case is that of the agent.
Example.
sasyena parijātaḥ "connected with sasya, a quality" → sasya + kan → sasyakaḥ "an excellent [one]".
Applies when / blocked by. Why kan and not the nearer ṭhak of SK 1867? Bhaṭṭoji says kan is marked svarita, and so continues; ṭhak is not. One of his commentators adds that for this marking the tradition itself is the only authority.
Watch out. Here sasya denotes a quality, not grain. Bhaṭṭoji says so, and gives a variant reading, śasya. One of his commentators says the gloss rests on vyākhyāna. He explains the variant: śasya, from śaṃs "praise", means "praiseworthy", and what is praiseworthy is a quality.
Rule. After aṃśa "share", in the second case, kan comes in the sense "one who [is bound to] take" (hārin).
Example.
aṃśaṃ hārī "one bound to take a share" → aṃśa + kan → aṃśakaḥ "an heir".
Applies when / blocked by. Why is aṃśam in the second case? With a kṛt, the object normally stands in the sixth case. Bhaṭṭoji says hārin has the affix ṇini in the sense of necessity. For that very reason there is no sixth case with it. One of his commentators names the rules. Ṇini comes by SK 3311, a rule of a later chapter, and the sixth case is forbidden by SK 628. Ṇini is a kṛt heard as -in.
Rule. After tantra, in the fifth case, kan comes in the sense "recently taken off" (acirāpahṛta).
Example.
tantrād acirāpahṛtaḥ "recently taken off the tantra" → tantra + kan → tantrakaḥ paṭaḥ "a new cloth".
Bhaṭṭoji glosses the sense as "new" (pratyagra).
Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gloss tantra here as the weaver's rod. The cloth has just come off it. They both say the compound acirāpahṛta is formed by SK 716.
pārśvenānvicchati → pārśvakaḥThese ten rules still give kan, with two brief exceptions (ṭhak and ṭhañ in SK 1876). Many of the words are names, or words taken in a figurative sense. Several are fixed by nipātana. On the running example, pārśva "the side" stands for a crooked means. One who seeks by crooked means is pārśvakaḥ.
Rule. Brāhmaṇaka and uṣṇikā are fixed by nipātana, when a name is meant. Each is made with kan after a first-case word, in the sense "in which".
Example.
āyudhajīvino brāhmaṇā yasmin deśe "a region in which brāhmaṇas live by weapons" → brāhmaṇa + kan
→ brāhmaṇakaḥ [deśaḥ].
alpam annaṃ yasyām "[a gruel] in which there is little grain-food" → uṣṇa replaces anna by nipātana → uṣṇa + kan
→ feminine, with ṭāp, and i for the a before k (SK 463) → uṣṇikā yavāgūḥ.
Yavāgū is a rice-gruel. Bhaṭṭoji says the substitution of uṣṇa for anna is by nipātana.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads the replaced word as alpānna "little food", the whole compound, not anna alone. The two readings stand in different copies of the text; scholars discuss this.
Rule. After śīta "cold" and uṣṇa "hot", kan comes in the sense "one who does" (kārin). Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the base is a second-case word qualifying the action. Śīta means "like cold", that is, slow; uṣṇa means "like hot", that is, quick.
Example.
śītaṃ karoti "he does [things] coldly", i.e. slowly → śīta + kan → śītakaḥ "a sluggard".
uṣṇaṃ karoti "he does [things] hotly", i.e. quickly → uṣṇa + kan → uṣṇakaḥ "one who acts quickly".
Applies when / blocked by. The affix does not come after the words in their plain sense of temperature. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is anabhidhāna: usage does not express that sense with it.
Watch out. The Bhāṣya narrows both words. A śītaka does slowly what should be done quickly. An uṣṇaka does quickly what should not be done quickly. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports this. Scholars discuss how Kaiyaṭa derives the narrower sense.
Rule. The sūtra states the finished word adhika "in excess, more".
Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the derivation.
adhyārūḍha "mounted upon" + kan → the latter member ārūḍha deleted → adhi + ka → adhikam.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this derivation only explains the word. Adhika itself is a conventional word (rūḍha): its meaning is fixed by usage, not by its parts.
Rule. Anuka, abhika and abhīka are fixed by nipātana in the sense "one who desires" (kamitṛ). Bhaṭṭoji says kan comes after anu and after abhi, and abhi is optionally lengthened.
Example.
anukāmayate "he desires" → anu + kan → anukaḥ.
abhikāmayate "he desires" → abhi + kan → abhikaḥ;
with the long vowel → abhīkaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the nipātana. Here anu and abhi themselves stand for the desirer. Kan is added in its own sense (svārthe), adding no meaning.
Watch out. The sūtra's word anukābhikābhīkaḥ is masculine singular. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it a samāhāra dvandva, a compound treating its members as one collective whole. He says its masculine gender is sautra: a change of gender allowed in a sūtra's own wording.
Rule. After pārśva "side", in the third case, kan comes in the sense "seeks by" (anvicchati). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kan is carried forward from SK 1864. The other says this holds when a name is meant.
Example.
pārśvenānvicchati "he seeks by the side" → pārśva + kan → pārśvakaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji explains: pārśva "side" is a crooked means. The Bhāṣya, as one of his commentators quotes it, says: one who seeks by crooked means what should be sought by straight means.
Watch out. The word is figurative only. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the side is "not straight" because it lies crosswise. He adds that śīta, uṣṇa, pārśva, ayaḥśūla and daṇḍājina are all taken here in a secondary sense. In their plain sense, no affix comes.
Rule. After ayaḥśūla "iron spike" and daṇḍājina "staff and deerskin", in the third case, ṭhak and ṭhañ come. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the sense "seeks by", as a name.
Example.
ayaḥśūlenānvicchati "he seeks by an iron spike" → ayaḥśūla + ṭhak/ṭhañ
→ ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted (SK 311)
→ āyaḥśūlikaḥ "a man of violence".
daṇḍājinenānvicchati → dāṇḍājinikaḥ "a hypocrite".
Bhaṭṭoji explains: the iron spike is a harsh means; staff and deerskin stand for hypocrisy.
Watch out. Nobody says which affix goes with which base. Both affixes bring vṛddhi and are heard as -ika, so the forms do not show it.
Rule. Kan comes after a word ending in a pūraṇa affix, when grasping (grahaṇa) of a text is meant. The pūraṇa affix itself is optionally deleted by luk. The sūtra's tāvatitha "the so-manieth" stands for any such word, as both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say.
Example.
dvitīyena rūpeṇa grahaṇam "grasping [a text] at the second going-over" → dvitīya + kan
→ dvitīyakam;
→ with luk of the pūraṇa affix tīya → dvi + ka → dvikam.
Bhaṭṭoji's phrase: dvitīyakaṃ dvikaṃ vā grahaṇaṃ devadattasya "Devadatta's grasping at the second going-over".
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika extends the rule to the one who grasps. In the sense "he grasps by the so-manieth [going-over]", kan comes, and the luk is obligatory.
ṣaṣṭhena rūpeṇa gṛhṇāti "he grasps at the sixth going-over" → ṣaṭko devadattaḥ. Likewise pañcakaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the word iti ties the rule to usage, so it concerns texts only. So there is no affix in dvitīyaṃ grahaṇaṃ devadattena daṇḍasya "Devadatta's second grasping of a stick". The other commentator says ṭhak and ṭhañ of SK 1876 do not continue here, not being svarita.
Watch out. The luk is of the pūraṇa affix, not of kan. Bhaṭṭoji says so, and one of his commentators argues it. Otherwise the word vā "optionally" would be pointless. The author of the vārttikas took the luk to be of kan; scholars discuss this.
Rule. After a first-case word naming a chief, kan comes in the sense "he is the chief (grāmaṇī) of these". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses grāmaṇī as "chief" (mukhya), citing Amara's lexicon.
Example.
devadatto mukhyo yeṣāṃ te "those whose chief is Devadatta" → devadatta + kan → devadattakāḥ.
tvatkāḥ "those whose chief is you"; matkāḥ "those whose chief is me".
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains tvatkāḥ and matkāḥ. Before the affix, "you" and "I" take the forms tva and ma by SK 1373.
Rule. After śṛṅkhala "chain", kan comes in the sense "this has a chain as its fetter". The one fettered must be a young camel (karabha).
Example.
śṛṅkhalam asya bandhanam "a chain is the fetter of this [young camel]" → śṛṅkhala + kan
→ śṛṅkhalakaḥ karabhaḥ "a young camel bound with a chain".
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the sūtra's karabhe. It is a seventh-case word used in the sense of the sixth: "of a young camel".
Rule. Utka is formed in the sense unmanas, "one whose mind has gone up". Bhaṭṭoji says kan comes in its own sense (svārthe) after ud, used for "one whose mind has gone up".
Example.
ud + kan → utkaḥ "one who longs" (utkaṇṭhita).
