PREMABASESiddhānta-kaumudī
Learner edition · Prakaraṇa 70

70. Vaidika-prakaraṇa — The rules for the Veda: where the language of the mantras departs from ordinary usage

Most chapters so far have taught the language of ordinary usage (loka), with a few Vedic rules on the way. This chapter gathers the rules that hold only in the Veda (chandas). It has 263 sūtras, SK 3387 to SK 3649. Bhaṭṭoji takes them in the order of the Aṣṭādhyāyī, book by book. Most of them are exceptions: an earlier rule is relaxed, reversed or extended "in the Veda" (chandasi). So each section here names the earlier rule it changes, by its SK number. This first stretch, SK 3387–3438, covers books 1 to 3. After it you will be able to explain the singular punarvasu nakṣatram and the bha-stem nabhasvat. You will explain the case-endings of yavāgvā 'gnihotraṃ juhoti, and the root-forms hanati, dāti and praṇak. You will build the Vedic aorists ajūgupatam and akaram, the kṛtya niṣṭarkya, and the upapada nouns havyavāhanaḥ, havyavāḷ and śvetavāḥ. You will place the udātta of vṛṣṭí. You will form the Vedic mood leṭ (tāriṣat, patāti, mādayaite), see how vikaraṇas are exchanged (bhedati), and read infinitives such as jīváse and dṛśe.

Before you start

I.A. Book 1: Vedic number, the names ghi, bha and pada, gati after the verb, and kit liṭ — running example: punarvasū nakṣatram → punarvasu nakṣatram (singular for two); nabhas + vati → (bha: no ru) nabhasvat

Book 1 of the Aṣṭādhyāyī defines names and general conditions. Its Vedic rules relax those definitions. Two stars may be named in the singular. pati may be a ghi outside a compound. A stem may be bha where it would be pada, or both at once. Upasargas may follow the verb or stand apart from it. The running examples are punarvasu nakṣatram, "the asterism Punarvasu", and nabhasvat, "like the sky".

The kaumudī heads the whole section vaidikī prakriyā, "the Vedic procedure". It also marks the books of the Aṣṭādhyāyī. Book 1 runs from SK 3387 to SK 3393, book 2 from SK 3394 to SK 3402, and book 3 begins at SK 3403.

SK 3387 · छन्दसि पुनर्वस्वोरेकवचनम् · chandasi punarvasvor ekavacanam (A 1.2.61)

छन्दसि पुनर्वस्वोरेकवचनम्
chandasi punarvasvorekavacanam · A 1.2.61
द्वयोरेकवचनं वा स्यात् । पुनर्वसु नक्षत्रं पुनर्वसू वा । लोके तु द्विवचनमेव ॥

Rule. In the Veda, punarvasu denoting two stars may take the singular. The word "optionally" (anyatarasyām) is carried forward from SK 817 (chapter 18), the Subodhinī says. Ordinary usage has only the dual.

Example.

punarvasu, naming two stars → the dual is expected → punarvasū nakṣatram

→ this rule allows the singular → punarvasu nakṣatram

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains why the dual is expected. Punarvasu is a cluster of stars whose members stand out. So for two stars the dual would come, and this rule gives the singular.

SK 3388 · विशाखयोश्च · viśākhayoś ca (A 1.2.62)

विशाखयोश्च
viśākhayośca · A 1.2.62
प्राग्वत् । विशाखा नक्षत्रम् । विशाखे वा ॥

Rule. The same holds for viśākhā: denoting two stars, it may take the singular in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji says only "as before".

Example.

viśākhe nakṣatram (dual) → or, by this rule → viśākhā nakṣatram (singular)

Watch out. The Subodhinī notes that the sūtra is neutral on ordinary usage. So Amara's singular viśākhā outside the Veda is not barred.

SK 3389 · षष्ठीयुक्तश्छन्दसि वा · ṣaṣṭhīyuktaś chandasi vā (A 1.4.9)

षष्ठीयुक्तश्छन्दसि वा
ṣaṣṭhīyuktaśchandasi vā · A 1.4.9
षष्ठ्यन्तेन युक्तः पतिशब्दश्छन्दसि घिसंज्ञो वा स्यात् । क्षेत्रस्य पतिना वयम् (क्षेत्र॑स्य पति॑ना व॒यम्) । इह वेति योगं विभज्य छन्दसीत्यनुवर्तते । सर्वे विधयश्छन्दसि वैकल्पिकाः । तेन बहुलं छन्दसि - SK 3401 इत्यादिरस्यैव प्रपज्ञः । यचि भम् SK 231 ॥
नभोऽङ्गिरोमनुषां वत्युपसंख्यानम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नभसा । तुल्यं नभस्वत् । भत्वाद्रुत्वाभावः अङ्गिरस्वदङ्गिरः (अ॒ङ्गि॒र॒स्वद॑ङ्गिरः) । मनुष्वदग्ने (म॒नु॒ष्वद॑ग्ने) । जनेरुसिः <{उ272}> इति विहित उसिप्रत्ययो मनेरपि बाहुलकात् ।
वृषण्वस्वश्वयोः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वृषन् वर्षुकं वसु यस्य स वृषण्वसुः । वृषा अश्वो यस्यासौ वृषणश्वः । इहान्तर्वर्तिनीं विभक्तिमाश्रित्य पदत्वे सति नलोपः प्राप्तो भत्वाद्वार्यते । अत एव पदान्तस्य SK 198 इति णत्वनिषेधोऽपि न । अल्लोपोनः SK 234 इत्यल्लोपो न । अनङ्गत्वात् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, pati construed with a sixth-case word is optionally a ghi. The word pati is carried forward from SK 257 (chapter 8), the Subodhinī says. SK 257 allows pati to be a ghi only in a compound. This rule relaxes that limit.

Example.

kṣetrasya pati + ṭā ("with the lord of the field")

→ pati is ghi by this rule

→ ṭā becomes nā (SK 244)

→ kṣetrasya patinā vayam

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī gives two counter-examples. Without a sixth-case word: mayā patyā. Outside the Veda: grāmasya patye.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji splits this sūtra in two (yogavibhāga). The second part is just "vā", with chandasi carried into it. So every operation is optional in the Veda. The later bahulaṃ chandasi rules (such as SK 3401) are only an elaboration of this. (The 1915 print reads prapañcaḥ, "elaboration".)

Example (vārttika on SK 231). A vārttika on yaci bham (SK 231, chapter 8) makes nabhas, aṅgiras and manus bha before vat:

nabhasā tulyam "like the sky" → nabhas + vati (SK 1778, chapter 37)

→ nabhas is bha, not pada

→ no ru for the s (SK 162 needs a pada)

→ nabhasvat

Likewise aṅgirasvad aṅgiraḥ and manuṣvad agne. In manuṣvat, bha status lets s become ṣ (SK 212). manus itself takes the uṇādi usi by bāhulaka.

Example (second vārttika). vṛṣan is bha before vasu and aśva: vṛṣaṇvasuḥ, "whose wealth is raining", and vṛṣaṇaśvaḥ, "whose horse is virile".

Ordinary usage has vṛṣavasuḥ and vṛṣāśvaḥ (Subodhinī).

SK 3390 · अयस्मयादीनि च्छन्दसि · ayasmayādīni chandasi (A 1.4.20)

अयस्मयादीनि च्छन्दसि
ayasmayādīni cchandasi · A 1.4.20
एतानि छन्दसि साधूनि । भपदसंज्ञाधिकाराद्यथायोग्यं संज्ञाद्वयं बोध्यम् । तथा च वार्तिकम् ॥
उभयसंज्ञान्यपीति वक्तव्यमिति
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ स सुष्टुभा स ऋक्वता गणेन (स सु॒ष्टुभा॒ स ऋक्व॑ता ग॒णेन॑) । पदत्वात्कुत्वम् । भत्वाज्जश्त्वाभावः । जश्त्वविधानार्थायाः पदसंज्ञाया भत्वसामर्थ्येन बाधात् । नैनं हिन्वन्त्यपि वाजिनेषु (नैनं॑ हिन्व॒न्त्यपि॒ वाजि॑नेषु) । अत्र पदत्वाज्जश्त्वम् । भत्वात्कुत्वाभावः । ते प्राग्धातोः SK 2230 ॥

Rule. ayasmaya and the words of its list are correct in the Veda. They take both names, bha and pada, as each form requires.

Example.

ṛc + an affix beginning with v → pada status gives kutva, c → k (SK 378)

→ bha status blocks jaśtva of that k (SK 84)

→ stem ṛkvat- → instrumental ṛkvatā (sa ṛkvatā gaṇena)

vāc + an affix ina → pada status gives jaśtva, c → j

→ bha status blocks kutva

→ vājina (nainaṃ hinvanty api vājineṣu)

Bhaṭṭoji and his commentators do not name the affixes; they are inferred from the finished forms.

Applies when / blocked by. By proximity only the nearer name, bha, would apply (the maxim anantarasya). The vārttika "they have both names as well" is the authority for giving both, the Subodhinī says.

Watch out. The unit ends by quoting te prāg dhātoḥ (SK 2230, chapter 44). That rule is the frame for the next two sūtras.

SK 3391 · छन्दसि परेऽपि · chandasi pare 'pi (A 1.4.81)

छन्दसि परेऽपि
chandasi pare'pi · A 1.4.81

Rule. In the Veda, the gati and upasarga words may also stand after the root. By api "also", they may still stand before it. This is the exception to SK 2230 (chapter 44), which puts them before the root.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives no comment and no example here. The examples for this rule and the next stand under SK 3392.

SK 3392 · व्यवहिताश्च · vyavahitāś ca (A 1.4.82)

व्यवहिताश्च
vyavahitāśca · A 1.4.82
हरिभ्यां याह्योक आ (हरि॑भ्यां या॒ह्योक॒ आ) । आ मन्द्रैरिन्द्र हरिभिर्याहि(आ म॒न्द्रैरि॑न्द्र॒ हरि॑भिर्या॒हि) ॥

Rule. The gati and upasarga words may also stand separated from the root.

Example.

haribhyāṃ yāhy oka ā "come with the two bay horses to our home": ā comes after yāhi, with okaḥ between.

ā mandrair indra haribhir yāhi "come, Indra, with the gladdening bay horses": ā comes before yāhi, separated from it.

Without these rules the form would be āyāhi (Subodhinī).

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says the two mantras illustrate both sūtras together. Which example serves which rule is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. That "in the Veda" continues from SK 3391 is also inferred.

Watch out. The Subodhinī reports that the Bhāṣya can do without both rules. It reads SK 2230 as limiting the names themselves to words placed before the root.

SK 3393 · इन्धिभवतिभ्यां च · indhibhavatibhyāṃ ca (A 1.2.6)

इन्धिभवतिभ्यां च
indhibhavatibhyāṃ ca · A 1.2.6
आभ्यां परोऽपिल्लिट् कित् स्यात् । समीधे दस्युहन्तमम् (समी॑धे दस्यु॒हन्त॑मम्) । पुत्र ईधे अथर्वणः (पु॒त्र ई॑धे॒ अथ॑र्वणः) । बभूव । इदं प्रत्याख्यातम् । ।
इन्धेश्छन्दोविषयत्वाद्भुवो वुको नित्यत्वात्ताभ्यां लिटः किद्वचनानर्थक्यमिति
(वार्तिकम्) ॥

Rule. A liṭ after indh "to kindle" and bhū "to be" is kit, even a liṭ that is pit. "liṭ" and "kit" are carried forward from SK 2242 (chapter 44), the Subodhinī says.

Example.

sam + indh + liṭ (e) → kit

→ the nasal is lost (SK 415)

→ the root is doubled, as in every liṭ (not stated in this section)

→ samīdhe (samīdhe dasyuhantamam); likewise īdhe

bhū + ṇal → ṇal is pit, yet this rule makes it kit, so no vṛddhi

→ the augment vuk (SK 2174)

→ the root is doubled, as in every liṭ (not stated in this section)

→ babhūva

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says why the rule is needed. SK 2242 does not reach indh, which ends in a conjunct. Nor does it reach babhūva, because ṇal is pit.

Watch out. A vārttika then rejects the sūtra. indh is used only in the Veda. And the vuk of bhū is nitya, so it comes first anyway. The wording of Bhaṭṭoji's gloss here is doubtful; it is taken as "a liṭ … also", which fits his own example babhūva.

I.B. Book 2: case-endings and dvandva gender in the Veda — running example: yavāgvā 'gnihotraṃ juhoti (third case for the object of hu); vanaspatīnām for vanaspatibhyaḥ (sixth for fourth)

Book 2 teaches the case-endings (chapter 16) and the gender of compounds (chapter 18). In the Veda some of these choices loosen. The object of hu may take the third case. The sixth case may stand for the fourth, and for the instrument of yaj. Two dvandvas take the gender of their first member. The running examples are yavāgvā 'gnihotraṃ juhoti, "he offers the oblation, the gruel", and te vanaspatīnām, "these are for the trees".

SK 3394 · तृतीया च होश्छन्दसि · tṛtīyā ca hoś chandasi (A 2.3.3)

तृतीया च होश्छन्दसि
tṛtīyā ca hośchandasi · A 2.3.3
जुहोतेः कर्मणि तृतीया स्याद्द्वितीया च । यवाग्वाऽग्निहोत्रं जुहोति । अग्निहोत्रशब्दोऽत्र हविषि वर्तते । यस्याग्निहोत्रमधिश्रितममेध्यमापद्येतेत्यादिप्रयोगदर्शनात् । अग्नये हूयत इति व्युत्पत्तेश्च । यवाग्वाख्यं हविर्देवतोद्देशेन त्यक्त्वा प्रक्षिपतीत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. In the Veda the object of hu "to offer" takes the third case. By ca, it takes the second as well. "Object" (karmaṇi) is carried forward from SK 537 (chapter 16), the Subodhinī says. SK 537 alone would give only the second case.

Example.

object of juhoti: yavāgū "gruel" → third case → yavāgvā

object of juhoti: agnihotra → second case → agnihotram

→ yavāgvā 'gnihotraṃ juhoti

Here agnihotra means the oblation itself, "that which is offered to Agni". The two words stand in apposition. The sense is: "he casts the oblation, the gruel, into the fire, with the deity in view."

Watch out. The Subodhinī reports that the Bhāṣya rejects this sūtra.

SK 3395 · द्वितीया ब्राह्मणे · dvitīyā brāhmaṇe (A 2.3.60)

द्वितीया ब्राह्मणे
dvitīyā brāhmaṇe · A 2.3.60
ब्राह्मणविषये प्रयोगे दिवस्तदर्थस्य कर्मणि द्वितीया स्यात् । षष्ठ्यपवादः । गामस्य तदहः सभायां दीव्येयुः ॥

Rule. In Brāhmaṇa usage, the object of div "to stake" takes the second case. This is an exception to the sixth case, which SK 619 (chapter 16) gives for that object.

Example.

object of dīvyeyuḥ "they should stake": go "cow" → SK 619 would give the sixth → this rule gives the second → gām

→ gām asya tadahaḥ sabhāyāṃ dīvyeyuḥ "on that day they should play for his cow in the hall"

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says div with an upasarga is already covered by SK 620. So this rule is for div without one.

SK 3396 · चतुर्थ्यर्थे बहुलं छन्दसि · caturthyarthe bahulaṃ chandasi (A 2.3.62)

चतुर्थ्यर्थे बहुलं छन्दसि
caturthyarthe bahulaṃ chandasi · A 2.3.62
षष्ठी स्यात् । पुरुषमृगश्चन्द्रमसः । गोधाकालकादार्वाघाटस्ते वनस्पतीनाम् । वनस्पतिभ्य इत्यर्थः ।
षष्ठ्यर्थे चतुर्थीति वाच्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ या खर्वेण पिबति तस्यै खर्वः ॥

Rule. In the Veda the sixth case stands, variously, in the sense of the fourth. The fourth is the case of the recipient (chapter 16).

Example.

"for the Moon" → fourth expected → sixth → puruṣamṛgaś candramasaḥ

"for the trees" → fourth vanaspatibhyaḥ expected → sixth → te vanaspatīnām

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika gives the reverse: the fourth in the sense of the sixth. yā kharveṇa pibati tasyai kharvaḥ: tasyai (fourth) stands for tasyāḥ (sixth).

Watch out. Because the rule says bahulam "variously", the fourth may also stand. The Subodhinī mentions candramase as such a case.

SK 3397 · यजेश्च करणे · yajeś ca karaṇe (A 2.3.63)

यजेश्च करणे
yajeśca karaṇe · A 2.3.63
इह छन्दसि बहुलं षष्ठी । घृतस्य घृतेन वा यजते ॥

Rule. The same holds for the instrument (karaṇa) of yaj "to sacrifice". In the Veda it may take the sixth case, variously. Normally the instrument takes the third (chapter 16).

Example.

instrument of yajate: ghṛta "ghee" → third → ghṛtena yajate

→ or, by this rule, sixth → ghṛtasya yajate

SK 3399 · हेमन्तशिशिरावहोरात्रे च च्छन्दसि · hemantaśiśirāv ahorātre ca chandasi (A 2.4.28)

हेमन्तशिशिरावहोरात्रे च च्छन्दसि
hemantaśiśirāvahorātre ca cchandasi · A 2.4.28
द्वन्द्वः पूर्ववल्लिङ्गः । हेमन्तश्च शिशिरं च हेमन्तशिशिरौ । अहोरात्रे । अदिप्रभृतिभ्यः शपः SK 2423 ॥

Rule. In the Veda the dvandvas hemantaśiśirau and ahorātre take the gender of their prior member. This overrides paravalliṅgaṃ dvandvatatpuruṣayoḥ (SK 812, chapter 18), which gives the gender of the last member.

Example.

hemantaś ca śiśiraṃ ca → prior member masculine → hemantaśiśirau (ordinary usage: hemantaśiśire)

ahaś ca rātriś ca → the compound-final ac (SK 787) → the i of rātri is lost before ac (Subodhinī) → prior member ahan neuter → ahorātre (ordinary usage: ahorātrau, by SK 814)

The change of ahan to aho- is not stated in this section.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says the dual of the sūtra is not binding. So the plural ahorātrāṇi is also correct.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji places this sūtra (A 2.4.28) after SK 3398 (A 2.4.39), against Aṣṭādhyāyī order. It is taken here with the other Book 2 gender and case rules. The Subodhinī says Bhaṭṭoji's reversal hints that SK 3433, the exchange of gender, already covers it. The unit ends by quoting adiprabhṛtibhyaḥ śapaḥ (SK 2423), the frame for SK 3400.

I.C. Book 2: ghasḷ for ad, and the luk of śap, ślu and cli — running example: ad + luṅ → (ghasḷ; cli lost by 3402; no aṭ) ghastām; han + śap (no luk) → hanati; pra + naś + luṅ (cli lost) → praṇak

The verb chapters taught where a vikaraṇa disappears by luk. In the Veda these losses are loose. ghasḷ may replace ad anywhere. The luk of śap in the ad class may fail, or apply outside it. So may ślu in the hu class. In a mantra, cli of the aorist is lost after certain roots. The running examples are ghastām, hanati and praṇak.

SK 3398 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 2.4.39)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 2.4.39
अदो घस्लादेशः स्यात् । घस्तान्नूनम् । लुङि मन्त्रे घस - SK 3402 इति च्लेर्लुक् । अडभावः । सग्धिश्च मे (सग्धि॑श्च मे) ॥

Rule. In the Veda ghasḷ replaces ad "to eat", variously. ghasḷ is carried forward from SK 2427 (chapter 45), which gives it only in luṅ and before san. ad is carried forward from SK 3080 (chapter 67).

Example.

ad + luṅ tām → ghasḷ for ad → ghas + cli + tām

→ cli lost by luk (SK 3402)

→ no augment aṭ (SK 3546, taught later in this chapter)

→ ghastām (ghastān nūnam)

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī objects that ghastām is a luṅ form, already covered by SK 2427. So Bhaṭṭoji adds a second example, sagdhiḥ. The Subodhinī derives it:

ad + ktin → ghasḷ → ghas + ti

→ the penultimate a is lost (SK 3550)

→ the s is lost between consonants

→ t becomes dh; gh becomes g

→ gdhi "eating"

→ sa for samāna (SK 1012, chapter 25) → sagdhiḥ "eating together" (sagdhiś ca me)

SK 3400 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 2.4.73)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 2.4.73
वृत्रं हनति वृत्रहा । अहिः शयत उप पृक्पृथिव्याः (अहिः॑ शयत उप॒ पृक्पृ॑थि॒व्याः) । अत्र लुङ्ग । अदादिभिन्नेऽपि क्वचिल्लुक् । त्राध्वं नो देवाः (त्राध्वं॑ नो दे॒वाः) । जुहोत्यादिभ्यः श्लुः SK 2489 ॥

Rule. In the Veda the luk of śap after ad and the rest (SK 2423, chapter 45) applies variously. It may fail inside the class. It may apply outside it.

Example.

han + śap + ti → luk does not apply → vṛtraṃ hanati (ordinary usage: hanti)

śī + śap + te → luk does not apply → ahiḥ śayate (ordinary usage: śete); the guṇa of ī to e, and ay for that e, are not stated in this section

trai + śap + dhvam (not an ad-class root) → luk applies → trādhvaṃ no devāḥ (ordinary usage: trāyadhvam)

Watch out. For "here there is no luk" the 1915 print reads luṅ na. The unit ends by quoting juhotyādibhyaḥ śluḥ (SK 2489), the frame for SK 3401.

SK 3401 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 2.4.76)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 2.4.76
दाति प्रियाणिचिद्वसु (दाति॑ प्रि॒याणि॑चि॒द्वसु॑) । अन्यत्रापि । पूर्णां विवष्टि ॥

Rule. In the Veda ślu after hu and the rest (SK 2489, chapter 46) applies variously. ślu is the loss of śap that brings doubling of the root.

Example.

dā + śap + ti (a hu-class root) → no ślu, so no doubling → dāti priyāṇi cid vasu (ordinary usage: dadāti)

vaś + ti (an ad-class root) → ślu applies "elsewhere too" → doubling

→ i for the vowel of the reduplicated syllable (SK 3598)

→ ś becomes ṣ, t becomes ṭ

→ pūrṇāṃ vivaṣṭi

The steps for vivaṣṭi are the Subodhinī's.

SK 3402 · मन्त्रे घसह्वरणशवृदहाद्वृच्कृगमिजनिभ्यो लेः · mantre ghasahvaraṇaśavṛdahādvṛckṛgamijanibhyo leḥ (A 2.4.80)

मन्त्रे घसह्वरणशवृदहाद्वृच्कृगमिजनिभ्यो लेः
mantre ghasahvaraṇaśavṛdahādvṛckṛgamijanibhyo leḥ · A 2.4.80
एभ्यो लेर्लुक् स्यान्मन्त्रे । अक्षन्नमीमदन्त हि (अक्ष॒न्नमी॑मदन्त हि) । घस्लादेशस्य गमहन - SK 2363 इत्युपधालोपे शासिवसि - SK 2410 इति षः । माह्वर्मित्रस्य (माह्व॑र्मि॒त्रस्य॑) । धूर्तिः प्रणङ्मर्त्यस्य (धू॒र्तिः प्रण॒ङ्मर्त्य॑स्य) ।नशेर्वा - SK 431 इति कुत्वम् । सुरुचो वेन आवः (सु॒रुचो॑ वे॒न आ॑वः) । मा न आधक् (मा न॒ आध॑क्) । आदित्याकारान्तग्रहणम् । आ प्राद्यावापृथिवी (आ प्रा॒द्यावा॑पृथि॒वी) । परावर्ग्भारभृद्यथा (परा॒वर्ग्भार॒भृद्य॑था) । अक्रन्नुषासः (अक्र॑न्नु॒षासः॑) । त्वे रयिं जागृवांसो अनुग्मन् (त्वे र॒यिं जा॑गृ॒वांसो॒ अनु॑ग्मन्) । मन्त्रग्रहणं ब्राह्मणस्याप्युपलक्षणम् । अज्ञत वा अस्य दन्ताः । विभाषानुवृत्तेर्नेह । न ता अगृभ्भ्रन्नजनिष्ट हि षः (न ता अ॑गृभ्भ्र॒न्नज॑निष्ट॒ हि षः) ॥

Rule. In a mantra, li (that is, cli) is lost by luk after these roots: ghas, hvṛ, ṇaś, vṛ, dah, roots ending in ā, vṛj, kṛ, gam and jan. Normally cli stands in luṅ (SK 2221, chapter 44) and is not lost.

Example.

ghas + cli + jhi → cli lost → the penultimate a is lost (SK 2363) → s becomes ṣ (SK 2410) → akṣan (akṣann amīmadanta hi)

The augment a, the ending an, and k before ṣ are not stated in this section.

pra + naś + cli + t → cli lost → the t is lost → ś becomes k (SK 431) → n becomes ṇ after pra → praṇak (dhūrtiḥ praṇaṅ martyasya)

The loss of t and the ṇ are the Subodhinī's steps.

Other forms: mā hvar; āvaḥ (vṛ); mā na ādhak (dah); ā prāḥ (prā, an ā-final root); parāvark (vṛj); akran (kṛ); anu gman (gam).

Applies when / blocked by. The word "mantra" also stands for the Brāhmaṇa: ajñata vā asya dantāḥ (jan). And "optionally" (vibhāṣā) is carried forward. So the luk may fail: ajaniṣṭa hi ṣaḥ keeps its cli.

Watch out. Outside a mantra the Subodhinī gives the ordinary forms: aghasat, ahvārṣīt, anaśat, avārīt, adhākṣīt, aprāsīt, avarjīt, akārṣīt, agamat, ajani, ajaniṣṭa.

I.D. Book 3, vikaraṇas: ām with akaḥ, and caṅ and aṅ for cli — running example: gup + luṅ → (caṅ for cli; reduplication, long abhyāsa) ajūgupatam; kṛ + luṅ → (aṅ for cli; guṇa) akaram

Book 3 begins with the vikaraṇas. Chapter 44 taught that cli stands in luṅ (SK 2221) and that caṅ or aṅ replace it after certain roots. The Vedic rules shift these choices. Six ready-made forms add ām with an auxiliary: akaḥ in four, kriyāt and akran in the other two. gup may take caṅ. Four ṇic-final roots refuse caṅ. Four roots may take aṅ. The running examples are ajūgupatam, "you two have guarded", and akaram, "I have made".

SK 3403 · अभ्युत्सादयांप्रजनयांचिकयांरमयामकः पावयांक्रियाद्विदामक्रन्निति च्छन्दसि · abhyutsādayāṃprajanayāṃcikayāṃramayāmakaḥ pāvayāṃkriyādvidāmakrann iti cchandasi (A 3.1.42)

अभ्युत्सादयांप्रजनयांचिकयांरमयामकः पावयांक्रियाद्विदामक्रन्निति च्छन्दसि
abhyutsādayāṃprajanayāṃcikayāṃramayāmakaḥ pāvayāṃkriyādvidāmakranniti cchandasi · A 3.1.42
आद्येषु चतुर्षु लुङि आमक इत्यनुप्रयोगश्च । अभ्युत्सादयामकः । अभ्युदसीषददिति लोके । प्रजनयामकः । प्राजीजनदित्यर्थः । चिकयामकः । अचैषीदित्यर्थे चिनोतेराम् द्विवचनं कुत्वं च । रमयामकः । अरीरमत् । पावयांक्रियात् । पाव्यादिति लोके । विदामक्रन् । अवेदिषुः ॥

Rule. Six forms are taught ready-made (nipātana) in the Veda. Each is optional: "optionally" is carried forward from SK 2465 (chapter 45), the Subodhinī says. So the ordinary forms also stand in the Veda. The first four add ām in luṅ, with akaḥ as the auxiliary verb (anuprayoga).

Example.

abhyut + sad + ṇic → ām in luṅ + akaḥ → abhyutsādayām akaḥ (ordinary usage: abhyudasīṣadat)

pra + jan + ṇic → prajanayām akaḥ (= prājījanat)

ci → ām, reduplication, and k for c → cikayām akaḥ (= acaiṣīt)

ram + ṇic → ramayām akaḥ (= arīramat)

The other two: pāvayāṃ kriyāt, an āśīrliṅ form (ordinary usage: pāvyāt), and vidām akran (= avediṣuḥ).

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains akaḥ. It is kṛ in luṅ with tip. Its cli is lost by SK 3402, and the t of tip is lost.

Watch out. For "reduplication" the 1915 print reads dvirvacanam.

SK 3404 · गुपेश्छन्दसि · gupeś chandasi (A 3.1.50)

गुपेश्छन्दसि
gupeśchandasi · A 3.1.50
च्लेश्चङ्वा । गृहानजूगुपतं युवम् (गृहा॒नजू॑गुपतं यु॒वम्) । अगौप्तमित्यर्थः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after bare gup "to guard", caṅ optionally replaces cli. "Bare" means without the affix āya, the Subodhinī says.

Example.

gup + cli + thas → tam replaces thas (Subodhinī) → caṅ for cli

→ the root is reduplicated, and the vowel of the reduplicated syllable is long

→ the augment a before the root (not stated in this section)

→ ajūgupatam (gṛhān ajūgupataṃ yuvam "you two have guarded the houses")

Bhaṭṭoji glosses it as agauptam.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī counts the forms. Ordinary usage has three: agauptam, agopiṣṭam and, with āya, agopāyiṣṭam. The Veda adds the caṅ form, so it has four.

SK 3405 · नोनयतिध्वनयत्येलयत्यर्दयतिभ्यः · nonayatidhvanayatyelayatyardayatibhyaḥ (A 3.1.51)

नोनयतिध्वनयत्येलयत्यर्दयतिभ्यः
nonayatidhvanayatyelayatyardayatibhyaḥ · A 3.1.51
च्लेश्चङ् न । मा त्वायतो जरितुः काममूनयीः (मा त्वा॑य॒तो ज॑रि॒तुः काम॑मूनयीः । मा त्वाग्निर्ध्वनयीत् (मा त्वा॒ग्निर्ध्व॑नयीत्) ॥

Rule. After ūnaya, dhvanaya, elaya and ardaya, caṅ does not replace cli. This blocks SK 2312 (chapter 44), which would give caṅ after these ṇic-final roots.

Example.

mā + ūnaya + cli + s → no caṅ → no augment aṭ after mā (SK 2228)

→ mā … kāmam ūnayīḥ "do not leave the desire unfulfilled", second person singular (ordinary usage: aunanat)

The steps that give the ending -īḥ are not stated in this section.

mā + dhvanaya + cli + t → no caṅ → mā tvāgnir dhvanayīt (ordinary usage: adidhvanat)

Applies when / blocked by. That the rule holds in the Veda is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. It rests on the Subodhinī's contrast with the ordinary forms aunanat, adidhvanat, ārdidat and aililat.

SK 3406 · कृमृदृरुहिभ्यश्छन्दसि · kṛmṛdṛruhibhyaś chandasi (A 3.1.59)

कृमृदृरुहिभ्यश्छन्दसि
kṛmṛdṛruhibhyaśchandasi · A 3.1.59
च्लेरङ् वा । इदं तेभ्योऽकरं नमः (इ॒दं तेभ्यो॑ऽकरं॒ नमः॑) । अमरत् । अदरत् । यत्सानोः सानुमारुहत् (यत्सानोः॒ सानु॒मारु॑हत्) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after kṛ, mṛ, dṛ and ruh, aṅ optionally replaces cli. The Subodhinī says "cli" comes from SK 2221, "aṅ" from SK 2438 and "optionally" from SK 2269.

Example.

kṛ + cli + mip → aṅ for cli → guṇa of ṛ before aṅ (SK 2406) → the augment a; mip becomes am (these two steps are not stated in this section) → akaram (idaṃ tebhyo 'karaṃ namaḥ "I have made this homage to them")

mṛ → amarat; dṛ → adarat; ruh → yat sānoḥ sānum āruhat

Applies when / blocked by. The ordinary forms are akārṣīt, amṛta, adārīt and arukṣat (Subodhinī). amarat is parasmaipada although mṛ is not. The Subodhinī puts this down to exchange (vyatyaya, SK 3433).

I.E. The kṛtya nipātanas — running example: nis + kṛt + ṇyat (for kyap) → (initial and final swapped; ṣ for the s of nis) niṣṭarkya

Chapter 66 taught the kṛtya affixes yat, kyap and ṇyat, "to be done". One long Vedic sūtra lists seventeen kṛtya forms taught ready-made. Some take a different affix from the one expected. Some add a lengthening, a substitution or a swap of sounds. The running example is niṣṭarkya, from kṛt "to cut" with nis.

