Rule. For the word ahan, ru replaces the final n at the end of a pada. Ru is the substitute r with a marker u; its later sandhi you know already.
Why does the sūtra need saying at all, and why is its single word ahan read twice? Because both this ru-substitution and the related r-substitution lie in the Tripādī and are therefore asiddha — treated as not yet having happened — for the earlier rule that drops a final n (na-lopa). Left alone, na-lopa would strike first and there would be no n left to replace. The first reading of ahan settles by fiat (nipātana) that na-lopa does not apply to ahan; the second reading enjoins ru.
Example.
ahan standing as a pada → n → ru → the ru goes to visarga at pause → ahaḥ.
ahan + bhyām → the stem is a pada before bhyām → n → ru → ru → o before the voiced bh → ahobhyām; likewise ahobhiḥ.
The rule also reaches a word that ends in ahan (a tadanta). Take dīrghāhan, "that in which the days are long", i.e. summer (nidāgha):
dīrghāhan + su → su is dropped by the rule hal-ṅyādi-lopa (a consonant-stem loses its su) → the dropped su still counts as present by pratyaya-lakṣaṇa (a dropped affix still conditions the rules it would have conditioned) → therefore the r-substitution, which is worded "when no sup follows" (asupi), is barred → only ru applies → but ru is asiddha, so for the lengthening rule the stem still ends in n → the vowel before that n is lengthened, as in rājā → dīrghāhā.
Vocative: he dīrghāho nidāgha "O long-dayed summer!" (no lengthening in the vocative; the ru gives o before n).
dīrghāhānau (du.), dīrghāhānaḥ (pl.), dīrghāhnā (instr. sg.), dīrghāhobhyām (instr. du.).
Applies when / blocked by. Only at the end of a pada, and only for ahan or a word ending in it. The competing r-substitution is barred whenever a case-ending, even a dropped one, follows.
Watch out. Two Tripādī facts do the work here. Ru is asiddha for na-lopa, so na-lopa would have won without the nipātana; and ru is asiddha for the lengthening rule, so dīrghāhā is lengthened as though its n were still there.
The survey: neuter in-stems, asṛj, ūrj
Bhaṭṭoji now declines the remaining consonant-stems in the neuter by cross-reference. In the neuter singular the endings su and am are dropped, so a stem in -in loses its n at pada-end; in the dual śī replaces the dual ending au; in the plural śi is a strong ending, so the vowel before the final n is lengthened, as in rājan → rājā-. No num is added: an n-stem is neither ugit nor jhal-final.
daṇḍin + śi → śi is a strong ending → the i before the final n is lengthened → daṇḍīni; no num.
| stem | nom./acc. sg. | du. | pl. |
|---|---|---|---|
| daṇḍin "having a staff" | daṇḍi | daṇḍinī | daṇḍīni |
| sragvin "garlanded" | sragvi | sragviṇī | sragvīṇi |
| vāgmin "eloquent" | vāgmi | vāgminī | vāgmīni |
Compounds ending in -han, -pūṣan and -aryaman form their neuter plural in the same way, by lengthening alone, without num: bahuvṛtrahāṇi, bahupūṣāṇi, bahvaryamāṇi.
asṛj "blood". Its final j becomes a velar at the end of a pada, because the affix kvin is enjoined in the formation of sṛj (chapter 11). Bhaṭṭoji adds three remarks. The velar does not appear in viśvasṛj and the like — the Mahābhāṣya uses the form rajju-sṛḍbhyām; or else, by SK 294 (vraśca…), sṛj and yaj take ṣ at pada-end, which is an exception to the velar; and in srak and ṛtvik the velar is by fiat alone. The word asṛk itself, he says, is to be taken as formed from the root as (asyati) with the uṇādi affix ṛc.
asṛj → pada-end → asṛk (at pause) / asṛg (before a voiced sound).
asṛj + śī → asṛjī.
asṛj + śi → śi is a strong ending, the stem ends in a jhal → num → asṛñji.