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses ud here as "used in the sense of longing".
dvitīye 'hani bhavaḥ → dvitīyako jvaraḥFour rules name a disease by its day or its cause, and a full-moon feast by the food that fills it. The last one fixes the word śrotriya, a scholar of the Veda. Kan is still the affix, except in the vārttika of SK 1882, in SK 1883 and in SK 1884. On the running example, a fever that comes on the second day is dvitīyako jvaraḥ.
Rule. Kan comes after a word for time (kāla) or for a prayojana, when a disease is meant. Bhaṭṭoji defines prayojana here as the cause of the disease or its result. It is not "purpose".
Example.
Time: dvitīye 'hani bhavaḥ "occurring on the second day" → dvitīya + kan → dvitīyako jvaraḥ "a fever of the second day".
Cause: viṣapuṣpair janitaḥ "produced by poisonous flowers" → viṣapuṣpa + kan → viṣapuṣpakaḥ.
Result: uṣṇaṃ kāryam asya "heat is its effect" → uṣṇa + kan → uṣṇakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "when a disease is meant"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is dvitīyo divaso 'sya "the second day is his". Nothing is a disease there, so no affix comes.
"Time" here means only a pūraṇa-word used of time, such as dvitīya. It does not mean a word like māsa "month". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so, and so does the editor of the printed edition.
Watch out. The case of the base changes with the sense. The editor of the printed edition sets it out. For time, the seventh case, "occurring on". For a cause, the third case, "produced by". For a result, the first case, "is its effect".
Rule. After a first-case word for a food (anna), kan comes in the sense "in this". The food must predominate (prāya), and the word must be a name.
Example.
guḍāpūpāḥ prāyeṇānnam asyām "on which the food is mostly cakes with molasses" → guḍāpūpa + kan
→ feminine, with ṭāp, and i for the a before k (SK 463) → guḍāpūpikā paurṇamāsī.
Paurṇamāsī is the full-moon day.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika gives ini instead after vaṭaka, a kind of cake. Ini is heard as -in.
vaṭaka + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → vaṭakin → feminine → vaṭakinī [paurṇamāsī].
Watch out. Why is a vārttika needed for ini? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ini could not come otherwise. SK 1922, later in this chapter, gives ini and ṭhan. But a traditional verse says those two are not taught in the sense "in this".
Rule. After kulmāṣa, a kind of food, añ comes in the sense of SK 1882. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it an apavāda of kan. Añ is heard as -a and brings vṛddhi.
Example.
kulmāṣāḥ prāyeṇānnam asyām "on which the food is mostly kulmāṣa" → kulmāṣa + añ
→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, u → au (SK 1075) → the final a deleted (SK 311) → kaulmāṣa
→ feminine, with ṅīp after añ (SK 470) → kaulmāṣī [paurṇamāsī].
Rule. Śrotriya is fixed by nipātana in the sense "studies the chandas", the Veda. The sūtra writes it śrotriyan.
Example.
chando 'dhīte "he studies the Veda" → śrotriyaḥ.
The other form: the ordinary affix for a student, aṇ → chāndasaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the word vā "optionally" is carried forward, so chāndasaḥ stands too. Both of his commentators trace vā to SK 1877. One says it comes by a frog's leap. Without it, the fixed word would block the student's aṇ.
Watch out. How śrotriya is built is not settled. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says śrotra replaces chandas and the affix ghan is added. The other reports two views of the Bhāṣya: the whole word fixed for the whole phrase, or śrotra with the affix gha. Scholars discuss this.
śrāddham anena bhuktam → śrāddhī, śrāddhikaḥThe last group of this part gives ini, heard as -in, and once ṭhan, heard as -ika. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the i after the n of ini is only for pronunciation. So the n is not a marker. A stem in -in ends in -ī in the first case singular: śrāddhin → śrāddhī. Several of the words are fixed by nipātana. The last two, kṣetriya and indriya, are explained with ghac, heard as -iya; for kṣetriya this is one analysis among two. On the running example, one who has eaten the food of a śrāddha rite is śrāddhī or śrāddhikaḥ.
Rule. After śrāddha, a first-case word, ini and ṭhan come in the sense "has been eaten by this [person]". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say śrāddha here stands for the materials of the rite for the ancestors. The rite itself cannot be eaten.
Example.
śrāddham anena bhuktam "the śrāddha [food] has been eaten by this [person]"
→ śrāddha + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → śrāddhin → śrāddhī;
→ śrāddha + ṭhan → ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → the final a deleted → śrāddhikaḥ.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators restricts the words to food eaten today. One who ate it today is not called śrāddhika tomorrow.
Rule. After pūrva "before", ini comes in the sense "by this [agent]". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say anena "by this" is carried forward. Pūrva is a second-case word qualifying some action, which must be supplied.
Example.
pūrvaṃ kṛtam anena "[something] has been done before by this [person]" → pūrva + ini
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → pūrvin → pūrvī.
Applies when / blocked by. Why supply "done"? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: there is no agent without an action. So some action must be understood. One adds that the general action, expressed by kṛ "do", is what comes to mind.
Rule. Ini also comes after pūrva when it has a prior member (sapūrva). In effect, after a word ending in pūrva. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators puts it so: "after one ending in pūrva".
Example.
kṛtapūrva + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → kṛtapūrvin → kṛtapūrvī "one who has done [something] before".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads Bhaṭṭoji's example as kṛtapūrvī kaṭam, with the object kaṭa "a mat".
Applies when / blocked by. Why is this rule needed after SK 1886? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: in a rule prescribing an affix, the tadanta reading is barred. So SK 1886 alone would not reach kṛtapūrva.
Watch out. The other commentator draws two jñāpakas, one from each rule. This rule shows a paribhāṣā: a nominal stem named in a rule does not stand for stems ending in it (grahaṇavatā prātipadikena tadantavidhir na). SK 1886 shows another: vyapadeśivadbhāva does not hold for a nominal stem (vyapadeśivadbhāvo 'prātipadikena). Otherwise bare pūrva could count as "ending in pūrva", and SK 1886 would be unnecessary.
Rule. Ini also comes after iṣṭa "sacrificed" and the words listed with it, in the sense "by this one".
Example.
iṣṭam anena "[a sacrifice] has been performed by this one" → iṣṭa + ini
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → iṣṭin → iṣṭī.
Likewise adhītī "one who has studied".
Rule. In the Veda (chandas), paripanthin and pariparin are fixed by nipātana in the sense "adversary" (paryavasthātṛ).
Example. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the nipātana. In paryavasthātṛ, the part avasthātṛ is replaced, and ini is added.
pari + avasthātṛ → pantha replaces avasthātṛ → paripantha + ini → paripanthin.
pari + avasthātṛ → para replaces avasthātṛ → paripara + ini → pariparin.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites a Ṛgveda verse, apa tyaṃ paripanthinam (1.42.3).
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji says that in ordinary usage the word paripanthin is not proper. The rule is for the Veda only. One of his commentators says the sūtra really belongs to the section on Vedic forms.
Rule. Anupadin is fixed by nipātana in the sense "one who searches" (anveṣṭṛ). Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say ini comes after anupadam.
Example.
anupadam anveṣṭā "one who searches following the tracks" → anupada + ini
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → anupadin → anupadī gavām "one who tracks cows".
Applies when / blocked by. Anupadam is an avyayībhāva, an indeclinable compound, meaning "after the footprint". An indeclinable (avyaya) is a word that does not change its form. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so. One of them reports Haradatta, a commentator: the word is used for tracking cows, not for searching after gold and the like.
Rule. After the indeclinable sākṣāt "directly", ini comes in the sense "one who sees" (draṣṭṛ), when a name is meant. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supply ini.
Example.
sākṣād draṣṭā "one who sees directly" → sākṣāt + ini
→ the ṭi āt deleted → sākṣ + in → sākṣin → sākṣī "a witness".
Both commentators give the ṭi deletion by the vārttika avyayānāṃ bhamātre ṭilopaḥ: an indeclinable that is bha loses its ṭi.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "as a name"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Three people see a transaction directly: the giver, the receiver and the onlooker. Because the word is a name, sākṣin means the onlooker alone. The other commentator describes the witness as one who watches the act without taking part.
Rule. The form kṣetriya, marked with c, means "to be treated in another field (parakṣetra)". The "field" is the body.
Example.
kṣetriyo vyādhiḥ "a disease to be treated in another body".
Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: one that cannot be remedied [in this body]. One of his commentators says the other body is the future one.
On one analysis the steps are:
parakṣetra + ghac → para deleted by nipātana → kṣetra + iya (SK 475)
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → kṣetriyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report two analyses. One, which both cite, is ghac after parakṣetra in the seventh case, with para deleted, as above. Others take the whole word kṣetriya as fixed for the whole phrase. Scholars discuss this.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators records further uses of kṣetriya. There is a poison treated by moving it into another body, and weeds in a field meant for crops. There is also the adulterer, for whom another's wife is the "other field", where he is to be "treated", that is, punished. Bhaṭṭoji himself gives only the disease.