SK 3407 · छन्दसि निष्टर्क्यदेवहूयप्रणीयोन्नीयोच्छिष्यमर्यस्तर्याध्वर्यखन्यखान्यदेवयज्यापृच्छ्यप्रतिषीव्यब्रह्मवाद्यभाव्यस्ताव्योपचाय्यपृडानि · chandasi niṣṭarkyadevahūyapraṇīyonnīyocchiṣyamaryastaryādhvaryakhanyakhānyadevayajyāpṛcchyapratiṣīvyabrahmavādyabhāvyastāvyopacāyyapṛḍāni (A 3.1.123)

छन्दसि निष्टर्क्यदेवहूयप्रणीयोन्नीयोच्छिष्यमर्यस्तर्याध्वर्यखन्यखान्यदेवयज्यापृच्छ्यप्रतिषीव्यब्रह्मवाद्यभाव्यस्ताव्योपचाय्यपृडानि
chandasi niṣṭarkyadevahūyapraṇīyonnīyocchiṣyamaryastaryādhvaryakhanyakhānyadevayajyāpṛcchyapratiṣīvyabrahmavādyabhāvyastāvyopacāyyapṛḍāni · A 3.1.123
कृन्ततेर्निस्पूर्वात्क्यपि प्राप्ते ण्यत् । आद्यन्तयोर्विपर्यासो निसः षत्वं च । निष्टर्क्यं चिन्वीत पशुकामः । देवशब्दे उपपदे ह्वयतेर्जुहोतेर्वा क्यप् दीर्घश्च । स्पर्धन्ते वा उ देवहूये (स्पर्ध॑न्ते॒ वा उ॑ देव॒हूये॑) । प्र उत् आभ्यां नयतेः क्यप् । प्रणीयः । उन्नीयः । उत्पूर्वाच्छिषेः क्यप् । उच्छिष्यः । मृङ्स्तृञ्ध्वृभ्यो यत् । मर्यः । स्तर्या । स्त्रियामेवायम् । ध्वर्यः । खनेर्यण्ण्यतौ । खन्यः । खान्यः । यजेर्यः । शुन्धध्वं दैव्याय कर्मणे देवयज्यायै (शुन्ध॑ध्वं॒ दैव्या॑य॒ कर्म॑णे देवय॒ज्यायै॑) । आङ्पूर्वात्पृच्छेः क्यप् । आपृच्छ्यं धरुणं वाज्यर्षति (आ॒पृच्छ्यं॑ ध॒रुणं॑ वा॒ज्य॑र्षति) । सीव्यतेः क्यप् षत्वं च । प्रतिषीव्यः । ब्रह्मणि वदेर्ण्यत् । ब्रह्मवाद्यम् । लोके तु वदः सुपि क्यप् च-SK 2854 इति क्यब्यतौ । भवतेः स्तौतेश्च ण्यत् । भाव्यः । स्ताव्यः । उपपूर्वाच्चिनोतेर्ण्यत् आयादेशश्च पृडे उत्तरपदे । उपचाय्यपृडम् ।
हिरण्य इति वक्तव्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ उपचेयपृडमन्यत् ॥ मृड सुखने पृड चेत्यस्मादि गुपधलक्षणः कः ॥

Rule. In the Veda seventeen kṛtya forms are taught ready-made (nipātana). Bhaṭṭoji names the root and affix of each.

Example.

nis + kṛt → kyap would come (SK 2859, chapter 66) → ṇyat comes instead

→ the first and last consonants of the root are swapped

→ ṣ for the s of nis

→ niṣṭarkya (niṣṭarkyaṃ cinvīta paśukāmaḥ)

The guṇa ar and the ṭ after ṣ are not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; they are inferred.

The other sixteen.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika limits upacāyyapṛḍam to gold (hiraṇya). Otherwise the form is upaceyapṛḍam. pṛḍa comes from the root pṛḍ with the affix ka. Bhaṭṭoji says the ka is the one taught for roots with an ik penultimate, that is, SK 2897 (chapter 67).

Watch out. A nipātana fixes the form. Bhaṭṭoji's notes say which affix and which special change are accepted; ordinary rules still do the rest. For example, the Subodhinī gives āpṛcchya its saṃprasāraṇa, and pratiṣīvya its long ī, by general rules.

I.F. Upapada kṛt affixes I: in, ṇvi, ñyuṭ and viṭ — running example: havya + vah: (ñyuṭ, outside the pāda's middle) havyavāhanaḥ, against (ṇvi, mid-pāda) havyavāḷ

Chapter 67 taught kṛt affixes added to a root when a word stands beside it as upapada. The Vedic rules add new upapada affixes. in comes after four roots, ṇvi after sah and vah, ñyuṭ after vah with certain words, and viṭ after five roots. A pāda is a quarter of a verse. The running example contrasts havyavāhanaḥ and havyavāḷ, both "bearer of the oblations".

SK 3408 · छन्दसि वनसनरक्षिमथाम् · chandasi vanasanarakṣimathām (A 3.2.27)

छन्दसि वनसनरक्षिमथाम्
chandasi vanasanarakṣimathām · A 3.2.27
एभ्यः कर्मण्युपपदे इन् स्यात् । ब्रह्मवनिं त्वा क्षत्रवनिम् (ब्रह्मवनिं॑ त्वा क्षत्र॒वनि॑म्) । उत नो गोषणिं धियम् (उ॒त नो॑ गो॒षणिं॒ धि॒य॑म्) । ये पथां पथिरक्षयः (ये प॒थां प॑थि॒रक्ष॑यः) । चतुरक्षौ पथिरक्षी (च॒तु॒र॒क्षौ प॑थि॒रक्षी॑) । हविर्मथीनामभि (हवि॒र्मथी॑नाम॒भि) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, in comes after van, san, rakṣ and math when an object word is the upapada. in is carried forward from SK 2938 (chapter 67), the Subodhinī says.

Example.

brahma vanati → brahman + van + in → brahmavanim (brahmavaniṃ tvā kṣatravanim)

gāṃ sanoti → go + san + in → ṣ for s (SK 1022, chapter 25) → goṣaṇim (uta no goṣaṇiṃ dhiyam)

pathirakṣayaḥ, pathirakṣī "guardians of the path"; havirmathīnām "of the disturbers of the oblation"

The Subodhinī says brahmavanim and goṣaṇim are accusative singulars of the in-final stems. The ṇ of goṣaṇim and the loss of the n of brahman are not explained here.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says the roots are van and san of the bhū class. The like-sounding roots of the tan class carry a marker and are not meant.

SK 3409 · छन्दसि सहः · chandasi sahaḥ (A 3.2.63)

छन्दसि सहः
chandasi sahaḥ · A 3.2.63
सुप्युपपदे सहेर्ण्विः स्यात् । पृतनाषाट् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ṇvi comes after sah "to overpower" when a word with a case-ending is the upapada. ṇvi is carried forward from SK 2976 (chapter 67), the Subodhinī says.

Example.

pṛtanā + sah + ṇvi → ṣ for the s of sah (SK 335, chapter 11) → pṛtanāṣāṭ "overpowering hostile hosts"

The other steps to -ṣāṭ are not stated in this section: the vṛddhi of the a (the affix is ṇit), the loss of the affix, which leaves nothing, and ṭ for the final h.

Watch out. The Subodhinī asks about classical turāsāham, which this Vedic rule cannot give. It explains that word with vic after the ṇic-final root.

SK 3410 · वहश्च · vahaś ca (A 3.2.64)

वहश्च
vahaśca · A 3.2.64
प्राग्वत् । दित्यवाट् (दि॒त्य॒वाट्) । योगविभाग उत्तरार्थः ॥

Rule. ṇvi also comes after vah "to carry", with an upapada, in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji says "as before".

Example.

ditya + vah + ṇvi → dityavāṭ

As with pṛtanāṣāṭ, the vṛddhi of the a, the loss of the affix and ṭ for the final h are not stated in this section.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the rule is split off "for the sake of what follows". That this lets vah alone run on into SK 3411 and SK 3412 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3411 · कव्यपुरीषपुरीष्येषु ञ्युट् · kavyapurīṣapurīṣyeṣu ñyuṭ (A 3.2.65)

कव्यपुरीषपुरीष्येषु ञ्युट्
kavyapurīṣapurīṣyeṣu ñyuṭ · A 3.2.65
एषु वहेर्ञ्युट् स्याच्छन्दसि । कव्यवाहनः । पुरीषवाहनः । पुरीष्यवाहनः ॥

Rule. When kavya, purīṣa or purīṣya is the upapada, ñyuṭ comes after vah in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss supplies "after vah" and "in the Veda".

Example.

kavya + vah + ñyuṭ → kavyavāhanaḥ

Likewise purīṣavāhanaḥ and purīṣyavāhanaḥ.

The vṛddhi of vah and the ana of yu are not stated by Bhaṭṭoji here; they are inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī has no note on this sūtra. That vah comes from SK 3410 and "in the Veda" from SK 3409 is inferred.

SK 3412 · हव्येऽनन्तः पादम् · havye 'nantaḥpādam (A 3.2.66)

हव्येऽनन्तः पादम्
havye'nantaḥ pādam · A 3.2.66
अग्निश्च हव्यवाहनः (अ॒ग्निश्च॑ हव्य॒वाह॑नः) । पादमध्ये तु वहश्च SK 3410 इति ण्विरेव । हव्यवाळग्निरजरः पिता नः (ह॒व्य॒वाळ॒ग्निर॒जरः॑ पि॒ता नः॑) ॥

Rule. When havya is the upapada, ñyuṭ comes after vah, if the word does not stand inside a pāda. Inside a pāda only ṇvi comes, by SK 3410.

Example.

havya + vah + ñyuṭ (not mid-pāda) → havyavāhanaḥ (agniś ca havyavāhanaḥ)

havya + vah + ṇvi (mid-pāda) → havyavāḷ (havyavāḷ agnir ajaraḥ pitā naḥ)

Watch out. The Subodhinī explains the ḷ of havyavāḷ. By the Prātiśākhya, a ḍ between two vowels is pronounced ḷ. The 1915 print reads the sūtra's last word as one compound, anantaḥpādam.

SK 3413 · जनसनखनक्रमगमो विट् · janasanakhanakramagamo viṭ (A 3.2.67)

जनसनखनक्रमगमो विट्
janasanakhanakramagamo viṭ · A 3.2.67
विड्वनोः - SK 2982 इत्यात्वम् । अब्जाः (अ॒ब्जाः) । गोजाः (गो॒जाः) । गोषा इन्दो नृषा असि (गो॒षा इ॑न्दो नृ॒षा अ॒सि) । सनोतेरनः - SK 3645 इति षत्वम् । इयं शुष्मेभिर्बिसखा इवारुजत् (इ॒यं शुष्मे॑भिर्बिस॒खा इ॑वारुजत्) । आ दधिक्राः शवसा पञ्च कृष्टीः (आ द॑धि॒क्राः शव॑सा॒ पञ्च॑ कृ॒ष्टीः) । अग्रेगाः (अग्रे॒गाः) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, viṭ comes after jan, san, khan, kram and gam. Then ā replaces the root's final nasal, by viḍvanor anunāsikasyāt (SK 2982, chapter 67).

Example.

ap + jan + viṭ → ā for the n → abjāḥ "born in the waters"; likewise gojāḥ

go + san + viṭ → ā for the n → ṣ for s (SK 3645, later in this chapter) → goṣāḥ (goṣā indo nṛṣā asi); likewise nṛṣāḥ

bisakhāḥ "digger of lotus-stalks"; dadhikrāḥ; agregāḥ "going in front"

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji does not match each form to its root. Taking them in the sūtra's order is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. In agregāḥ the seventh case of agre is kept, by SK 966 (chapter 24), the Subodhinī says.

I.G. Upapada kṛt affixes II: ṇvin and ḍas, vic, manin/kvanip/vanip, kvip; the kaumudī's recap of the Vedic kṛt rules — running example: śveta + vah: (ḍas where pada status is coming; lengthening, SK 425) śvetavāḥ, against (ṇvin; vṛddhi) śvetavāhau

The upapada rules continue. In a mantra, ṇvin comes in three fixed compounds and after yaj with ava. A vārttika puts ḍas in its place wherever the stem will be a pada. A rule from the Tripādī keeps their long vowel in address too. Then come vic, the three affixes manin, kvanip and vanip, and kvip after han. At SK 3419 Bhaṭṭoji recalls the Vedic kṛt rules already taught in chapter 67. The running example is śveta + vah, "Indra, whom white horses carry".

SK 3414 · मन्त्रे श्वेतवहोक्थशस्पुरोडाशो ण्विन् · mantre śvetavahokthaśaspuroḍāśo ṇvin (A 3.2.71)

मन्त्रे श्वेतवहोक्थशस्पुरोडाशो ण्विन्
mantre śvetavahokthaśaspuroḍāśo ṇvin · A 3.2.71
।
श्वेतवहादीनां डस्पदस्येति वक्तव्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ यत्र पदत्वं भावि तत्र ण्विनोऽपवादो डस् वक्तव्य इत्यर्थः । श्वेतवाः । श्वेतवाहौ । श्वेतवाहः । उक्थानि उक्थैर्वा शंसति उक्थशा यजमानः । उक्थशासौ । उक्थशासः । पुरो दाश्यते दीयते पुरोडाः ॥

Rule. In a mantra, ṇvin comes in three ready-made compounds. They are vah with śveta, śaṃs with uktha, and dāś with puras. A vārttika adds: ḍas comes after these instead, where the stem is to be a pada. Bhaṭṭoji explains: "where the status of pada is going to come about, ḍas is an exception to ṇvin."

Example.

śveta + vah + ḍas + su (the stem will be a pada) → śvetavas → the vowel before s is lengthened (SK 425), with ru for the final s → śvetavāḥ

The loss of su is not shown step by step here.

śveta + vah + ṇvin + au → vṛddhi → śvetavāhau; likewise śvetavāhaḥ

uktha + śaṃs + ḍas → the n is lost → ukthaśāḥ "the sacrificer, who recites the hymns"

uktha + śaṃs + ṇvin + au → the n is lost → vṛddhi (SK 2282, chapter 44) → ukthaśāsau, ukthaśāsaḥ

puras + dāś + ḍas → ḍ for the d → puroḍāḥ "what is given in front"

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives the division but does not assign each form. Which forms have ḍas and which ṇvin is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. The Subodhinī's two derivations fit it. SK 425 needs an as-final stem, which ḍas gives. SK 2282 needs a ṇ-marked affix, which ṇvin is.

SK 3415 · अवे यजः · ave yajaḥ (A 3.2.72)

अवे यजः
ave yajaḥ · A 3.2.72
अवयाः । अवयाजौ । अवयाजः ॥

Rule. When ava is the upapada, ṇvin comes after yaj, in a mantra.

Example.

ava + yaj → avayāḥ, avayājau, avayājaḥ

Bhaṭṭoji gives only the forms. That avayāḥ has the ḍas of SK 3414, and the others ṇvin with vṛddhi, is inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says this rule is split from SK 3414 for the sake of SK 3417. As one rule, only yaj with ava would have continued. SK 3417 wants plain yaj.

SK 3416 · अवयाःश्वेतवाःपुरोडाश्च · avayāḥ śvetavāḥ puroḍāś ca (A 8.2.67)

अवयाःश्वेतवाःपुरोडाश्च
avayāḥśvetavāḥpuroḍāśca · A 8.2.67
एते संबुद्धौ कृतदीर्घा निपात्यन्ते । चादुक्थशाः ॥

Rule. avayāḥ, śvetavāḥ and puroḍāḥ are taught ready-made with the long vowel even in the vocative singular (sambuddhi). By ca, ukthaśāḥ too.

Example.

śvetavas + vocative su → SK 425 does not apply in address → this rule fixes the long vowel → śvetavāḥ "O Indra, whom white horses carry"

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī raises an objection. Once ḍas is made, SK 425 already gives śvetavāḥ, so the rule seems useless. The answer: SK 425 carries the word asambuddhau, "not in address". So in address it does not lengthen, and this rule is needed.

Watch out. This is a rule of the Tripādī, the last three quarters of book 8. Bhaṭṭoji takes it up here, beside the forms of SK 3414–3415.

SK 3417 · विजुपे छन्दसि · vij upe chandasi (A 3.2.73)

विजुपे छन्दसि
vijupe chandasi · A 3.2.73
उपे उपपदे यजेर्विच् । उपयट् ॥

Rule. When upa is the upapada, vic comes after yaj in the Veda. yaj continues from SK 3415.

Example.

upa + yaj + vic → upayaṭ

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī asks why chandasi is stated, since mantre still continues. Its answer: chandas takes in the Brāhmaṇa too, which "mantra" alone would not. It quotes a line: "the name mantra for those that prompt the act; the word brāhmaṇa for the rest".

SK 3418 · आतो मनिन्क्वनिब्वनिपश्च · āto maninkvanibvanipaś ca (A 3.2.74)

आतो मनिन्क्वनिब्वनिपश्च
āto maninkvanibvanipaśca · A 3.2.74
सुप्युपसर्गे चोपपदे आदन्तेभ्यो धातुभ्यश्छन्दसि विषये मनिनादयस्त्रयः प्रत्ययाः स्युः । चाद्विच् । सुदामा । सुधीवा । सुपीवा । भूरिदावा । घृतपावा । विच् । कीलालपाः । ब्रह्मभ्रूणवृत्रेषु क्विप् - SK 2998 ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after roots ending in ā, three affixes come: manin, kvanip and vanip. A word with a case-ending, or an upasarga, must be the upapada. By ca, vic comes as well.

Example.

su + dā + manin → sudāmā

su + dhā + kvanip → ī for ā (SK 2462, chapter 45) → sudhīvā; likewise supīvā

bhūri + dā + vanip → bhūridāvā; likewise ghṛtapāvā

kīlāla + pā + vic → kīlālapāḥ "drinker of water"

Bhaṭṭoji does not match forms to affixes. The matching is inferred, from the ī that SK 2462 gives before a k-marked affix.

Watch out. The unit ends by recalling brahmabhrūṇavṛtreṣu kvip (SK 2998, chapter 67). That rule gives kvip after han only with brahman, bhrūṇa or vṛtra. SK 3419 relaxes it.

SK 3419 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 3.2.88)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 3.2.88
उपपदान्तरेऽपि हन्तेर्बहुलं क्विप् स्यात् । मातृहा । पितृहा । छन्दसि लिट् - SK 3093 । भूतसामान्ये । अहं द्यावापृथिवी आ ततान (अ॒हं द्यावा॑पृथि॒वी आ त॑तान) । लिटः कानज्वा - SK 3094 । क्वसुश्च SK 3095 । छन्दसि लिटः कानच्क्वसू वा स्तः । चक्राणा वृष्णि (च॒क्रा॒णा वृष्णि॑) । यो नो अग्ने अररिवाँ अघायुः (यो नो॑ अग्ने॒ अर॑रिवाँ अघा॒युः) । णेश्छन्दसि - SK 3117 । ण्यन्ताद्धातोश्छन्दसि इष्णुच् स्यात्तच्छीलादौ । वीरुधः पारयिष्णवः (वी॒रुध॑ पारयि॒ष्णवः॑) । भुवश्च - SK 3118 । अस्मात्केवलात्प्राग्वत् । भविष्णुः ।
छन्दसि परेच्छायां क्यच उपसंख्यानम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ क्याच्छन्दसि - SK 3150 । उप्रत्ययः स्यात् । अघायुः ।
एरजधिकारे जवसवौ छन्दसि वाच्यौ
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ जवे याभिर्यूनः (ज॒वे याभि॒र्यूनः॑) । ऊर्वोर्मे जवः । देवस्य सवितुः सवे (दे॒वस्य॑ सवि॒तुः॒ स॒वे) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, kvip comes after han variously, even with other upapadas. This extends SK 2998 (chapter 67), which allows only three upapadas.

Example.

mātṛ + han + kvip → mātṛhā "mother-slayer"; likewise pitṛhā

The recap of the Vedic kṛt rules. Bhaṭṭoji then runs through Vedic rules already taught in chapter 67, with their Vedic examples:

Watch out. The Subodhinī says ac and ap differ only in accent (svare bhedaḥ). Bhaṭṭoji marks no accent here, so none is shown.

I.H. ktin with udātta, and yuc for khal — running example: vṛṣ + ktin (udātta) → vṛṣṭí: vṛṣṭíṃ diváḥ; su + upa + sad + yuc → sūpasadanaḥ

Chapter 69 taught ktin for feminine action nouns (SK 3272) and khal for "easy" and "hard" (SK 3305). In a mantra, ktin after eight roots carries the udātta. In the Veda, yuc replaces khal after roots of motion, and after other roots too. The running examples are vṛṣṭí "rain", with the udātta on its last syllable, and sūpasadanaḥ "easy to approach".

SK 3420 · मन्त्रे वृषेषपचमनविदभूवीरा उदात्तः · mantre vṛṣeṣapacamanavidabhūvīrā udāttaḥ (A 3.3.96)

मन्त्रे वृषेषपचमनविदभूवीरा उदात्तः
mantre vṛṣeṣapacamanavidabhūvīrā udāttaḥ · A 3.3.96
वृषादिभ्यः क्तिन्स्यात्स चोदात्तः । वृष्टिं दिवः (वृ॒ष्टिं दि॒वः) । सुम्नमिष्टये (सु॒म्नमि॒ष्टये॑) । पचात्पक्तीरुत (पचा॑त्प॒क्तीरु॒त) । इयं ते नव्यसी मतिः (इ॒यं ते॒ नव्य॑सी म॒तिः) । वित्तिः । भूतिः (भू॒तिः) । अग्न आ याहि वीतये (अग्न॒ आ या॑हि वी॒तये॑) । रातौ स्यामो भयासः (रा॒तौ स्या॑मो॒ भया॑सः) ॥

Rule. In a mantra, ktin comes after vṛṣ, iṣ, pac, man, vid, bhū, vī and rā, and it is udātta. ktin is carried forward from SK 3272 (chapter 69), the Subodhinī says. So the high tone falls on the syllable of the affix, ti or its inflected form.

Example.

vṛṣ + ktin → affix udātta → vṛṣṭí → vṛṣṭíṃ diváḥ "the rain of heaven": udātta on ṭí.

iṣ + ktin → iṣṭí → sumnám iṣṭáye: udātta on ṭá of the dative iṣṭáye.

pac + ktin → paktí → pácāt paktī́r utá: udātta on tī́.

man + ktin → the nasal is lost (SK 2428, chapter 45) → matí → iyáṃ te návyasī matíḥ: udātta on tí.

bhū + ktin → bhūtíḥ: udātta on tí.

vī + ktin → vītí → ágna ā́ yāhi vītáye "Agni, come for the meal": udātta on tá.

rā + ktin → rātí → rātaú syāmobháyāsaḥ "may we both be in your giving": udātta on taú.

vid + ktin → vittiḥ "being". vittiḥ is cited without accent marks, so it is left unmarked.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī glosses the roots. vṛṣ is "to sprinkle", iṣ "to wish", man "to know", vid "to be", rā "to give". ktin is k-marked, so vid takes no guṇa.

Watch out. Other accents in these phrases, such as on diváḥ, belong to the other words. The rule concerns only the ktin syllable. The word udāttaḥ of this sūtra still reaches ūtiyūti… (A 3.3.97) and the next sūtras in Aṣṭādhyāyī order. Bhaṭṭoji taught those earlier, as SK 3274–3276 (chapter 69). For syāmobháyāsaḥ (syāma + ubhayāsaḥ) the 1915 print reads the words run together.

SK 3421 · छन्दसि गत्यर्थेभ्यः · chandasi gatyarthebhyaḥ (A 3.3.129)

छन्दसि गत्यर्थेभ्यः
chandasi gatyarthebhyaḥ · A 3.3.129
ईषदादिषूपपदेषु गत्यर्थेभ्यो धातुभ्यश्छन्दसि युच् स्यात् । खलोऽपवादः । सूपसदनोऽग्निः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after roots meaning motion, yuc comes when īṣat, dus or su is the upapada. It is an exception to khal (SK 3305, chapter 69).

Example.

su + upa + sad + yuc (ana) → sūpasadanaḥ → sūpasadano 'gniḥ "Agni, easy to approach"

This analysis is not given by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji names the upapadas only as "īṣat and the rest". That they are those of SK 3305, and that yuc is the affix of SK 3309, is inferred. The Subodhinī has no note on this sūtra.

SK 3422 · अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते · anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate (A 3.3.130)

अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते
anyebhyo'pi dṛśyate · A 3.3.130
गत्यर्थेभ्यो येऽन्ये धातवस्तेभ्योऽपि छन्दसि युच् स्यात् । सुवेदनामकृणोर्ब्रह्मणे गाम् (सु॒वे॒द॒नाम॑कृणो॒र्ब्रह्म॑णे॒ गाम्) ॥

Rule. yuc is seen in the Veda after other roots too, not only those meaning motion.

Example.

su + vid + yuc (ana) → feminine → suvedanā → suvedanām akṛṇor brahmaṇe gām "you made the cow easy to find for the brahman"

This analysis is inferred; Bhaṭṭoji gives only the mantra.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī has no note on this sūtra.

I.I. The lakāras: luṅ, laṅ and liṭ for any time; leṭ, its augments and its endings — running example: tṛ + leṭ tip → (i lost, 3426; sip, ṇit; iṭ; vṛddhi; aṭ) tāriṣat; pat + leṭ tip → (āṭ; i kept) patāti; mādaya + leṭ ātām → (ṭi → e; ā → ai, 3429) mādayaite

Chapters 44 and 65 tied each lakāra to its time and sense. In the Veda luṅ, laṅ and liṭ may stand for any time. A further lakāra, leṭ, is used in the senses of liṅ. The next rules build its forms. It takes the vikaraṇa sip, an augment aṭ or āṭ, and endings that drop i or s or change ā and e to ai. All these rules hold in the Veda (chandasi, SK 3423). Bhaṭṭoji repeats the word in some glosses (SK 3424) and leaves it out in others. The running examples are tāriṣat "may he lengthen", patāti "let it fall" and mādayaite "the two shall delight".

SK 3423 · छन्दसि लुङ्लङ्लिटः · chandasi luṅlaṅliṭaḥ (A 3.4.6)

छन्दसि लुङ्लङ्लिटः
chandasi luṅlaṅliṭaḥ · A 3.4.6
धात्वर्थानां संबन्धे सर्वकालेष्वेते वा स्युः । पक्षे यथास्वं प्रत्ययाः । देवो देवेभिरागमत् (दे॒वो दे॒वेभि॒राग॑मत्) । लोडर्थे लुङ् । इदं तेभ्योकरं नमः (इ॒दं तेभ्यो॑करं॒ नमः॑) । लङ् । अग्निमद्य होतारमवृणीतायं यजमानः । लिट् । अद्या ममार (अ॒द्या म॒मार॑) । अद्य म्रियत इत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, when the senses of verbs are related, luṅ, laṅ and liṭ optionally come in any time. In the other option, each time takes its own lakāra, as taught in chapters 44 and 65.

Example.

luṅ: devo devebhir āgamat (gam takes aṅ by SK 2343).

luṅ in the sense of loṭ: idaṃ tebhyo 'karaṃ namaḥ "let me make this homage to them" (akaram by SK 3406).

laṅ: agnim adya hotāram avṛṇītāyaṃ yajamānaḥ "today this sacrificer … Agni as hotṛ".

liṭ: adyā mamāra, which means adya mriyate "today he dies".

Applies when / blocked by. The condition "when the senses of verbs are related" echoes the heading dhātusambandhe pratyayāḥ (SK 2824, chapter 65). That link is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. The Subodhinī admits the relation in these examples "is to be looked for".

Watch out. The verbs āgamat and avṛṇīta are left untranslated on purpose. The point of the rule is that their form does not fix their time.

SK 3424 · लिङर्थे लेट् · liṅarthe leṭ (A 3.4.7)

लिङर्थे लेट्
liṅarthe leṭ · A 3.4.7
विध्यादौ हेतुहेतुमद्भावादौ च धातोर्लेट् स्याच्छन्दसि ॥

Rule. In the Veda leṭ comes after a root in the senses of liṅ. These are injunction (vidhi) and the rest, and the relation of cause and effect and the rest.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives no example here. The forms of leṭ come under SK 3426–3431.

Applies when / blocked by. "Injunction and the rest" points to SK 2208 (chapter 44). "Cause and effect" points to SK 2813 (chapter 65). These links are inferred. The Subodhinī has no note on this sūtra.

SK 3425 · सिब्बहुलं लेटि · sibbahulaṃ leṭi (A 3.1.34)

सिब्बहुलं लेटि
sibbahulaṃ leṭi · A 3.1.34

Rule. Before leṭ, the vikaraṇa sip comes variously.

Example. The sūtra stands alone, with no comment by Bhaṭṭoji and no note in the Subodhinī. Its forms, tāriṣat, joṣiṣat and sāviṣat, come under SK 3427.

SK 3426 · इतश्च लोपः परस्मैपदेषु · itaś ca lopaḥ parasmaipadeṣu (A 3.4.97)

इतश्च लोपः परस्मैपदेषु
itaśca lopaḥ parasmaipadeṣu · A 3.4.97
लेटस्तिङामितो लोपो वा स्यात्परस्मैपदेषु ॥

Rule. The i of the parasmaipada endings of leṭ is optionally lost (lopa). The Subodhinī says "of leṭ" comes from SK 3427 and "optionally" from SK 3430.

Example.

tip (ti) of leṭ → i lost → t → as in tāriṣat (SK 3427)

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji places this rule before the two rules it borrows from. So its words come up from below, in the order of the Aṣṭādhyāyī. Being optional, the i may also stay: patāti (SK 3427).

SK 3427 · लेटोऽडाटौ · leṭo 'ḍāṭau (A 3.4.94)

लेटोऽडाटौ
leṭo'ḍāṭau · A 3.4.94
लेटः अट् आट् एतावागमौ स्तस्तौ च पितौ ॥
ब्बिहुलं णिद्वक्तव्यः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वृद्धिः । प्रण आयूंषि तारिषत् (प्रण॒ आयूं॑षि तारिषत्) । सुपेशसस्करति जोषिषद्धि (सु॒पेश॑सस्करति॒ जोषि॑ष॒द्धि) । आ साविषदर्शसानाय (आ सा॑विषदर्शसा॒नाय॒) । सिप इलोपस्य चाभावे । पाताति दिद्युत् (पाता॑ति दि॒द्युत्) । प्रियः सूर्ये प्रियो अग्ना भवाति (प्रि॒यः सूर्ये॑ प्रि॒यो अ॒ग्ना भ॑वाति) ॥

Rule. leṭ takes the augment aṭ or āṭ. They come by turns, not together, the Subodhinī says. Both are pit: "pit" is carried forward by a "frog's leap" (maṇḍūkapluti) from SK 2204 (chapter 44), skipping the rules between.

Example.

tṛ + sip + tip → i of tip lost (SK 3426)

→ sip is ṇit by the vārttika below → vṛddhi of ṛ (SK 254) → tār

→ the augment iṭ; the s of sip becomes ṣ after i (not stated in this section) → tār-i-ṣ

→ the augment aṭ → tāriṣat (pra ṇa āyūṃṣi tāriṣat "may he lengthen our life-spans")

Likewise joṣiṣad dhi and ā sāviṣat.

pat + āṭ + ti → no sip, and the i kept → patāti (patāti didyut "let the missile fall"); likewise bhavāti.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika says sip is variously ṇit. That is what brings vṛddhi in tāriṣat. The Subodhinī gives the steps for tṛ: loss of the i of tip, sip, iṭ. The rule for iṭ is not named.

Watch out. For the vārttika the 1915 print reads sibbahulaṃ ṇit, and for the mantra patāti, with a short first a.

SK 3428 · स उत्तमस्य · sa uttamasya (A 3.4.98)

स उत्तमस्य
sa uttamasya · A 3.4.98
लेडुत्तमसकारस्य वा लोपः स्यात् । करवाव । करवावः । टेरेत्वम् ॥

Rule. The s of the uttama endings of leṭ is optionally lost. The uttama endings are those used for "I" and "we".

Example.

kṛ + u + āṭ + vas → kṛ takes guṇa with r, kar

→ āṭ is pit, so not ṅit, and u takes guṇa, o

→ that o becomes av before ā (not stated in this section) → karavā + vas

→ s lost → karavāva; or kept → karavāvaḥ

The steps are the Subodhinī's. u comes by SK 2466 (chapter 45).

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji ends with "ṭer etvam", ṭi becomes e (SK 2233). This is the first step of the next example, mādayaite.

SK 3429 · आत ऐ · āta ai (A 3.4.95)

आत ऐ
āta ai · A 3.4.95
लेट आकारस्य ऐ स्यात् । सुतेभिः सुप्रयसा मादयैते (सु॒तेभिः॑ सुप्र॒यसा॑ मा॒दयै॑ते) । आतामित्याकारस्य ऐकारः । विधिसामार्थ्यादाट ऐत्वं न । अन्यथा हि ऐटमेव विदध्यात् । यो यजाति यजात इत् (यो यजा॑ति॒ यजा॑त॒ इत्) ॥

Rule. The ā of the endings of leṭ becomes ai.