Or, with the substitute stem asan of SK 228: asāni (pl.), asnā (instr. sg.).
asṛjā (instr. sg.), asṛgbhyām, asabhyām (instr. du.), and so on.
ūrj "vigour": ūrk / ūrg; ūrjī (du.); ūrñji (pl., a cluster of n, r and j).
Two vārttikas concern the compound bahūrj, used of families:
- bahūrji num-pratiṣedhaḥ — in bahūrji the num is prohibited.
- antyāt pūrvo vā num — optionally, num is inserted before the final sound.
So the neuter plural is bahūrji, or optionally bahūrñji (kulāni, "families").
The survey: the pronouns of the tyad list, and bebhid
| stem | nom./acc. sg. | du. | pl. |
|---|---|---|---|
| tyad | tyat / tyad | tye | tyāni |
| tad | tat / tad | te | tāni |
| yad | yat / yad | ye | yāni |
| etad | etat / etad | ete | etāni |
When etad refers back to something just mentioned (anvādeśa), the neuter is enat.
bebhid is made by adding the affix kvip to bobhidyati, the intensive of bhid "split": bebhit / bebhid; bebhidī (du.); bebhidi (pl., of Brāhmaṇa families that keep splitting). Note the plural has no num. The final a of the intensive stem was dropped before kvip (al-lopa), and that dropped a is sthānivat — it counts as still present for rules applying to what precedes it. So the stem does not end in a jhal, and the num for jhal-stems fails. Nor can the stem claim the num for vowel-stems: a dropped sound is not treated as present in an operation that concerns that very sound (sva-vidhi). This same reasoning returns for pipaṭhiṣi in Section D.
The survey: gavāk and its hundred and nine forms
gavāk "going toward a cow" is analysed gām añcati, with the affix kvin (SK 373). Its neuter forms multiply for four reasons, which Bhaṭṭoji's two counting-verses put at one hundred and nine in all:
- añc means "motion" (gati) or "worship" (pūjā). In the motion sense the n of añc is dropped (chapter 11); in the worship sense it is kept, and at pada-end becomes the velar nasal ṅ.
- go before a vowel takes the avaṅ substitute (SK 88): gav-.
- Or the final o of go is left uncombined (SK 87, prakṛti-bhāva): go-a-.
- Or the a after o is absorbed into it (pūrva-rūpa): go'-.
gām añcati → kvin → motion sense: n dropped → avaṅ → gavāk / gavāg; uncombined → go-ak / go-ag; pūrva-rūpa → go'k / go'g. Worship sense: n kept, ṅ at pada-end → gavāṅ, go-aṅ, go'ṅ. Nine forms in the nominative singular; the same nine in the accusative singular.
Dual: au → śī → the stem is now a bha → the a of añc is dropped (SK 416) → gocī; in the worship sense gavāñcī, go-añcī, go'ñcī.
Plural: jas / śas → śi (SK 312) → śi is a strong ending → num → gavāñci, go-añci, go'ñci. Only three forms here, for both senses.
Instrumental singular: gocā; gavāñcā, go-añcā, go'ñcā.
Before bhyām: gavāgbhyām, go-agbhyām, go'gbhyām, gavāṅbhyām, go-aṅbhyām, and so on.
Locative plural: the ṅ-final forms optionally take the augment kuk (SK 130) → gavāṅkṣu, gavāṅṣu, gavākṣu, go-akṣu, gokṣu.
The count: nine forms each in su, am and the locative plural; six in each of the six endings beginning with bh; three in the nominative and accusative plural; four in each of the remaining ten cases. That is 27 + 36 + 6 + 40 = 109. Bhaṭṭoji adds two cautions. One might fear that the optional change of k to kh (cayo dvitīyāḥ) adds six forms; it does not, because that cartva is asiddha. But on the kuk-alternative, where no jaśtva applies, the kh-alternative does add three forms. Beyond that, the optional doubling and nasalization of consonants multiply the forms further, as they do for aśvākṣi (SK 527); the exact sense of this closing verse scholars discuss.