Rule. Indriya is fixed by nipātana. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say it is ghac after indra. The senses are "mark of indra", "seen by indra", "created by indra", "served by indra" and "given by indra". The word iti adds other senses of this kind.
Example.
indrasya liṅgam "the mark of indra" → indra + ghac
→ gha → iy (SK 475) → indra + iya
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → indriyam "a sense-organ".
By iti, Bhaṭṭoji adds: indreṇa durjayam "hard for indra to conquer" is also indriya.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says indra here is the self (ātman). The sense-organ is its mark, because an agent is inferred from an instrument. One of his commentators spells out the inference. The eye and the other senses are instruments. Like a stick used to make a pot, they need an agent to direct them.
Watch out. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators call indriya a conventional word (rūḍha). Its derivation is given "only somehow". One of them glosses "seen by indra" as known by the self as "my eye, my ear".
gāvo 'syāsmin vā santi → gomān; jñānam asyāsti → jñānavānNow the chapter reaches the affix that gives it its name. Matup makes a word meaning "having X" or "in which X is". Every affix that shares this sense is a matvarthīya, an affix "in the sense of matup". Two rules teach matup itself. Then seven rules, borrowed from other books of the grammar, shape its form. On the running example, one who has cows is gomān. One who has knowledge is jñānavān, with v in place of the m.
Rule. Matup comes after a first-case word that goes with the verb asti "is". The sense is "that is of this" (asya) or "that is in this" (asmin). Matup is heard as -mat; its u and p are it.
Example.
gāvo 'syāsmin vā santi "cows are his, or cows are in it" → go + matup → go + mat
→ nominative singular: the augment num (an n, SK 361) and lengthening (SK 425) → gomān.
The last steps are those of yāvān in chapter 38.
Applies when / blocked by. The word iti in the sūtra limits matup to particular domains. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so. Bhaṭṭoji then quotes a vārttika in verse. It names six domains in which matup and its fellow affixes come, when "is" is meant:
gomān "rich in cows";kakudāvartinī kanyā "a girl with a whorl (āvarta) on her back";rūpavān "handsome";kṣīriṇo vṛkṣāḥ "trees having milk (kṣīra)";udariṇī kanyā "a big-bellied girl";daṇḍī "one holding a staff".The examples come from Bhaṭṭoji's commentators. One of them calls the list generally true, not exhaustive.
For contact, only a man actually holding a staff is daṇḍī. A man whose staff lies at home is not. And one never says puruṣī daṇḍaḥ "a staff having a man". The formation needs a particular relation, and here it is lacking. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain this.
Watch out. The tense of asti counts. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says dhanavān "wealthy" is not said of wealth already gone, or not yet come.
Rule. After rasa "taste" and the words listed with it, matup comes, in the domains of SK 1894. The rule adds nothing new; matup was already due. Its point is to exclude the other matvarthīya affixes, Bhaṭṭoji says.
Example.
rūpam asyāsti "it has form (colour)" → rūpa + matup → v for m (SK 1897) → rūpavān.
Applies when / blocked by. The list is rasa, rūpa, varṇa, gandha, sparśa, śabda, sneha. Two gaṇasūtras follow in it. A gaṇasūtra is a short rule written inside such a list (gaṇa).
sva + matup → svavān.So a word of the list escapes the rule when it does not mean a quality. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives rūpiṇī kanyā and rasiko naṭaḥ. Here rūpa is beauty and rasa is sentiment, not the qualities of sight and taste. So other affixes may come.
Watch out. Scholars discuss whether this sūtra is needed at all. Learn it as Bhaṭṭoji gives it.
Rule. A word ending in t or in s is called bha before a matvarthīya affix. Bha is the name a stem normally has only before an affix beginning with a vowel or y (chapter 8). This rule comes from Pāṇini's first book, placed here because it shapes matup's forms.
Example.
vidvas + matup "having a learned man" → the stem is bha by this rule
→ so SK 435, which works only on a bha, gives saṃprasāraṇa → viduṣmān.
Saṃprasāraṇa is the vowel-change you met in chapter 11 (SK 330, 435). Here it turns vidvas into viduṣ-.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is the rule needed? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. The m of matup is neither a vowel nor y. So without this rule vidvas would not be bha, and SK 435 could not apply.
Bhaṭṭoji adds a vārttika: guṇavacanebhyo matupo lug iṣṭaḥ. After a word for a quality, luk of matup is wanted.
śuklo guṇo 'syāsti "whiteness is its quality" → śukla + matup → luk of matup → śuklaḥ paṭaḥ "a white cloth". Likewise kṛṣṇaḥ "black".
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both limit this to words like śukla, used both of the quality and of what has it. So not rūpa: rūpaṃ vastram is not said.
Watch out. Because the stem is bha, it is not a pada. So rules for the end of a pada do not touch it. You will see this in vidyutvān (SK 1898) and yaśasvān (SK 1897).
Rule. V replaces the m of matup in two cases. The base ends in m or in an a-vowel (a or ā). Or the base has m or an a-vowel as its upadhā, its penultimate sound. The words yava and the rest are excepted. This rule comes from the eighth book.
Example. The running example, and one word of each type:
jñānam asyāsti "he has knowledge" → jñāna + mat → the base ends in a → v for m → jñānavān.
kim → ends in m → kiṃvān.
vidyā → ends in ā → vidyāvān.
lakṣmī → m is the penultimate → lakṣmīvān.
yaśas → a is the penultimate → yaśasvān.
bhās → ā is the penultimate → bhāsvān.
But after yava and the rest: yavamān, bhūmimān.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the wording. The word māt "after m or a" is read twice. Once it means "after a base ending in them". Once, with upadhāyāḥ, it means "after a penultimate m or a". The same commentator says ā is included because the sūtra's a is not marked with t.
Watch out. In yaśasvān the s is not turned into ru. Ru is the substitute that normally replaces a pada-final s. Here the stem is bha by SK 1896, so it is not a pada. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this reason.
Rule. V also replaces the m of matup after a stem ending in a jhay. Jhay is a pratyāhāra, a short name for a group of consonants; the t of vidyut is one of them.
Example.
vidyut + matup "having lightning" → the stem ends in a jhay → v for m
→ no jaśtva → vidyutvān.
Applies when / blocked by. Why a separate rule? Vidyut neither ends in m or a nor has one as its penultimate. So SK 1897 does not reach it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this reason.
Why no jaśtva? Bhaṭṭoji says the t is not pada-final. One of his commentators adds that the stem is bha by SK 1896, which blocks pada status.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators discusses godhuh "milker" and madhulih "bee". Before matup their h is replaced by gh and ḍh. But those substitutes are asiddha, treated as not yet there. So this rule does not give v after them.
Rule. In a saṃjñā, a proper name, v replaces the m of matup. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "the m of matup", the wording of SK 1897.
Example.
ahi + matup → ī for the final i by śarādīnāṃ ca (SK 1042) → ahī + mat
→ v for m in a name → ahīvat → feminine ahīvatī.
Likewise munīvatī.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says these are names of a particular river or city.
Rule. Six names are fixed by nipātana. What is fixed is a change in the base. The v itself comes by SK 1899, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says.
Example. Each name, and the ordinary word used elsewhere:
āsana → āsandī → āsandīvān grāmaḥ "the village Āsandīvat"; elsewhere āsanavān.
asthi → aṣṭhī → aṣṭhīvān ṛṣiḥ "the sage Aṣṭhīvat"; elsewhere asthimān.
cakra → cakrī → cakrīvān rājā "the king Cakrīvat"; elsewhere cakravān.
kakṣyā → saṃprasāraṇa → kakṣīvān ṛṣiḥ "the sage Kakṣīvat"; elsewhere kakṣyāvān.
lavaṇa → rumaṇ → rumaṇvān parvataḥ "the mountain Rumaṇvat"; elsewhere lavaṇavān.
carman → the n is kept and becomes ṇ → carmaṇvatī nadī "the river Carmaṇvatī"; elsewhere carmavatī.
Watch out. Scholars discuss whether kakṣīvat belongs in this sūtra at all.
Rule. Udan replaces udaka "water" before matup. This happens when the ocean (udadhi) is meant, and also in a name.
Example.
udaka + matup → udan for udaka → udan + vat → udanvān.
It means the ocean, and it is also the name of a sage.
Applies when / blocked by. "In a name" is carried forward from SK 1899 by anuvṛtti, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. He adds that the shorter wording udanvāṃś ca would have been enough.
Rule. Rājanvat is fixed by nipātana in the sense of saurājya, good kingship. A land whose king is good has saurājya.
Example.
rājan + matup → the n is kept → rājanvatī bhūḥ "a land with a good king".
Elsewhere: rājavān "having a king".