Example.

mad + ṇic → mādaya + ātām

→ the ṭi, the last vowel with what follows, becomes e (SK 2233) → mādaya + āte

→ the first ā becomes ai → mādayaite (sutebhiḥ suprayasā mādayaite)

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says only the first ā of ātām is meant. The second has already become e by SK 2233.

Watch out. The augment āṭ does not become ai. If it did, Pāṇini would have taught aiṭ directly. The rule's very wording rules it out (vidhisāmarthya). So: yo yajāti yajāta it, with ā kept.

SK 3430 · वैतोऽन्यत्र · vaito 'nyatra (A 3.4.96)

वैतोऽन्यत्र
vaito'nyatra · A 3.4.96
लेट एकारस्य ऐस्याद्वा आत ऐ - SK 3429 इत्यस्य विषयं विना । पशूनामीशै । ग्रहा गृह्यान्तै । अन्यत्र किम् । सुप्रयसा मादयैते (सुप्र॒यसा॑ मा॒दयै॑ते) ॥

Rule. Elsewhere, the e of leṭ optionally becomes ai. "Elsewhere" means outside the domain of SK 3429, the Subodhinī says.

Example.

īś + iṭ (ātmanepada, "I") → no loss of i, since SK 3426 is for parasmaipada

→ ṭi becomes e (SK 2233) → īśe

→ e becomes ai → īśai (paśūnām īśai "I shall be lord of the animals")

Likewise grahā gṛhyāntai "the cups shall be taken".

These steps are the Subodhinī's.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji asks: why "elsewhere"? His answer is mādayaite. There the ā has become ai by SK 3429. The final e stays e, because it falls in the domain of SK 3429. This explanation is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Watch out. The sūtra itself says only "optionally, of e, elsewhere". That "ai" and "leṭ" are carried in from SK 3429 and SK 3424 is inferred.

SK 3431 · उपसंवादाशङ्कयोश्च · upasaṃvādāśaṅkayoś ca (A 3.4.8)

उपसंवादाशङ्कयोश्च
upasaṃvādāśaṅkayośca · A 3.4.8
पणबन्धे आशङ्कायां च लेट् स्यात् । अहमेव पशूनामीशै । नेज्जिह्मा यन्तौ नरकं पताम (नेज्जि॑ह्मा य॒न्तौ नरकं॒ प॑ताम) । हलः श्नः शानज्झौ - SK 2557 ॥

Rule. leṭ also comes in the sense of a bargain (paṇabandha) and of apprehension (āśaṅkā). The Subodhinī defines the bargain: "if you do this for me, I will give you this".

Example.

bargain: aham eva paśūnām īśai "I alone shall be lord of the creatures"

apprehension: nej jihmā yantau narakaṃ patāma "lest, going crookedly, we fall into hell"

In patāma the s of mas is lost by SK 3428, the Subodhinī says.

Watch out. The dual yantau stands beside the plural patāma; the sense is plural. The unit ends by quoting halaḥ śnaḥ śānaj jhau (SK 2557, chapter 52), the frame for SK 3432.

I.J. Vikaraṇa substitutes and exchange: śāyac, vyatyaya, aṅ in āśīrliṅ, both designations — running example: grah + śnā + hi → (śnā → śāyac; saṃprasāraṇa; h → bh) gṛbhāya; bhid + śap (for śnam) → bhedati; vac + aṅ + āśīrliṅ → (um, SK 2454) vocema

Three sūtras from the vikaraṇa section of book 3 (A 3.1.84–86) come in here, then A 3.4.117. śāyac may replace śnā. The vikaraṇas may be exchanged (vyatyaya); a verse widens this to eleven things. aṅ comes before the benedictive. And any affix after a root may count as both sārvadhātuka and ārdhadhātuka. The running examples are gṛbhāya "seize", bhedati "he splits" and vocema "may we speak".

SK 3432 · छन्दसि शायजपि · chandasi śāyaj api (A 3.1.84)

छन्दसि शायजपि
chandasi śāyajapi · A 3.1.84
अपिशब्दाच्छानच् ।
हृग्रहोर्भश्छन्दसि इति हस्य भः
(वार्तिकम्) । गृभाय जिह्वया मधु (गृ॒भा॒य जि॒ह्वया॒ मधु॑) । बधान देव सवितः (ब॒धान॑ देव सवितः) । अनिदितां - SK 415 इति बध्नातेर्नलोपः । गृभ्णामि ते (गृ॒भ्णामि॑ ते) । मध्वा जभार (मध्वा॑ ज॒भार॑) ॥

Rule. In the Veda śāyac also replaces śnā before hi. This extends SK 2557 (chapter 52), which gives śānac there after a consonant. By api "also", śānac comes too.

Example.

grah + śnā + hi → śāyac (āya) for śnā

→ r becomes ṛ (saṃprasāraṇa) → bh for h

→ hi is lost, as in badhāna → gṛbhāya (gṛbhāya jihvayā madhu "seize the honey with the tongue")

bandh + śnā + hi → śānac (āna) → the nasal lost (SK 415) → hi lost → badhāna (badhāna deva savitaḥ "bind, O god Savitṛ")

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika, hṛgrahor bhaś chandasi, gives bh for the h of hṛ and grah in the Veda. Its examples are gṛbhṇāmi te "I take" and madhvā jabhāra "he carried".

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji does not label gṛbhāya and badhāna. That the first shows śāyac and the second śānac is inferred. The saṃprasāraṇa in gṛbhāya and the loss of hi in badhāna are the Subodhinī's steps.

SK 3433 · व्यत्ययो बहुलम् · vyatyayo bahulam (A 3.1.85)

व्यत्ययो बहुलम्
vyatyayo bahulam · A 3.1.85
विकरणानां बहुलं व्यत्ययः स्यात् छन्दसि । आण्डा शुष्णस्य भेदति (आ॒ण्डा शुष्ण॑स्य॒ भेद॑ति) । भिनत्तीति प्राप्ते । जरसा मरते पतिः (ज॒रसा॒ मर॑ते॒ पतिः॑) । म्रियत इति प्राप्ते । इन्द्रो वस्तेन नेषतु (इन्द्रो॑ व॒स्तेन॑ नेषतु) । नयतेर्लोट् शप्सिपौ द्वौ विकरणौ । इन्द्रेण युजा तरुषेम वृत्रम् (इन्द्रे॑ण यु॒जा त॑रुषेम वृ॒त्रम्) । तरेमेत्यर्थः । तरतेर्विध्यादौ लिङ् । उः शप् सिप् चेति त्रयो विकरणाः ॥ सुप्तिङुपग्रहलिङ्गनराणां कालहलच्स्वरकर्तृयङां च । व्यत्ययमिच्छति शास्त्रकृदेषां सोऽपि च सिध्यति बाहुलकेन ॥ 1 ॥ धुरि दक्षिणायाः (धु॒रि दक्षि॑णायाः) । दक्षिणस्यामिति प्राप्ते । चषालं ये अश्वयूपाय तक्षति (च॒षालं॒ ये अ॑श्वयूपाय॒ तक्ष॑ति) । तक्षन्तीति प्राप्ते । उपग्रहः परस्मैपदात्मनेपदे । ब्रह्मचारिणमिच्छते । इच्छतीति प्राप्ते । प्रतीपमन्य ऊर्मिर्युध्यति । युध्यत इति प्राप्ते । मधोस्तृप्ता इवासते (मधो॑स्तृ॒प्ता इ॑वासते) । मधुन इति प्राप्ते । नरः पुरुषः । अधा स वीरैर्दशभिर्वियूयाः (अधा॒ स वी॒रैर्द॒शभि॒र्वियू॑याः) । वियूयीदिति प्राप्ते । कालः कालवाची प्रत्ययः । श्वोऽग्नीनाधास्यमानेन । लुटो विषये लृट् । तमसो गा अदुक्षत् (तम॑सो॒ गा अ॑दुक्षत्) । अधुक्षदिति प्राप्ते । मित्र वयं च सूरयः (मित्र॑ व॒यं च॑ सू॒रयः॑) । मित्रा वयमिति प्राप्ते । स्वरव्यत्ययस्तु वक्ष्यते । कर्तृशब्दः कारकमात्रपरः । तथा च तद्वाचिनां कृत्तद्धितानां व्यत्ययः । अन्नादाय । अण्विषये अच् । अवग्रहे विशेषः । यङो यशब्दादारभ्य लिङ्याशिष्यङ् - SK 3434 इति ङकारेण प्रत्याहारः । तेषां व्यत्ययो भेदतीत्यादिरुक्त एव ॥

Rule. In the Veda the vikaraṇas are exchanged (vyatyaya) variously. One vikaraṇa comes where another was due, or two or three come together. The vikaraṇas were taught in chapters 44–52, such as śap (SK 2167).

Example.

bhid (rudh class) → śap where śnam was due → bhedati (āṇḍā śuṣṇasya bhedati), for bhinatti

mṛ → jarasā marate patiḥ, for mriyate. The Subodhinī derives mriyate with the tud-class vikaraṇa śa; that marate has śap in its place is inferred.

nī + loṭ → two vikaraṇas, śap and sip → indro vastena neṣatu

tṝ + liṅ → three vikaraṇas, u, śap and sip → taruṣema, meaning tarema

The verse. Bhaṭṭoji quotes a verse. Pāṇini wants exchange of eleven things, and bahulam achieves it:

Applies when / blocked by. In annādāya the difference shows in the word-division (avagraha) of the pada-text. With aṇ it would be anna-ādāya; with ac it is anna-adāya (Subodhinī). yaṅ is a pratyāhāra made with the ṅ of SK 3434, beginning from the syllable ya (Bhaṭṭoji does not say which).

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji himself names only upagraha, nara, kāla, kartṛ and yaṅ. Assigning the other examples by the order of the verse is inferred; the Subodhinī confirms ac for mitra. For viyūyāt the 1915 print reads viyūyād.

SK 3434 · लिङ्याशिष्यङ् · liṅyāśiṣy aṅ (A 3.1.86)

लिङ्याशिष्यङ्
liṅyāśiṣyaṅ · A 3.1.86
आशीर्लिङि परे धातोरङ् स्याच्छन्दसि । वच उम् - SK 2454 । मन्त्रं वोचेमाग्नये (मन्त्रं॑ वोचेमा॒ग्नये॑) ।
दृशेरग्वक्तव्यः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पितरं च दृशेयं मातरं च (पि॒तरं॑ च दृ॒शेयं॑ मा॒तरं॑ च) । अङि तु ऋदृशोऽङि - SK 2406 इति गुणः स्यात् ॥

Rule. In the Veda aṅ comes after a root before the benedictive liṅ (āśīrliṅ). Normally no vikaraṇa comes there, since SK 2215 (chapter 44) makes āśīrliṅ ārdhadhātuka.

Example.

vac + aṅ + mas (āśīrliṅ) → u by vaca um (SK 2454, chapter 45) → voc- → vocema (mantraṃ vocema agnaye "may we speak a hymn to Agni")

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika gives ak after dṛś instead. With aṅ, dṛś would take guṇa by SK 2406 (chapter 44). That rule is conditioned by aṅ only, so ak leaves the ṛ: pitaraṃ ca dṛśeyaṃ mātaraṃ ca "may I see father and mother".

Watch out. The endings of vocema and dṛśeyam need yās to become iy. The Subodhinī explains this under SK 3435: liṅ counts as sārvadhātuka too. Connecting that remark with these forms is inferred.

SK 3435 · छन्दस्युभयथा · chandasy ubhayathā (A 3.4.117)

छन्दस्युभयथा
chandasyubhayathā · A 3.4.117
धात्वधिकारे उक्तः प्रत्ययः सार्वधातुकार्धधातुकोभयसंज्ञः स्यात् । वर्धन्तु त्वा सुष्टुतयः (वर्ध॑न्तु त्वा सुष्टु॒तयः॑) । वर्धयन्त्वित्यर्थः । आर्धधातुकत्वाण्णिलोपः । विशृण्विरे (विशृ॑ण्विरे) । सार्वधातुकत्वात् श्नुः शृभावश्च । हुश्नुवोः - SK 2387 इति यण् । आदृगमहनजनः किकिनौ लिट् च - SK 3151 । आदन्तादृवर्णान्ताद्गमादेश्च किकिनौ स्तस्तौ च लिड्वत् । बभ्रिर्वज्रम् (ब॒भ्रिर्वज्र॑म्) । पपिः सोमम् (प॒पिः सोम॑म्) । ददिर्गाः (द॒दिर्गाः) । जग्मिर्युवा (ज॒ग्मि॒र्युवा॑) । जघ्निर्वृत्रममित्रियम् (जघ्नि॑र्वृ॒त्रम॑मि॒त्रिय॑म्) । जज्ञिः । लिड्वद्भावादेव सिद्धे ऋच्छत्यॄताम् - SK 2383 इति गुणबाधनार्थं कित्त्वम् । बहुलं छन्दसि - SK 3578 इत्युत्वम् । ततुरिः । जगुरिः ॥

Rule. In the Veda an affix taught under the heading "after a root" bears both names, sārvadhātuka and ārdhadhātuka. Normally tiṅ and ś-marked affixes are sārvadhātuka (SK 2166) and the rest ārdhadhātuka (SK 2187, chapter 44).

Example.

vardhaya + antu → the ending counts as ārdhadhātuka → ṇi is lost → vardhantu tvā suṣṭutayaḥ, meaning vardhayantu "may the praises make you grow"

vi + śru + ire → the ending counts as sārvadhātuka → śnu and śṛ for śru → yaṇ (SK 2387) → viśṛṇvire

Bhaṭṭoji names neither the root śru nor the rules for ṇi-loss and for śnu and śṛ; they are inferred.

The quotation of SK 3151. Bhaṭṭoji here quotes ādṛgamahanajanaḥ kikinau liṭ ca (SK 3151, chapter 67). After ā-final roots, roots ending in ṛ or ṝ, gam, han and jan, ki and kin come, treated like liṭ:

bhṛ + ki → doubling, as in liṭ (the reduplicated syllable is ba) → babhrir vajram "bearer of the thunderbolt"

Likewise papiḥ somam, dadir gāḥ, jagmir yuvā, jaghnir vṛtram, jajñiḥ.

tṝ + ki → doubling → u for the ṛ (SK 3578, later in this chapter) → taturiḥ; likewise jaguriḥ.

Watch out. Being treated like liṭ already makes ki and kin kit. The k-marker is still added, Bhaṭṭoji says, to block the guṇa of SK 2383. The Subodhinī adds that liṅ, too, is sārvadhātuka under this rule. So yās becomes iy, and y is lost before a consonant.

I.K. The tumartha affixes and nipātanas — running example: jīv + ase → jīváse (śarádo jīváse dhāḥ, udātta on va); pra + yā + kai → prayai = prayātum

Chapter 69 taught tumun for purpose (SK 3175): draṣṭum "to see". In the Veda fifteen other affixes carry the same sense (tumartha). Some of them fix the accent. Then five forms are taught ready-made. The running examples are jīváse "to live", with the udātta on va, and prayai, which means prayātum "to set forth".

SK 3436 · तुमर्थे सेसेनसेऽसेन्क्सेकसेनध्यैअध्यैन्कध्यैकध्यैन्शध्यैशध्यैन्तवैतवेङ्तवेनः · tumarthe sesenase'senksekasenadhyaiadhyainkadhyaikadhyainśadhyaiśadhyaintavaitaveṅtavenaḥ (A 3.4.9)

तुमर्थे सेसेनसेऽसेन्क्सेकसेनध्यैअध्यैन्कध्यैकध्यैन्शध्यैशध्यैन्तवैतवेङ्तवेनः
tumarthe sesenase'senksekasenadhyaiadhyainkadhyaikadhyainśadhyaiśadhyaintavaitaveṅtavenaḥ · A 3.4.9
से । वक्षे रायः । सेन् । ता वामेषे (ता वा॒मेषे॑) । असे । शरदो जीवसे धाः (श॒रदो॑ जी॒वसे॑ धाः) । असेन्नित्त्वादाद्युदात्तः । क्से । प्रेषे । कसेन् । गवामिव श्रियसे (गवा॑मिव श्रि॒यसे॑) । अध्यै । अध्यैन् । जठरं पृणध्यै (ज॒ठरं॑ पृ॒णध्यै॑) । पक्षे आद्युदात्तम् । कध्यै । कध्यैन् । आहुवध्यै (आहु॒वध्यै॑) । पक्षे नित्स्वरः । शध्यै । राधसः सह मादयध्यै (राध॑सः स॒ह मा॑द॒यध्यै॑) । शध्यैन् । वायवे पिबध्यै (वा॒यवे॒ पिब॑ध्यै) । तवै । दातवाउ (दात॒वाउ॑) । तवेङ् । सूतवे (सूत॑वे) । तवेन् । कर्तवे (कर्त॑वे) ॥

Rule. In the sense of tumun, fifteen affixes come in the Veda. They are se, sen, ase, asen, kse, kasen, adhyai, adhyain, kadhyai, kadhyain, śadhyai, śadhyain, tavai, taveṅ and taven. The Subodhinī says the sense of tumun is the bare action (bhāva).

Example.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says the n of sen is there to make the word ādyudātta. By the n of kasen, śriyáse too should be ādyudātta. The mantra recites it with the udātta on the middle syllable instead. The Subodhinī calls this the exchange of accent "by bāhulaka", which SK 3433 promised.

Watch out. In mādayadhyai and pibadhyai, śap comes by exchange where yak was due (Subodhinī). The first ā of āhuvádhyai is unmarked. From the quotation alone it may be udātta, or the unmarked level that follows a svarita earlier in the mantra; this is left open. Bhaṭṭoji's remark concerns only the affix.

SK 3437 · प्रयै रोहिष्यै अव्यथिष्यै · prayai rohiṣyai avyathiṣyai (A 3.4.10)

प्रयै रोहिष्यै अव्यथिष्यै
prayai rohiṣyai avyathiṣyai · A 3.4.10
एते तुमर्थे निपात्यन्ते । प्रयातुं रोढुमव्यथितुमित्यर्थः ॥

Rule. prayai, rohiṣyai and avyathiṣyai are taught ready-made in the sense of tumun.

Example.

pra + yā + kai → prayai = prayātum "to set forth"

ruh + iṣyai → rohiṣyai = roḍhum "to climb"

nañ + vyath + iṣyai → avyathiṣyai = avyathitum "to be unshaken"

The affixes are the Subodhinī's; Bhaṭṭoji gives only the meanings.

SK 3438 · दृशे विख्ये च · dṛśe vikhye ca (A 3.4.11)

दृशे विख्ये च
dṛśe vikhye ca · A 3.4.11
द्रष्टुं विख्यातुमित्यर्थः ॥

Rule. dṛśe and vikhye are also taught ready-made in the sense of tumun. Bhaṭṭoji glosses them as draṣṭum "to see" and vikhyātum "to look out upon".

Example.

dṛś + ke → ke is kit, so no guṇa → dṛśe

vi + khyā + ke → the ā of khyā is lost → vikhye

These steps are the Subodhinī's.

Applies when / blocked by. That "taught ready-made in the sense of tumun" continues from SK 3437 and SK 3436 is inferred. The Subodhinī finds the purpose of making this a separate sūtra "open to question".

Watch out. Part I ends here. The next sūtra, śaki ṇamulkamulau (SK 3439), continues both tumarthe and chandasi.

II.A. Vedic infinitive and kṛtya-sense affixes; the close of adhyāya 3 — running example: vi + bhaj + ṇamul → (ṇit: vṛddhi of the penultimate a) vibhājam: vibhājaṃ nāśakat; vi + car + iṭ + tosun → vicaritoḥ: īśvaro vicaritoḥ

Part I ended with the Vedic affixes that stand in the sense of tumun, the infinitive affix (SK 3436). Six more sūtras finish the third book of the Aṣṭādhyāyī. Four of them give further infinitive affixes after fixed roots or beside fixed upapadas. A kṛt is an affix added directly to a root, other than a verb ending. An upapada is a word that a kṛt rule names, which must stand beside the root (SK 781, chapter 18). Two sūtras give affixes in the sense of the kṛtya affixes, the "to be done" affixes of chapter 66, such as tavyat (SK 2834).

None of these six sūtras contains the word chandasi, "in the Veda". The Subodhinī supplies it throughout. That it is carried from chandasi luṅlaṅliṭaḥ (SK 3423) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. The phrase tumarthe, "in the sense of tumun", is carried from SK 3436.

The running examples are two infinitives. In the Veda, śak "to be able" as upapada may take ṇamul. Bhaṭṭoji glosses the result with the ordinary infinitive in tumun, vibhaktum. For comparison only: the ordinary rule for tumun beside śak is SK 3177 (chapter 69); Bhaṭṭoji does not cite it here. The derivation:

vi + bhaj + ṇamul → the markers ṇ, u, l go → vi + bhaj + am

→ ṇamul is marked with ṇ, so the penultimate a takes vṛddhi (ata upadhāyāḥ, SK 2282, chapter 44) → vibhājam

→ vibhājaṃ nāśakat "he could not divide".

In the same way īśvara "able" as upapada takes tosun:

vi + car + tosun → the augment iṭ → vicaritoḥ → īśvaro vicaritoḥ "able to range about".

SK 3439 · शकि णमुल्कमुलौ · śaki ṇamulkamulau (A 3.4.12)

शकि णमुल्कमुलौ
śaki ṇamulkamulau · A 3.4.12
शक्नोतावुपपदे तुमर्थे एतौ स्तः । विभाजं नाशकत् । अपलुपं नाशकत् । विभक्तुमपलोप्तुमित्यर्थः ॥

Rule. When śak "to be able" is the upapada, ṇamul and kamul come after a root, in the sense of tumun, in the Veda.

Example.

vi + bhaj + ṇamul → vṛddhi of the penultimate a, because ṇamul is ṇ-marked (SK 2282) → vibhājam.

vibhājaṃ nāśakat "he could not divide". Bhaṭṭoji glosses it with the ordinary infinitive vibhaktum.

apa + lup + kamul → no guṇa, because kamul is k-marked → apalupam.

apalupaṃ nāśakat "he could not cut off" = apaloptum.

The vṛddhi and the absence of guṇa are explained by the Subodhinī. The Subodhinī glosses lup as "to cut".

Applies when / blocked by. The sense tumarthe comes from SK 3436, as Bhaṭṭoji's own gloss shows. As a cross-reference only, not cited by Bhaṭṭoji here: compare the ordinary tumun beside śak (SK 3177, chapter 69).

Watch out. Both affixes leave am. They differ only in their markers: ṇ of ṇamul brings vṛddhi, k of kamul blocks guṇa.

SK 3440 · ईश्वरे तोसुन्कसुनौ · īśvare tosunkasunau (A 3.4.13)

ईश्वरे तोसुन्कसुनौ
īśvare tosunkasunau · A 3.4.13
ईश्वरो विचरितोः । ईश्वरो विलिखः । विचरितुं विलेखितुमित्यर्थः ॥

Rule. When īśvara "able" is the upapada, tosun and kasun come after a root, in the sense of tumun, in the Veda. The Subodhinī supplies "after a root, in the Veda".

Example.

vi + car + tosun → the augment iṭ (the Subodhinī: "with iṭ") → vicaritoḥ.

īśvaro vicaritoḥ "able to range about" = vicaritum.

vi + likh + kasun → no guṇa, because kasun is k-marked → vilikhaḥ.

īśvaro vilikhaḥ "able to scratch" = vilekhitum.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī adds the word class. Forms in tosun and kasun are avyayas, indeclinable words, by ktvātosunkasunaḥ (SK 450, chapter 14). So their case ending is lost by luk (avyayād āpsupaḥ, SK 452). luk is the loss of an affix without trace.

Watch out. The Subodhinī notes one more consequence of that luk. The a before the final s of vilikhas is not lengthened, as it would be in an ordinary as-stem. The prohibition na lumatā… stops it.

SK 3441 · कृत्यार्थे तवैकेन्केन्यत्वनः · kṛtyārthe tavaikenkenyatvanaḥ (A 3.4.14)

कृत्यार्थे तवैकेन्केन्यत्वनः
kṛtyārthe tavaikenkenyatvanaḥ · A 3.4.14
नम्लेच्छितवै । अवगाहे । दिदृक्षेण्यः (दि॒दृ॒क्षेण्यः) । भूर्यस्पष्ट कर्त्वम् (भूर्यस्प॑ष्ट॒ कर्त्व॑म्) ॥

Rule. In the sense of the kṛtya affixes, the Veda uses tavai, ken, kenya and tvan. The Subodhinī explains the sense: the kṛtyas stand for the bare action (bhāva) and the object (karman), by tayor eva… (SK 2833, chapter 66). These four affixes come there.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji does not label the examples. They match the affixes in the sūtra's order, and the Subodhinī's analyses agree.

mlecch + iṭ + tavai → na mlecchitavai "one is not to speak barbarously" = na mlecchitavyam.

ava + gāh + ken → avagāhe "to be plunged into".

didṛkṣa + kenya → the final a of the desiderative stem is lost → didṛkṣeṇyaḥ "to be desired to be seen".

kṛ + tvan → kartvam "to be done" = kṛtyam, in bhūry aspaṣṭa kartvam.

Applies when / blocked by. tavai was already taught in the sense of tumun (SK 3436). The Subodhinī says it is taught again so that it may also stand for the object, which differs from the bare action.

Watch out. The 1915 print marks a svarita on the final syllable of didṛkṣeṇyaḥ. The rule itself says nothing about accent.

SK 3442 · अवचक्षे च · avacakṣe ca (A 3.4.15)

अवचक्षे च
avacakṣe ca · A 3.4.15
रिपुणा नावचक्षे (रि॒पुणा॒ नाव॒चक्षे॑) । अवख्यातव्यमित्यर्थः ॥

Rule. The form avacakṣe is a nipātana: a finished form stated in the sūtra, whose irregular steps are simply accepted. It stands in the kṛtya sense, in the Veda.

Example. ripuṇā nāvacakṣe "not to be looked down upon by the enemy". Bhaṭṭoji glosses it as avakhyātavyam, a kṛtya form.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī analyses the form as ava + cakṣ + eś. The affix eś is marked with ś, so it counts as sārvadhātuka, a "full-verb" affix. The substitute khyāñ replaces cakṣ only before an ārdhadhātuka affix. So khyāñ does not come, and the root keeps its form cakṣ.

Watch out. kṛtyārthe from SK 3441 still holds here. The Subodhinī says it ceases at the next sūtra.

SK 3443 · भावलक्षणे स्थेण्कृञ्वदिचरिहुतमिजनिभ्यस्तोसुन् · bhāvalakṣaṇe stheṇkṛñvadicarihutamijanibhyas tosun (A 3.4.16)

भावलक्षणे स्थेण्कृञ्वदिचरिहुतमिजनिभ्यस्तोसुन्
bhāvalakṣaṇe stheṇkṛñvadicarihutamijanibhyastosun · A 3.4.16
आसंस्थातोः सीदन्ति । आसमाप्तेः सीदन्तीत्यर्थः । उदेतोः । अपकर्तोः । काममाविजनितोः संभवामः । इति श्रुतिः ॥

Rule. tosun comes after eight roots: sthā, iṇ, kṛñ, vad, car, hu, tam and jan. The root must denote the point that marks off another action (bhāvalakṣaṇa). The sense is that of tumun, in the Veda.

Example.

ā + sam + sthā + tosun → āsaṃsthātoḥ.

āsaṃsthātoḥ sīdanti "they sit until the completion" = āsamāpteḥ sīdanti.

ud + i + tosun → udetoḥ "(of) the rising".

apa + kṛ + tosun → apakartoḥ.

The 1915 print adds four more: pravaditoḥ, pracaritoḥ, hotoḥ, ātamitoḥ.

kāmam ā vijanitoḥ saṃbhavāmaḥ "we come together at will until the giving birth".

Bhaṭṭoji closes: "so the Veda (śruti)".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says kṛtyārthe has ceased here, and tumarthe continues. The completion, the rising and the rest mark the main action by being its limit (avadhi). The Subodhinī adds that sthā with sam is fixed in the sense "completion".

Watch out. udetoḥ stands bare, without the ā of āsaṃsthātoḥ. So it means only "(of) the rising", not "until the rising". Neither Bhaṭṭoji nor the Subodhinī supplies a governing word.

SK 3444 · सृपितृदोः कसुन् · sṛpitṛdoḥ kasun (A 3.4.17)

सृपितृदोः कसुन्
sṛpitṛdoḥ kasun · A 3.4.17
भावलक्षणे इत्येव । पुरा क्रूरस्य विसृपो विरप्शिन् (पु॒रा क्रू॒रस्य॑ वि॒सृपो॑ विर॒प्शिन्) । पुरा जत्रुभ्य आतृदः (पु॒रा ज॒त्रुभ्य॑ आ॒तृदः॑) ॥ इति तृतीयोऽध्यायः ॥

Rule. After sṛp "to go (creep)" and tṛd "to injure (pierce)", kasun comes in the sense of tumun, in the Veda. The root must again denote the point that marks off another action. Bhaṭṭoji says bhāvalakṣaṇe holds "all the same" (ity eva).

Example.

vi + sṛp + kasun → visṛpaḥ.

purā krūrasya visṛpo virapśin "before the creeping-forth of the cruel one, O mighty one".

ā + tṛd + kasun → ātṛdaḥ.

purā jatrubhya ātṛdaḥ "before the piercing of the collarbones".

The Subodhinī glosses visṛpaḥ as "from going": it is construed with purā, "before".

Applies when / blocked by. kasun is k-marked, as in SK 3440, so the root takes no guṇa. That this explains visṛpaḥ is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Watch out. The third book of the Aṣṭādhyāyī ends here. Bhaṭṭoji marks it: "Here ends the third adhyāya."

II.B. Vedic feminines: ṅīp, obligatory ṅīṣ, the lit ṅīṣ with ānuk, a nipātana, and ūṅ — running example: rātri + ṅīp → rā́trī (Veda; udātta on rā), against ordinary rātri + ṅīṣ → rātrī́ (udātta on the final ī); vi + bhu + ṅīṣ → (yaṇ) vibhvī

Book 4 opens with the feminine affixes. Chapter 15 taught them for ordinary Sanskrit (SK 453 onward). Five sūtras and three vārttikas give the Vedic exceptions. A vārttika is a supplementary rule added to a sūtra, which Bhaṭṭoji quotes. The 1915 print begins the section with the heading "the fourth adhyāya".

Two feminine affixes leave the same ī: ṅīp and ṅīṣ. They differ in accent. The udātta is the high accent of a syllable, the anudātta the low one, and the svarita a combination of the two. In this chapter the udātta is written with an acute (á), an independent svarita with a grave (à), and an anudātta is left unmarked.

The running example is rātri "night". In the Veda it takes ṅīp, and the udātta stays on the first syllable, rā: rā́trī. In ordinary Sanskrit it takes ṅīṣ, and the udātta falls on the final ī: rātrī́.

SK 3445 · रात्रेश्चाजसौ · rātreś cājasau (A 4.1.31)

रात्रेश्चाजसौ
rātreścājasau · A 4.1.31
रात्रिशब्दान्ङीप्स्यात् अजस्विषये छन्दसि । रात्री व्यख्यदायती (रात्री॒ व्य॑ख्यदाय॒ती) । लोके तु (ग.)कृदिकारादिति ङीष्यन्तोदात्तः ॥

Rule. After rātri, ṅīp comes in the Veda, except before the plural ending jas.

Example.

rātri + ṅīp → rā́trī, with the udātta on rā.

rā́trī vy àkhyad āyatī́ "Night, approaching, has looked forth".

In this line rā of rā́trī is udātta, vy à carries an independent svarita, and the final tī of āyatī́ is udātta.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "in ordinary language, however," the gaṇasūtra kṛdikārāt gives ṅīṣ. Then the word is antodātta, with the udātta on its final syllable: rātrī́. A gaṇasūtra is a rule inside a word-list. The Subodhinī explains ajasau as a seventh-case form, "when not jas". The i in it is only for pronunciation.

Watch out. The Subodhinī explains Bhaṭṭoji's words loke tu, "in ordinary language, however". Without them the classical rātryaḥ would be impossible, and so would rātryaḥ in the Veda. loke gives ṅīṣ in ordinary language. tu, which gathers what the sūtra leaves out, adds ṅīṣ in the Veda before jas: rātryaḥ.

SK 3446 · नित्यं छन्दसि · nityaṃ chandasi (A 4.1.46)

नित्यं छन्दसि
nityaṃ chandasi · A 4.1.46
बह्वादिभ्यश्छन्दसि विषये नित्यं ङीष् । बह्वीषु हि त्वा (ब॒ह्वीषु॒ हि त्वा) । नित्यग्रहणमुत्तरार्थम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after bahu and the rest, ṅīṣ is obligatory. bahvādibhyaś ca (SK 503, chapter 15) gives the list, and anyato ṅīṣ (SK 497) gives the affix, as the Subodhinī says.