The survey: tiryañc, yakṛt, śakṛt
tiryañc "going across": tiryak, tiraścī, tiryañci; in the worship sense tiryaṅ, tiryañcī, tiryañci.
yakṛt "liver": yakṛt, yakṛtī, yakṛnti; or with the substitute stem yakan of SK 228: yakāni (pl.), yaknā (instr. sg.), beside yakṛtā.
śakṛt "dung": śakṛt, śakṛtī, śakṛnti; śakāni, śaknā, śakṛtā.
Then dadat "giving": dadat, dadatī … — and here the participle rules begin.
For [the word] ahan, ru [is substituted for its final n] at pada-end. [Thus:] ahobhyām; ahobhiḥ. Here, in "ahaḥ," "ahobhyām," etc., since the ratva and rutva (r- and ru-substitutions) are asiddha (regarded as not-yet-effected), n-elision (na-lopa) would [otherwise] obtain; [therefore,] by repeating "ahan" [in the sūtra text], the non-application of na-lopa is settled by fiat (nipātana), and by the second [occurrence of "ahan"] ru is to be enjoined. Even for [a compound] ending in that (tadanta), there is rutva and ratva. "That [summer] in which the days are long" — [the compound] dīrghāhā (= summer, nidāgha). Here [in dīrghāhā, nom. sg.], when su is elided by "hal-ṅyādi[-lopa]," although by pratyaya-lakṣaṇa [the elided su would still condition], because of the prohibition "asupi" ratva does not apply, [so only] ru [applies]; and because that [ru] is asiddha, the upadhā-lengthening conditioned on an n-ending [stem] [applies]. But in the vocative (saṃbuddhi): "he dīrghāho nidāgha" (O long-summered one!). dīrghāhānau (nom./acc. du.); dīrghāhānaḥ (nom. pl.); dīrghāhnā (instr. sg.); dīrghāhobhyām (instr. du.).
daṇḍi; daṇḍinī; daṇḍīni [neut. of daṇḍin]. sragvi; sragviṇī; sragvīṇi [neut. of sragvin]. vāgmi; vāgminī; vāgmīni [neut. of vāgmin]. bahuvṛtrahāṇi; bahupūṣāṇi; bahvaryamāṇi [neut. pl. of compounds ending in -han, -pūṣan, -aryaman].
For asṛj, [there is] kutva (guttural substitution) at pada-end, because kvin is enjoined [in the formation] of sṛj. But not in viśvasṛj etc. — because in the sūtra "sṛji-dṛśoḥ" (SK 2405) the Bhāṣya uses the form "rajju-sṛḍbhyām." Or else: by the sūtra "vraśca…" (SK 294), for sṛj and yaj there is ṣatva at pada-end, [which is] the exception (apavāda) to kutva. But for the words srak (sraj) and ṛtvik, the kutva is by fiat (nipātana) alone. The word asṛk ("blood"), however, is to be understood [as formed] from the root "as" (asyati) with the uṇādi affix ṛc. asṛk (nom. sg. neut., at pause); asṛg (before a voiced sound); asṛjī (du.); asṛñji (pl., with num); or, by "pad-dan…" (SK 228), [the substitute stem] asan: asāni (pl.); asṛjā (instr. sg.); asnā (instr. sg. of the asan-stem); asṛgbhyām; asabhyām, etc. ūrk; ūrg; ūrjī (du.); ūrñji (pl.) — [here] a conjunct of n, r, and j.
(vārttika) "bahūrji num-pratiṣedhaḥ" — In bahūrj[i], num is prohibited (pratiṣedha).
(This is a vārttika.)
(vārttika) "antyāt pūrvo vā num" — Optionally (vā), num [is inserted] before the final [phoneme].