Applies when / blocked by. What exactly is fixed here? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. The v is already given by SK 1897. The nipātana only keeps the n from being deleted.
cūḍā asyāsti → cūḍālaḥ, cūḍāvānThe rest of the chapter teaches the other matvarthīya affixes. From here on, the sense "that is of this, that is in this" is understood in each rule. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supply it. One word runs through this section like a thread: anyatarasyām. It normally means "optionally". Here, Bhaṭṭoji says, it means "as well": matup comes beside the new affix. On the running example, one who has a crest is cūḍālaḥ or cūḍāvān.
Rule. Lac comes after a word ending in ā that denotes something located in a living being (prāṇistha). By anyatarasyām, matup comes as well. Lac is heard as -la; its c is a marker.
Example.
cūḍā asyāsti "he has a crest" → cūḍā + lac → cūḍā + la → cūḍālaḥ.
With matup: cūḍā + mat → v for m (SK 1897) → cūḍāvān.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives two counter-examples.
śikhāvān dīpaḥ "a lamp having a flame". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain this one differently.hastavān "having a hand".Bhaṭṭoji then adds prāṇyaṅgād eva: only after a word for a limb (aṅga) of a living being. So not here: medhāvān "intelligent". Intelligence is in a living being, but it is not a limb. One of his commentators rests this restriction on the Bhāṣya.
Watch out. Why is lac marked with c? A c-marked affix is udātta on its last vowel (citaḥ, SK 3710). But the affix's own accent would give that anyway. Bhaṭṭoji says the c blocks a svarita accent, a vowel partly high then low, in a phrase like cūḍālo 'si. There the rule svarito vānudātte padādau (SK 3659) would otherwise apply. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both work this out step by step.
Rule. Lac also comes after sidhma and the words listed with it. Matup comes as well.
Example.
sidhma + lac → sidhmalaḥ. With matup: sidhmavān.
Applies when / blocked by. Here Bhaṭṭoji settles the meaning of anyatarasyām. It is carried forward from SK 1903. Its purpose is samuccaya, adding matup alongside. It does not make the affix optional. Bhaṭṭoji draws the consequence: after the words of this list that end in a, ini and ṭhan do not come.
Why would they come? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Suppose anyatarasyām meant "optionally". Then, where lac did not come, the general affixes for a-stems, ini and ṭhan of SK 1922, would come. The "adding" reading leaves only lac and matup. So when Bhaṭṭoji writes "lac comes, vā", vā means "and", not "or".
The same commentator says this anyatarasyām continues through all the following matvarthīya rules. It does not apply to conventional words (rūḍha).
A gaṇasūtra in the list: vātadantabalalalāṭānām ūṅ ca. After vāta "wind", danta "tooth", bala "strength" and lalāṭa "forehead", lac comes, and ūṅ (heard as ū) replaces the final.
vāta + lac → ū for the final a → vātū + la → vātūlaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds dantūlaḥ, balūlaḥ and lalāṭūlaḥ. Both explain the ṅ: it shows that ūṅ is a substitute, not a new affix.
Watch out. From this rule on, read anyatarasyām and vā in this section as "as well", not "optionally". There are two exceptions. In the vārttika hṛdayāc cālur anyatarasyām under SK 1928, anyatarasyām is an option: where cālu does not come, ini and ṭhan do. And in SK 1942 it means "optionally".
Rule. Lac comes after vatsa "calf" and aṃsa "shoulder". The senses are "having affection" (kāma) and "having strength" (bala). They pair with the two bases in order: this pairing is yathāsaṃkhya.
Example.
vatsa + lac → vatsalaḥ "affectionate".
aṃsa + lac → aṃsalaḥ "strong".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji again writes "lac comes, vā". As in SK 1904, vā is read "as well", not "optionally". Here that reading serves only to shut out ini and ṭhan, which "optionally" would let in after these a-final bases.
Watch out. Matup itself is not wanted in this rule. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so. vatsavatī gauḥ means "a cow with a calf", and aṃsavān durbalaḥ "a weak man with shoulders". The matup forms do not carry the senses "affection" and "strength".
Rule. After phena "foam", ilac comes. By ca "and", lac comes as well, since it is close at hand. Bhaṭṭoji also says anyatarasyām is carried forward to add matup. Ilac is heard as -ila.
Example.
phena + ilac → the final a deleted (SK 311) → phenilaḥ "foamy".
phena + lac → phenalaḥ.
phena + matup → phenavān.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators raises a doubt. If ca brings only lac, would matup be lost? Bhaṭṭoji's own sentence answers it: the adding anyatarasyām still runs.
Rule. Three lists take three affixes, in order. After loman and its list, śa. After pāman and its list, na. After piccha and its list, ilac. Matup comes beside each.
Example.
Śa: lomaśaḥ "hairy", lomavān; romaśaḥ, romavān.
Na: pāmanaḥ.
Ilac: picchilaḥ, picchavān; urasilaḥ, urasvān.
Applies when / blocked by. Two gaṇasūtras stand in the pāman list.
aṅganā "a woman whose limbs are beautiful".lakṣmī + na → lakṣma + na → ṇ for n after ṣ → lakṣmaṇaḥ.One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains both in this way.
A vārttika adds viṣvak: viṣvag ity uttarapadalopaś cākṛtasandheḥ. Na comes after viṣu + añc taken before sandhi, the joining of sounds. And the final member añc is lost.
viṣu + añc → the final member lost → viṣu + na → ṇ for n → viṣuṇaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names añc as the lost member.
Watch out. In lakṣmyā a[t] ca the letters ac are not an affix, nor the name for all vowels. They are a with t after it, which means short a only (as in at, SK 1922), and then ca "and".
Rule. After prajñā "wisdom", śraddhā "faith" and arcā "worship", ṇa comes. It is heard as -a. Its ṇ brings vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075).
Example.
prajñā + ṇa → vṛddhi a → ā → the final ā deleted (SK 311) → prājñaḥ "wise".
Bhaṭṭoji's phrase is prājño vyākaraṇe "wise in grammar".
Likewise śrāddhaḥ "faithful" and ārcaḥ "worshipful".
Applies when / blocked by. Why cite the feminine prājñā? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain. Prājña could also come from prajña with aṇ. But the feminine of an aṇ word takes ṅīp (-ī). With ṇa the feminine takes ṭāp (-ā): prājñā. So prajñā must stand in the rule.
A vārttika adds vṛtteś ca: after vṛtti "livelihood" too.
vṛttir asyāsti → vṛtti + ṇa → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → the i deleted → vārtaḥ.
The printed text writes the base with one t. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both read vṛtti.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads prājño vyākaraṇam, with the second case. Scholars discuss this; the sense is the same.
Rule. After tapas "austerity", vini comes; after sahasra "thousand", ini. The pairing is yathāsaṃkhya. Vini is heard as -vin, ini as -in.
Example.
tapas + vini → the stem is bha (SK 1896), so no ru → tapasvin → tapasvī "ascetic".
sahasra + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → sahasrin → sahasrī "having a thousand".
Applies when / blocked by. Why is the i in vini and ini? Bhaṭṭoji says it protects the n. A final n in an affix would be a marker; with the i after it, it is not final.
These affixes would come anyway. Tapas ends in as (SK 1928), and sahasra ends in a (SK 1922). They are restated so that the aṇ of SK 1910 does not block them. For sahasra, the restatement also blocks ṭhan. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both note that this explanation stands only in some copies of the text.
Rule. Aṇ too comes after tapas and sahasra. Aṇ is heard as -a and brings vṛddhi.
Example.
tapas + aṇ → vṛddhi a → ā → tāpasaḥ "ascetic".
sahasra + aṇ → the final a deleted → sāhasraḥ "having a thousand".
Applies when / blocked by. Why make aṇ a separate rule? Bhaṭṭoji says the split, yogavibhāga, is "for the sake of what follows". One of his commentators says it lets aṇ alone continue into SK 1911. The other says it also keeps vini and ini paired in order. Scholars discuss this.
A vārttika, jyotsnādibhya upasaṃkhyānam, adds jyotsnā "moonlight" and the rest. Upasaṃkhyāna is adding a base to a rule.
jyotsnā + aṇ → jyautsnaḥ "the bright fortnight".
tamisrā + aṇ → tāmisraḥ "the dark fortnight".
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give these glosses.
Rule. Aṇ also comes after sikatā "sand" and śarkarā "gravel".
Example.
sikatā asya santi "it has sands" → sikatā + aṇ → vṛddhi i → ai → the final ā deleted → saikato ghaṭaḥ "a pot with sand in it".
śarkarā + aṇ → śārkaraḥ "having gravel".
Applies when / blocked by. Why does Bhaṭṭoji say "a pot"? A region is taught next, in SK 1912. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give this reason.
Rule. When a region (deśa) is meant, after sikatā and śarkarā, two things may happen. The aṇ of SK 1911 undergoes lup, or ilac comes. By ca, aṇ itself also comes, and matup as well. Lup is a kind of deletion of an affix.