Example.

bahu + ṅīṣ → u becomes v before the vowel (SK 47) → bahvī.

bahvīṣu hi tvā "for … you among many".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "the word nitya is stated for the sake of the following rule". The Subodhinī explains. The rule would be obligatory merely by being taught (ārambhasāmarthya). So nitya "obligatorily" adds nothing here, and it is meant to carry into SK 3447.

SK 3447 · भुवश्च · bhuvaś ca (A 4.1.47)

भुवश्च
bhuvaśca · A 4.1.47
ङीष् स्यात् छन्दसि । विभ्वी । प्रभ्वी । विप्रसंभ्य SK 3160 इति डुप्रत्ययान्तं सूत्रेऽनुक्रियते । उत इत्यनुवृत्तेः । उवङादेशस्तु सौत्रः ।
मुद्गलाच्छन्दसि लिच्च
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ङीषो लित्त्वामानुक् चागमः । लित्स्वरः । रथीरभून्मुद्गलानी (र॒थीर॑भून्मुद्ग॒लानी॑) ॥

Rule. After bhu, ṅīṣ comes obligatorily in the Veda. The bhu meant is the one formed with the affix ḍu by viprasaṃbhyo ḍv asaṃjñāyām (SK 3160, chapter 67).

Example.

vi + bhu + ṅīṣ → u becomes v (SK 47) → vibhvī.

Likewise prabhvī.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives the reason: utaḥ "after a short u" is carried forward. The Subodhinī names its source, voto guṇavacanāt (SK 502). It notes that svayaṃbhū is therefore excluded. nityam is carried from SK 3446. Without it, the ṅīṣ here could be read as optional, like that of SK 502.

Watch out. The sūtra writes bhuvaḥ, with uv. For a ḍu stem one would expect bhoḥ, by guṇa before the ending (gher ṅiti, SK 245). Bhaṭṭoji calls the uv a licence of the sūtra (sautra).

Vārttika. mudgalāc chandasi lic ca: after mudgala, in the Veda, ṅīṣ comes and it is l-marked (lit). Bhaṭṭoji: the ṅīṣ is lit, and the augment ānuk comes before it. The Subodhinī says the vārttika is read under indravaruṇa… (SK 505, chapter 15).

mudgala + ānuk + ṅīṣ → mudgalānī.

By liti (SK 3676, chapter 71), the syllable before a lit affix is udātta. That syllable is the ā of ānuk: mudgalā́nī, with the udātta on lā.

rathī́r abhūn mudgalā́nī "Mudgala's wife became the charioteer". Here thī of rathī́r and lā of mudgalā́nī are udātta.

The 1915 print reads littvam ānuk, "lit-hood, and ānuk".

SK 3448 · दीर्घजिह्वी च च्छन्दसि · dīrghajihvī ca cchandasi (A 4.1.59)

दीर्घजिह्वी च च्छन्दसि
dīrghajihvī ca cchandasi · A 4.1.59
संयोगोपधत्वादप्राप्ते ङीष् विधीयते । आसुरी वै दीर्घजिह्वी देवानां यज्ञवाट् ॥

Rule. In the Veda the form dīrghajihvī is a nipātana.

Example.

dīrgha-jihvā + ṅīṣ → dīrghajihvī.

āsurī vai dīrghajihvī devānāṃ yajñavāṭ "Dīrghajihvī, an asura woman, truly [was] the carrier-off of the gods' sacrifice".

Here dīrghajihvī is the name, and āsurī "an asura woman" is the common noun.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: ṅīṣ is not otherwise obtained, because the word has a conjunct consonant before its final (hv before ā). The Subodhinī names the blocking rule. svāṅgāc copasarjanād asaṃyogopadhāt (SK 510, chapter 15) gives ṅīṣ to body-part compounds only without such a conjunct. The 1915 print reads aprāpto ṅīṣ, "ṅīṣ, not obtained".

SK 3449 · कद्रुकमण्डल्वोश्छन्दसि · kadrukamaṇḍalvoś chandasi (A 4.1.71)

कद्रुकमण्डल्वोश्छन्दसि
kadrukamaṇḍalvośchandasi · A 4.1.71
उङ् स्यात् । कद्रूश्च वै कमण्डलूः ।
गुग्गुलुमधुजतुपतयालूनामिति वक्तव्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ गुग्गुलूः । मधूः । जतूः । पतयालूः । अव्ययात्त्यप् SK 1324 ।
आविष्ट्यस्योपसंख्यानं छन्दसि
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ आविष्ट्यो वर्धते (आ॒विष्ट्यो॑ वर्धते) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after kadru and kamaṇḍalu, the feminine affix ūṅ comes. ūṅ is carried from ūṅ utaḥ (SK 521, chapter 15).

Example. kadru + ūṅ → kadrū; kamaṇḍalu + ūṅ → kamaṇḍalū: kadrūś ca vai kamaṇḍalūḥ.

Vārttika. ūṅ is also to be stated for guggulu, madhu, jatu and patayālu: guggulūḥ, madhūḥ, jatūḥ, patayālūḥ. The Subodhinī says their feminine gender is a Vedic interchange (vyatyaya, see SK 3433).

Vārttika. Bhaṭṭoji then recalls avyayāt tyap (SK 1324, chapter 29), which gives tyap after an indeclinable. A second vārttika adds: in the Veda, āviṣṭya too.

āvis + tyap → s becomes ṣ (hrasvāt tādau taddhite, SK 1325) → t after ṣ becomes ṭ (ṣṭutva, SK 113) → āviṣṭya.

āviṣṭyo vardhate "the manifest one grows".

Watch out. The Subodhinī explains why the vārttika is needed. Under SK 1324 tyap is restricted by amehakvatasitrebhyaḥ to a short list of indeclinables. So āvis would not get it.

II.C. ṭhañ after the seasons, mayaṭ after two-vowel stems — running example: varṣā + ṭhañ → (ṭha → ika, SK 1170; ādivṛddhi) vā́rṣikam, ādyudātta with udātta on vā; śara + mayaṭ → śaramayam

Five sūtras come from the taddhita rules of chapters 29 and 30. A taddhita is an affix added to a noun stem, not to a root. The first gives ṭhañ after varṣā "the rains", where ordinary Sanskrit has ṭhak (SK 1389). The next two extend ṭhañ to vasanta and hemanta. Two more give mayaṭ "made of" in the Veda and limit it.

The running example is varṣā "the rains". The affix ṭhañ leaves ṭha, and ṭha becomes ika (ṭhasyekaḥ, SK 1170). The first vowel takes vṛddhi before a ñ-marked taddhita (ādivṛddhi, SK 1075); here it is already ā. The result is vā́rṣikam, with the udātta on the first syllable, vā. Such a word is ādyudātta, "udātta at the start".

SK 3450 · छन्दसि ठञ् · chandasi ṭhañ (A 4.3.19)

छन्दसि ठञ्
chandasi ṭhañ · A 4.3.19
वर्षाभ्यष्ठकोऽपवादः । स्वरे भेदः । वार्षिकम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ṭhañ comes after varṣā. It is an exception (apavāda) to the ṭhak of varṣābhyaṣ ṭhak (SK 1389, chapter 29). An apavāda is a special rule that sets aside a general one.

Example.

varṣā + ṭhañ → ṭha becomes ika (SK 1170) → vā́rṣikam, with the udātta on vā.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says only: "the difference is in the accent". The Subodhinī explains. With ṭhañ the word is ādyudātta by ñnity ādir nityam (SK 3686, chapter 71): vā́rṣikam. With ṭhak it would be antodātta by kitaḥ (SK 3712, chapter 71), with the udātta on the final syllable: vārṣikám.

Watch out. The two affixes give the same letters, vārṣikam. Only the place of the udātta shows which one was used.

SK 3451 · वसन्ताच्च · vasantāc ca (A 4.3.20)

वसन्ताच्च
vasantācca · A 4.3.20
ठञ् स्यात् छन्दसि । वासन्तिकम् ॥

Rule. After vasanta "spring" also, ṭhañ comes in the Veda. ṭhañ is carried from SK 3450.

Example. vasanta + ṭhañ → ika, vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → vāsantikam.

SK 3452 · हेमन्ताच्च · hemantāc ca (A 4.3.21)

हेमन्ताच्च
hemantācca · A 4.3.21
छन्दसि ठञ् । हैमन्तिकम् । योगविभाग उत्तरार्थः । शौनकादिभ्यछन्दसि SK 1486 णिनिः प्रोक्तेऽर्थे । छाणोरपवादः । शौनकेन प्रोक्तमधीयते शौनकिनः । वाजसनेयिनः । छन्दसि किम् । शौनकीया शिक्षा ॥

Rule. After hemanta "winter" also, ṭhañ comes in the Veda.

Example. hemanta + ṭhañ → ika, vṛddhi e → ai (SK 1075) → haimantikam.

Applies when / blocked by. Why not one sūtra for vasanta and hemanta together? Bhaṭṭoji: the split (yogavibhāga) is for the sake of the following rule. The Subodhinī names it: sarvatrāṇ ca talopaś ca (SK 1390, chapter 29). Only hemanta, not vasanta, is to run on into that rule.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji next recalls another Vedic rule from chapter 29, śaunakādibhyaś chandasi (SK 1486). After śaunaka and the rest, ṇini comes in the sense "promulgated by". It is an exception to cha and aṇ. The Subodhinī says ṇini is carried from SK 1483.

śaunakinaḥ "those who study what Śaunaka promulgated"; likewise vājasaneyinaḥ.

Why "in the Veda"? Outside it, śaunakīyā śikṣā "the Śikṣā promulgated by Śaunaka", with cha (vṛddhāc chaḥ, SK 1337).

The print gives that sūtra as śaunakādibhyachandasi, a misprint for śaunakādibhyaś chandasi.

SK 3453 · द्व्यचश्छन्दसि · dvyacaś chandasi (A 4.3.150)

द्व्यचश्छन्दसि
dvyacaśchandasi · A 4.3.150
विकारे मयट् स्यात् । शरमयं बर्हिः । यस्य पर्णमयी जुहूः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after a stem of two vowels, mayaṭ comes in the sense of a product (vikāra), "made of".

Example.

śara + mayaṭ → śaramayam: śaramayaṃ barhiḥ "the barhis made of śara reed".

parṇa + mayaṭ → with the feminine ī → parṇamayī: yasya parṇamayī juhūḥ "he whose juhū ladle is made of parṇa wood".

śa-ra and par-ṇa have two vowels each. Bhaṭṭoji does not say so; it is inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains why the rule is needed. mayaḍ vaitayor bhāṣāyām… (SK 1523, chapter 30) gave mayaṭ only for ordinary language (bhāṣā). So it was not available in the Veda, and this sūtra enjoins it there.

SK 3454 · नोत्वद्वर्ध्रबिल्वात् · notvadvardhrabilvāt (A 4.3.151)

नोत्वद्वर्ध्रबिल्वात्
notvadvardhrabilvāt · A 4.3.151
उत्वान् उकारवान् । मौञ्जं शिक्यम् । वर्ध्रं चर्म तस्य विकारो वार्ध्री रज्जुः । बैल्वो यूपः । सभाया यः - SK 1657 ॥

Rule. The mayaṭ of SK 3453 does not come after a stem containing u, nor after vardhra and bilva. Bhaṭṭoji: utvat means "having the vowel u".

Example. The Subodhinī says the general affix aṇ comes instead.

muñja + aṇ → vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → mauñjaṃ śikyam "a carrying-sling of muñja grass".

vardhra + aṇ → vārdhra → ṅīp (ṭiḍḍhāṇañ…, SK 470) → vārdhrī rajjuḥ "a rope of hide". Bhaṭṭoji: vardhra is a hide, and its product is vārdhrī.

bilva + aṇ → bailvo yūpaḥ "a sacrificial post of bilva wood".

That muñja is the u-stem of the rule is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji; it is inferred.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji ends by citing sabhāyā yaḥ (SK 1657, chapter 32) with no comment. It is the rule that the next sūtra presupposes.

II.D. "Being there" (bhava) in the Veda: yat and its rivals ḍyaṇ, aṇ, ḍyat/ḍya, yan, ghan, gha, cha — running example: megha + yat (bhava) → meghya: meghyāya ca vidyutyāya ca; agra + gha → (gha → iya, SK 475) agriyaḥ

The rest of book 4 is one Vedic stretch. At SK 3456 Bhaṭṭoji declares a heading (adhikāra): "in the Veda" holds to the end of the fourth adhyāya. An adhikāra is a heading whose words are read into the rules that follow it. So every sūtra from SK 3457 to SK 3490 is Vedic, even where it does not say so.

SK 3456 also sets up a sense: bhava, "being there", after a seventh-case word. In ordinary Sanskrit this sense takes aṇ and the rest (tatra bhavaḥ, SK 1428, chapter 29). In the Veda it takes yat. Then seven sūtras give rival affixes after particular stems, and one (SK 3462) gives yat again. The sense bhava holds through SK 3464.

The running example is megha "cloud". meghe bhavaḥ, "what is in the cloud", is megha + yat → meghya. The rivals often replace their first letters by fixed sounds (āyaneyīnīyiyaḥ…, SK 475, chapter 15). So gha becomes iya, cha becomes īya and ḍha becomes eya: agra + gha → agriyaḥ.

SK 3455 · ढश्छन्दसि · ḍhaś chandasi (A 4.4.106)

ढश्छन्दसि
ḍhaśchandasi · A 4.4.106
सभेयो युवा ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ḍha comes after sabhā "assembly", as a seventh-case word, in the sense sādhu "good at, fit for".

Example.

sabhā + ḍha → ḍha becomes eya (SK 475) → the final ā is lost (yasyeti ca, SK 311) → sabheya.

sabheyo yuvā "a young man fit for the assembly".

Applies when / blocked by. The general rule sabhāyā yaḥ (SK 1657, chapter 32) gives ya after sabhā in this sense. The Subodhinī supplies the stem, the seventh case and the sense. That sabhā comes from SK 1657, and the case and sense from tatra sādhuḥ (SK 1650), is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3456 · भवे छन्दसि · bhave chandasi (A 4.4.110)

भवे छन्दसि
bhave chandasi · A 4.4.110
सप्तम्यन्ताद्भवार्थे यत् । मेघ्याय च विद्युत्याय च (मे॒घ्या॑य च विद्यु॒त्या॑य च) । यथायथं शैषिकाणामणादीनां घादीनां चापवादोऽयं यत् । पक्षे तेऽपि भवन्ति । सर्वविधीनां छन्दसि वैकल्पिकत्वात् । तद्यथा । मुञ्जवान्नाम पर्वतः । तत्र भवो मौञ्जवतः । सोमस्येव मौजवतस्य भक्षः (सोम॑स्येव मौजव॒तस्य॑ भ॒क्षः) । आ चतुर्थसमाप्तेश्छन्दोऽधिकारः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after a seventh-case word, yat comes in the sense bhava, "being there".

Example.

megha + yat → the final a is lost (SK 311) → meghya.

vidyut + yat → vidyutya.

meghyāya ca vidyutyāya ca "to the one in the cloud and to the one in the lightning".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: this yat is an exception, as the case may be, to two sets of affixes. One is aṇ and the rest, given by tatra bhavaḥ (SK 1428, chapter 29). The other is gha and the rest. The Subodhinī names SK 1428.

Bhaṭṭoji adds: "In the alternative those too occur, because in the Veda all rules are optional." His instance: Muñjavat is a mountain, and what is there is mauñjavataḥ, with aṇ. The mantra reads somasyeva maujavatasya bhakṣaḥ "like the draught of Soma from Muñjavat". The text keeps maujavata there, without the nasal.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes: "The heading 'in the Veda' runs to the end of the fourth adhyāya." The yat itself belongs to the heading prāg ghitād yat (SK 1626, chapter 32). Bhaṭṭoji says so only at SK 3465; here it is inferred.

SK 3457 · पाथोनदीभ्यां ड्यण् · pāthonadībhyāṃ ḍyaṇ (A 4.4.111)

पाथोनदीभ्यां ड्यण्
pāthonadībhyāṃ ḍyaṇ · A 4.4.111
तमुत्वा पाथ्यो वृषा (तमु॑त्वा पा॒थ्यो वृषा॑) । चनो दधीत नाद्यो गिरो मे (चनो॑ दधीत ना॒द्यो गिरो॑ मे) । पाथसि भवः पाथ्यः । नद्यां भवो नाद्यः ॥

Rule. After pāthas and nadī "river", as seventh-case words, ḍyaṇ comes in the sense bhava, in the Veda.

Example. ḍyaṇ leaves ya. Its ḍ removes the ṭi, the last vowel of the stem with what follows (ṭeḥ, SK 316, chapter 10). Its ṇ brings vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075).

pāthas + ḍyaṇ → the ṭi as is lost → pāthya.

pāthasi bhavaḥ → pāthyaḥ: tam u tvā pāthyo vṛṣā.

nadī + ḍyaṇ → the ṭi ī is lost → vṛddhi → nādya.

nadyāṃ bhavaḥ → nādyaḥ: cano dadhīta nādyo giro me "may the one in the river take delight in my songs".

Applies when / blocked by. The seventh case and the sense bhava are stated by the Subodhinī. It gives pāthas as "water", citing the Amarakośa, and adds that the Kāśikā takes it as "sky".

SK 3458 · वेशन्तहिमवद्भ्यामण् · veśantahimavadbhyām aṇ (A 4.4.112)

वेशन्तहिमवद्भ्यामण्
veśantahimavadbhyāmaṇ · A 4.4.112
भवे । वैशन्तीभ्यः स्वाहा (वै॒श॒न्तीभ्यः॒ स्वाहा॑) । हैमवतीभ्यः स्वाहा (है॒म॒व॒तीभ्यः॒ स्वाहा॑) ॥

Rule. After veśanta and himavat, as seventh-case words, aṇ comes in the sense bhava, in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji: "bhave" is carried.

Example. The Subodhinī: veśanta is a pond, formed from the root viś with an affix (jhac). The waters that are there are vaiśantyaḥ.

veśanta + aṇ → vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → vaiśanta → ṅīp (SK 470) → vaiśantī.

vaiśantībhyaḥ svāhā "svāhā to the waters that are in ponds".

himavat + aṇ → haimavata → ṅīp → haimavatī.

haimavatībhyaḥ svāhā "svāhā to the waters that are on the Himālaya".

The feminine ṅīp step is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji here; it is inferred (compare vārdhrī, SK 3454).

SK 3459 · स्रोतसो विभाषा ड्यड्ड्यौ · srotaso vibhāṣā ḍyaḍḍyau (A 4.4.113)

स्रोतसो विभाषा ड्यड्ड्यौ
srotaso vibhāṣā ḍyaḍḍyau · A 4.4.113
पक्षे यत् । ड्यड्ड्ययोस्तु स्वरे भेदः । स्रोतसि भवः स्रोत्याः । स्रोतस्यः ॥

Rule. After srotas "stream", as a seventh-case word, ḍyat and ḍya come optionally, in the sense bhava, in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji: in the alternative, yat.

Example.

srotas + ḍyat or ḍya → the ṭi as is lost (SK 316) → srotya.

srotasi bhavaḥ "what is in a stream" → srotyaḥ.

srotas + yat → srotasyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "between ḍyat and ḍya, however, the difference is in the accent". He does not say what it is. The following is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred from the accent rules of chapter 71. With ḍya, the affix is udātta on its first syllable (ādyudāttaś ca, SK 3708): srotyá, udātta on ya. With ḍyat, a t-marked affix is svarita (tit svaritam, SK 3729): srotyà, independent svarita on ya.

Watch out. Some copies print the plural-looking srotyāḥ. The singular srotyaḥ is required beside srotasi bhavaḥ and srotasyaḥ.

SK 3460 · सगर्भसयूथसनुताद्यन् · sagarbhasayūthasanutād yan (A 4.4.114)

सगर्भसयूथसनुताद्यन्
sagarbhasayūthasanutādyan · A 4.4.114
अनुभ्राता सगर्भ्यः । अनुसखा सयूथ्यः । यो नः सनुत्य उत वा जघत्नुः (यो नः॒ सनु॑त्य उ॒त वा॑ जघ॒त्नुः) । नुतिर्नुतम् । नपुंसके भावे क्तः -SK 3090 । सगर्भादयस्त्रयोऽपि कर्मधारयाः । समानस्य छन्दसि SK 1012 इति सः । ततो भवार्थे यन् । यतोऽपवादः ॥

Rule. After sagarbha, sayūtha and sanuta, as seventh-case words, yan comes in the sense bhava, in the Veda. It is an exception to the yat of SK 3456, as the Subodhinī says.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji derives the stems. All three are karmadhāraya compounds with samāna "same". A karmadhāraya is a compound whose members refer to the same thing. samāna becomes sa by samānasya chandasi… (SK 1012, chapter 25).

samāna + garbha → sagarbha → + yan → sagarbhya: anubhrātā sagarbhyaḥ "the brother of the same womb".

samāna + yūtha → sayūtha → + yan → sayūthya: anusakhā sayūthyaḥ "the companion of the same herd".

samāna + nuta → sanuta → + yan → sanutya: yo naḥ sanutya uta vā jighatnuḥ.

nuta is nuti, "praise": kta in the neuter, in the sense of the bare action (napuṃsake bhāve ktaḥ, SK 3090, chapter 67).

Watch out. The 1915 print reads jighatnuḥ in the mantra.

SK 3461 · तुग्राद्घन् · tugrād ghan (A 4.4.115)

तुग्राद्घन्
tugrādghan · A 4.4.115
भवेर्थे । पक्षे यदपि । आ वः शमं वृषभं तुग्र्यासु (आ वः॒ शमं॑ वृष॒भं तुग्र्या॑सु) । इति बह्वृचाः । तुग्रियास्विति शाखान्तरे । धनाकाशयज्ञवरिष्ठेषु तुग्रशब्द इति वृत्तिः ॥

Rule. After tugra, as a seventh-case word, ghan comes in the sense bhava, in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji: "in the alternative, yat as well."

Example.

tugra + ghan → gha becomes iya (SK 475) → tugriya.

tugra + yat → tugrya.

The Bahvṛcas, the Ṛgvedins, read ā vaḥ śamaṃ vṛṣabhaṃ tugryāsu "(you) helped Śama, the bull, among the tugryās". Another śākhā, a Vedic recension, reads tugriyāsu.

Bhaṭṭoji cites the Kāśikā: tugra means wealth, sky, sacrifice or "best".

That tugryāsu shows yat and tugriyāsu shows ghan is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji; it is inferred.

Watch out. The text spaces the mantra ā vaḥ. In the Ṛgveda it is the single verb āvaḥ, "you helped", and it is read so here.

SK 3462 · अग्राद्यत् · agrād yat (A 4.4.116)

अग्राद्यत्
agrādyat · A 4.4.116
अग्रे भवोऽग्र्यः । अग्रियः । अग्रीयः ॥

Rule. After agra "front", as a seventh-case word, yat comes in the sense bhava, in the Veda.

Example. agra + yat → the final a is lost (SK 311) → agrya: agryaḥ "what is at the front".

Applies when / blocked by. yat already comes by SK 3456. The Subodhinī says it is taught again so that gha and the rest should not block it.

Watch out. The 1915 print gives this sūtra bare, with no explanation. The forms agryaḥ, agriyaḥ, agrīyaḥ belong to SK 3463.

SK 3463 · घच्छौ च · ghacchau ca (A 4.4.117)

घच्छौ च
ghacchau ca · A 4.4.117
चाद्यत् । अग्रे भवोऽग्र्यः । अग्रियः । अग्रीयः ॥

Rule. After agra, gha and cha also come, in the sense bhava, in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji: by ca "too", yat as well.

Example. agre bhavaḥ "what is at the front":

agra + yat → agryaḥ.

agra + gha → gha becomes iya (SK 475) → agriyaḥ.

agra + cha → cha becomes īya (SK 475) → agrīyaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the three forms without labels. Matching them to the affixes is inferred.

SK 3464 · समुद्राभ्राद्घः · samudrābhrād ghaḥ (A 4.4.118)

समुद्राभ्राद्घः
samudrābhrādghaḥ · A 4.4.118
समुद्रिया अप्सुरसो मनीषिणम् (स॒मु॒द्रिया॑ अप्सु॒रसो॑ मनी॒षिण॑म्) । नानदतो अभ्रियस्येव (नान॑दतो अ॒भ्रिय॑स्येव॒) । घोषाः॑ ॥

Rule. After samudra "sea" and abhra "cloud", as seventh-case words, gha comes in the sense bhava, in the Veda.

Example.

samudra + gha → gha becomes iya (SK 475) → samudriya: samudriyā apsaraso manīṣiṇam "the apsarases of the sea … the wise one".

abhra + gha → abhriya: nānadato abhriyasyeva ghoṣāḥ "like the roars of the thundering one in the cloud".

The step gha → iya is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji here; it is inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. This is the last rule with the sense bhava. The Subodhinī says at SK 3465: "tatra bhava has ceased".

Watch out. The Subodhinī notes the order of the compound samudrābhra. Pāṇini did not write abhrasamudra. This shows that the rule fixing which member of a compound stands first is not invariable. The 1915 print reads apsaraso in the mantra.

II.E. yat in other relations: given, share/task, slaying, praising, own; aṇ for māyā — running example: asura + yat (svam) → (a lost, SK 311) asuryam, against asura + aṇ (māyā) → (ādivṛddhi; ṅīp) āsurī māyā

From SK 3465 the sense bhava has ceased. The affix is still yat, from the heading prāg ghitād yat (SK 1626, chapter 32). Bhaṭṭoji says so at SK 3465: "prāg ghitād yat all the same". Each sūtra now names its own relation: "given on", "share or task of", "slayer of", "praise of", "own of". One sūtra gives aṇ instead.

The running example is asura. "The asura's own" is asura + yat → the final a is lost (SK 311) → asurya. "The asura's māyā" is asura + aṇ → vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → āsura → the feminine ṅīp → āsurī.

SK 3465 · बर्हिषि दत्तम् · barhiṣi dattam (A 4.4.119)

बर्हिषि दत्तम्
barhiṣi dattam · A 4.4.119
प्राग्घिताद्यत् SK 1626 इत्येव । बर्हिष्येषु निधिषु प्रियेषु (ब॒र्हि॒ष्येषु॑ नि॒धिषु॑ प्रि॒येषु॑) ॥

Rule. After barhis "sacrificial grass", as a seventh-case word, yat comes in the sense "given on it", in the Veda.

Example.

barhis + yat → barhiṣya.

barhiṣyeṣu nidhiṣu priyeṣu "among the dear treasures given on the barhis".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "prāg ghitād yat (SK 1626) all the same (ity eva)". So the affix is yat. The Subodhinī: "tatra bhava has ceased". The sense is now "given", not "being there".

Watch out. The s of barhis becomes ṣ in barhiṣya. Bhaṭṭoji does not explain this step.

SK 3466 · दूतस्य भागकर्मणी · dūtasya bhāgakarmaṇī (A 4.4.120)

दूतस्य भागकर्मणी
dūtasya bhāgakarmaṇī · A 4.4.120
भार्गोऽशः । दूत्यम् ॥

Rule. After dūta "envoy", as a sixth-case word, yat comes when his share (bhāga) or his task (karman) is meant, in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji: bhāga means a share (aṃśa).

Example. dūta + yat → the final a is lost (SK 311) → dūtyam.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains what the rule sets aside. For "share", it is a special statement against the aṇ of tasyedam (SK 1500, chapter 29). For "task", it is a statement against the affix ya (not yat) of the vārttika dūtavaṇigbhyāṃ ca. That vārttika is read under sakhyur yaḥ (SK 1791, chapter 37). The Subodhinī distinguishes dūtyaḥ "the envoy's share" from dūtyam "the envoy's task".

Watch out. The 1915 print reads bhāgo 'ṃśaḥ, "bhāga is a share".

SK 3467 · रक्षोयातूनां हननी · rakṣoyātūnāṃ hananī (A 4.4.121)

रक्षोयातूनां हननी
rakṣoyātūnāṃ hananī · A 4.4.121
या ते अग्ने रक्षस्या तनूः (या ते॑ अग्ने रक्ष॒स्या॑ त॒नूः) ॥

Rule. After rakṣas and yātu, as sixth-case words in the plural, yat comes in the sense "that which slays them" (hananī), in the Veda.

Example.

rakṣas + yat → rakṣasya → feminine → rakṣasyā.

yā te agne rakṣasyā tanūḥ "that body of yours, O Agni, which slays the rakṣases".

The Subodhinī adds: likewise yātavyā.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains the plural. It shows the kind of praise meant: the praise lies in slaying many rakṣases. It also says the two synonyms are not reduced to one (ekaśeṣa), because the sūtra names the words themselves.

SK 3468 · रेवतीजगतीहविष्याभ्यः प्रशस्ये · revatījagatīhaviṣyābhyaḥ praśasye (A 4.4.122)

रेवतीजगतीहविष्याभ्यः प्रशस्ये
revatījagatīhaviṣyābhyaḥ praśasye · A 4.4.122
प्रशंसने यत्स्यात् । रेवत्यादीनां प्रशंसनं रेवत्यम् । जगत्यम् । हविष्यम् ॥

Rule. After revatī, jagatī and haviṣyā, yat comes in the sense of praising them, in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji glosses praśasya as praśaṃsana, "praising".

Example.

revatī + yat → revatyam "the praising of the revatīs".

jagatī + yat → jagatyam.

haviṣyā + yat → the final ā is lost (yasyeti ca, SK 311) → haviṣy + ya → one y is dropped (halo yamāṃ yami lopaḥ, SK 60) → haviṣyam.

The steps for haviṣyam are the Subodhinī's.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: praśasya is kyap in the sense of the bare action, from pra + śaṃs. So it means "praising", not "praiseworthy". That is why Bhaṭṭoji writes praśaṃsane.

SK 3469 · असुरस्य स्वम् · asurasya svam (A 4.4.123)

असुरस्य स्वम्
asurasya svam · A 4.4.123
असुर्यं देवोभिर्धायि विश्वम् ॥

Rule. After asura, as a sixth-case word, yat comes in the sense "its own" (sva), in the Veda.

Example.

asura + yat → the final a is lost (SK 311) → asurya.

asuryaṃ devebhir dhāyi viśvam "all that is the asura's own has been set in place by the gods".

The 1915 print reads devebhir.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī gives two derivations of asura. It is "not a sura", the opponent of the suras. Or it is from the root as with an affix (urac): "one who throws or is thrown".

SK 3470 · मायायामण् · māyāyām aṇ (A 4.4.124)

मायायामण्
māyāyāmaṇ · A 4.4.124
आसुरी माया ॥

Rule. When māyā is meant, aṇ comes after asura, in the Veda. The Subodhinī calls it an exception to the previous sūtra.

Example.

asura + aṇ → vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → āsura → ṅīp (ṭiḍḍhāṇañ…, SK 470) → āsurī.

āsurī māyā "the māyā of the asura".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says only that aṇ comes after asura, against SK 3469. That the sixth case and the sense "its own" carry over from SK 3469 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. An exception presupposes the same case and sense.

Watch out. The Subodhinī glosses māyā as "that by which one measures out": the power to make the unreal appear.

II.F. Bricks named from their laying mantra, with luk of matup — running example: varcasvat (a mantra containing varcas) + yat, luk of matup → varcas-ya → varcasyāḥ [iṣṭakāḥ]

In the Vedic altar-building (cayana), bricks (iṣṭakā) are laid with mantras. Three sūtras name a brick after a word in its mantra. A mantra that contains the word varcas is called varcasvat, with the affix matup "having". matup is taught in chapter 39 (tad asyāsty asminn iti matup, SK 1894). The brick then takes yat, and the matup is removed by luk. luk is the loss of an affix without trace.

The running example: "these bricks have a varcasvat mantra for their laying". varcasvat + yat → luk of matup → varcas + ya → varcasyāḥ "the varcasya bricks".

SK 3471 · तद्वानासामुपधानो मन्त्र इतीष्टकासु लुक् च मतोः · tadvān āsām upadhāno mantra itīṣṭakāsu luk ca matoḥ (A 4.4.125)

तद्वानासामुपधानो मन्त्र इतीष्टकासु लुक् च मतोः
tadvānāsāmupadhāno mantra itīṣṭakāsu luk ca matoḥ · A 4.4.125
वर्चस्वानुपधानो मन्त्र आसामिष्टकानां वर्चस्याः । ऋतव्याः ॥

Rule. Take a first-case word ending in matup, "containing that word". Suppose it names the mantra by which "these" are laid, and "these" are bricks. Then yat comes after it, and the matup takes luk. This holds in the Veda.