(This is a vārttika.) [So:] bahūrji, or optionally bahūrñji — "the families" (kulāni). tyat; tyad; tye; tyāni [neut. of tyad]. tat; tad; te; tāni [neut. of tad]. yat; yad; ye; yāni [neut. of yad]. etat; etad; ete; etāni [neut. of etad]. But in a re-mention (anvādeśa): enat. kvip [added] to bobhidyati (the intensive of bhid): bebhit; bebhid; bebhidī (du.). Because the al-lopa (elision of the final a) [caused] by the śit [kvip] is sthānivat, [the stem being thereby] non-jhal-ending (ajhalanta), there is no num; and num conditioned on an ac(vowel)-ending [stem] [also] does not [apply], because there is no sthānivadbhāva in an operation concerning [the substituend] itself (sva-vidhi). bebhidi — "if the Brāhmaṇa-families [are] cleaving" (chidi).
[Verse 1:] The forms of the word gavāk in the neuter, owing to the difference between [the senses of] "arcā" (worship) and "gati" (motion), together with [the variants from] non-saṃdhi, avaṅ, and pūrva-rūpa, are held to be one hundred and nine (nava-adhika-śatam). [Verse 2:] Consider (vibhāvaya) [the count] thus: in su-am-sup — nine [each]; in the bh-initial set of six [endings] — six; in jas/śas — three; and four in each of the remaining ten [cases].
To wit (tathā hi): in the analysis "gām añcati" [that which goes toward the cow/ earth], by "ṛtvik" (SK 373) etc. [there is] kvin. In the sense of "motion" (gati), [there is] na-lopa (elision of the n of añc). By "avaṅ sphoṭāyanasya" (SK 88), the avaṅ [substitute]. gavāk; gavāg. By "sarvatra vibhāṣā" (SK 87), in the prakṛti-bhāva (retention of the un-combined form): go-ak; go-ag. With pūrva-rūpa: go'k; go'g. In the sense of "worship" (pūjā), by kutva of the n [it becomes] ṅ: gavāṅ; go-aṅ; go'ṅ. In the am (acc. sg.) too, these very [same] nine [forms occur]. śī [replaces] auṅ [the dual affix]. Because [the stem] is [now] bha, by "acaḥ" (SK 416) [there is] al-lopa: gocī. But in the pūjā sense: gavāñcī; go-añcī; go'ñcī. By "jaśśasoḥ śiḥ" (SK 312), jas/śas → śi; because śi is a sarvanāmasthāna, num: gavāñci; go-añci; go'ñci. In the gati and pūjana [senses], [there are] only three [in jas/śas]. gocā; gavāñcā; go-añcā; go'ñcā. gavāgbhyām; go-agbhyām; go'gbhyām; gavāṅbhyām; go-aṅbhyām; and so on.
But in the sup (loc. pl.), for the ṅ-ending [pūjā forms], optionally, by "ṅṇoḥ kuk" (SK 130), the kuk-augment: gavāṅkṣu; gavāṅṣu; gavākṣu; go-akṣu; gokṣu. And one should not suspect here [an increase in the count]: on the alternative [where], by "cayo dvitīyāḥ," the k-kāra [becomes] kh-kāra, [one might fear] an excess of six forms — [but there is none,] because the cartva is asiddha. On the kuk-alternative, however, since that [cartva] is asiddha, when jaśtva is absent, on the alternative of the second-substitution [kh by "cayo dvitīyāḥ"] three forms do indeed increase [the count]. [Verse:] It is to be inferred (ūhyam) that, owing to the optionality of doubling (dvirvacana) and nasalization (anunāsika), the forms of these become "aśvākṣi-bhūta" (SK 527) — so [say] the wise.