Example. sikatāḥ santy asmin deśe "there are sands in this region" gives four words:
sikatā + aṇ → lup of aṇ → sikatāḥ (plural).
sikatā + ilac → the final ā deleted → sikatilaḥ.
sikatā + aṇ → saikataḥ.
sikatā + matup → sikatāvān.
So too śarkarāḥ and the rest.
Applies when / blocked by. Why does matup still come? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. The adding anyatarasyām is carried forward, so matup is added everywhere.
Watch out. sikatāḥ is plural though the region is one. When the affix undergoes lup, the word keeps the number of its base; this is yuktavadbhāva. And sikatā is always plural. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains both points.
keśā asya santi → keśavaḥ, keśī, keśikaḥ, keśavānThe next nine rules each give a short affix after a few named bases. Most are short: -ura, -ra, -ma, -va, -vala. Several of the words are conventional names, and those take no matup. One rule, SK 1916, restates anyatarasyām to let in ini and ṭhan too. So one who has hair gives four words: keśavaḥ, keśī, keśikaḥ, keśavān.
Rule. After danta "tooth", when the teeth are prominent (unnata), urac comes. It is heard as -ura. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says unnata qualifies the base. He reads dante as a seventh case used in the sense of the fifth.
Example.
unnatā dantāḥ santy asya "he has prominent teeth" → danta + urac → the final a deleted (SK 311) → danturaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "prominent"? Without it, one who simply has teeth is dantavān. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this counter-example.
Rule. After ūṣa, suṣi, muṣka and madhu, ra comes. It is heard as -ra.
Example.
ūṣa + ra → ūṣaraḥ "having saline soil".
suṣi + ra → suṣiraḥ "having a hole".
muṣka + ra → muṣkaraḥ; muṣka is the testicle.
madhu + ra → madhuraḥ "sweet".
The glosses of ūṣaraḥ and suṣiraḥ are those of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says madhu here means sweetness, not honey. One of his commentators gives the reason. Otherwise a pot holding honey would be called madhuraḥ.
Three vārttikas extend the rule.
kharaḥ, mukharaḥ, kuñjaraḥ. Kuñja is an elephant's jaw.nagaram, pāṃsuraḥ, pāṇḍuraḥ.kacchū → kacchu + ra → kacchuraḥ.Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji adds that the word pāṇḍura is simply avyutpanna, underived. One of his commentators says why: it is used both of the colour and of what has it. Some copies read pāṇḍara here, and scholars discuss which word is meant.
Rule. After dyu and dru, ma comes. Dyu is the word div "sky" after u has replaced its v by diva ut (SK 337). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains this.
Example.
dyu + ma → dyumaḥ.
dru + ma → drumaḥ "tree".
Watch out. No matup forms are given here. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says these are conventional words. Their meaning cannot be expressed by matup, so matup is not added to them.
Rule. After keśa "hair", va comes. The fresh word anyatarasyām lets ini and ṭhan come as well. Matup is already brought by the anyatarasyām carried forward from SK 1903.
Example. keśā asya santi "he has hair" gives four words:
keśa + va → keśavaḥ.
keśa + ini → the final a deleted → keśī.
keśa + ṭhan → ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → keśikaḥ.
keśa + matup → v for m → keśavān.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators counts the four forms.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji explains the repetition. Matup would follow anyway from the anyatarasyām in context. So repeating the word must serve to include ini and ṭhan. One of his commentators draws a further point. This repetition is a jñāpaka. It shows that the earlier anyatarasyām means "as well", not "optionally". If it meant "optionally", this second one would add nothing.
Two vārttikas follow.
maṇivaḥ, a kind of serpent (nāga). hiraṇyavaḥ, a kind of treasure.arṇas + va → arṇa + va → arṇavaḥ "that which has water".Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both gloss arṇas as water.
Rule. After gāṇḍi (or gāṇḍī) and ajaga, va comes, to form a name.
Example.
gāṇḍi + va → gāṇḍivam; gāṇḍī + va → gāṇḍīvam. Both name Arjuna's bow.
ajaga + va → ajagavam, the bow Pināka.
Applies when / blocked by. How can one word stand for both gāṇḍi and gāṇḍī? Bhaṭṭoji says the short and the long are stated together through the yaṇ sound. In gāṇḍy-ajagāt, the y could stand for either i or ī. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the device differently.
One of them says saṃjñāyām here only spells out the iti of SK 1894.
Watch out. These are conventional names, so matup is not added. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.
Rule. After kāṇḍa and āṇḍa, the affixes īran and īrac come. Both are heard as -īra.
Example.
kāṇḍa + īra → the final a deleted → kāṇḍīraḥ.
āṇḍa + īra → āṇḍīraḥ.
Watch out. Neither Bhaṭṭoji nor his commentators say whether the two affixes pair with the two bases in order. Leave the question open.
Rule. After rajas, kṛṣi "ploughing", āsuti and pariṣad "assembly", valac comes. It is heard as -vala.
Example.
rajas + valac → the stem is bha (SK 1896), so the s stays → rajasvalā strī "a woman in her courses".
kṛṣi + valac → ī for i by vale (SK 1040) → kṛṣīvalaḥ "a cultivator".
āsuti + valac → lengthening likewise → āsutīvalaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji glosses it as śauṇḍika, a distiller.
pariṣad + valac → pariṣadvalaḥ. A variant reading has parṣad: parṣadvalam.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain āsuti as "pressing", from the root su with ā.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate, valac is seen after other words too. bhrātṛvalaḥ, putravalaḥ, śatruvalaḥ.
Watch out. These three words have no lengthening. Bhaṭṭoji says the rule vale (SK 1040) carries "in a name" (saṃjñāyām) forward by anuvṛtti. These words are not names, so vale does not lengthen them. His commentators both add a second reason for bhrātṛ. The lengthening is limited to the vowels named aṇ, and ṛ is not among them.
Rule. After danta "tooth" and śikhā "crest", valac comes, to form a name. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies valac and the matup sense.
Example.
danta + valac → dantāvalaḥ "the elephant".
śikhā + valac → śikhāvalaḥ "the peacock".
Watch out. Note the long ā in dantāvalaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji does not explain it under this rule. Simply learn the word as he gives it.
Rule. Eight words are fixed by nipātana in the matup sense. Bhaṭṭoji names the base and the affix of each.
Example.
jyotis → the penultimate i lost, and the affix na → jyotsnā "moonlight".
tamas → i for the penultimate a, and the affix ra → tamisrā "a dark night".
śṛṅga "horn" → inac → śṛṅgiṇaḥ "horned".
ūrjas → valac → ūrjasvalaḥ; and vini → ūrjasvī.
go "cow" → mini → gomī.
mala → inac → malinaḥ; and īmasa → malīmasaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Three remarks of Bhaṭṭoji's own.
The feminine of tamisrā is not essential, so tamisram is also correct.
Vini is named after ūrjas so that valac does not block it. Vini would otherwise come by SK 1928, which gives it after a word ending in as.
The Vṛtti, an older commentary on the sūtras, derives these words from ūrj with an augment as. Bhaṭṭoji calls that questionable. Ūrjas already ends in as, as the word ūrjasvatī shows.
Watch out. Mini and inac are heard as -min and -ina. In śṛṅgiṇaḥ the n becomes ṇ after the ṛ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names this ṇ-substitution.
daṇḍo 'syāsti → daṇḍī, daṇḍikaḥ, daṇḍavānThis group gives the commonest matvarthīya affixes after matup. Ini (heard as -in) and ṭhan (heard as -ika) come after any stem in short a. Then come ṭhañ, yap and vini, and the rarer yus, gmini, ālac and āṭac. On the running example, one who has a staff is daṇḍī, daṇḍikaḥ or daṇḍavān.
Rule. After a stem ending in short a, ini and ṭhan come. Matup comes as well, because the adding anyatarasyām is carried forward. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.
Example.
daṇḍo 'syāsti "he has a staff" → daṇḍa + ini → the final a deleted (SK 311) → daṇḍin → daṇḍī.
daṇḍa + ṭhan → ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → the a deleted → daṇḍikaḥ.
daṇḍa + matup → daṇḍavān.
Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra writes at: a with t after it, which means short a only. So a stem in long ā is excluded: khaṭvāvān "having a bed" takes matup only. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this counter-example.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both quote a verse: ekākṣarāt kṛto jāteḥ saptamyāṃ ca na tau smṛtau. The two affixes are not taught
svavān;kārakavān;vyāghravān;daṇḍavatī śālā "a hall in which there are staffs".This is only generally true, they add. kāryī and taṇḍulī are correct.
Rule. Ini and ṭhan also come after vrīhi "rice" and the words listed with it.
Example.
vrīhi + ini → the final i deleted (SK 311) → vrīhī "having rice".
vrīhi + ṭhan → vrīhikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji warns that not every word of the list takes both. A vārttika sorts them.