Example.

varcasvān upadhāno mantra āsām iṣṭakānām "a mantra containing varcas is the laying mantra of these bricks".

→ varcasvat + yat → luk of matup → varcasyāḥ.

Likewise a mantra containing ṛtu is ṛtumat: → ṛtavyāḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji gives only the phrase and the forms. The steps are implicit.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains iti. It is restrictive: a mantra with many words is named after one of them only. The Subodhinī also says matoḥ "of matup" serves SK 3472. There only matup is elided, not the ini of aśvin.

Watch out. All three conditions are needed. The Subodhinī gives counter-examples. A varcasvat mantra used to consecrate, not to lay, gets no yat. Nor does a hand that has fingers, though it lays bricks. Nor does gravel, which is laid but is not brick.

SK 3472 · अश्विमानण् · aśvimān aṇ (A 4.4.126)

अश्विमानण्
aśvimānaṇ · A 4.4.126
आश्विनीरुप दधाति ॥

Rule. Under the conditions of SK 3471, aṇ comes after aśvimat, "containing the word aśvin", in the Veda. The matup again takes luk.

Example. The Subodhinī gives the steps.

aśva + ini (ata iniṭhanau, SK 1922, chapter 39) → aśvin → + matup → aśvimat.

aśvimat + aṇ → luk of matup → aśvin + a.

The in stays before aṇ (inaṇy anapatye, SK 1245, chapter 28) → vṛddhi of the first vowel → āśvina → feminine → āśvinī.

āśvinīr upadadhāti "he lays the āśvinī bricks".

SK 3473 · वयस्यासु मूर्ध्नो मतुप् · vayasyāsu mūrdhno matup (A 4.4.127)

वयस्यासु मूर्ध्नो मतुप्
vayasyāsu mūrdhno matup · A 4.4.127
तद्वानासामिति सूत्रं सर्वमनुवर्तते । मातोरिति पदमावर्त्य पञ्चम्यन्तं बोध्यम् । मतुबन्तो यो मूर्धशब्दस्ततो मतुप्स्यात्प्रथमस्य मतोर्लुक्च वयः शब्दवन्मन्त्रोपधेयासु मूर्धन्वतीरुपदधातीति प्रयोगः ॥

Rule. Bhaṭṭoji: the whole of SK 3471 is carried forward. The word matoḥ is repeated and read the second time as a fifth-case word, "after matup". So: for vayasyā bricks, matup comes after mūrdhan that already ends in matup. The first matup takes luk.

Example. The vayasyā bricks are laid with a mantra containing vayas. The mantra meant has both words: mūrdhā vayaḥ… (the Subodhinī). So it is both mūrdhavat and vayasvat.

mūrdhavat + matup → luk of the first matup → mūrdhan + vat → the augment nuṭ (ano nuṭ, SK 3601) → mūrdhanvat → feminine → mūrdhanvatī.

mūrdhanvatīr upadadhāti "he lays the mūrdhanvatī bricks".

The 1915 print supplies the clause about the mantra with both words, and the Subodhinī's comment supports it.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains the rule's purpose. By SK 3471, vayasvat gives yat. So mūrdhavat would give yat too. This sūtra teaches matup against that yat. ano nuṭ is taught later in this chapter (Part V).

Watch out. The sūtra writes mūrdhnaḥ "after mūrdhan", where mūrdhavataḥ was due. The Subodhinī says Pāṇini wrote it with the coming luk of matup in view. The text reads mātoḥ for matoḥ; matoḥ is meant.

II.G. In the sense of matup: yat, ña, kha, yal — running example: nabhas + yat (matvarthe) → nabhasyaḥ [māsaḥ]; ojas + kha → (kha → īna) ojasīnam [ahaḥ]

Five sūtras give affixes "in the sense of matup" (matvarthe): "that is in it", "having". Ordinary Sanskrit uses matup itself (SK 1894, chapter 39). The Veda uses yat, ña, kha and yal after particular stems, for particular things. matvarthe holds from SK 3474 through SK 3478.

The running example is nabhas "cloud". "That is in it" gives nabhas + yat → nabhasyaḥ, the rainy month. With kha → īna (SK 475), ojas "vigour" gives ojasīnam, "a day having vigour".

SK 3474 · मत्वर्थे मासतन्वोः · matvarthe māsatanvoḥ (A 4.4.128)

मत्वर्थे मासतन्वोः
matvarthe māsatanvoḥ · A 4.4.128
नभोऽभ्रम् । तदस्मिन्नस्तीति नभस्यो मासः । ओजस्या तनूः ॥

Rule. After a first-case word, yat comes in the sense of matup, when a month (māsa) or a body (tanū) is meant. This holds in the Veda.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji: nabhas means cloud.

nabhas + yat → nabhasyaḥ "the month that has clouds in it" (tad asminn asti).

ojas + yat → ojasyā tanūḥ "a body possessed of vigour".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says the first case follows from the mention of the matup sense.

Watch out. The sūtra's tanū has a long ū. The Subodhinī gives the reason. A short-u tanu would be a ghi stem. A ghi stem stands first in a dvandva, a compound of co-ordinate members (dvandve ghi, SK 903, chapter 20). Since māsa stands first, tanu cannot be meant.

SK 3475 · मधोर्ञ च · madhor ña ca (A 4.4.129)

मधोर्ञ च
madhorña ca · A 4.4.129
माधवः । मधव्यः ॥

Rule. After madhu, ña comes in the sense of matup, and by ca yat as well, in the Veda. The Subodhinī supplies the sense and the yat.

Example.

madhu + ña → vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → guṇa of the final u (or guṇaḥ, SK 847, chapter 19) → o becomes av before the vowel a (eco 'yavāyāvaḥ, SK 61, chapter 3) → mādhavaḥ.

madhu + yat → guṇa of the final u (SK 847) → o becomes av before y (vānto yi, SK 63, chapter 3) → madhavyaḥ.

The guṇa and av steps for madhavyaḥ are the Subodhinī's. For mādhavaḥ the same two steps are not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; they are inferred.

Watch out. The words "by ca, yat" are not in the 1915 print. The sense rests on the Subodhinī.

SK 3476 · ओजसोऽहनि यत्खौ · ojaso 'hani yatkhau (A 4.4.130)

ओजसोऽहनि यत्खौ
ojaso'hani yatkhau · A 4.4.130
ओजस्यमहः । ओजसीनं वा ॥

Rule. After ojas "vigour", yat and kha come in the sense of matup, when a day (ahan) is meant, in the Veda.

Example.

ojas + yat → ojasyam ahaḥ "a day possessing vigour".

ojas + kha → kha becomes īna (SK 475) → ojasīnam.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī meets an objection. Why name yat? Why not just say "kha too" (khaś ca)? Because ca would then add kha only to the ña of SK 3475, the rule just before. So yat is named.

SK 3477 · वेशोयशआदेर्भगाद्यल् · veśoyaśaāder bhagād yal (A 4.4.131)

वेशोयशआदेर्भगाद्यल्
veśoyaśaāderbhagādyal · A 4.4.131
यथासंख्यं नेष्यते । वेशो बलं तदेव भगः । वेशोभग्यः । वेशोभगीनः । यशोभग्यः । यशोभगीनः ॥

Rule. After bhaga preceded by veśas or yaśas, yal comes in the sense of matup, in the Veda.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji: veśas is strength, and that itself is bhaga.

veśobhaga + yal → veśobhagyaḥ; with kha (SK 3478) → veśobhagīnaḥ.

yaśobhaga + yal → yaśobhagyaḥ; with kha → yaśobhagīnaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "respective correspondence (yathāsaṃkhya) is not intended". So the first base is not tied to yal and the second to kha. Both affixes come after both bases. The Subodhinī states yal and kha together here.

Watch out. The Subodhinī says the l of yal is "for the accent". By liti (SK 3676), the syllable before an l-marked affix is udātta. That would give veśobhágyaḥ, with the udātta on bha. The form is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. A footnote in the 1915 print, citing the Manoramā, says the Vṛttikāra split off "kha ca" as a separate sūtra. The Bhāṣya is said to read yal and kha in one sūtra. Scholars discuss this.

SK 3478 · ख च · kha ca (A 4.4.132)

ख च
kha ca · A 4.4.132
योगविभाग उत्तरार्थः क्रमनिरासार्थश्च ॥

Rule. kha also comes, under the same conditions as yal in SK 3477.

Example. veśobhaga + kha → kha becomes īna (SK 475) → veśobhagīnaḥ; likewise yaśobhagīnaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: the split of the rule (yogavibhāga) is "for the sake of what follows, and for excluding respective order". Which following rule is meant is not said. The ca of SK 3479 is the nearest candidate; this is inferred.

II.H. Made by the ancients, prepared with water, equal to a thousand — running example: sahasra + gha → (gha → iya; a lost, SK 311) sahasriya: sahasriyāso apāṃ normayaḥ

Three sūtras give Vedic affixes for three new relations: "made by those of old", "prepared with water" and "equal to a thousand". A fourth gives gha after sahasra in the sense of matup as well.

The running example is sahasra "a thousand". sahasra + gha → gha becomes iya (SK 475) → the final a is lost (SK 311) → sahasriya, "equal to a thousand".

SK 3479 · पूर्वैः कृतमिनयौ च · pūrvaiḥ kṛtam inayau ca (A 4.4.133)

पूर्वैः कृतमिनयौ च
pūrvaiḥ kṛtaminayau ca · A 4.4.133
गम्भीरेभिः पथिभिः पूर्विणेभिः (ग॒म्भी॒रेभिः॑ प॒थिभिः॑ पूर्वि॒णेभिः) । ये ते पन्थाः सवितः पूर्व्यासः (ये ते॒ पन्थाः॑ सवितः पूर्व्यासः॑) ॥

Rule. After pūrva, in the sense "made by those of old" (pūrvaiḥ kṛtam), ina and ya come, in the Veda.

Example.

pūrva + ina → pūrviṇa: gambhīrebhiḥ pathibhiḥ pūrviṇebhiḥ "by deep paths made by those of old".

pūrva + ya → pūrvya: ye te panthāḥ savitaḥ pūrvyāsaḥ "your paths, O Savitṛ, that were made by those of old".

The Subodhinī glosses both: pūrviṇāḥ = "made by those of old", and pūrvyāsaḥ = pūrviṇāḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra's dual inayau names two affixes, ina and ya. What its ca adds is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or the Subodhinī.

Watch out. The n of ina becomes ṇ after the r of pūrva. Bhaṭṭoji does not state this step.

SK 3480 · अद्भिः संस्कृतम् · adbhiḥ saṃskṛtam (A 4.4.134)

अद्भिः संस्कृतम्
adbhiḥ saṃskṛtam · A 4.4.134
यस्येदमप्यं हविः (यस्ये॒दमप्यं॑ ह॒विः) ॥

Rule. After ap "water", as a third-case word, yat comes in the sense "prepared with it", in the Veda. The Subodhinī supplies the third case and yat.

Example.

ap + yat → apya.

yasyedam apyaṃ haviḥ "whose is this oblation prepared with water".

SK 3481 · सहस्रेण संमितौ घः · sahasreṇa saṃmitau ghaḥ (A 4.4.135)

सहस्रेण संमितौ घः
sahasreṇa saṃmitau ghaḥ · A 4.4.135
सहस्त्रियासो अपां नोर्मयः (स॒ह॒स्त्रिया॑सो अ॒पां नोर्मयः॑) । सहस्रेण तुल्या इत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. After sahasra, as a third-case word, gha comes in the sense saṃmita, "commensurate with a thousand", in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji: the meaning is "equal to a thousand".

Example.

sahasra + gha → gha becomes iya (SK 475) → the final a is lost (yasyeti ca, SK 311) → sahasriya.

sahasriyāso apāṃ normayaḥ "equal to a thousand, like the waves of the waters".

The loss of a is the Subodhinī's step.

Watch out. The Subodhinī glosses saṃmita as "like, equal". It records the variant reading samitau for the sūtra. The 1915 print reads sahasriyāso, with sra.

SK 3482 · मतौ च · matau ca (A 4.4.136)

मतौ च
matau ca · A 4.4.136
सहस्रशब्दान्मत्वर्थे घः स्यात् । सहस्रमस्यास्तीति सहस्रियः ॥

Rule. After sahasra, gha also comes in the sense of matup, in the Veda.

Example. sahasram asyāsti "he has a thousand" → sahasra + gha → sahasriyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: this is an exception to tapaḥsahasrābhyāṃ vinīnī (SK 1909, chapter 39). That rule gives vini and ini after tapas and sahasra in the matup sense.

II.I. ya and yat for "deserves" and "consisting of"; svārthika yat and gha — running example: soma + ya → somyaḥ (arhati: somyo brāhmaṇaḥ; mayaṭ sense: somyaṃ madhu); madhu + yat → (guṇa, av) madhavyaḥ

Four sūtras give ya and yat for "deserves", for the senses of mayaṭ, "consisting of", and for "collection". Then two affixes come "in their own sense" (svārthe): yat after chandas (a vārttika) and gha after nakṣatra. Such an affix is svārthika: it adds no meaning of its own.

The running example is soma. soma + ya → the final a is lost (SK 311) → somya. With "deserves" it gives somyo brāhmaṇaḥ "a brāhmaṇa who deserves soma". With the mayaṭ sense it gives somyaṃ madhu "honey consisting of soma".

SK 3483 · सोममर्हति यः · somam arhati yaḥ (A 4.4.137)

सोममर्हति यः
somamarhati yaḥ · A 4.4.137
सोम्यो ब्राह्मणः । यज्ञार्ह इत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. After soma, as a second-case word, ya comes in the sense "deserves" (arhati), in the Veda. The Subodhinī supplies the second case.

Example. soma + ya → somyo brāhmaṇaḥ "a brāhmaṇa who deserves soma". Bhaṭṭoji: the meaning is "worthy of the sacrifice" (yajñārha).

Watch out. The Subodhinī names the affix yat. The sūtra says yaḥ, and Bhaṭṭoji repeats yaḥ at SK 3484. Follow the sūtra: the affix is ya.

SK 3484 · मये च · maye ca (A 4.4.138)

मये च
maye ca · A 4.4.138
सोमशब्दाद्यः स्यान्मयडर्थे । सोम्यं मधु (सो॒म्यं मधु॑) । सोममयमित्यर्थः ॥

Rule. After soma, ya also comes in the sense of the affix mayaṭ, in the Veda.

Example. somyaṃ madhu = somamayam "consisting of soma".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī lists the senses of mayaṭ: "come from" (āgata), "product" (vikāra), "part" (avayava) and "abundantly present" (prakṛta). For "come from" the base stands in the fifth case. For product and part it stands in the sixth. For abundance it stands in the first.

SK 3485 · मधोः · madhoḥ (A 4.4.139)

मधोः
madhoḥ · A 4.4.139
मधुशब्दान्मयडर्थे यत्स्यात् । मधव्यः । मधुमयः इत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. After madhu, yat comes in the sense of mayaṭ, in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji says yat, not the ya of SK 3483–3484.

Example.

madhu + yat → guṇa (SK 847) → av before y (SK 63) → madhavyaḥ.

The meaning is madhumayaḥ "consisting of honey".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: the Vṛttikāra carries forward only yat, not ya. Neither Bhaṭṭoji nor the Subodhinī names where this yat comes from.

SK 3486 · वसोः समूहे च · vasoḥ samūhe ca (A 4.4.140)

वसोः समूहे च
vasoḥ samūhe ca · A 4.4.140
चान्मयडर्थे यत् । वसव्यः । ।
अक्षरसमूहे छन्दस उपसंख्यानम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ छन्दः शब्दातदक्षरसमूहे वर्तमानात्स्वार्थे यदित्यर्थः । आश्रावयेति चतुरक्षरमस्तु श्रौषडिति चतुरक्षरं यजेति द्व्यक्षरं ये यजामह इति पञ्चाक्षरं द्व्यक्षरो वषट्कार एष वै सप्तदशाक्षरश्छान्दस्यः ॥

Rule. After vasu, yat comes in the sense of a collection (samūha), in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji: by ca, also in the sense of mayaṭ.

Example. vasu + yat → guṇa (SK 847) → av before y (SK 63) → vasavyaḥ.

These steps are not stated by Bhaṭṭoji here; they are inferred, as for madhavyaḥ (SK 3485).

Vārttika. akṣarasamūhe chandasa upasaṃkhyānam: chandas must be added, in the sense of a collection of syllables. Bhaṭṭoji: yat comes in its own sense after chandas meaning a collection of syllables. He counts the syllables:

āśrāvaya has four; astu śrauṣaṭ has four; yaja has two; ye yajāmahe has five; the vaṣaṭ call has two.

This, he says, is the seventeen-syllable chāndasyaḥ.

Watch out. The text reads chāndasyaḥ, with vṛddhi. yat is not ñ- or ṇ-marked, so one would expect chandasya. This is inferred; no commentary discusses the form.

SK 3487 · नक्षत्राद्घः · nakṣatrād ghaḥ (A 4.4.141)

नक्षत्राद्घः
nakṣatrādghaḥ · A 4.4.141
स्वार्थे । नक्षत्रियेभ्यः स्वाहा (न॒क्ष॒त्रिये॑भ्यः॒ स्वाहा॒) ॥

Rule. After nakṣatra "lunar mansion", gha comes in its own sense (svārthe), in the Veda.

Example. nakṣatra + gha → gha becomes iya (SK 475) → nakṣatriya.

nakṣatriyebhyaḥ svāhā "svāhā to the nakṣatras".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: samūha of SK 3486 is not carried forward. Since no sense is named, the affix comes in its own sense.

II.J. tātil: sarvatāti, devatāti, śivatāti — the close of adhyāya 4 — running example: śiva + tātil → śivatātiḥ ("he makes welfare", 3489; "the state of welfare", 3490)

The fourth book ends with three sūtras on tātil. Its l is a marker, so it leaves tāti. It comes in its own sense after sarva and deva. After śiva, śam and ariṣṭa it means "one who makes" and "the state of".

The running example is śiva "welfare". śivaṃ karoti "he makes welfare" → śiva + tātil → śivatātiḥ. śivasya bhāvaḥ "the state of welfare" → śivatātiḥ as well.

SK 3488 · सर्वदेवात् तातिल् · sarvadevāt tātil (A 4.4.142)

सर्वदेवात् तातिल्
sarvadevāt tātil · A 4.4.142
स्वार्थे । सविता नः सुवतुसर्वतातिम् (स॒वि॒ता नः॑ सुवतु स॒र्वता॑तिम्) । प्रदक्षिणिद्देवतातिमुराणः (प्र॒द॒क्षि॒णिद्दे॒वता॑तिमुरा॒णः) ॥

Rule. After sarva "all" and after deva "god", tātil comes in its own sense, in the Veda. The Subodhinī takes the two as separate bases, not as one word sarvadeva.

Example.

sarva + tātil → sarvatāti: savitā naḥ suvatu sarvatātim "may Savitṛ impel for us the whole".

deva + tātil → devatāti: pradakṣiṇid devatātim urāṇaḥ "going round to the right, making the gods".

Since the affix is svārthika, sarvatāti and devatāti mean the same as sarva and deva.

SK 3489 · शिवशमरिष्टस्य करे · śivaśamariṣṭasya kare (A 4.4.143)

शिवशमरिष्टस्य करे
śivaśamariṣṭasya kare · A 4.4.143
करोतीति करः । पचाद्यच् । शिवं करोतीति शिवतातिः । याभिः शन्ताती भवथो ददादुषे (याभिः॒ शन्ता॑ती॒ भव॑थो द॒दा॒दुषे॑) । अथो अरिष्टतातये (अथो॑ अरि॒ष्टता॑तये ॥

Rule. After śiva, śam and ariṣṭa, standing as the object, tātil comes in the sense kara, "one who makes". This holds in the Veda.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji: kara is "one who makes", with the affix ac of the paca-group (SK 2896, chapter 67).

śivaṃ karotīti → śiva + tātil → śivatātiḥ "maker of welfare".

yābhiḥ śantātī bhavatho dadāśuṣe "the aids by which you two become bringers of welfare to the worshipper".

atho ariṣṭatātaye "and also for the maker of safety".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains the sixth case in śivaśamariṣṭasya. The derived word itself means kara, "maker": the two refer to the same agent. So the sixth case is that of the object, by ubhayaprāptau karmaṇi (SK 624, chapter 16). That tātil is carried from SK 3488 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Watch out. The reading dadāśuṣe "to the worshipper" is chosen. The 1915 print is unclear at this letter, and dadāśuṣe is the only form that makes sense.

SK 3490 · भावे च · bhāve ca (A 4.4.144)

भावे च
bhāve ca · A 4.4.144
शिवादिभ्यो भावे तातिः स्याच्छन्दसि । शिवस्य भावः शिवतातिः । शन्तातिः । अरिष्टतातिः ॥

Rule. After śiva, śam and ariṣṭa, tāti also comes in the sense of the state (bhāva), in the Veda.

Example.

śivasya bhāvaḥ "the state of welfare" → śivatātiḥ.

Likewise śantātiḥ, ariṣṭatātiḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss names śiva and the rest. That they are carried from SK 3489 is inferred.

Watch out. The same word śivatātiḥ thus has two senses: "maker of welfare" (SK 3489) and "the state of welfare" (SK 3490). The 1915 print closes with "Here ends the fourth adhyāya." The heading "in the Veda" set up at SK 3456 ends here too.

III.A. Fifth-adhyāya taddhitas of measure, deserving, accomplishment, season and likeness — running example: saptan + añ → (ṭi lost, nas taddhite) sāpta → sāptāni; saṃvatsara + kha (īna) → saṃvatsarīṇaḥ

With this part the Vedic rules reach the fifth book (adhyāya) of the Aṣṭādhyāyī. The 1915 print heads the stretch pañcamo 'dhyāyaḥ, "the fifth book". No Vedic heading runs through it. Bhaṭṭoji's heading ā caturthasamāpteḥ (SK 3456) stopped at the end of book 4. So every rule here names chandasi, "in the Veda", itself.

These six rules add Vedic taddhita affixes. A taddhita is an affix added to a noun stem to make a new stem. Five of the six rules work inside a sense from chapters 34–36: "that is its measure", "deserves that", "accomplished by" and "that has come to it". SK 3496 gives vati in its own sense. The running examples are sāptāni "heptads", from saptan "seven", and saṃvatsarīṇaḥ "lasting a year", from saṃvatsara.

SK 3491 · सप्तनोऽञ् छन्दसि · saptano 'ñ chandasi (A 5.1.61)

सप्तनोऽञ् छन्दसि
saptano'ñ chandasi · A 5.1.61
तदस्य परिमाणम् - SK 1723 इति वर्ग इति च । सप्त साप्तानि असृजत् (सप्त॑ सा॒प्तानि॑ असृजत् ॥
शन्शतोर्डिनिश्छन्दसि तदस्य परिमाणमित्यर्थे वाच्यः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पञ्चदशिनोऽर्धमासाः । त्रिंशिनोमासाः ।
विंशतेश्चेति वाच्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ विंशिनोऽङ्गिरसः ।
युष्मदस्मदोः सादृश्ये वतुब्वाच्यः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ त्वाववतः पुरूवसो (त्वाव॑वतः पुरूवसो) । न त्वावाँ अन्यः (न त्वावाँ॑ अ॒न्यः) । यज्ञं विप्रस्य मावतः (यज्ञं विप्र॑स्य मा॑वतः) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix añ comes after saptan "seven". It comes in the sense "that is its measure" (tad asya parimāṇam, SK 1723, chapter 34), and in the sense "a group" (varge). Bhaṭṭoji names both senses as carried forward. That varge is the word of SK 1726 (chapter 34) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji quotes sapta sāptāni asṛjat "he created seven heptads". The Subodhinī, the commentary on these Vedic rules, derives sāptāni:

saptan + añ

→ the ṭi, the last vowel with what follows it (an), is lost before a taddhita (SK 679, chapter 17) → sapt + a → sāpta

→ neuter, first case plural: jas becomes śi (SK 312, chapter 10) → sāpta + i

→ the augment num (SK 314, chapter 10), and the vowel before it lengthened → sāptāni.

The long ā of the first syllable is the vṛddhi of a ñ-marked taddhita (SK 1075, chapter 26). That step is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. Three vārttikas follow. A vārttika is a supplementary statement on a sūtra, which Bhaṭṭoji quotes.

SK 3492 · छन्दसि च · chandasi ca (A 5.1.67)

छन्दसि च
chandasi ca · A 5.1.67
प्रातिपदिकमात्रात्तदर्तहतीति यत् । सादन्यं विदर्थ्यम् (सा॒द॒न्यं॑ विद॒र्थ्य॑म्) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix yat comes after any noun stem whatever (prātipadika) in the sense "deserves that" (tad arhati). Bhaṭṭoji names this sense. That it is the sense of SK 1728 (chapter 34) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives sādanyaṃ vidathyam "deserving of the house, deserving of the sacrifice". The Subodhinī explains both.

sadana + yat "it deserves a house" → the first vowel lengthened by anyeṣām api dṛśyate (SK 3539, below) → sādanyam.

vidatha + yat "it deserves the sacrifice" (vidatha is the sacrifice) → vidathyam.

SK 3493 · वत्सरान्ताच्छश्छन्दसि · vatsarāntāc chaś chandasi (A 5.1.91)

वत्सरान्ताच्छश्छन्दसि
vatsarāntācchaśchandasi · A 5.1.91
निर्वृत्तादिष्वर्थेषु । इद्वत्सरीयः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix cha comes after a stem ending in vatsara "year". It comes in the senses that begin with "accomplished" (nirvṛtta). In the word, cha is replaced by īya.

Example.

idvatsara + cha (īya) → idvatsarīyaḥ.

The Subodhinī: it means "accomplished by an idvatsara", or "engaged, hired, having lasted, or going to last for an idvatsara". So it takes the senses of tena nirvṛttam (SK 1743) and tam adhīṣṭo bhṛto bhūto bhāvī (SK 1744), both in chapter 35. The idvatsara is one of the years of the five-year cycle (yuga). The Subodhinī names idāvatsara, saṃvatsara and parivatsara as years of the same cycle.

SK 3494 · सम्परिपूर्वात् ख च · samparipūrvāt kha ca (A 5.1.92)

सम्परिपूर्वात् ख च
samparipūrvāt kha ca · A 5.1.92
चाच्छः । संवत्सरीणः । संवत्सरीयः । परिवत्सरीणः । परिवत्सरीयः ॥

Rule. After a stem ending in vatsara that has sam or pari before it, the affix kha comes. By the word ca "and", cha (from SK 3493) comes too. The senses are the same "accomplished" group. In the word, kha is replaced by īna.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the forms in pairs:

saṃvatsara + kha (īna) → saṃvatsarīṇaḥ; saṃvatsara + cha (īya) → saṃvatsarīyaḥ.

parivatsara + kha → parivatsarīṇaḥ; parivatsara + cha → parivatsarīyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. "In the Veda", "ending in vatsara" and the senses all come forward from SK 3493. The Subodhinī states this.

SK 3495 · छन्दसि घस् · chandasi ghas (A 5.1.106)

छन्दसि घस्
chandasi ghas · A 5.1.106
ऋतुशब्दात्तदस्य प्राप्तमित्यर्थे । भाग ऋत्वियः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix ghas comes after the word ṛtu "season", in the sense "that has come to it". The Subodhinī: the sense is carried forward from samayas tad asya prāptam (SK 1768), and ṛtu from ṛtor aṇ (SK 1769), both in chapter 36. In the word, ghas appears as iya.

Example. bhāga ṛtviyaḥ "a share whose season has come". The Subodhinī derives it:

ṛtu + ghas

→ the s is a marker; by siti ca (SK 1252, chapter 28) the stem counts as a pada, not as a bha

→ so guṇa by or guṇaḥ (SK 847, chapter 19) does not apply

→ u becomes v before the vowel (yaṇ) → ṛtv + iya → ṛtviyaḥ.

Watch out. Guṇa by SK 847 does not apply here. A stem before a vowel-initial taddhita is normally a bha, and a bha in u takes guṇa (SK 847). The s of ghas stops that: it makes the stem a pada.

SK 3496 · उपसर्गाच्छन्दसि धात्वर्थे · upasargāc chandasi dhātvarthe (A 5.1.118)

उपसर्गाच्छन्दसि धात्वर्थे
upasargācchandasi dhātvarthe · A 5.1.118
धात्वर्थविशिष्टे साधने वर्तमानात्स्वार्थे वतिः स्यात् । यदुद्वतो निवतः (यदु॒द्वतो॑ नि॒वतः॑) । उद्गतान्निर्गातादित्यर्थः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix vati comes in its own sense after an upasarga, a verbal prefix such as ud or ni. The prefix must denote a sādhana, a factor of an action, qualified by a verbal meaning. That this vati is the affix of tena tulyaṃ kriyā ced vatiḥ (SK 1778, chapter 37) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Example. yad udvato nivataḥ "when (you go) from the heights and from the depths". Bhaṭṭoji: the meaning is "from what has gone up (udgata), from what has gone off (nirgata)".

ud + vati → udvat → fifth case udvataḥ; ni + vati → nivataḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains "in the sense of a verb". Where a verb is expressed, the prefix qualifies that verb, as in āgacchati "he comes". Where none is expressed, the prefix itself stands for a factor qualified by the action, as in niṣkauśāmbiḥ "gone out of Kauśāmbī". The affix comes only in the second case, where no verb is expressed.

III.B. Ordinals, possessives, and pronominal and adverbial affixes (5.2.50 – 5.4.12) — running example: pañcan + ḍaṭ (+ thaṭ augment) → pañcatham; kim + thā → (ka for kim) kathā

These seven rules are Vedic additions to chapters 39–42. One gives a Vedic ordinal: pañcatham beside pañcamam "the fifth". One gives Vedic possessive affixes such as vin, ī and vanip. The rest give Vedic adverbs from pronouns and other words: idā "now", tarhi "then", kathā "how", pratnathā "as of old". The running examples are pañcatham and kathā.

SK 3497 · थट् चच्छन्दसि · thaṭ ca chandasi (A 5.2.50)

थट् चच्छन्दसि
thaṭ cacchandasi · A 5.2.50
नान्तादसंख्यादेः परस्य डटस्थट् स्यान्मट् च । पञ्चथम् । पञ्चमम् । छन्दसि परिपन्थिपरिपरिणौ पर्यवस्थातरि - SK 1889 । पर्यवस्थाता शत्रुः । अपत्यं परिपन्थिनम् (अ॒प॒त्यं प॑रिपन्थिनम्) । मात्वा परिपरिणौ विदन् (मात्वा॒ परि॒परि॑णौ विदन्) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix ḍaṭ takes the augment thaṭ, and also maṭ. An augment is a sound added to an affix or stem, not a separate affix. The ḍaṭ meant is the one of tasya pūraṇe ḍaṭ (SK 1849, chapter 39), "the filler of". It must follow a word ending in n that does not begin with a numeral (nāntād asaṃkhyādeḥ, SK 1850). The Subodhinī names both rules. That the word in n is a numeral, such as pañcan, is not stated here; it is inferred from the ḍaṭ rule.

Example. The Subodhinī: for "the filler of five" (pañcānāṃ pūraṇam), ḍaṭ is added with the augment thaṭ.

pañcan + ḍaṭ with thaṭ → pañcatham "the fifth".

pañcan + ḍaṭ with maṭ → pañcamam.

The 1915 print divides the sūtra thaṭ ca chandasi.

Applies when / blocked by. SK 1850 gives the augment maṭ: pañcamam. The Veda adds thaṭ.

Bhaṭṭoji also cites here chandasi paripanthiparipariṇau paryavasthātari (SK 1889, chapter 39). In the Veda paripanthin and paripariṇ are fixed forms (nipātana) for "enemy". A nipātana is a finished form stated in a sūtra, whose irregular steps are simply accepted. Bhaṭṭoji glosses paryavasthātṛ as "enemy" (śatru). Examples: apa tyaṃ paripanthinam "(drive) away that waylayer"; mā tvā paripariṇau vidan "may the two adversaries not find you". The Subodhinī: the affix ini comes after paryavasthātṛ in its own sense, and panthi and pari replace avasthātṛ, both by nipātana.

SK 3498 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 5.2.122)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 5.2.122
मत्वर्थे विनिः स्यात् ॥
छन्दोविन्प्रकरणेऽष्ट्रामेखलाद्वयोभयरुजाहृदयानां दीर्घश्चेति वक्तव्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ इति दीर्घः । मंहिष्टमुभयाविनम् (मंहि॑ष्ठसुभया॒विन॑म्) । शुनमष्ट्राव्यचरत् (शु॒नम॑ष्ट्रा॒व्य॑चरत्) ॥
छन्दसीवनीपौ च वक्तव्यौ
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ई ॥ रथीरभूत् (र॒थीर॑भूत्) ॥ सुमङ्गलीरियं वधूः (सु॒म॒ङ्ग॒लीरि॒यं व॒धूः) । मघवानमीमहे (म॒घवा॑नमीमहे) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix vini comes variously (bahulam) in the sense of matup, "possessing". bahulam means the rule holds in some Vedic words and not in others. The Subodhinī: vini is carried forward from asmāyāmedhāsrajo viniḥ (SK 1928, chapter 39).