tiryak; tiraścī; tiryañci. But in the pūjā sense: tiryaṅ; tiryañcī; tiryañci. yakṛt; yakṛtī; yakṛnti; or, by "pad-dan" (SK 228), [the substitute stem] yakan: yakāni; yaknā; yakṛtā. śakṛt; śakṛtī; śakṛnti; śakāni; śaknā; śakṛtā. dadat; dadatī…
hali ca — hali ca. "r̥vor upadhāyā dīrgha ikaḥ" ("for [a dhātu] ending in r or v, of the penult, there is lengthening of an ik") is carried forward (anuvṛtti); and from "sipi dhātoḥ," "dhātoḥ" (of a dhātu) [is carried forward], and that [dhātoḥ] is qualified by "r̥voḥ" (ending in r or v); hence the tadanta-vidhi. This he states by "repha-vānta-sya" (of [a dhātu] ending in repha or v) etc. For [a dhātu] ending in repha (r), the example is "jīryati." Since [the ik] is not at pada-end (apadānta), the operation applies where "r̥vor upadhāyāḥ" would not [otherwise] obtain. And in the case at hand, with "pratidiv-n-as" established, when the n-kāra, a consonant (hal), follows, the i-kāra of the penult of the v-ending root div is lengthened. This is the intent.
Objection: because the al-lopa [effected] by "acaḥ parasmin" is sthānivat, there is intervention by an a-kāra, so [the ik] is not [immediately] followed by a consonant (hal-paratva absent); how then is there lengthening here? — Having raised this doubt, he resolves it by "na ca." To [the question] "why?", he says: "because that [sthānivadbhāva] is prohibited in the lengthening operation (dīrgha-vidhi)." The meaning is: by the sūtra "na padānte…" sthānivadbhāva is prohibited in the dīrgha operation.
Objection: even so, the al-lopa — which depends on the bha-saṃjñā and thus on an external affix, [and hence] is bahiraṅga — is asiddha when the antaraṅga lengthening is to be done; [so] there is intervention by an a-kāra, and hence no hal-paratva; how then is there lengthening here? — To this he says "bahiraṅga" [etc.]. By the principle stated under the word rājan — namely, that on the yathoddeśa view, with respect to the ṣāṣṭhī paribhāṣā, since ścutva is asiddha and [hence] there is no antaraṅga [status], the paribhāṣā does not operate — [so likewise here,] the lengthening being asiddha [in that domain], the paribhāṣā "asiddhaṃ bahiraṅgam antaraṅge" does not operate in its scope. This is the intent.
"pratidīvnaḥ" — the prohibition by "na bha-kur-churām…," however, does not [apply], because the v-ending [stem] is not a bha. This is the intent. "ityādi" (and so on) — [i.e.] pratidivne (dat. sg.); pratidīvnaḥ (×2: abl./gen. sg.); pratidīvnoḥ (×2: gen./loc. du.); before bhyām etc. (the consonant-initial endings), [it declines] like rājan (rāja-vat). That the word yajvan [likewise declines] like rājan he states by "yajvā" (nom. sg.).
- textual The pratīka of this Bālamanoramā block is "hali ca," so b1 comments on the rule "hali ca" ("r̥vor upadhāyā dīrgha ikaḥ") as applied to pratidiv → pratidīv-, not on the unit's headword sūtra "ahan" (8.2.68). The reading "yajvan-śabdaḥ suṭi rājavat" is transmitted as "suṭi"; taken as "in the declension (from the nom. sg. onward), like rājan."
- translator In the verse "rūpāny aśvākṣi-bhūtāni bhavanti," the compound "aśvākṣi-bhūta" (cross-referenced to SK 527) is of uncertain precise sense; it is rendered loosely and the count-scholasticism of the two gavāk-verses is translated without independently verifying the enumeration (one hundred and nine).
- textual The paradigm forms ūrk / ūrg / ūrjī / ūrñji show inconsistent vowel length in the source (e.g. "उर्क्" with short u, "ऊर्जि"); regularized here to the ūrj-stem. The plural is transmitted as "ऊन्र्जि" (an anomalous cluster order) and read as ūrñji, which the following gloss "a conjunct of n, r, and j" describes.