After the other words of the list, both come.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the second group: yavakhala, nau and kumārī. He reads yavakhala for yavakhada.
Rule. After tunda "belly" and its list, ilac comes. By ca, ini and ṭhan come too, and matup as well.
Example. One with a big belly gives four words:
tunda + ilac → tundilaḥ.
tunda + ini → tundī.
tunda + ṭhan → tundikaḥ.
tunda + matup → tundavān.
The list goes on with udara, picaṇḍa, yava and vrīhi.
Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra in the list: svāṅgād vivṛddhau. After a word for one's own body part (svāṅga), when it is enlarged, ilac and the rest come.
vivṛddhau karṇau yasya "one whose ears are enlarged" → karṇilaḥ, karṇī, karṇikaḥ, karṇavān.
Rule. After a word in short a whose prior member is eka "one" or go "cow", ṭhañ comes. It comes always (nityam). Ṭhañ is heard as -ika and brings vṛddhi.
Example.
ekaśatam asyāsti "he has one hundred" → ekaśata + ṭhañ → ṭha → ika
→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, e → ai (SK 1075) → the final a deleted → aikaśatikaḥ.
Likewise aikasahasrikaḥ, gauśatikaḥ, gausahasrikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why nityam? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both answer. Ṭhañ alone would set aside ini and ṭhan. But matup would still come by the adding anyatarasyām. Nityam stops matup too.
The base must end in a; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "only after a". So not ekaviṃśatir asyāsti "he has twenty-one".
Watch out. Only the first vowel takes vṛddhi: aikaśatikaḥ, not aikaśātikaḥ. And remember: after this rule, the thread of matup is cut. It returns in SK 1928.
Rule. Ṭhañ also comes after a word ending in śata "hundred" or sahasra "thousand" that follows niṣka.
Example.
niṣkaśatam asyāsti "he has a hundred niṣkas" → niṣkaśata + ṭhañ → vṛddhi i → ai → naiṣkaśatikaḥ.
Likewise naiṣkasahasrikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Here niṣkāt is construed with śata and sahasra inside a compound. That is not the normal syntax of a compound. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators accepts it as the sūtra's own usage.
Rule. After rūpa "form", yap comes, when the form is "struck" (āhata) or praised. Yap is heard as -ya.
Example.
āhataṃ rūpam asyāsti "it has a struck form" → rūpa + yap → the final a deleted (SK 311) → rūpyaḥ kārṣāpaṇaḥ "a stamped coin".
praśastaṃ rūpam asyāsti "it has a fine form" → rūpyo gauḥ "a fine cow".
Otherwise: rūpavān.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains "struck". A kārṣāpaṇa is a piece of silver or gold with a stamp. Its form comes from the goldsmith's striking.
A vārttika: anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate, yap is seen after other words too.
himyāḥ parvatāḥ "mountains with much snow".
guṇyā brāhmaṇāḥ "brāhmaṇas with fine qualities".
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both take himyāḥ in the sense of abundance.
Rule. Vini comes after a word ending in as, and after māyā "magic", medhā "intelligence" and sraj "garland". Matup comes as well.
Example.
yaśas + vini → the stem is bha (SK 1896), so no ru → yaśasvī "famous". With matup: yaśasvān.
māyā + vini → māyāvī; with matup, māyāvān.
Māyā is also in the vrīhi list (SK 1923), so ini and ṭhan come too: māyī, māyikaḥ.
sraj + vini → sraj ends in kvin (a kṛt affix), so ku, a velar, replaces the j (SK 377) → sragvī.
Applies when / blocked by. How can matup return, when nityam in SK 1925 stopped it? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both answer. The adding anyatarasyām comes back by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti), over the rules between. The reason is that the Bhāṣya gives yaśasvān.
Nine vārttikas follow.
āmayāvī.śṛṅgārakaḥ, vṛndārakaḥ.phalinaḥ, barhiṇaḥ.hṛdayāluḥ.śītaṃ na sahate "he does not endure cold" → śītāluḥ. Likewise uṣṇāluḥ, tṛprāluḥ.himaṃ na sahate → himeluḥ.balaṃ na sahate → balūlaḥ.vātūlaḥ "one who cannot bear wind", or "a mass of wind".parvataḥ "mountain", maruttaḥ.Under cālu, Bhaṭṭoji adds that ini, ṭhan and matup come too: hṛdayī, hṛdayikaḥ, hṛdayavān. The vārttika's anyatarasyām brings ini and ṭhan. The carried-forward anyatarasyām brings matup. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain this.
Tṛpra, Bhaṭṭoji says, is the puroḍāśa, the sacrificial cake. Mādhava, an author Bhaṭṭoji cites, takes it as "sorrow".
Watch out. Do not read the c of cālu as ca "and". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both treat it as a marker. And some read tan for tap after parvan and marut; scholars discuss this.
Rule. After ūrṇā "wool", yus comes. It is heard as -yu; its s is a marker.
Example.
ūrṇā + yus → the base is a pada, so the final ā is not deleted → ūrṇāyuḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is the ā kept? Bhaṭṭoji says the s-marking makes the base a pada. That is the rule siti ca (SK 1252). One of his commentators adds that yasyeti ca (SK 311) works only on a bha, so it does not apply.
Some grammarians carry "in the Veda" (chandasi) forward into this rule. It comes from bahulaṃ chandasi (SK 3498). Bhaṭṭoji approves. Otherwise, he says, Pāṇini would have put ūrṇā in SK 1946 beside aham and śubham.
Rule. After vāc "speech", gmini comes. It is heard as -gmin. Its g is not a marker, because this is a taddhita; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators points to SK 195.
Example.
vāc + gmin → k for c (kutva, replacement by a velar) → vāk + gmin
→ g for k (jaśtva) → vāggmin → vāggmī "eloquent".
Note the two g.
Applies when / blocked by. Why gmini and not simply mini? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both answer. With mini, the g before the nasal m would become a nasal. The unwanted result would be vāṅmī.
Rule. After vāc, ālac and āṭac come, for "one who talks much". They are heard as -āla and -āṭa. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this an apavāda of gmini.
Example.
vāc + ālac → vācālaḥ.
vāc + āṭac → vācāṭaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika limits the rule: kutsita iti vaktavyam. The talking must be contemptible. One who talks much and well is simply vāggmī, Bhaṭṭoji says.
Rule. Svāmin is fixed by nipātana. Āminac comes after sva when sva denotes lordship (aiśvarya).
Example.
sva + āminac → the final a deleted → svāmin → svāmī "lord".
Watch out. Svāmī means "master", not "rich man". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the word aiśvarye shuts out the sense "wealthy". The other gives svavān as the counter-example.
sukham asyāsti → sukhīMost rules of this group give ini alone, without ṭhan. An a-stem would already take ini by SK 1922. So these rules restate ini in order to shut out the other affixes. First comes ac, for an open list. At the end, SK 1942 makes matup a true option again. On the running example, one who has happiness is sukhī.
Rule. After arśas "piles" and the words listed with it, ac comes. It is heard as -a. The list is an ākṛtigaṇa, an open list defined by its type.
Example.
arśāṃsy asya vidyante "he has piles" → arśas + ac → arśasaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses arśas as a disease of the anus.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the list contains a line svāṅgād dhīnāt: after a word for a defective body part. khañjaḥ "one with a lame foot", kāṇaḥ "one with a blind eye".
Rule. Ini comes after three kinds of word, when the thing is located in a living being:
Example.
Dvandva: kaṭaka + valaya → kaṭakavalaya + ini → the final a deleted → feminine kaṭakavalayinī. Likewise śaṅkhanūpuriṇī.
Disease: kuṣṭha + ini → kuṣṭhī. Likewise kilāsī.
Blameworthy: kakudāvarta + ini → kakudāvartī. Likewise kākatālukī.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives three limits.
puṣpaphalavān ghaṭaḥ "a pot with flowers and fruits".pāṇipādavatī "she who has hands and feet".citrakalalāṭikāvatī.One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "ending in a" comes back from SK 1922 by the frog's leap. He adds that prāṇyaṅgān na rests on received interpretation (vyākhyāna) alone.
Why restate ini, when SK 1922 already gives it? Bhaṭṭoji says it is to block ṭhan and the rest. One of his commentators says "the rest" includes matup.
Rule. After vāta "wind" and atīsāra "dysentery", ini comes, by ca. The base also takes the augment kuk, heard as k. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains that, being k-marked, it is added at the end of the base.
Example.
vāta + kuk + ini → vātak + in → vātakī "one who suffers from wind-disease".
atīsāra + kuk + ini → atīsārakī "one who suffers from dysentery".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says this holds only for a disease. So a windy cave is vātavatī guhā, with matup.
A vārttika: piśācāc ca, and after piśāca "goblin". piśācakī.
Watch out. The sūtra in the heading writes atisāra with a short i. Bhaṭṭoji's example is atīsārakī, with a long ī, and the printed edition gives the sūtra so too.