Example. Two vārttikas follow.

ubhaya + vin → final a lengthened → ubhayāvin → second case ubhayāvinam: maṃhiṣṭham ubhayāvinam "the most bountiful one, possessing both".

śunam aṣṭrāvy acarat "the one possessing the aṣṭrā went prosperously". The Subodhinī: aṣṭrā is a synonym of daṃṣṭrā.

ī: rathīr abhūt "he became a chariot-owner"; sumaṅgalīr iyaṃ vadhūḥ "this bride is auspicious".

vanip: maghavānam īmahe "we entreat the bountiful one".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: only dvaya, ubhaya and hṛdaya really need the lengthening; the other three are long already. It forms mekhalāvī, dvayāvī, rujāvī and hṛdayāvī the same way. In sumaṅgalī, su and maṅgala are first compounded by suḥ pūjāyām, and then ī comes.

Watch out. With vanip, magha "wealth" gives maghavan. With matup the same sense gives maghavat (Subodhinī). Keep the two stems apart.

SK 3499 · तयोर्दार्हिलौ च च्छन्दसि · tayor dārhilau ca cchandasi (A 5.3.20)

तयोर्दार्हिलौ च च्छन्दसि
tayordārhilau ca cchandasi · A 5.3.20
इदन्तदोर्यथासंख्यं स्तः । इदा हि व उपस्तुतिम् (इ॒दा हि व॒ उप॑स्तुतिम्) । तर्हि ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after idam "this" and tad "that", the affixes dā and rhil come, in that order. The Subodhinī: "those two" are idam and tad, which stand next to each other in idamo rhil (SK 1965) and tado dā ca (SK 1968), chapter 40. In the sūtra the sixth case "of those two" stands for the fifth case "after those two". This exchange of forms is vyatyaya.

Example. The Subodhinī pairs them: dā after idam, rhil after tad.

idam + dā → idam is replaced by iś (SK 1949, chapter 40) → idā "now": idā hi va upastutim.

tad + rhil → tarhi "then".

Watch out. The pairing is the reverse of chapter 40. There SK 1965 gives rhil after idam, and SK 1968 gives dā after tad. The Veda adds the crossed pair.

SK 3500 · था हेतौ च च्छन्दसि · thā hetau ca cchandasi (A 5.3.26)

था हेतौ च च्छन्दसि
thā hetau ca cchandasi · A 5.3.26
किमस्था स्याद्धेतौ प्रकारे च । कथा ग्रामं न पृच्छसि (क॒था ग्रामं॒ न पृ॑च्छसि) । कथा दाशेम (क॒था दा॑शेम) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix thā comes after kim "what" in the sense of cause (hetu), and in the sense of manner. The Subodhinī: "manner" is carried forward from prakāravacane thāl (SK 1971), and kim from kimaś ca (SK 1973), both in chapter 40.

Example.

kim + thā

→ thā falls under the heading prāg diśo vibhaktiḥ (SK 1947, chapter 40), so it counts as a vibhakti, the name of a case ending, which SK 1947 also gives to these adverbial affixes

→ before a vibhakti kim becomes ka (SK 342, chapter 11) → kathā.

Cause: kathā grāmaṃ na pṛcchasi "for what reason do you not ask about the village?"

Manner: kathā dāśema "in what manner should we worship?"

The Subodhinī gives both glosses.

SK 3501 · पश्च पश्चा च च्छन्दसि · paśca paścā ca cchandasi (A 5.3.33)

पश्च पश्चा च च्छन्दसि
paśca paścā ca cchandasi · A 5.3.33
अवरस्य अस्तात्यर्थे निपातौ । पश्च हि सः । नो ते पश्चा । तुश्छन्दसि SK 2007 तृजन्तात्तृन्नन्ताच्च इष्ठन्नीयसुनौ स्तः । आसुतिं करिष्ठाः (आसुतिं करि॑ष्ठः) । दोहीयसी धेनुः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, paśca and paścā are fixed forms (nipātana) for avara "later, behind", in the sense of the affix astāti. The Subodhinī: paśca replaces avara, and the affixes a and ā are given by nipātana. It adds that astāti comes after words of direction in the senses of direction, place and time (SK 1974, chapter 41).

Example. paśca hi saḥ "for he (is) behind"; no te paścā "not after you".

Bhaṭṭoji also cites here tuś chandasi (SK 2007, chapter 41). In the Veda, iṣṭhan and īyasun come after a word ending in tṛc or tṛn. These are the affixes of "most" and "more".

kartṛ + iṣṭhan → tṛ is lost by tur iṣṭhemeyaḥsu (SK 2008, chapter 41) → kar + iṣṭha → kariṣṭhaḥ: āsutiṃ kariṣṭhaḥ "most active (in making) the pressing".

dohīyasī dhenuḥ "a cow that is the better milker". The Subodhinī: the affix comes after the feminine dogdhrī. The feminine ī is removed because the stem is treated as masculine (puṃvadbhāva). Then tṛ is lost by SK 2008.

SK 3502 · प्रत्नपूर्वविश्वेमात्थाल् छन्दसि · pratnapūrvaviśvemāt thāl chandasi (A 5.3.111)

प्रत्नपूर्वविश्वेमात्थाल् छन्दसि
pratnapūrvaviśvemātthāl chandasi · A 5.3.111
इवार्थे । तं प्रत्नथा पूर्वथा विश्वथेमथा (तं प्र॒त्नथा॑ पूर्वथा॑ वि॒श्वथे॒मथा॑) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix thāl comes after pratna "old", pūrva "former", viśva "all" and ima "this". Bhaṭṭoji supplies the sense: "like" (iva). That this sense comes down from ive pratikṛtau (SK 2051, chapter 42) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Example. taṃ pratnathā pūrvathā viśvathemathā "him, as of old, as before, as always, as now".

pratna + thāl → pratnathā; likewise pūrvathā, viśvathā, imathā.

viśvathemathā is viśvathā + imathā joined in recitation.

SK 3503 · अमु च च्छन्दसि · amu ca cchandasi (A 5.4.12)

अमु च च्छन्दसि
amu ca cchandasi · A 5.4.12
किमेत्तिङव्ययघादित्येव । प्रतं नयं प्रतरम् (प्रतं न॑यं प्रत॒रम्) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affix amu comes as well. It comes after kim, after a word ending in e, after a verb form, after an indeclinable (avyaya) and after a word ending in a gha affix. Bhaṭṭoji says this list carries forward from SK 2004 (chapter 41). The sense is excess (prakarṣa), but not excess of a substance, as SK 2004 states.

Example. prataṃ naya prataram "lead him forth, farther".

pra + tarap "further forth" → pratara

→ pratara ends in tarap, one of the gha affixes → pratara + amu → prataram.

The Subodhinī: tarap comes after pra, which itself means excess, for a further degree. Words ending in am and ām are listed among the indeclinables, so prataram is an avyaya. Its case ending is dropped (luk).

Watch out. The Subodhinī explains the u of amu. It is a marker, so that amu is not caught by ica ekāco 'mpratyayavac ca (SK 2994). Without the marker that rule's treatment would spread to it, with wrong results.

III.C. Svārthika and samāsānta rules to the close of the fifth adhyāya — running example: brahman + sāman + ṭac → (ṭi lost) brahmasāmam; hatā mātā yasya → (kap blocked) hatamātā

The last five rules of book 5 change compounds and add affixes in a word's own sense. One gives affixes "in their own sense" (svārthe), which leave the meaning as it was. One gives ṭac and one blocks kap at the end of a compound; such an affix is a samāsānta. One gives a fixed form, bahuprajāḥ. One gives a substitute inside a compound. The running examples are brahmasāmam, where a Vedic ṭac is added, and hatamātā, where the ordinary kap is blocked.

SK 3504 · वृकज्येष्ठाभ्यां तिल्तातिलौ च च्छन्दसि · vṛkajyeṣṭhābhyāṃ tiltātilau ca cchandasi (A 5.4.41)

वृकज्येष्ठाभ्यां तिल्तातिलौ च च्छन्दसि
vṛkajyeṣṭhābhyāṃ tiltātilau ca cchandasi · A 5.4.41
स्वार्थे । यो नों दुरेवो वृकतिः (यो नों॑ दु॒रेवो॑ वृ॒कतिः) । ज्येष्ठतातिं बहिर्षदम् (ज्ये॒ष्ठता॑तिं बर्हि॒षद॑म्) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the affixes til and tātil come after vṛka "wolf" and jyeṣṭha "eldest, best", in their own sense. til goes with vṛka, and tātil with jyeṣṭha. Two bases and two affixes of equal number pair in order by yathāsaṃkhyam (SK 128, chapter 5). That this paribhāṣā is at work is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred, and the examples bear it out.

Example.

vṛka + til → vṛkatiḥ: yo no durevo vṛkatiḥ "the ill-disposed wolf who (is set) against us".

jyeṣṭha + tātil → jyeṣṭhatātim: jyeṣṭhatātiṃ barhiṣadam "the most excellent one, seated on the barhis".

Applies when / blocked by. You met tātil in Part II, at SK 3488–3490 (śivatātiḥ). Bhaṭṭoji does not explain the word ca "also", and there is no Subodhinī on this sūtra.

SK 3505 · अनसन्तान्नपुंसकाच्छन्दसि · anasantān napuṃsakāc chandasi (A 5.4.103)

अनसन्तान्नपुंसकाच्छन्दसि
anasantānnapuṃsakācchandasi · A 5.4.103
तत्पुरूषाट्टच् स्यात्समासान्तः । ब्रह्मसामं भवति । देवच्छन्दसानि ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the samāsānta ṭac comes after a neuter tatpuruṣa compound that ends in an or as. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "tatpuruṣa" and "ṭac". That they come from SK 786 and rājāhaḥsakhibhyaṣ ṭac (SK 788), chapter 18, is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Example. The Subodhinī labels the two examples.

Ending in an: brahman + sāman → brahmasāman + ṭac → the ṭi an is lost → brahmasāma → brahmasāmaṃ bhavati "it becomes the brahmasāman".

Ending in as: deva + chandas + ṭac → devacchandasa → neuter plural devacchandasāni "the metres of the gods".

SK 3506 · बहुप्रजाश्छन्दसि · bahuprajāś chandasi (A 5.4.123)

बहुप्रजाश्छन्दसि
bahuprajāśchandasi · A 5.4.123
बहुप्रजा निर्ऋतिमाविवेश (ब॒हु॒प्र॒जा निर्ऋ॑ति॒मावि॑वेश) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, bahuprajāḥ "having many offspring" is a fixed form (nipātana).

Example. bahuprajā nirṛtim āviveśa "having many offspring, he has entered into Nirṛti (dissolution)". The Subodhinī derives it:

bahavaḥ prajā yasya "he whose offspring are many": a bahuvrīhi → bahu-prajā

→ the affix asic → bahuprajā + as

→ the final ā is lost (SK 311, chapter 10) → bahupraj-as

→ the vowel before s lengthened (SK 425, chapter 11) → bahuprajās

→ s becomes ru, then visarga → bahuprajāḥ.

A bahuvrīhi is a compound that names something outside its own members.

SK 3507 · छन्दसि च · chandasi ca (A 5.4.142)

छन्दसि च
chandasi ca · A 5.4.142
दन्तस्य दतृशब्दः स्याद्बहुव्रीहौ । उभयतोदतः प्रतिगृह्णाति ॥

Rule. In the Veda too, datṛ replaces danta "tooth" in a bahuvrīhi. The Subodhinī: "datṛ for danta" is carried forward from vayasi dantasya datṛ (SK 880, chapter 19).

Example. ubhayato dantā yasya "that which has teeth on both sides":

ubhayatas + danta → datṛ replaces danta → ubhayatodat- → second case plural ubhayatodataḥ.

ubhayatodataḥ pratigṛhṇāti "he receives those that have teeth on both sides".

Watch out. SK 880 gives datṛ only when the teeth show age (vayasi). The Subodhinī names only "datṛ for danta" as carried forward. So in the Veda the substitute comes without that condition. This conclusion is not stated as such by the Subodhinī; it is inferred.

SK 3508 · ऋतश्छन्दसि · ṛtaś chandasi (A 5.4.158)

ऋतश्छन्दसि
ṛtaśchandasi · A 5.4.158
ऋदन्ताद्बहुव्रीहेर्न कप् । हता माता यस्य हतमाता ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after a bahuvrīhi ending in ṛ, the samāsānta kap does not come. By nadyṛtaś ca (SK 833, chapter 19) kap would come obligatorily; this rule blocks it (Subodhinī).

Example.

hatā mātā yasya "he whose mother has been slain"

→ bahuvrīhi hata-mātṛ; no kap

→ first case hatamātā.

The 1915 print closes the book here: iti pañcamo 'dhyāyaḥ, "here ends the fifth book".

Watch out. This is a prohibition, not an option. In the Veda the ṛ-final bahuvrīhi stands bare.

III.D. Reduplication, saṃprasāraṇa and root and stem substitutes (6.1.7 – 6.1.60) — running example: tuj + liṭ (kānac) → tu-tuj-āna → (abhyāsa lengthened) tūtujānaḥ; ā + hve + laṭ → (saṃprasāraṇa, uvaṅ) āhuve

The 1915 print now heads a new book: ṣaṣṭho 'dhyāyaḥ, "the sixth book". Its Vedic rules begin with the root. They touch reduplication, taught in chapter 44 (SK 2175). They touch saṃprasāraṇa, the change of y, v, r to i, u, ṛ. And they give substitutes for roots and stems, with one sūtra of nine fixed forms. The running examples are tūtujānaḥ, with a long reduplicated syllable, and āhuve "I call", with saṃprasāraṇa of hve.

SK 3509 · तुजादीनां दीर्घोऽभ्यासस्य · tujādīnāṃ dīrgho 'bhyāsasya (A 6.1.7)

तुजादीनां दीर्घोऽभ्यासस्य
tujādīnāṃ dīrgho'bhyāsasya · A 6.1.7
तुजादिराकृतिगणः ॥ प्रभरा तूतुजानः (प्रभ॑रा॒ तूतु॑जानः) । सूर्ये मामहानम् (सूर्ये॑ मामहा॒नम्) । दाधार यः पृथिवीम् (दा॒धार॒ यः पृ॑थि॒वीम्) । स तूताव (स तू॑ताव) ॥

Rule. For tuj and the roots like it, the abhyāsa is lengthened. The abhyāsa is the first, repeated part of a doubled root. Bhaṭṭoji: tujādi is an ākṛtigaṇa, a list known from its instances rather than closed by a full count.

Example. The Subodhinī: tuj, with liṭ replaced by kānac (āna).

tuj + kānac

→ the root is doubled (SK 2175, chapter 44) → tu-tuj-āna

→ the abhyāsa tu is lengthened → tūtujāna → tūtujānaḥ: prabharā tūtujānaḥ.

Others: sūrye māmahānam (mah "to honour", with kānac); dādhāra yaḥ pṛthivīm "who has upheld the earth"; sa tūtāva (tu, a root found only in sūtras, in liṭ).

Applies when / blocked by. Before this sūtra the 1915 print puts a vārttika on ekāco dve prathamasya (SK 2175). It reads chandasi veti vaktavyam, "it should be stated: optionally, in the Veda". So in the Veda the doubling itself is optional. The undoubled forms are yo jāgāra "who has kept awake" and dāti priyāṇi "he gives dear things". The Subodhinī: jāgāra is jāgṛ "to wake" in liṭ. dāti is dā in laṭ, with ślu for śap. There ślau (SK 2490, chapter 46) would make the doubling obligatory. Here it is optional.

Watch out. Two Vedic options meet here. The doubling of SK 2175 may fail (jāgāra). Where it does happen, the abhyāsa of tuj and the like is long (tūtujānaḥ).

SK 3510 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 6.1.34)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 6.1.34
ह्वः संप्रसारणं स्यात् । इन्द्रमाहुव ऊतये (इन्द्र॒माहु॑व ऊ॒तये॑) ।
ऋचि त्रेरुत्तरपदादिलोपश्च छन्दसि
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ऋच्शब्दे परेत्रेः संप्रसारणुत्तरपदादेर्लोपश्चेति वक्तव्यम् । तृचं सूक्तम् । छन्दसि किम । त्र्यृचानि ।
रयेर्मतौ बहुलम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ रेवान् । रयिमान्पुष्टिबर्धनः (रयि॒मान्पु॑ष्टि॒बर्ध॑नः) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, hvā (hveñ) "to call" undergoes saṃprasāraṇa, variously. The Subodhinī: hvaḥ saṃprasāraṇam is carried forward from SK 2586 (chapter 54).

Example. indram āhuva ūtaye "I call Indra for help". The Subodhinī derives āhuve: hve with ā, laṭ, ātmanepada, first person singular.

ā + hve + laṭ (ending e)

→ śap is lost by "bahulaṃ chandasi"

→ saṃprasāraṇa → ā + hu + e

→ uvaṅ: u becomes uv before the vowel → āhuve.

The "bahulaṃ chandasi" that drops the śap is the earlier rule SK 3400 (Part I), not this one. The Subodhinī does not say which; it is inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas follow.

tri + ṛc → saṃprasāraṇa of tri; the initial ṛ of ṛc is lost → tṛc → the samāsānta a (SK 940, chapter 23) → tṛcaṃ sūktam "a hymn of three verses". The Subodhinī: "that in which there are three verses".

Why "in the Veda"? Outside it: tryṛcāni.

revān: the Subodhinī says the v for m is by chandasīraḥ (SK 3600, Part V).

rayimān puṣṭivardhanaḥ "possessed of wealth, increasing prosperity": by bahulam, neither saṃprasāraṇa nor v.

SK 3511 · चायः की · cāyaḥ kī (A 6.1.35)

चायः की
cāyaḥ kī · A 6.1.35
न्यंन्यं चिक्युर्न निचिक्युरन्यम् (न्यं1न्यं चि॒क्युर्न निचि॑क्युर॒न्यम्) । लिटि उसि रूपम् । बहुलग्रहणानुवृत्तेर्नेह । अग्निं ज्योतिर्निचाय्य (अ॒ग्निं ज्योति॒र्नि॒चाय्य॑) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, kī replaces cāy (cāyṛ "to honour, to perceive"), variously. Bhaṭṭoji says bahulam is carried forward from SK 3510.

Example. ny anyaṃ cikyur na ni cikyur anyam "they discerned the one, they did not discern the other". Bhaṭṭoji: cikyuḥ is liṭ with the ending us.

cāy + liṭ (us)

→ kī replaces cāy → kī + us

→ the root is doubled (SK 2175, chapter 44) → kī-kī + us

→ the abhyāsa kī is shortened by hrasvaḥ (SK 2180, chapter 44) → ki-kī + us

→ the abhyāsa k becomes c by kuhoś cuḥ (SK 2245, chapter 44; Subodhinī) → ci-kī + us

→ ī becomes y before the vowel of us by eranekāco 'saṃyogapūrvasya (SK 272, chapter 8) → cikyus → cikyuḥ.

The shortening and the y are not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; they are inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. Because bahulam runs on, the substitute fails in agniṃ jyotir nicāyya. The Subodhinī: nicāyya is cāy with ktvā, replaced by lyap in a compound (SK 3332, chapter 69).

SK 3512 · अपस्पृधेथामानृचुरानृहुश्चिच्युषेतित्याजश्राताःश्रितमाशीराशीर्त्ताः · apaspṛdhethām ānṛcur ānṛhuś cicyuṣe tityāja śrātāḥ śritam āśīr āśīrtāḥ (A 6.1.36)

अपस्पृधेथामानृचुरानृहुश्चिच्युषेतित्याजश्राताःश्रितमाशीराशीर्त्ताः
apaspṛdhethāmānṛcurānṛhuścicyuṣetityājaśrātāḥśritamāśīrāśīrttāḥ · A 6.1.36
एते छन्दसि निपात्यन्ते । इन्द्रश्च विष्णो यदपस्पृधेयाम् (इन्द्र॑श्च विष्णो॒ यदप॑स्पृधेयाम्) । स्पर्धेर्लङि आथाम् । अर्कमानृचुः (अ॒र्कमा॑नृ॒चुः) । वसून्यानृहुः । अर्चेरर्हेश्च लिट्युसि । चिच्युषे (चि॒च्युषे॑) । च्युङो लिटि थासि । यस्तित्याज (यस्ति॒त्याज॑) । त्यजेर्णलि । श्रातास्त इन्द्र सोमाः (श्रा॒तास्त॑ इन्द्र॒ सोमाः॑) । श्रिता नो ग्रहाः । श्रीञ् पाके निष्ठायाम् । आशीरं दुहे (आ॒शीरं॑ दु॒हे) । मध्यत आशीर्तः (म॒ध्य॒त आशी॑र्तः) । श्रीञ् एव क्विपि निष्ठायां च ॥

Rule. Nine forms are fixed forms (nipātana) in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji names the root, the tense and the ending of each. The Subodhinī gives each irregular step and the ordinary-language form.

Example.

Watch out. For apaspṛdhethām scholars discuss this. The Subodhinī reports others who read apa + spardh, with no augment a by a Vedic rule. On their view the ordinary form is apāspardhethām.

SK 3513 · खिदेश्छन्दसि · khideś chandasi (A 6.1.52)

खिदेश्छन्दसि
khideśchandasi · A 6.1.52
खिद दैन्ये । असेयैच आद्वा स्यात् । चिखाद । चिखेदेत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ā optionally replaces the ec vowel of khid (khida "to be dejected"). ec is the name for e, o, ai, au. The Subodhinī: "ā" and "ec" come from ādeca upadeśe 'śiti (SK 2370, chapter 44), and "optionally" from vibhāṣā līyateḥ (SK 2509, chapter 47).

Example. Bhaṭṭoji: cikhāda means cikheda "he was dejected".

cikheda → ā for its e → cikhāda.

The Subodhinī: the parasmaipada ending here is by exchange (vyatyaya).

Watch out. Both forms stand in the Veda: cikhāda and cikheda.

SK 3514 · शीर्षंश्छन्दसि · śīrṣaṃś chandasi (A 6.1.60)

शीर्षंश्छन्दसि
śīrṣaṃśchandasi · A 6.1.60
शिरःशब्दस्य शीर्षन् स्यात् । शीर्ष्णः शीर्ष्णोजगतः (शी॒र्ष्णः शी॑र्ष्णो॒जग॑तः) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, śīrṣan replaces the word śiras "head".

Example. śīrṣṇaḥ śīrṣṇo jagataḥ. The Subodhinī derives śīrṣṇaḥ:

śiras + ṅas → śīrṣan replaces śiras → śīrṣan + as

→ the a of an is lost by allopo 'naḥ (SK 234, chapter 8) → śīrṣn + as

→ n becomes ṇ after ṣ by raṣābhyāṃ no ṇaḥ samānapade (SK 235, chapter 8) → śīrṣṇaḥ.

The Subodhinī mentions another route to the ṇ, by SK 197 (chapter 8). That route holds on the view that a substitute counts as the original even for an operation conditioned by what precedes.

III.E. Vedic junction options: pūrvasavarṇadīrgha, loss of śi, and ay before yat — running example: vārāhī + au → vārāhī (pūrvasavarṇadīrgha) or vārāhyau (yaṇ); yāni → (śi lost) yā

Three rules loosen vowel changes in the Veda. SK 3515 makes optional a long vowel that chapter 8 bars, and its option reaches two more rules. SK 3516 drops the neuter ending śi. SK 3517 gives ay before yat in two fixed words. The running examples are the dual vārāhī beside vārāhyau, and yā for yāni.

SK 3515 · वा छन्दसि · vā chandasi (A 6.1.106)

वा छन्दसि
vā chandasi · A 6.1.106
दीर्घाज्जसि इचि च पूर्वसवर्णदीर्घो वा स्यात् । वाराही । वाराह्यौ । मानुषीरीळते विशः (मानु॑षीरीळते॒ विशः॑) । उत्तरसूत्रद्वयेऽपीदं वाक्यभेदेन संबध्यते । तेनामि पूर्वत्वं वा स्यात् । शमीं च शम्यं च । सूर्मं सुषिरामिव (सू॒र्मं॑ सुषि॒रामि॑व) । संप्रसारणाच्च SK 330 इति पूर्वरूपमपि वा । इज्यमानः । यज्यमानः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after a long vowel, before jas or an ic vowel (ic, any vowel except a and ā), the pūrvasavarṇadīrgha is optional. The pūrvasavarṇadīrgha is a single long vowel of the same kind as the preceding one, standing for both (SK 164, chapter 7). The Subodhinī: the words come from nād ici (SK 165, chapter 7) and dīrghāj jasi ca (SK 239, chapter 8). In ordinary usage SK 239 bars this long vowel after a long vowel before jas or ic.

Example.

vārāhī + au (dual) → with the long vowel → vārāhī; without it, ī becomes y (yaṇ) → vārāhyau.

The Subodhinī: vārāhī is "made of a boar", with añ and ṅīp, the feminine affix ī.

Before jas: mānuṣīr īḷate viśaḥ "the human clans praise".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: the option also joins the next two sūtras, by vākyabheda. vākyabheda is splitting one sentence, so that a word also reads into a neighbouring rule.

The Subodhinī: in śamyam, when the single vowel fails, the long vowel does not come either; only yaṇ. For yajyamānaḥ: yaj with śānac (the participle affix āna), yak (the affix ya) and muk (the augment m), and saṃprasāraṇa (SK 2412, chapter 44). Without the pūrvarūpa, yaṇ comes.

Watch out. This sūtra is 6.1.106. Bhaṭṭoji moves it ahead of 6.1.70 (SK 3516). Separately, its chandasi reaches 6.1.115, prakṛtyāntaḥpādam (SK 3518), by skipping 6.1.107–114, which are not Vedic. The Subodhinī calls this leap maṇḍūkapluti, "the frog's jump".

SK 3516 · शेश्छन्दसि बहुलम् · śeś chandasi bahulam (A 6.1.70)

शेश्छन्दसि बहुलम्
śeśchandasi bahulam · A 6.1.70
लोपः स्यात् । या ते गात्राणाम् (ता ता॒ पिण्डा॑नाम्) ॥ या ते गात्राणाम् (या ते॒ गात्रा॑णाम्) । ता ता पिण्डानाम् (ता ता॒ पिण्डा॑नाम्) ।
एमन्नादि छन्दसि पररूपं वक्तव्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अपां त्वेमन् (अ॒पां त्वे॒मन्) । अपां त्वोद्मन् (अ॒पां त्वो॒द्मन्) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, śi is lost, variously. śi is the substitute for jas and śas after a neuter stem (SK 312, chapter 10). The word "lost" (lopaḥ) is Bhaṭṭoji's gloss.

Example. yā te gātrāṇām (yā for yāni); tā tā piṇḍānām (tā tā for tāni tāni). The Subodhinī derives yā:

yad + jas → śi (SK 312) → yad + i

→ śi is lost by this rule

→ the lost ending still has its effects (pratyayalakṣaṇa): a for the d by tyadādīnām aḥ → ya

→ num (SK 314, chapter 10); lengthening by sarvanāmasthāne ca; loss of the n → yā.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: in the Veda, in eman and the like, the single substitute is pararūpa, the form of the following vowel. apāṃ tveman; apāṃ tvodman.

SK 3517 · भय्यप्रवय्ये च च्छन्दसि · bhayyapravayye ca cchandasi (A 6.1.83)

भय्यप्रवय्ये च च्छन्दसि
bhayyapravayye ca cchandasi · A 6.1.83
बिभेत्यस्मादिति भय्यः । वेतेः प्रवय्या इति स्त्रियामेव निपातनम् । प्रवेयमित्यन्यत्र । छन्दसि किम् । भेयम् । प्रवेयम् ।
हृदय्या उपसंख्यानम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ हृदे भवा हृदय्या आपः । भवे छन्दसि यत् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, bhayya and pravayyā are fixed forms (nipātana). The Subodhinī: for bhī and for vī with pra, ay replaces the vowel before the affix yat.

Example.

bhī + yat → ay for ī → bhay + ya → bhayyaḥ "that from which one is afraid" (bibhety asmāt). The Subodhinī: yat here is in the sense of apādāna, the source, by kṛtyalyuṭo bahulam (SK 2841, chapter 66).

pra + vī + yat → pravayyā. Bhaṭṭoji: the nipātana holds only in the feminine. Elsewhere: praveyam.

Why "in the Veda"? Outside it: bheyam, praveyam.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds hradayyā: hradayyā āpaḥ "waters that are in a lake (hrada)". The affix is yat by bhave chandasi (SK 3456, Part II). The Subodhinī: ay replaces the a. The reading is uncertain (hṛda / hrada); hrada "lake" gives the sense.

III.F. Prakṛtibhāva: eṅ kept before a, inside a pāda and in Yajus, and the nasal āṅ — running example: upaprayantaḥ + adhvaram → upaprayanto adhvaram (o kept; no pūrvarūpa by eṅaḥ padāntād ati, SK 86)

In ordinary sandhi a word-final e or o swallows a following short a. This is the pūrvarūpa of eṅaḥ padāntād ati (SK 86, chapter 3): te + avadan → te 'vadan. Chapter 4 taught prakṛtibhāva, where a vowel "stays as it is" (prakṛtyā) and no sandhi takes place. These eight rules give the Vedic cases. First comes the Ṛgveda, inside a quarter-verse (pāda). Then come the Yajus formulas, which have no pādas. Last comes the particle ā before a vowel. The running example is upaprayanto adhvaram "approaching the sacrifice", where the o stays before a.

SK 3518 · प्रकृत्याऽन्तःपादमव्यपरे · prakṛtyā 'ntaḥpādam avyapare (A 6.1.115)

प्रकृत्याऽन्तःपादमव्यपरे
prakṛtyā'ntaḥpādamavyapare · A 6.1.115
ऋक्पादमध्यस्थ एङ् प्रकृत्या स्यादति परे न तु वकारयकारपरेऽति । उपप्रयन्तो अध्वरम् (उ॒प॒प्र॒यन्तो॑ अध्व॒रम्) । सुजाते अश्वसूनृते (सुजा॑ते अश्व॑सूनृते) । अन्तःपादं किम् । एतास एतेऽर्चन्ति (ए॒तास॑ ए॒तेऽर्च॑न्ति) । अव्यपरे किम् । तेऽवदन् (ते॑ऽवदन्) ॥

Rule. Inside a pāda of a ṛc, an eṅ (e or o) stays as it is before an a. This holds only when that a is not followed by v or y. The Subodhinī: eṅ is carried forward from SK 86 and recast as the subject. chandasi comes from vā chandasi (SK 3515) by the frog's jump. The pāda meant is that of a ṛc only, not of a classical verse.

Example.

upaprayanto + adhvaram → by SK 86 the a would merge into the o → here the o stays → upaprayanto adhvaram.

Also sujāte aśvasūnṛte.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "inside a pāda"? etāsa ete 'rcanti. The Subodhinī: the e of ete ends one pāda, and the a begins the next. So both sounds are not inside one pāda, and SK 86 applies.

Why "not followed by v or y"? te 'vadan: the a is followed by v, so SK 86 applies.

Watch out. Both conditions must hold. The two sounds must be in the same pāda, and the a must not stand before v or y.

SK 3519 · अव्यादवद्यादवक्रमुरव्रतायमवन्त्ववस्युषु च · avyād avadyād avakramur avratāyam avantv avasyuṣu ca (A 6.1.116)

अव्यादवद्यादवक्रमुरव्रतायमवन्त्ववस्युषु च
avyādavadyādavakramuravratāyamavantvavasyuṣu ca · A 6.1.116
एषु व्यपरेऽप्यति एङ् प्रकृत्या । वसुभिर्नो अव्यात् (वसु॑भिर्नो अव्यात्) । मिमहो अवद्यात् (मि॑महो अ॒व॒द्यात्) । मा शिवासो अवक्रमुः (मा शि॑वासो॒ अव॑क्रमुः) । ते नो अव्रत (ते नो॑ अव्रत) । शतधारो अयं मणिः (श॒तधा॑रो अ॒यं म॒णिः) । ते नो अवन्तु (ते नो॑ अवन्तु) । कुशिकासो अवस्यवः (कुशि॒कासो॑ अव॒स्यवः॑) । यद्यपि बह्वृचैस्तेनोऽवन्तु, रथतूः, सोऽयमगात्, तेऽरुणेभिरित्यादौ प्रकृतिभावो न क्रियते तथापि बाहुलकात्समाधेयम् । प्रातिशाख्ये तु वाचनिक एवायमर्थः ॥

Rule. Before avyāt, avadyāt, avakramuḥ, avrata, ayam, avantu and avasyu-, an eṅ stays as it is. It stays even though the a is followed by v or y.

Example.

vasubhir no avyāt "may he protect us with the Vasus".

mitramaho avadyāt "O you of friendly greatness, from blame".

mā śivāso avakramuḥ; te no avrata.

śatadhāro ayaṃ maṇiḥ "this jewel of a hundred streams".

te no avantu "may they help us"; kuśikāso avasyavaḥ "the Kuśikas, seeking help".

The Subodhinī: the seven words are quoted forms (anukaraṇa) joined into one compound. avyāt is the benedictive of av "to protect". avakramuḥ is kram with ava in liṭ, left undoubled by the Vedic option (see SK 3509).

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji adds a note. The Bahvṛcas, the reciters of the Ṛgveda, do not keep the vowel in te no 'vantu, rathatūḥ, so 'yam agāt, te 'ruṇebhiḥ and the like. He accounts for this by bāhulaka, the latitude of "variously" in Vedic rules. In the Prātiśākhya, the phonetic manual of the Veda, it is stated outright.

SK 3520 · यजुष्युरः · yajuṣy uraḥ (A 6.1.117)

यजुष्युरः
yajuṣyuraḥ · A 6.1.117
उरःशब्द एङन्तोऽति प्रकृत्या यजुषि । उरो अन्तरिक्षम् (उ॒रो अ॒न्तरि॑क्षम्) । यजुषि पादाभावादनन्तः पादार्थ वचनम् ॥

Rule. In the Yajus, the word uras, ending in eṅ (uro), stays as it is before a. The Yajus is the Veda of prose sacrificial formulas.

Example. uro antarikṣam "the wide mid-air".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī raises an objection: SK 3518 already does this, so the rule is useless. Bhaṭṭoji's answer: the Yajus has no pādas. So this rule is for an eṅ that is not inside a pāda. That "stays as it is" and "before a" come from SK 3518 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred from his gloss.

SK 3521 · आपोजुषाणोवृष्णोवर्षिष्ठेऽम्बेऽम्बालेऽम्बिकेपूर्वे · āpo juṣāṇo vṛṣṇo varṣiṣṭhe 'mbe 'mbāle 'mbikepūrve (A 6.1.118)

आपोजुषाणोवृष्णोवर्षिष्ठेऽम्बेऽम्बालेऽम्बिकेपूर्वे
āpojuṣāṇovṛṣṇovarṣiṣṭhe'mbe'mbāle'mbikepūrve · A 6.1.118
यजुषि अति प्रकृत्या । आपो अस्मान्मातरः (आपो॑ अ॒स्मान्मा॒तरः॑) । जुषाणो अग्निराज्यस्य (जु॒षा॒णो अ॒ग्निराज्य॒स्य) । वृष्णो अंशुभ्याम् (वृष्णो॒ अंशु॑भ्याम्) । वर्षिष्ठे अधि नाके (वर्षि॑ष्ठे॒ अधि॒ नाके॑) । अम्बे अम्बाले अम्बिके । अस्मादेव वचनात् अम्बार्थ - SK 267 इति ह्रस्वो न ॥

Rule. In the Yajus, these words stay as they are before a: āpo, juṣāṇo, vṛṣṇo, varṣiṣṭhe, and ambe and ambāle when they stand before ambike.

Example.

āpo asmān mātaraḥ.

juṣāṇo agnir ājyasya "Agni, enjoying the clarified butter".

vṛṣṇo aṃśubhyām "with the two stalks of the bull".

varṣiṣṭhe adhi nāke "upon the highest vault".

ambe ambāle ambike.

The Subodhinī: the words are quoted forms. āpo quotes a jas form, juṣāṇo a su form, vṛṣṇo a śas form, varṣiṣṭhe a ṅi form. "Before ambike" qualifies ambe and ambāle.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji: from this very wording, the shortening of ambārthanadyor hrasvaḥ (SK 267, chapter 8) does not take place. SK 267 shortens the address form of words meaning "mother". The sūtra itself shows ambe and ambāle unshortened. How the wording proves this is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3522 · अङ्ग इत्यादौ च · aṅga ityādau ca (A 6.1.119)

अङ्ग इत्यादौ च
aṅga ityādau ca · A 6.1.119
अङ्गशब्दे य एङ् तदादौ च अकारे य एङ् पूर्वः सोऽति प्रकृत्या यजुषि । प्राणो अङ्गे अङ्गे अदीध्यत् ॥

Rule. In the Yajus, two kinds of eṅ stay as they are before a. One is an eṅ in the word aṅga "limb". The other is any eṅ before the a that begins aṅga.

Example. prāṇo aṅge aṅge adīdhyat.

prāṇo + aṅge: an eṅ before the initial a of aṅga → prāṇo aṅge.

aṅge + aṅge: the e of aṅga, and also before aṅga → aṅge aṅge.

aṅge + adīdhyat: the e of aṅga before an ordinary a → aṅge adīdhyat.

Watch out. The Subodhinī explains ca. Without it the sense would be narrow: the eṅ of aṅga only before the initial a of aṅga. That covers aṅge aṅge but not aṅge adīdhyat or prāṇo aṅge. With ca the two conditions stand apart, and all three junctions are covered.

SK 3523 · अनुदात्ते च कुधपरे · anudātte ca kudhapare (A 6.1.120)

अनुदात्ते च कुधपरे
anudātte ca kudhapare · A 6.1.120
कवर्गधकारपरे अनुदात्तेऽति परे एङ् प्रकृत्या यजुषि । अयं सो अग्निः (अ॒यं सो अ॒ग्निः) । अयं सो अध्वरः (अ॒यं सो अ॑ध्व॒रः) । अनुदात्ते किम् । अथोऽग्रे रुद्रे । अग्रशब्द आद्युदात्तः । कुधपरे किम् । सोऽयमग्निमतः ॥

Rule. In the Yajus, an eṅ stays as it is before an anudātta a that is followed by a ku consonant (k, kh, g, gh, ṅ) or by dh.

This rule turns on accent. A Vedic syllable is udātta (raised), anudātta (not raised) or svarita (falling from a raised tone). Here the udātta is marked with an acute (á) and an independent svarita with a grave (à). An anudātta, and a svarita that only follows an udātta, are left unmarked.

Example.

ayáṃ só agníḥ: the udātta syllables are yaṃ, so and gni. The initial a of agníḥ is anudātta, and g follows it. So the o of só stays.

ayáṃ só adhvaráḥ: the udātta of adhvaráḥ is on ra. Its initial a is anudātta; after the udātta só it is recited as a dependent svarita, which is left unmarked. And dh follows it.

The Subodhinī: agni has the udātta on its last syllable, being formed with the uṇādi affix ni. The uṇādi affixes are a separate list of affixes that form noun stems from roots. adhvara has it on its last syllable by the accent of the stem.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "anudātta"? atho 'gre rudre. Bhaṭṭoji: the word agra has the udātta on its first syllable (ágra, udātta a). The a is not anudātta, so SK 86 merges it.

Why "followed by ku or dh"? so 'yam agnimataḥ: the a of ayam is followed by y, so SK 86 applies.

Watch out. Both conditions are needed. The a must be anudātta, and the next consonant must be a ku sound or dh.

SK 3524 · अवपथासि च · avapathāsi ca (A 6.1.121)

अवपथासि च
avapathāsi ca · A 6.1.121
अनुदात्ते अकारदौ अवपथाःशब्दे परे यजुषि एङ् प्रकृत्या । त्रीरुंद्रेभ्यो अवपथाः (त्रीरुं॒द्रेभ्यो॑ अवपथाः) । वपेस्थासि लङि तिङ्ङतिङः - SK 3935 इत्यनुदात्तत्वम् । अनुदात्ते किम् । यद्रुद्रेभ्योऽवपथाः (यद्रुद्रेभ्यो॑ऽवपथाः) । निपातैर्यद्यदि - SK 3937 इति निघातो न ॥

Rule. In the Yajus, an eṅ stays as it is before avapathāḥ, when the initial a of avapathāḥ is anudātta.

Example. trī́ rudrébhyo avapathāḥ: the udātta syllables are trī and dre. The verb is wholly anudātta.

Bhaṭṭoji: avapathāḥ is vap in laṅ, with thās. It loses its accent by tiṅṅatiṅaḥ (SK 3935, chapter 71). So its first a is anudātta, and the o of rudrébhyo stays. That trī́ bears the udātta is read from the marking; it is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "anudātta"? yád rudrébhyo 'vapathāḥ: the udātta syllables are yad and dre. Bhaṭṭoji: after yad, nipātair yadyadi- (SK 3937, chapter 71) blocks the loss of accent. The verb keeps its own accent, so its first a is not anudātta, and SK 86 merges it. The verb's own udātta falls on the augment a (ávapathāḥ), by luṅlaṅlṛṅkṣv aḍ udāttaḥ (SK 2206, chapter 44). Bhaṭṭoji says only that the loss of accent does not happen; the place of the udātta is not stated by him or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3525 · आङोऽनुनासिकश्छन्दसि · āṅo 'nunāsikaś chandasi (A 6.1.126)

आङोऽनुनासिकश्छन्दसि
āṅo'nunāsikaśchandasi · A 6.1.126
आङोऽचि परेऽनुनासिकः स्यात् स च प्रकृत्या । अभ्र आँ अपः (अ॒भ्र आँ अ॒पः) । गभीर आँ उग्रपुत्रे (गभी॒र आँ उ॒ग्रपु॑त्रे) ।
ईषाअक्षादीनां छन्दसि प्रकृतिभावो वक्तव्यः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ईषाअक्षो हिरण्यः । ज्या इयम् (ज्या इ॒यम्) । पूषा अविष्टु (पू॒षा अ॒विष्टु) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, before a vowel, the particle āṅ (ā) becomes nasal (anunāsika) and stays as it is.

Example. abhra ā̃ apaḥ; gabhīra ā̃ ugraputre. The ā̃ does not merge with the following vowel.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī asks whether the ā of abhra ā̃ apaḥ is really āṅ. A verse gives the ā marked with ṅ four senses. There the ā has none of them; it expresses the sense of the seventh case. Following the Bhāṣya (the Mahābhāṣya, Patañjali's great commentary on the sūtras), the Subodhinī answers that ā lacks the ṅ only in a sentence and in recollection. Everywhere else it is āṅ. That the rule draws on SK 90 (chapter 4) and SK 3518 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred from his gloss.

A vārttika: in the Veda, īṣā akṣa and the like stay as they are. īṣā akṣo hiraṇyayaḥ; jyā iyam; pūṣā aviṣṭu.

Watch out. The nasal ā̃ is not a marker. The Subodhinī: a nasal vowel is a marker only in the teaching form of an element (upadeśe 'janunāsika it), and this is not such a form.

III.G. Loss of su in sya, and suṭ before candra — running example: syaḥ + bhānuḥ → (su lost before a hal) sya bhānuḥ; hari + candra → (suṭ) hariścandraḥ

Two short rules close the Vedic part of 6.1. One extends to sya the loss of su that chapter 7 taught for eṣaḥ and saḥ. The other gives the augment s before candra in a compound. The running examples are eṣa sya bhānuḥ and hariścandraḥ.

SK 3526 · स्यश्छन्दसि बहुलम् · syaś chandasi bahulam (A 6.1.133)

स्यश्छन्दसि बहुलम्
syaśchandasi bahulam · A 6.1.133
स्य इत्यस्य सोर्लोपः स्याद्धलि । एष स्य भानुः (ए॒ष स्य भा॒नुः) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the case ending su of sya is lost before a consonant (hal), variously. sya is the first-case form of the pronoun tyad "that".

Example. eṣa sya bhānuḥ. The Subodhinī:

tyad + su → a for the d (the tyadādi rule) → t becomes s before su → syaḥ

→ before the bh of bhānuḥ the su is lost by this rule → sya bhānuḥ.

In eṣa the su is lost by etattadoḥ sulopo 'kor anañsamāse hali (SK 176, chapter 7).

Applies when / blocked by. SK 176 covers etad and tad only. This rule brings sya in, in the Veda. That "before a consonant" is carried from SK 176 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred from his gloss.

SK 3527 · ह्रस्वाच्चन्द्रोत्तरपदे मन्त्रे · hrasvāc candrottarapade mantre (A 6.1.151)

ह्रस्वाच्चन्द्रोत्तरपदे मन्त्रे
hrasvāccandrottarapade mantre · A 6.1.151
ह्रस्वात्परस्य चन्द्रशब्दस्योत्तरपदस्य सुडागमः स्यान्मन्त्रे । हरिश्चन्द्रो मरुद्गणः (हरि॑श्चन्द्रो म॒रुद्ग॑णः) । सुश्चन्द्र दस्म (सुश्च॑न्द्र दस्म) ॥

Rule. In a mantra, a verse or formula of the Veda, the augment suṭ (s) comes to candra "bright, moon". candra must be the second member of a compound (uttarapada), after a short vowel. The Subodhinī: suṭ is carried forward from suṭ kāt pūrvaḥ (SK 2553, chapter 51).

Example.

hari + candra → the augment s before candra → hari-s-candra → hariścandraḥ: hariścandro marudgaṇaḥ.

Also suścandra dasma.

The s appears as ś before c; that step is not stated here; it is inferred.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: the augment goes to candra, not to the vowel before it. When a rule names one item in the fifth case and another in the seventh, the fifth-case naming is stronger. So Bhaṭṭoji writes "to the word candra as uttarapada".

III.H. Changes to the prior member in compounds (6.3), with the nipātanas sāḍhyai, sāḍhvā and sāḍhā — running example: saha + māda → (sadha for saha) sadhamāde; aṣṭan + pāda → (ā for the final) aṣṭāpadī

These rules belong to 6.3, the section on the prior member of a compound (pūrvapada) and its changes. Chapter 25 taught the ordinary rules of this section. The Veda adds a fixed dvandva, a substitute for saha, two substitutes for ku, three fixed forms of sah, and ā for aṣṭan. The running examples are sadhamāde "at the common feast" and aṣṭāpadī "eight-footed".

SK 3528 · पितरामातरा च च्छन्दसि · pitarāmātarā ca cchandasi (A 6.3.33)

पितरामातरा च च्छन्दसि
pitarāmātarā ca cchandasi · A 6.3.33
द्वन्द्वे निपातः । आ मा गन्तां पितरा मातरा च (आ मा॑ गन्तां पि॒तरा॑ मा॒तरा॑ च) । चाद्विपरीतमपि । न मातरा पितरा नू चिदिष्टौ (न मा॒तारा॑ पि॒तरा॒ न चि॑दि॒ष्टौ) । समानस्य छन्दस्यमूर्धप्रभृत्युदर्केषु SK 1012 समानस्य सः स्यान्मूर्धादिभिन्ने उत्तरपदे । सगर्भ्यः ।
छन्दसि स्त्रियां बहुलम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ विष्वद्गेवयोरद्र्यदेशः । विश्वाची च घृताची च (वि॒श्वाची॑ च घृ॒ताची॑च) । देवद्रीची नयत देवयन्तः (देव॒द्रीची॑ नयत देव॒यन्तः॑) । कद्रीची (क॒द्रीची॑) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, pitarāmātarā "father and mother" is a fixed form (nipātana) of a dvandva, a compound of members joined by "and". By ca, the reverse order stands too.

Example. ā mā gantāṃ pitarā mātarā ca "may father and mother come to me". The Subodhinī: in the first member, ā is substituted by nipātana. In the second, the case ending is replaced by ā (SK 3561, Part IV), with guṇa by ṛto ṅisarvanāmasthānayoḥ (SK 275, chapter 8).

Reverse order: na mātarā pitarā nū cid iṣṭau.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji cites here samānasya chandasy amūrdhaprabhṛtyudarkeṣu (SK 1012, chapter 25). In the Veda, sa replaces samāna "same", except before mūrdhan, prabhṛti and udarka. The Subodhinī: sa is carried from sahasya saḥ saṃjñāyām (SK 1009, chapter 25).

samāno garbhaḥ → sagarbhaḥ → "being there" (tatra bhavaḥ), with yat → sagarbhyaḥ.

Counter-examples (Subodhinī): samānamūrdhā, samānaprabhṛtayaḥ, samānodarkāḥ.

A vārttika on viṣvagdevayoś ca ṭer adryañcatāv apratyaye (SK 418, chapter 11): in the Veda, in the feminine, it applies variously. Bhaṭṭoji: the substitute adri for the ṭi of viṣvak and deva comes variously.

Without adri: viśvācī ca ghṛtācī ca.

With adri: devadrīcī nayata devayantaḥ; also kadrīcī, from kim.

The Subodhinī: viśvācī is "going to all": añc with kvin (an affix that, like kvip, leaves nothing of itself), ṅīp, loss of the a of añc, and lengthening by cau. Here adri was due but fails by bāhulaka. In kadrīcī "going badly" it does come, for the ṭi of kim. The Subodhinī takes viṣvak and deva to stand for pronouns as well.

SK 3529 · सध मादस्थयोश्छन्दसि · sadha mādasthayoś chandasi (A 6.3.96)

सध मादस्थयोश्छन्दसि
sadha mādasthayośchandasi · A 6.3.96
सहस्य सधादेशः स्यात् । इन्द्र चास्मिन्सधमादे (इन्द्र॑ चा॒स्मिन्स॑ध॒मादे॑) । सोमः सधस्थम् (सोमः॑ स॒धस्थ॑म्) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, sadha replaces saha "with" before māda or stha as the second member. The Subodhinī: saha is carried from sahasya sadhriḥ (SK 422, chapter 11).

Example.

saha + māda → sadhamāda → seventh case sadhamāde: indra cāsmin sadhamāde.

saha + stha → sadhastham: somaḥ sadhastham.

The Subodhinī: sadhamāda is "where the gods rejoice together", the sacrifice, made with ghañ. sadhastha is "what stands together", with ka by āto 'nupasarge kaḥ.

Watch out. The Subodhinī: the a of māda in the sūtra is only for pronunciation. So the rule also covers mād, the kvip form: arvāg indra sadhamādo vahantu.

SK 3530 · पथि च च्छन्दसि · pathi ca cchandasi (A 6.3.108)

पथि च च्छन्दसि
pathi ca cchandasi · A 6.3.108
पथिशब्दे उत्तरपदे कोः कवं कादेशश्च । कवपथः । कापथः । कुपथः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, when pathin "path" is the second member, kava and kā replace ku "bad".

Example. kavapathaḥ, kāpathaḥ, and also kupathaḥ, all "a bad path".

Applies when / blocked by. The source rules would be koḥ kat tatpuruṣe 'ci (SK 1027) and kavaṃ coṣṇe (SK 1033) for ku and kava. kā would come from kā pathyakṣayoḥ (SK 1030). All three are in chapter 25. This link is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. The third form kupathaḥ shows the substitutes are not obligatory. Bhaṭṭoji does not say where the option comes from. There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra.

SK 3531 · साढ्यै साढ्वा साढेति निगमे · sāḍhyai sāḍhvā sāḍheti nigame (A 6.3.113)

साढ्यै साढ्वा साढेति निगमे
sāḍhyai sāḍhvā sāḍheti nigame · A 6.3.113
सहेः क्त्वाप्रत्यये आद्यं द्वयं तृनि तृतीयं निपात्यते । मरुद्भिरुग्रः पृतनासु साह्ला (म॒रुद्भि॑रु॒ग्रः पृत॑नासु॒ साह्ला॑) । अचोर्मध्यस्थस्य डस्य ळः ढस्य ह्लाश्च प्रातिशाख्ये विहितः । आहहि । द्वयोश्चास्य स्वरयोर्मध्यमेत्य संपद्यते स डकारो ळकारः ह्लाकारतामेति स एव चास्य ढकारः सन्नूष्मणा संप्रयुक्त इति ॥

Rule. In the nigama, the Vedic text, sāḍhyai, sāḍhvā and sāḍhā are fixed forms. Bhaṭṭoji: all three are from sah "to overcome". The first two are made with ktvā, the third with tṛn.

Example. The Subodhinī derives sāḍhyai. The replacement of ktvā by dhyai is itself part of the nipātana.

sah + ktvā → dhyai for ktvā → sah + dhyai

→ h becomes ḍh by ho ḍhaḥ (SK 324, chapter 11) → saḍh + dhyai

→ dh becomes ḍh after the retroflex (ṣṭutva) → saḍh + ḍhyai

→ the first ḍh is lost by ḍho ḍhe lopaḥ (SK 2335, chapter 44) → sa + ḍhyai

→ the a before the lost ḍh is lengthened by ḍhralope pūrvasya dīrgho 'ṇaḥ (SK 174, chapter 7) → sāḍhyai.

sāḍhvā is formed likewise (Subodhinī).

With tṛn: marudbhir ugraḥ pṛtanāsu sā́ḷhā "fierce with the Maruts, the conqueror in battles". The udātta is on the first syllable, sā.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains the choice of tṛn over tṛc by accent. With tṛc the word would have the udātta on its last syllable (antodātta). The mantra has it on the first (ādyudātta), and tṛn gives that. The Subodhinī also takes iti in the sūtra as "of this kind". So the nipātana reaches the past participle too: aṣāḷho agne vṛṣabhaḥ.

Watch out. The mantra writes ḷh, not ḍh. Bhaṭṭoji quotes the Prātiśākhya: a ḍ between two vowels becomes ḷ, and a ḍh there becomes ḷh. So sāḍhā is recited sāḷhā.

SK 3532 · छन्दसि च · chandasi ca (A 6.3.126)

छन्दसि च
chandasi ca · A 6.3.126
अष्टन आत्वं स्यादुत्तरपदे । अष्टापदी (अ॒ष्टाप॑दी) ॥

Rule. In the Veda too, ā replaces the final of aṣṭan "eight" before a second member. That this comes from aṣṭanaḥ saṃjñāyām (SK 1046, chapter 25), which gives it in names, is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Example. aṣṭau pādā asyāḥ "she whose feet are eight":

aṣṭan + pāda (bahuvrīhi) → ā for the final → aṣṭā-pāda

→ the final of pāda is lost by saṃkhyāsupūrvasya (SK 879, chapter 19) → aṣṭā-pād

→ ṅīp by pādo 'nyatarasyām (SK 457, chapter 15) → aṣṭā-pād + ī

→ pād becomes pad before the ī by pādaḥ pat (SK 414, chapter 11) → aṣṭāpadī "eight-footed".

This last step is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

III.I. Vedic lengthening of finals and penultimates (6.3.131–137, 6.4.5, 6.4.9), and the nipātana janitā — running example: aśva + matup → (a lengthened) aśvāvatī; abhi + su + naḥ → (i lengthened) abhī ṣu ṇaḥ

Nine of the last ten rules of this part lengthen vowels. The word "long vowel" (dīrgha) runs through SK 3533–3540 from ḍhralope pūrvasya dīrgho 'ṇaḥ (SK 174, chapter 7). The first rules lengthen the final of a stem before matup, before case endings, and of particles and short verb forms in a mantra. SK 3539 opens the lengthening to other words as well. Two rules of 6.4 then make the lengthening of chapter 8 optional in the Veda. Last comes the fixed form janitā. The running examples are aśvāvatī "rich in horses" and abhī ṣu ṇaḥ.

SK 3533 · मन्त्रे सोमाश्वेन्द्रियविश्वदेव्यस्य मतौ · mantre somāśvendriyaviśvadevyasya matau (A 6.3.131)

मन्त्रे सोमाश्वेन्द्रियविश्वदेव्यस्य मतौ
mantre somāśvendriyaviśvadevyasya matau · A 6.3.131
दीर्घः स्यान्मन्त्रे । अश्वावतीं सोमावतीम् (अ॒श्वा॒व॒तीं सो॑माव॒तीम्) । इन्द्रियावान्मदिन्तमः (इ॒न्द्रि॒यावा॑न्म॒दिन्त॑मः ) । विश्वकर्मणा विश्वदेव्यावता (वि॒श्वक॑र्मणा वि॒श्वदे॑व्यावता) ॥

Rule. In a mantra, before the affix matup, the final vowel of soma, aśva, indriya and viśvadevya is lengthened.

Example.

aśva + matup → the final a lengthened → aśvā + mat

→ m becomes v after the ā by mādupadhāyāś ca mator vo 'yavādibhyaḥ (SK 1897, chapter 39) → aśvāvat-

→ feminine ī → aśvāvatī → second case aśvāvatīm.

The v for m is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

aśvāvatīṃ somāvatīm "rich in horses, rich in soma".

indriyāvān madintamaḥ "possessed of vigour, most exhilarating".

viśvakarmaṇā viśvadevyāvatā.

Watch out. The Subodhinī lists the bases as five: soma, aśva, indriya, viśva, devya. The example viśvadevyāvatā shows the single stem viśvadevya.

SK 3534 · ओषधेश्च विभक्तावप्रथमायाम् · oṣadheś ca vibhaktāv aprathamāyām (A 6.3.132)

ओषधेश्च विभक्तावप्रथमायाम्
oṣadheśca vibhaktāvaprathamāyām · A 6.3.132
दीर्घः स्यान्मत्रे । यदोषधीभ्यः (यदोष॑धीभ्यः) । अदधात्योषधीषु (अ॒द॒धा॒त्योष॑धीषु) ॥

Rule. In a mantra, the final of oṣadhi "plant" is lengthened before a case ending (vibhakti) other than one of the first case.

Example.

oṣadhi + bhyas → i lengthened → oṣadhībhyaḥ: yad oṣadhībhyaḥ.

oṣadhi + su → oṣadhīṣu: adadhāty oṣadhīṣu.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī meets an objection by accent. Could the ī come from the feminine affix ṅīṣ by kṛdikārād aktinaḥ, making this rule needless? No. ṅīṣ would put the udātta on the last syllable. The word wants it on the first: óṣadhībhyaḥ, óṣadhīṣu, with the udātta on o. That accent comes from the phiṭ-sūtra laghāvante… (phiṭ 42). So the ī must be this rule's lengthening.

Watch out. Before a first-case ending the rule does not apply.

SK 3535 · ऋचि तुनुघमक्षुतङ्कुत्रोरुष्याणाम् · ṛci tunughamakṣutaṅkutroruṣyāṇām (A 6.3.133)

ऋचि तुनुघमक्षुतङ्कुत्रोरुष्याणाम्
ṛci tunughamakṣutaṅkutroruṣyāṇām · A 6.3.133
दीर्घः स्यात् । आ तू न इन्द्र (आ तू न॑ इन्द्र) । नू मर्तः (नू मर्तः॑) । उत वा घा स्यालात् (उ॒त वा॑ घा स्या॒लात्) । मक्षू गोमन्तमीमहे (म॒क्षू गोम॑न्तमीमहे) । भरता जातवेदसम् (भर॑ता जातवे॑दसम्) । तङिति थादेशस्य ङित्वपक्षे ग्रहणम् । तेनेह न । शृणोत ग्रावाणः (शृ॒णोत॑ ग्रावाणः) । कूमनाः (कूम॑नाः) । अत्रा ते भद्रा (अत्रा॑ ते भ॑द्रा) । यत्रा नश्चका (यत्रा॑ नश्च॒का) । उरूष्याणः (उरू॒ष्याणः॑) ॥

Rule. In a ṛc, the final of tu, nu, gha, makṣu, taṅ, ku, tra and uruṣya is lengthened.

Example.

ā tū na indra; nū martaḥ.

uta vā ghā syālāt "or else from the wife's brother". The Subodhinī: syāla is the wife's brother, in the fifth case.

makṣū gomantam īmahe.

bharatā jātavedasam (taṅ).

kūmanāḥ (ku); atrā te bhadrā, yatrā naś cakrā (tra).

uruṣyā ṇaḥ. The Subodhinī: uruṣya is a kaṇḍvādi stem in yak, "to protect", in loṭ. Its hi is lost by ato heḥ (SK 2202, chapter 44). The ṇ of ṇaḥ is by SK 3649 (Part V).

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: taṅ means the substitute for the ending tha, in the alternative where it is marked with ṅ. The Subodhinī: in loṭ the second person plural tha becomes ta by loṭo laṅvat (SK 2198) and tasthasthamipāṃ… (SK 2199), chapter 44. That ta is ṅ-marked: bharatā.

Not here: śṛṇota grāvāṇaḥ "hear, O pressing-stones". The Subodhinī: there the substitute is tap by taptanaptanathanāś ca (SK 3567, Part IV). Being p-marked, it is not ṅ-marked.

Watch out. gha here is the word gha itself. It is not the name gha for the affixes tarap and tamap. The Subodhinī: in the Veda, lengthening is seen only for the word gha.

SK 3536 · इकः सुञि · ikaḥ suñi (A 6.3.134)

इकः सुञि
ikaḥ suñi · A 6.3.134
ऋचि दीर्घ इत्येव । अभीषुणः सखीनाम् (अ॒भीषुणः॒ सखी॑नाम्) । सुञः SK 3644 इति षः । नश्च धातुस्थोरुषभ्यः SK 3649 इति णः ॥

Rule. In a ṛc, a word ending in an ik vowel (i, u, ṛ, ḷ) is lengthened before the particle su (suñ). Bhaṭṭoji: "in a ṛc" and "long vowel" still apply. That they come from SK 3535 just above is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Example.

abhi + su + naḥ

→ the final i of abhi lengthened → abhī su naḥ

→ s becomes ṣ by suñaḥ (SK 3644, Part V) → abhī ṣu naḥ

→ n becomes ṇ by naś ca dhātusthoruṣubhyaḥ (SK 3649, Part V) → abhī ṣu ṇaḥ.

abhī ṣu ṇaḥ sakhīnām.

SK 3537 · द्व्यचोऽतस्तिङः · dvyaco 'tas tiṅaḥ (A 6.3.135)

द्व्यचोऽतस्तिङः
dvyaco'tastiṅaḥ · A 6.3.135
मन्त्रे दीर्घः । विद्मा हि चक्रा जरसम् (वि॒द्मा हि च॒क्रा ज॒रस॑म्) ॥

Rule. In a mantra, the final a of a verb form (tiṅanta) of two vowels is lengthened.

Example. vidmā hi cakrā jarasam.

vidma "we know" → vidmā. The Subodhinī: vid in laṭ, with ma for mas by vido laṭo vā (SK 2464, chapter 45).

cakra "you (plural) made" → cakrā. The Subodhinī: liṭ, second person plural.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji says "in a mantra". The Subodhinī words it "in a ṛc".

SK 3538 · निपातस्य च · nipātasya ca (A 6.3.136)

निपातस्य च
nipātasya ca · A 6.3.136
एवा हि ते (ए॒वा हि ते॒) ॥

Rule. In a mantra, the final of a nipāta, a particle, is lengthened.

Example. eva → evā: evā hi te. The Subodhinī: eva is a nipāta because it is listed in the cādi group, the list of particles that begins with ca "and".

SK 3539 · अन्येषामपि दृश्यते · anyeṣām api dṛśyate (A 6.3.137)

अन्येषामपि दृश्यते
anyeṣāmapi dṛśyate · A 6.3.137
अन्येषामपि पूर्वपदस्थानां दीर्घः स्यात् । पूरुषः (पूरु॑षः) । दण्डादण्डि ॥

Rule. A long vowel is seen for other words too, in a prior member. Bhaṭṭoji glosses: "for others too, standing in a prior member". The Bālamanoramā, on SK 846 where this sūtra is cited, supplies "long vowel" from SK 174. It adds that "others" means others than those named from nahivṛtivṛṣi… (SK 1037, chapter 25) on.

Example. pūruṣaḥ "man". daṇḍādaṇḍi "a fight in which they struck each other with sticks" (SK 846, chapter 19). Earlier, sādanya (SK 3492) got its long first vowel from this rule.

Applies when / blocked by. The Bālamanoramā on SK 846 limits the rule. In a bahuvrīhi, the final of the prior member is lengthened only where an action is done mutually (karmavyatihāra). It draws this from the word "is seen" (dṛśyate). There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra.

SK 3540 · छन्दस्युभयथा · chandasy ubhayathā (A 6.4.5)

छन्दस्युभयथा
chandasyubhayathā · A 6.4.5
नामि दीर्घो वा । धाता धातॄणाम् (धा॒ता धा॑तॄ॒णाम्) इति बह्वृचाः । तैत्तिरीयास्तु ह्रस्वमेव पठन्ति ॥

Rule. In the Veda, before nām, a long vowel comes optionally: "both ways". The Subodhinī: nāmi (SK 209, chapter 8) and "long vowel" from SK 174 are carried forward. SK 209 gives the lengthening before nām; here it is optional.

Example. dhātā dhātṝṇām "the Ordainer of ordainers": so the Bahvṛcas recite it. The Taittirīyas read only the short vowel: dhātṛṇām.