Rule. After a word ending in a pūraṇa affix, ini comes when age (vayas) is meant. A pūraṇa affix makes an ordinal, such as pañcama "fifth" (SK 1849–1850).
Example.
māsaḥ saṃvatsaro vā pañcamo 'syāsti "it has its fifth month or year" → pañcama + ini
→ the final a deleted → pañcamin → pañcamī uṣṭraḥ "a camel in its fifth month or year".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the rule is for blocking ṭhan. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, and some copies of the text, read "ṭhan and the rest".
Why "age"? Otherwise matup: pañcamavān grāmaḥ "a village that has a fifth".
Rule. After sukha "happiness" and its list, ini comes, in the matup sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators stresses: ini alone, not ṭhan.
Example.
sukham asyāsti "he has happiness" → sukha + ini → the final a deleted → sukhin → sukhī "happy".
Likewise duḥkhī "unhappy".
Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra in the list: mālā kṣepe. After mālā "garland", in censure. mālī.
Rule. After a word ending in dharma, śīla or varṇa, ini comes, in the matup sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators again says: ini alone.
Example.
brāhmaṇadharma + ini → brāhmaṇadharmī.
brāhmaṇaśīla + ini → brāhmaṇaśīlī.
brāhmaṇavarṇa + ini → brāhmaṇavarṇī.
Watch out. The rule works on a word ending in these three. This is the tadanta reading, which the sūtra states outright with -antāt.
Rule. After hasta "hand", ini alone comes, when the whole word names a species (jāti).
Example.
hasta + ini → the final a deleted → hastin → hastī "the elephant".
Applies when / blocked by. Why "species"? A man who has hands is hastavān puruṣaḥ, with matup.
Rule. After varṇa, ini alone comes, when the whole word means a brahmacārin, a celibate student.
Example.
varṇa + ini → varṇī "a brahmacārin".
Watch out. What does varṇa mean here? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes it as the initiation proper to each class. The editor of the printed edition takes it as celibacy for Vedic study. Scholars discuss this.
Rule. After puṣkara "lotus" and its list, ini alone comes, when a place (deśa) is meant.
Example.
puṣkara + ini → the final a deleted → feminine puṣkariṇī, with ṇ for n after the r.
Likewise padminī.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "a place"? An elephant with a trunk-tip is puṣkaravān karī, with matup.
Four vārttikas add bases, each with ini alone.
bāhubalī, ūrubalī.sarvadhanī, sarvabījī.arthī "one in want". When it is at hand: arthavān.dhānyārthī "one who wants grain", hiraṇyārthī "one who wants gold".Watch out. Why is tadantāc ca needed? A rule that adds an affix does not by itself take in words ending in the named base. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this reason.
Rule. After bala "strength" and its list, matup comes optionally. In the other alternative, the ini in context comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies this.
Example.
bala + matup → balavān; or bala + ini → balī "strong".
utsāha + matup → utsāhavān; or utsāhī "energetic".
Watch out. Here anyatarasyām has its plain sense, "optionally". The two forms are alternatives: matup, or ini.
Rule. After a base ending in man or in ma, ini comes in the matup sense, to form a name.
Example.
prathiman + ini → the ṭi an deleted by nas taddhite (SK 679) → prathimin
→ feminine ṅīp (-ī) → prathiminī.
Likewise dāminī, from dāman.
From ma-final bases: hominī, sominī.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "a name"? Otherwise matup: somavān.
Prathiman ends in iman, an affix of which man is only a meaningless part. How can the rule reach it? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites a paribhāṣā. It says that the named endings an, in, as and man count even when they are meaningless parts: aninasmangrahaṇāny arthavatā cānarthakena ca.
kam + yus → kaṃyuḥThe chapter ends with three short rules. Two take kam and śam, and aham and śubham: words ending in m that are indeclinable (avyaya). Their affixes include yus and yas, whose s-marking makes the base a pada. So the m becomes anusvāra (the nasal written ṃ): kaṃyuḥ. Between them, SK 1945 gives bha after three bases.
Rule. After kam and śam, seven affixes come: va, bha, yus, ti, tu, ta and yas. Kam means water or happiness; śam means happiness. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies the matup sense.
Example.
kam + yus → the s of yus makes the base a pada (SK 1252)
→ the pada-final m becomes anusvāra (SK 122) → kaṃyuḥ.
All seven: kaṃvaḥ, kaṃbhaḥ, kaṃyuḥ, kaṃtiḥ, kaṃtuḥ, kaṃtaḥ, kaṃyaḥ.
Likewise śaṃvaḥ, śaṃbhaḥ, śaṃyuḥ, śaṃtiḥ, śaṃtuḥ, śaṃtaḥ, śaṃyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the s of yus and yas is there to make the base a pada. One of his commentators says what would happen otherwise: kamyuḥ, śamyuḥ.
The anusvāra may optionally be replaced by parasavarṇa, the nasal matching the next sound (SK 125). Before v and y, that substitute is a nasal v or a nasal y.
Watch out. The sūtra in the heading above, and our text of the Kaumudī, read the first affix as ba, giving kaṃbaḥ and śaṃbaḥ. We read va. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read va. Bhaṭṭoji's own last sentence, "nasal v and y" (anunāsikau vayau), points the same way. Two printed editions also point to va. So the Rule, the forms and the Summary give va.
Rule. After tundi, vali and vaṭi, bha comes, in the matup sense. It is heard as -bha. Bhaṭṭoji explains tundi as an enlarged navel.
Example.
tundi + bha → tundibhaḥ.
vali + bha → valibhaḥ.
vaṭi + bha → vaṭibhaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Vali also belongs to the pāman list of SK 1907. So it takes na too: valinaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators puts vaṭi in that list instead, giving vaṭina. Scholars discuss this.
Watch out. Mādhava, Bhaṭṭoji reports, spells the first word with a retroflex: tuṇḍi.
Rule. After aham and śubham, yus comes. Both are indeclinables ending in m. Aham means egoism; śubham means auspiciousness.
Example.
aham + yus → the base is a pada (SK 1252) → anusvāra for m → ahaṃyuḥ "possessed of egoism".
śubham + yus → śubhaṃyuḥ "endowed with auspiciousness".
Applies when / blocked by. Why stress that they are indeclinables? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. Aham and śubham here are indeclinables, not inflected forms. So there is no question of deleting a case-ending inside the word. The other says anusvāra and parasavarṇa follow as in SK 1944.
With this rule the matvarthīya affixes end, and so does the second quarter of Pāṇini's fifth book. The next chapter opens with prāg diśo vibhaktiḥ (SK 1947).
| SK | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|
| 1846 | ḍa after a daśa-final word, "in excess in this"; only of śata/sahasra, same kind | ekādaśaṃ śatam |
| 1847 | ḍa after a śat-final number-word and viṃśati | triṃśaṃ śatam, viṃśam |
| 1848 | mayaṭ after a numeral, the price of a part | dvimayam udaśvit |
| 1849 | ḍaṭ after a 6th-case number-word, "that which fills it up" | ekādaśaḥ |
| 1850 | augment maṭ after an n-final word not beginning with a numeral | pañcamaḥ |
| 1851 | augment thuk to ṣaṣ, kati, katipaya, catur; vārttika cha, yat after catur | ṣaṣṭhaḥ, caturthaḥ; turīyaḥ, turyaḥ |
| 1852 | augment tithuk to bahu, pūga, gaṇa, saṅgha | bahutithaḥ |
| 1853 | augment ithuk to a vatup-final base | yāvatithaḥ |
| 1854 | tīya after dvi; apavāda of ḍaṭ | dvitīyaḥ |
| 1855 | tīya after tri, with saṃprasāraṇa | tṛtīyaḥ |
| 1856 | augment tamaṭ optionally after viṃśati etc. | viṃśatitamaḥ / viṃśaḥ |
| 1857 | tamaṭ always after śata etc., māsa, ardhamāsa, saṃvatsara | śatatamaḥ, māsatamaḥ |
| 1858 | tamaṭ always after ṣaṣṭi etc. not beginning with a numeral | ṣaṣṭitamaḥ; ekaṣaṣṭaḥ / ekaṣaṣṭitamaḥ |
| 1859 | cha in the matup sense, for a hymn or chant | acchāvākīyaṃ sūktam |
| 1860 | optional luk of that cha for a chapter or lesson | gardabhāṇḍaḥ / gardabhāṇḍīyaḥ |
| 1861 | aṇ after vimukta etc., for a chapter or lesson | vaimuktaḥ, daivāsuraḥ |
| 1862 | vun after goṣada etc., for a chapter or lesson | goṣadakaḥ, iṣetvakaḥ |
| 1863 | vun after pathin (7th case), "skilled in that" | pathakaḥ |
| 1864 | kan after ākarṣa etc. (7th case), "skilled in that" | ākarṣakaḥ |
| 1865 | kan after dhana, hiraṇya (7th case), "desire" | dhanakaḥ, hiraṇyakaḥ |
| 1866 | kan after a body-part word (7th case), "devoted to" | keśakaḥ |
| 1867 | ṭhak after udara, "devoted to", without desire to conquer | audarikaḥ |
| 1868 | kan after sasya (3rd case), "connected with" | sasyakaḥ |
| 1869 | kan after aṃśa (2nd case), "one bound to take" | aṃśakaḥ |
| 1870 | kan after tantra (5th case), "recently taken off" | tantrakaḥ paṭaḥ |
| 1871 | brāhmaṇaka, uṣṇikā by nipātana, as names | brāhmaṇakaḥ, uṣṇikā yavāgūḥ |
| 1872 | kan after śīta, uṣṇa, "one who does" slowly / quickly | śītakaḥ, uṣṇakaḥ |
| 1873 | the ready form adhika | adhikam |
| 1874 | anuka, abhika, abhīka by nipātana, "one who desires" | anukaḥ, abhīkaḥ |
| 1875 | kan after pārśva (3rd case), "seeks by" | pārśvakaḥ |
| 1876 | ṭhak, ṭhañ after ayaḥśūla, daṇḍājina, "seeks by" | āyaḥśūlikaḥ, dāṇḍājinikaḥ |
| 1877 | kan after a pūraṇa-word for grasping a text; optional luk of the pūraṇa affix | dvitīyakam / dvikam; ṣaṭkaḥ |
| 1878 | kan after a chief's name, "he is the chief of these" | devadattakāḥ, tvatkāḥ |
| 1879 | kan after śṛṅkhala, of a young camel | śṛṅkhalakaḥ karabhaḥ |
| 1880 | kan svārthe after ud, "one who longs" | utkaḥ |
| 1881 | kan after a time-word or a cause/result, for a disease | dvitīyako jvaraḥ, viṣapuṣpakaḥ |
| 1882 | kan after a food-word, "in which it predominates", as a name; vārttika ini | guḍāpūpikā; vaṭakinī |
| 1883 | añ after kulmāṣa, same sense | kaulmāṣī |
| 1884 | śrotriya by nipātana, "studies the Veda"; optionally aṇ | śrotriyaḥ / chāndasaḥ |
| 1885 | ini, ṭhan after śrāddha, "eaten by this one" | śrāddhī, śrāddhikaḥ |
| 1886 | ini after pūrva, "done before by this one" | pūrvī |
| 1887 | ini after a pūrva-final word | kṛtapūrvī |
| 1888 | ini after iṣṭa etc., "by this one" | iṣṭī, adhītī |
| 1889 | paripanthin, pariparin by nipātana in the Veda, "adversary" | paripanthin |
| 1890 | anupadin by nipātana, "one who searches" | anupadī gavām |
| 1891 | ini after sākṣāt, "one who sees", as a name | sākṣī |
| 1892 | kṣetriya, "to be treated in another body" | kṣetriyo vyādhiḥ |
| 1893 | indriya by nipātana: ghac after indra | indriyam |
| 1894 | matup after a 1st-case word, "that is of / in this"; six domains | gomān |
| 1895 | only matup after rasa etc., when they denote a quality | rūpavān, svavān |
| 1896 | a t/s-final stem is bha before a matvarthīya affix; luk of matup after quality-words | viduṣmān; śuklaḥ paṭaḥ |
| 1897 | v for the m of matup after m/a final or penultimate; not yava etc. | jñānavān, yaśasvān; yavamān |
| 1898 | v for m after a jhay; no jaśtva | vidyutvān |
| 1899 | v for m in a name | ahīvatī |
| 1900 | six names fixed by nipātana | āsandīvān, carmaṇvatī |
| 1901 | udan for udaka before matup: ocean, name | udanvān |
| 1902 | rājanvat "having a good king"; the n kept | rājanvatī bhūḥ |
| 1903 | lac after an ā-final word for a limb of a living being; matup as well | cūḍālaḥ, cūḍāvān |
| 1904 | lac after sidhma etc.; anyatarasyām = "as well"; ūṅ for vāta etc. | sidhmalaḥ, sidhmavān; vātūlaḥ |
| 1905 | lac after vatsa, aṃsa: affectionate, strong | vatsalaḥ, aṃsalaḥ |
| 1906 | ilac and lac after phena, with matup | phenilaḥ, phenalaḥ, phenavān |
| 1907 | śa, na, ilac after loman, pāman, piccha etc. | lomaśaḥ, pāmanaḥ, picchilaḥ; lakṣmaṇaḥ |
| 1908 | ṇa after prajñā, śraddhā, arcā; vārttika vṛtti | prājñaḥ, prājñā; vārtaḥ |
| 1909 | vini, ini after tapas, sahasra | tapasvī, sahasrī |
| 1910 | aṇ after tapas, sahasra; vārttika jyotsnā etc. | tāpasaḥ, sāhasraḥ; jyautsnaḥ |
| 1911 | aṇ after sikatā, śarkarā | saikato ghaṭaḥ |
| 1912 | for a region: lup of aṇ, ilac, aṇ, matup | sikatāḥ, sikatilaḥ, saikataḥ, sikatāvān |
| 1913 | urac after danta, of prominent teeth | danturaḥ |
| 1914 | ra after ūṣa, suṣi, muṣka, madhu; vārttikas | madhuraḥ, kuñjaraḥ, nagaram, kacchuraḥ |
| 1915 | ma after dyu, dru; no matup | dyumaḥ, drumaḥ |
| 1916 | va after keśa, with ini, ṭhan, matup; vārttikas | keśavaḥ, keśī, keśikaḥ, keśavān; arṇavaḥ |
| 1917 | va after gāṇḍi/gāṇḍī, ajaga, as a name | gāṇḍīvam, ajagavam |
| 1918 | īran, īrac after kāṇḍa, āṇḍa | kāṇḍīraḥ, āṇḍīraḥ |
| 1919 | valac after rajas, kṛṣi, āsuti, pariṣad | rajasvalā, kṛṣīvalaḥ; bhrātṛvalaḥ |
| 1920 | valac after danta, śikhā, as a name | dantāvalaḥ, śikhāvalaḥ |
| 1921 | eight words fixed by nipātana | jyotsnā, tamisrā, ūrjasvī, gomī, malinaḥ |
| 1922 | ini, ṭhan after a short-a stem; matup as well | daṇḍī, daṇḍikaḥ, daṇḍavān |
| 1923 | ini, ṭhan after vrīhi etc.; some take only one | vrīhī, vrīhikaḥ |
| 1924 | ilac, with ini, ṭhan, matup, after tunda etc. | tundilaḥ, karṇilaḥ |
| 1925 | ṭhañ always after eka-/go- compounds in a; no matup | aikaśatikaḥ, gauśatikaḥ |
| 1926 | ṭhañ after niṣka-śata, niṣka-sahasra | naiṣkaśatikaḥ |
| 1927 | yap after rūpa, "struck" or praised | rūpyaḥ kārṣāpaṇaḥ, rūpyo gauḥ |
| 1928 | vini after as-final words, māyā, medhā, sraj; matup returns; nine vārttikas | yaśasvī, yaśasvān, sragvī; hṛdayāluḥ, parvataḥ |
| 1929 | yus after ūrṇā; the base is a pada | ūrṇāyuḥ |
| 1930 | gmini after vāc | vāggmī |
| 1931 | ālac, āṭac after vāc, "talks much" contemptibly | vācālaḥ, vācāṭaḥ |
| 1932 | svāmin by nipātana: āminac after sva, lordship | svāmī |
| 1933 | ac after arśas etc., an open list | arśasaḥ |
| 1934 | ini after a dvandva, disease- or blame-word, in a living being | kuṣṭhī, kakudāvartī |
| 1935 | ini and augment kuk after vāta, atīsāra, for a disease | vātakī, atīsārakī |
| 1936 | ini after an ordinal, for age | pañcamī uṣṭraḥ |
| 1937 | ini alone after sukha etc. | sukhī, duḥkhī |
| 1938 | ini alone after words ending in dharma, śīla, varṇa | brāhmaṇadharmī |
| 1939 | ini alone after hasta, for a species | hastī |
| 1940 | ini alone after varṇa, for a brahmacārin | varṇī |
| 1941 | ini alone after puṣkara etc., for a place; four vārttikas | puṣkariṇī; arthī, dhānyārthī |
| 1942 | matup optionally after bala etc.; otherwise ini | balavān / balī |
| 1943 | ini after a man- or ma-final base, as a name | prathiminī, dāminī, sominī |
| 1944 | va, bha, yus, ti, tu, ta, yas after kam, śam | kaṃyuḥ, śaṃvaḥ |
| 1945 | bha after tundi, vali, vaṭi | tundibhaḥ, valibhaḥ |
| 1946 | yus after aham, śubham | ahaṃyuḥ, śubhaṃyuḥ |