SK 3541 · वा षपूर्वस्य निगमे · vā ṣapūrvasya nigame (A 6.4.9)

वा षपूर्वस्य निगमे
vā ṣapūrvasya nigame · A 6.4.9
षपूर्वस्याच उपधाया वा दीर्घोऽसंबुद्धौ सर्वनामस्थाने परे । ऋभुक्षाणम् (ऋभु॒क्षाण॑म्) । ऋभुक्षणम् (ऋभु॒क्षण॑म्) । निगमे किम् । तक्षा । तक्षाणौ ॥

Rule. In the nigama, a penultimate vowel (upadhā) that has ṣ before it is optionally lengthened. This happens before a sarvanāmasthāna ending, other than the ending of address (sambuddhi). The sarvanāmasthāna endings are the "strong" endings of chapter 8. That the condition comes from sarvanāmasthāne cāsambuddhau (SK 250, chapter 8) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred from his gloss.

Example. ṛbhukṣāṇam and ṛbhukṣaṇam, both second case singular of ṛbhukṣin.

ṛbhukṣin + am

→ the i becomes a by ito 't sarvanāmasthāne (SK 366, chapter 11; Subodhinī) → ṛbhukṣan + am

→ the penultimate a, after ṣ, optionally lengthened → ṛbhukṣān + am / ṛbhukṣan + am

→ n becomes ṇ after ṣ (SK 235, chapter 8, as at SK 3514) → ṛbhukṣāṇam / ṛbhukṣaṇam.

That the lengthened vowel is this a, and the ṇ step, are not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; they are inferred. The Subodhinī: ṛbhukṣin is a fixed form of the uṇādi list.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "in the nigama"? Outside it only the long vowel stands: takṣā, takṣāṇau.

SK 3542 · जनिता मन्त्रे · janitā mantre (A 6.4.53)

जनिता मन्त्रे
janitā mantre · A 6.4.53
इडादौ तृचि णिलोपो निपात्यते । यो नः पिता जनिता (यो नः॑ पि॒ता ज॑नि॒ता) ॥

Rule. In a mantra, janitā is a fixed form. Bhaṭṭoji: the loss of ṇi before tṛc with iṭ is established by nipātana.

Example. yo naḥ pitā janitā "who is our father, our begetter". The Subodhinī: janitā means janayitā, the agent noun of the causative of jan.

jan + ṇic → jani

→ jani + iṭ + tṛc

→ ṇi lost by nipātana → jan-i-tṛ → janitā.

The regular form keeps the ṇi: janayitā.

Watch out. ṇer aniṭi (SK 2313, chapter 44) drops ṇi only before an affix without iṭ. Here iṭ is present, so only the nipātana can drop it. Part IV opens with śamitā yajñe (SK 3543), a fixed form of the same kind.

IV.A. Augments and nipātanas on the aṅga (6.4): śamitā, a long vowel before lyap, aṭ and āṭ in the Veda, re for ire — running example: naś + luṅ → (āṭ for an aṅga not beginning with a vowel) ānaṭ; dhā + liṭ, jha → ire → re → dadhre

Part IV takes the Vedic rules of the aṅga. The aṅga is the base to which an affix is added, and book 6, pāda 4 changes it. Chapter 44 taught the ordinary rules that these Vedic rules bend. The past tenses take the augment aṭ (SK 2206). An augment (āgama) is a sound added to a word without replacing anything. A root beginning with a vowel takes āṭ instead (SK 2254). Neither comes when the verb is construed with the prohibitive mā (māṅ, SK 2228). And in the perfect (liṭ) the ending jha becomes ire (SK 2241). In the Veda, āṭ reaches roots that begin with a consonant: naś + luṅ gives ānaṭ. The augments may also fail, or come with mā. And ire is shortened to re: dadhre, "they received".

SK 3543 · शमिता यज्ञे · śamitā yajñe (A 6.4.54)

शमिता यज्ञे
śamitā yajñe · A 6.4.54
शमयितेत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. In the sacrifice (yajñe), the word śamitā is a nipātana. A nipātana is a finished form stated in a sūtra; its irregular steps are accepted as given. Bhaṭṭoji glosses the word as śamayitā.

Example.

śam + ṇic + iṭ + tṛc → the ṇi is dropped by nipātana → śam-i-tṛ → śamitā.

With the ṇi kept, the form is śamayitā, the word Bhaṭṭoji uses to give the sense.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says only "the nipātana is as before". It points back to janitā in SK 3542, the rule just before (Part III of this chapter). There too the ṇi is dropped before tṛc with iṭ.

Watch out. The nipātana is restricted to the sacrifice (yajñe).

SK 3544 · युप्लुवोर्दीर्घश्छन्दसि · yupluvor dīrghaś chandasi (A 6.4.58)

युप्लुवोर्दीर्घश्छन्दसि
yupluvordīrghaśchandasi · A 6.4.58
ल्यपीत्यनुवर्तते । वियूय । विप्लूय । आडजादीनाम् SK 2254 ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the vowel of yu and plu is made long before the affix lyap. Bhaṭṭoji says "when lyap follows" is carried forward. It comes from lyapi laghupūrvāt (SK 3336, chapter 69). lyap is the substitute of ktvā "having done" in a compound (SK 3332, chapter 69).

Example.

vi + yu + lyap → u lengthened → viyūya.

vi + plu + lyap → viplūya.

Applies when / blocked by. Only yu and plu are named. The long vowel is the Vedic form; Bhaṭṭoji gives no further conditions.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji ends this unit by recalling āḍ ajādīnām (SK 2254, chapter 44): "āṭ for aṅgas beginning with a vowel". That recall does not belong to this rule. It is the frame for the next sūtra, which extends āṭ. Bhaṭṭoji often closes a unit this way, quoting the earlier rule the next sūtra continues.

SK 3545 · छन्दस्यपि दृश्यते · chandasy api dṛśyate (A 6.4.73)

छन्दस्यपि दृश्यते
chandasyapi dṛśyate · A 6.4.73
अनजादीनामित्यर्थः । आनट् (आन॑ट्) । आवः (आ॑वः) । न माङ्योगे SK 2228 ॥

Rule. In the Veda, āṭ is seen also on aṅgas that do not begin with a vowel. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss is one word: anajādīnām, "also for those not beginning with a vowel". Ordinarily SK 2254 (chapter 44) gives āṭ only to vowel-initial roots.

Example.

naś + luṅ t (the ending tip, reduced to t) → cli is lost by mantre ghasa… (SK 3402, Part I of this chapter)

→ āṭ added → ā-naś-t

→ the single-sound t lost (halṅyābbhyo…, SK 252, chapter 8) → ā-naś

→ ś → ṣ by vraśca… (SK 294, chapter 9); naśer vā (SK 431, chapter 11) does not apply

→ ṣ → ḍ (jaśtva) → ḍ → ṭ (cartva) → ānaṭ.

vṛñ + luṅ → cli lost → guṇa → var → āṭ → āvar → r → visarga → āvaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the two forms. The steps above are the Subodhinī's, except the loss of the ending. That step is presumably the same as for ās at SK 3586. cli is the vikaraṇa of luṅ, the aorist. jaśtva softens a final consonant, and cartva makes it voiceless again.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes by recalling na māṅyoge (SK 2228, chapter 44): aṭ and āṭ do not come when the verb is construed with māṅ. That is the frame for SK 3546.

SK 3546 · बहुलं छन्दस्यमाङ्योगेऽपि · bahulaṃ chandasy amāṅyoge 'pi (A 6.4.75)

बहुलं छन्दस्यमाङ्योगेऽपि
bahulaṃ chandasyamāṅyoge'pi · A 6.4.75
अडाटो न स्तो माङ्योगेऽपि स्तः । जनिष्ठा उग्रः सहसे तुराय (जनि(स्वा)ष्ठा उ॒ग्रः सह॑से तु॒राय॑) । मा वः क्षेत्रे परबीजान्यवाप्सुः (मा वः॒ क्षेत्रे॑ परबी॒जान्यवा॑प्सुः) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, aṭ and āṭ are bahulam, "variable". bahulam lets a rule fail where it should apply and apply where it should fail. So the augments may be absent without māṅ. And they may be present with māṅ. Ordinarily aṭ (SK 2206) and āṭ (SK 2254) always come, and SK 2228 removes them only with māṅ.

Example.

janiṣṭhā ugraḥ sahase turāya, "you were born mighty, for strength, for overpowering".

jan + luṅ thās → no aṭ, though there is no māṅ → janiṣṭhāḥ.

mā vaḥ kṣetre parabījāny avāpsuḥ, "let not the seeds of others be sown in your field".

vap + luṅ → aṭ, though construed with mā → avāpsuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī analyses avāpsuḥ. It is luṅ of vap in the object (karman) sense. It is parasmaipada by vyatyaya, "interchange", which in the Veda lets one form stand for another. cli becomes sic (SK 2222, chapter 44), and the root takes vṛddhi.

Watch out. The Subodhinī doubts the second example. Bhaṭṭoji cites it following the Kāśikā. But in the recitation of the Veda the word is only vāpsuḥ, with no aṭ. "Another example of māṅ with the augment must be looked for."

SK 3547 · इरयो रे · irayo re (A 6.4.76)

इरयो रे
irayo re · A 6.4.76
प्रथमं दध्र आपः (प्रथ॒मं द॑ध्र॒ आपः॑) । रेभावस्याभीयत्वेनासिद्धत्वादालोपः । अत्र रेशब्दस्येटि कृते पुनरपि रेभावस्तदर्थं च सूत्रे द्विवचनान्तं निर्दिष्टमिरयोरिति ॥

Rule. In the Veda, re replaces ire. Ordinarily ire replaces the third-person plural ending jha of liṭ (SK 2241, chapter 44).

Example.

dhā + liṭ jha → reduplication → dadhā + jha

→ ire for jha (SK 2241) → dadhā + ire

→ re for ire → dadhā + re

→ the ā is lost (āto lopa iṭi ca, SK 2372, chapter 44) → dadhre.

prathamaṃ dadhra āpaḥ, "the waters received first (the embryo)".

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the ā still lost? SK 2372 needs an ending that begins with a vowel, and re does not. Bhaṭṭoji answers: the change to re falls in the ābhīya section. That is a stretch of book 6 in which one rule is asiddha, "treated as not yet done", for another. So the loss of ā still sees ire, and applies.

Watch out. Why does the sūtra say irayoḥ, in the dual? re can itself take the augment iṭ. Then i + re gives ire once more, and re must replace it again. The dual names both *ire*s: the original and the one made by iṭ. The Subodhinī adds that, because of the dual, the paribhāṣā (working maxim) on derived (lākṣaṇika) versus directly taught (pratipadokta) forms does not stop the second change.

IV.B. yaṇ beside iyaṅ/uvaṅ, the loss of the upadhā before kit/ṅit, and dhi for hi — running example: vibhū + am → vibhvam / vibhuvam; pat + liṭ ma (+ iṭ) → (upadhā lost) paptima; śru + hi → (dhi; lengthened) śrudhī

These six rules undo three ordinary rules of earlier chapters. na bhūsudhiyoḥ (SK 273, chapter 8) keeps bhū and sudhī from yaṇ, the change of i, u to y, v. In the Veda both treatments occur: vibhvam and vibhuvam. Next, tan and pat lose the a before their last consonant, as in paptima "we have flown". Last, hujhalbhyo her dhiḥ (SK 2425, chapter 45) gives dhi for the imperative ending hi after some roots. The Veda extends dhi to śru, kṛ and others: śrudhī "hear!".

SK 3548 · छन्दस्युभयथा · chandasy ubhayathā (A 6.4.86)

छन्दस्युभयथा
chandasyubhayathā · A 6.4.86
भूसुधियोर्यण् स्यादियङुवङौ च । वनेषु चित्रं विभ्य (वने(स्ल)षु चि॒त्रं वि॒भ्य॑) । विभुवं वा । सुध्यो3 नव्य मग्ने (सु॒ध्यो॒3॒॑ नव्य॑ मग्ने) । सुधियो वा ।
तन्वादीनां छन्दसि बहुलम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ तन्वं पुषेम (त॒न्वं॑ पुषेम) । तनुवं वा । त्र्य॑म्बकम् (त्र्य॑म्बकम्) । त्रियम्बकम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, bhū and sudhī go "both ways" (ubhayathā). They take yaṇ, and they also take iyaṅ and uvaṅ. iyaṅ turns i, ī into iy, and uvaṅ turns u, ū into uv. Ordinarily SK 273 (chapter 8) bars yaṇ for these two, so only iyaṅ and uvaṅ come.

Example.

vibhū + am → yaṇ (ū → v) → vibhvam: vaneṣu citraṃ vibhvam, "wondrous, all-pervading, in the woods".

vibhū + am → uvaṅ → vibhuvam.

sudhī → yaṇ → sudhyaḥ, written sudhyo3 navyam agne in the mantra; or iyaṅ → sudhiyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika follows. A vārttika is a supplementary rule that Bhaṭṭoji quotes after a sūtra. It says: for tanū and the rest, in the Veda, iyaṅ and uvaṅ are variable.

tanvaṃ puṣema, "may we nourish the body" → or tanuvam.

tryambakam → or triyambakam.

The Subodhinī explains. tanuvam has uvaṅ, which tanū would not otherwise get, since it is not a root. tanvam has yaṇ. That happens where vā chandasi (SK 3515, Part III of this chapter) withholds the single substitute that am would make. tryambaka is Rudra, "he whose three eyes".

Watch out. The "3" in sudhyo3 marks a pluta, a vowel of three measures; this rule does not make it.

SK 3549 · तनिपत्योश्छन्दसि · tanipatyoś chandasi (A 6.4.99)

तनिपत्योश्छन्दसि
tanipatyośchandasi · A 6.4.99
एतयोरुपधालोपः क्ङिति प्रत्यये । वितत्निरे कवयः (वित॑त्निरे क॒वयः॑) । शकुना इव पप्तिम (शकु॒ना इ॑व पप्तिम) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, tan and pat lose their upadhā before a kit or ṅit affix. The upadhā is the sound just before the last sound of a word; here, the a. A kit or ṅit affix is one marked with k or ṅ.

Example.

vi + tan + liṭ ire → reduplication → vi-ta-tan-ire → a lost → vitatnire: vitatnire kavayaḥ, "the poets have spread out".

pat + liṭ ma → iṭ → pa-pat-i-ma → a lost → paptima: śakunā iva paptima, "like birds, we have flown".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī gives the analysis. The a-loss is asiddha. Yet ata ekahalmadhye… (SK 2260, chapter 44) does not apply. That rule would give e for the a and drop the reduplicated syllable. It is kept out because the loss is expressly taught.

Watch out. Ordinary usage has vitenire and petima (Subodhinī). There SK 2260 does apply.

SK 3550 · घसिभसोर्हलि च · ghasibhasor hali ca (A 6.4.100)

घसिभसोर्हलि च
ghasibhasorhali ca · A 6.4.100
सग्धिश्च मे (सग्धि॑श्च मे) । बब्धां ते हरी धानाः (ब॒ब्धां ते॒ हरी॑ धा॒नाः) । हुझलूभ्यो हेर्धिः SK 2425 ॥

Rule. ghas and bhas also lose their upadhā a before a kit or ṅit affix. This holds before an affix beginning with a consonant (hali), and, by ca "and", before one beginning with a vowel.

Example.

ad + ktin → ghas for ad by bahulaṃ chandasi (SK 3398, Part I)

→ ghas + ti → a lost → ghs + ti

→ s lost by jhalo jhali (SK 2281, chapter 44) → gh + ti

→ t → dh (SK 2280, chapter 44) → gh + dhi → gh → g (jaśtva) → gdhi

→ samāna "common" → sa (SK 1012, chapter 25) → sagdhiḥ: sagdhiś ca me, "and my common meal".

bhas + loṭ tām, with ślu → doubling first, by ślau (SK 2490, chapter 46) → babhas-tām

→ a lost → s lost → t → dh → jaśtva → babdhām: babdhāṃ te harī dhānāḥ, "let your two bay horses chew the grains".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives the forms; the steps are the Subodhinī's. In babdhām the doubling comes first by bāhulaka, the latitude of bahulam. It overrides the a-loss, though that rule is later and always applicable.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes by recalling hujhalbhyo her dhiḥ (SK 2425, chapter 45). After hu and after an aṅga ending in a consonant other than a nasal or semivowel (jhal), dhi replaces the imperative hi. That is the frame for SK 3551.

SK 3551 · श्रुशृणुपॄकृवृभ्यश्छन्दसि · śruśṛṇupṝkṛvṛbhyaś chandasi (A 6.4.102)

श्रुशृणुपॄकृवृभ्यश्छन्दसि
śruśṛṇupṝkṛvṛbhyaśchandasi · A 6.4.102
श्रुधी हवम् (श्रु॒धी हव॑म्) । शृणुधी गिरः (शृणुधी॒ गिरः॑) । रायस्पूर्धि (रा॒यस्पू॑र्धि) । उरुणस्कृधि (उ॒रुण॑स्कृधि) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, dhi replaces hi after śru, śṛṇu, pṝ, kṛ and vṛ. "dhi for hi" is carried forward from SK 2425 (chapter 45).

Example.

śru + śap + hi → śap lost (bahulaṃ chandasi, SK 3400, Part I) → śru + dhi

→ lengthened by anyeṣām api dṛśyate (SK 3539, Part III) → śrudhī: śrudhī havam, "hear the call".

śṛṇu + hi → dhi → śṛṇudhī: śṛṇudhī giraḥ, "hear the songs".

pṝ + hi → śap lost → ṝ → ur (SK 2494, chapter 46) → long ū (hali ca, SK 354, chapter 11) → pūr + dhi → rāyaspūrdhi, "fill (us) with wealth".

kṛ + hi → kṛdhi: uruṇaskṛdhi, "make wide (room) for us".

Applies when / blocked by. The steps are the Subodhinī's. śṛṇu is śru with śnu, where śru becomes śṛ. After śṛṇu the hi would normally be lost by utaś ca pratyayāt… (SK 2334, chapter 44). It is not lost, because this rule names śṛṇu. In uruṇaskṛdhi, the ṇ comes by SK 3649 and the s for visarga by SK 3635 (both in Part V).

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji gives no example for vṛ; the Subodhinī comments on one, apāvṛdhi. The Subodhinī glosses pṝ as "to protect"; the root also means "to fill".

SK 3552 · वा छन्दसि · vā chandasi (A 3.4.88)

वा छन्दसि
vā chandasi · A 3.4.88
हिरपिद्वा ॥

Rule. In the Veda, hi, the substitute of the ending sip, is optionally apit. Ordinarily ser hy apic ca (SK 2201, chapter 44) makes hi always apit. apit means "not marked with p". So in the Veda hi may also count as pit.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives no worked form. His gloss is three words: "hi is optionally apit."

Applies when / blocked by. This is a rule of book 3, placed among the rules of book 6. An apit ending counts as ṅit, by sārvadhātukam apit (SK 2234, chapter 44). When hi is not apit, it is not ṅit. Then the next rule, aṅitaś ca, can work on it. That is presumably why the rule stands here. The Subodhinī on SK 3553 does say that in rārandhi the hi is not ṅit.

Watch out. There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra.

SK 3553 · अङितश्च · aṅitaś ca (A 6.4.103)

अङितश्च
aṅitaśca · A 6.4.103
हेर्धिः स्यात् । रारन्धि (रा॒र॒न्धि) । रमेर्व्यत्ययेन परस्मैपदम् । शपः श्लुरभ्यासदीर्घश्च । अस्मे प्रयन्धि (अ॒स्मे प्रय॑न्धि) । युयोधि जातवेदः (यु॒योधि॑ जातवेदः) । यमेः शपो लुक् । यौतेः शपः श्लुः ॥

Rule. dhi replaces hi also when the hi is not ṅit. "dhi for hi" is carried forward from SK 2425 (chapter 45). The Vedic setting is understood from the section, not restated.

Example.

ram + hi → parasmaipada by vyatyaya → śap → ślu → doubling → ra-ram

→ the reduplicated syllable lengthened (the tujādi rule, SK 3509, Part III) → rā-ram + hi

→ dhi → rāram + dhi → the m heard as n before dh → rārandhi, "rejoice".

asme prayandhi, "hold out to us": yam, with luk of śap.

yuyodhi jātavedaḥ, "keep away, O Jātavedas": yu, with ślu of śap.

Applies when / blocked by. luk and ślu both remove an affix; ślu also causes doubling. The Subodhinī says the luk for yam comes by bahulaṃ chandasi (SK 3400). The ślu for yu comes likewise (SK 3401, Part I).

Watch out. In rārandhi the m is not dropped; it is only heard as n before dh. anudāttopadeśa… (SK 2428, chapter 45) drops such a nasal only before a ṅit affix. Here hi is not ṅit (Subodhinī).

IV.C. The last aṅga rules of adhyāya 6: tmanā, rajiṣṭham, and the nipātanas ṛtvya … hiraṇyaya — running example: ātman + āṅ (= ṭā) → (initial ā lost) tmanā; ṛju + iṣṭhan → (ra for ṛ) rajiṣṭham

Three rules close book 6. Each changes a stem before an ending or affix. ātman loses its first sound before the instrumental ending: tmanā. ṛju "straight" may take ra for its ṛ, by the rule that chapter 37 taught for other stems (SK 1785): rajiṣṭham. And five Vedic words are given ready-made, among them mādhvī and hiraṇyaya.

SK 3554 · मन्त्रेष्वाङ्यादेरात्मनः · mantreṣv āṅy āder ātmanaḥ (A 6.4.141)

मन्त्रेष्वाङ्यादेरात्मनः
mantreṣvāṅyāderātmanaḥ · A 6.4.141
आत्मन्शब्दस्यादेर्लोपः स्यादाङि । त्मना देवेषु (त्मना॑ दे॒वेषु॑) ॥

Rule. In mantras, the first sound of ātman is lost before āṅ. āṅ is the older grammarians' name for ṭā, the third-case singular ending. SK 244 (āṅo nā 'striyām, chapter 8) uses the same name. The word "loss" (lopa) is supplied by Bhaṭṭoji's paraphrase.

Example.

ātman + ṭā → ātman + ā → the initial ā lost → tman + ā → tmanā: tmanā deveṣu, "by himself, among the gods".

Applies when / blocked by. The rule is restricted to mantras (mantreṣu), the verses and formulas of the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji does not name the rule from which lopa is carried.

Watch out. The ending is named by its old name āṅ, not ṭā.

SK 3555 · विभाषर्जोश्छन्दसि · vibhāṣarjoś chandasi (A 6.4.162)

विभाषर्जोश्छन्दसि
vibhāṣarjośchandasi · A 6.4.162
ऋजुशब्दस्य ऋतः स्थाने रः स्याद्वा इष्ठेमेयस्सु । त्वं रजिष्टमनुनेषु (त्वं रजि॑ष्ट॒मनु॑नेषु) । ऋजिष्ठं वा ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ra optionally replaces the ṛ of ṛju. This happens before the affixes iṣṭhan, iman and īyasun. "ra for ṛ" is carried forward from ra ṛto halāder laghoḥ (SK 1785, chapter 37). The three affixes are carried from turiṣṭhemeyassu (SK 2008, chapter 41). The Subodhinī names both sources.

Example.

ṛju + iṣṭhan → ra for ṛ → rajiṣṭham: tvaṃ rajiṣṭham anu neṣi, "you lead along the straightest (path)".

Without the change → ṛjiṣṭham.

Applies when / blocked by. vibhāṣā means "optionally". Both forms are correct in the Veda.

SK 3556 · ऋत्व्यवास्त्व्यवास्त्वमाध्वीहिरण्ययानि च्छन्दसि · ṛtvyavāstvyavāstvamādhvīhiraṇyayāni cchandasi (A 6.4.175)

ऋत्व्यवास्त्व्यवास्त्वमाध्वीहिरण्ययानि च्छन्दसि
ṛtvyavāstvyavāstvamādhvīhiraṇyayāni cchandasi · A 6.4.175
ऋतौ भवमृत्व्यम् । वास्तुनि भवं वास्त्व्यम् वास्त्वं च । मधुशब्दस्याणि स्त्रिया यणादेशो निपात्यते । माध्वीर्नः सन्त्वोषधीः (माध्वी॑र्नः स॒न्त्वोष॑धीः) । हिरण्यशब्दाद्विहितस्य मयटो मशब्दस्य लोपो निपात्यते । हिरण्ययेन सविता रथेन (हिर॒ण्यये॑न सवि॒ता रथे॑न) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, five words are nipātanas: ṛtvya, vāstvya, vāstva, mādhvī and hiraṇyaya. Four of them have yaṇ (u → v) for the final of the stem. The fifth loses the ma of the affix mayaṭ.

Example.

"What is in the season (ṛtu)": ṛtu + yat → yaṇ → ṛtvyam.

"What is on the site (vāstu)": vāstu + yat → vāstvyam; vāstu + aṇ → vāstvam.

madhu + aṇ, feminine → yaṇ → mādhvī: mādhvīr naḥ santv oṣadhīḥ, "may the plants be sweet for us".

hiraṇya + mayaṭ → ma lost → hiraṇyaya: hiraṇyayena savitā rathena, "Savitṛ, with his golden chariot".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī names the affixes: yat after ṛtu, and aṇ and yat after vāstu. Ordinary derivation would give guṇa (oḥ guṇaḥ, SK 847, chapter 19). The results would be ṛtavya, vāstavya, vāstava and mādhavī. Bhaṭṭoji names only the yaṇ.

Watch out. How does hiraṇya keep its final a before ya? Scholars discuss this. The Subodhinī first says the loss of ma is asiddha. So yasyeti ca (SK 311, chapter 10) does not drop the stem's a. Lengthening by SK 2298 (chapter 44) is kept off by a paribhāṣā, a working maxim, called aṅgavṛtta. Alternatively, only the m is lost. Then the stem's a goes by yasyeti ca, and the a we hear is the affix's. This rule ends book 6.

IV.D. Vedic endings at the head of adhyāya 7: ruṭ, bhis kept, no adḍ, ktvā beside lyap — running example: duh + laṭ jha → ate → (ruṭ) duh-r-ate → (t lost, SK 3563) duhre / duhrate; deva + bhis → devebhiḥ

Book 7 opens with rules on endings. Four ordinary rules are loosened here. śīṅo ruṭ (SK 2442, chapter 45) adds the augment r to an ending after śī. ato bhisa ais (SK 203, chapter 8) replaces bhis by ais after a. adḍ ḍatarādibhyaḥ… (SK 315, chapter 10) replaces su and am by adḍ after itara and its group: itarat. And SK 3332 (chapter 69) puts lyap for ktvā in a compound. The running examples are duhre "they yield", with r added, and devebhiḥ "with the gods", with bhis kept.

SK 3557 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 7.1.8)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 7.1.8
शीङो रुट् SK 2442 ।रुडागमः स्यात् । लोपस्त आत्मनेपदेषु SK 3563 इति पक्षे तलोपः । धेनवो दुह्रे (धे॒नवो॑ दुह्रे) । लोपाभावे । घृतं दुहर्ते (घृ॒तं दु॑हर्ते) । अदृश्रमस्य (अदृ॑श्रमस्य) । अतो भिस ऐस् SK 203 ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the augment ruṭ comes variously (bahulam). The frame is śīṅo ruṭ (SK 2442, chapter 45), which Bhaṭṭoji quotes at the head of the unit. ruṭ adds r at the front of the ending.

Example.

duh + laṭ jha → at for jha; ṭi → e → duh + ate

→ ruṭ → duh + r + ate

→ t lost, optionally, by lopas ta ātmanepadeṣu (SK 3563, below) → duh + r + a + e

→ a + e → e by pararūpa (ato guṇe, SK 191, chapter 8) → duhre: dhenavo duhre, "the cows yield milk".

Without the t-loss → duhrate: ghṛtaṃ duhrate, "they yield ghee".

adṛśram asya, "his (rays) have appeared": dṛś, luṅ, with ruṭ.

Applies when / blocked by. The steps of duhre are the Subodhinī's, up to the loss of t. The last step, pararūpa, is the one the Subodhinī gives for the parallel aduhra (SK 3563). pararūpa is the single substitute that takes the form of the second sound. The ṭi is the last vowel with what follows it. In adṛśram, says the Subodhinī, the first-person singular mip stands for the third-person plural, by vyatyaya. Then ruṭ is added.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes by recalling ato bhisa ais (SK 203, chapter 8), the frame for SK 3558.

SK 3558 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 7.1.10)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 7.1.10
अग्निर्देवेभिः (अ॒ग्निर्दे॒वेभिः॑) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ais replaces bhis after a only variably. So bhis may stay. The frame is ato bhisa ais (SK 203, chapter 8), recalled at the end of SK 3557.

Example.

deva + bhis → no ais → e for the stem's a (bahuvacane jhaly et, SK 205, chapter 8) → devebhiḥ: agnir devebhiḥ, "Agni, with the gods".

Ordinary usage → deva + bhis → ais → devaiḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives the example without comment. There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra.

Watch out. Two sūtras in a row read bahulaṃ chandasi. Each continues a different frame: SK 3557 the augment ruṭ, SK 3558 the substitute ais.

SK 3559 · नेतराच्छन्दसि · netarāc chandasi (A 7.1.26)

नेतराच्छन्दसि
netarācchandasi · A 7.1.26
स्वमोरदड् न । वार्त्रघ्नमितरम् । छन्दसि किम् । इतरत्काष्ठम् । समासेऽनञ्पूर्वे क्त्वो ल्यप् SK 3332 ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after itara "other", adḍ does not replace the endings su and am. Ordinarily adḍ ḍatarādibhyaḥ pañcabhyaḥ (SK 315, chapter 10) gives adḍ to itara.

Example.

itara + am → no adḍ → ato 'm (SK 309, chapter 10) → itaram: vārtraghnam itaram, "the other, belonging to the slayer of Vṛtra".

Bhaṭṭoji: "Why 'in the Veda'?" Ordinary usage → itarat kāṣṭham, "the other piece of wood".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī confirms the example as the am-form. With adḍ absent, am comes by SK 309.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes by recalling samāse 'nañpūrve ktvo lyap (SK 3332, chapter 69). That is the frame for SK 3560.

SK 3560 · क्त्वाऽपि छन्दसि · ktvāpi chandasi (A 7.1.38)

क्त्वाऽपि छन्दसि
ktvā'pi chandasi · A 7.1.38
यजमानं परिधापयित्वा ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ktvā also stands where lyap would replace it. Ordinarily SK 3332 (chapter 69) requires lyap in a compound whose first member is not nañ "not".

Example.

pari + dhā + ṇic + ktvā → compounded with pari → lyap expected → ktvā kept → paridhāpayitvā: yajamānaṃ paridhāpayitvā, "having made the sacrificer put on (the garment)".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī reads more into api "also". It brings lyap too, even where no compound would call for it. Otherwise the sūtra would have said just vā chandasi. So the authors of the Kalpasūtras, the ritual manuals, following Vedic usage, write ājyenākṣiṇī ajya, with lyap and no compound.

Watch out. The Vedic form keeps ktvā inside a compound. Ordinary usage would put lyap there, by SK 3332.

IV.E. The Vedic substitutes for sup endings — running example: panthānaḥ → (su) panthāḥ; vyoman + ṅi → (luk) vyoman; dhīti + ṭā → (pūrvasavarṇa) dhītī

One sūtra with two vārttikas lets a noun ending (sup) be replaced by one of seventeen Vedic substitutes. Chapters 8 to 13 taught the ordinary endings these stand for. Each example below is set against the ordinary form it replaces. The running examples are panthāḥ for panthānaḥ "paths", vyoman for vyomani "in heaven", and dhītī for dhītyā "with thought". This group also has the only accent statements of Part IV. The udātta, the high tone, is marked with an acute (á). Only the udātta of the two forms discussed is marked; elsewhere the mantras are printed without accents.

SK 3561 · सुपां सुलुक्पूर्वसवर्णाऽऽच्छेयाडाड्यायाजालः · supāṃ sulukpūrvasavarṇā''ccheyāḍāḍyāyājālaḥ (A 7.1.39)

सुपां सुलुक्पूर्वसवर्णाऽऽच्छेयाडाड्यायाजालः
supāṃ sulukpūrvasavarṇā''ccheyāḍāḍyāyājālaḥ · A 7.1.39
ऋजवः सन्तु पन्थाः पन्थान (ऋ॒जवः॑ सन्तु॒ पन्थाः॑ पन्थान) इति प्राप्ते सुः । परमे व्योमन् (पर॒मे व्यो॑मन्) । व्योमनि इति प्राप्ते ङेर्लुक् । धीती मती सुष्टुती (धी॒ती म॒ती सु॑ष्टु॒ती) । धीत्या मत्या सुष्टुत्येति प्राप्ते पूर्वसवर्णदीर्घ । या सुरथा रथीतमोभा देवा दिविस्पृशा (या सु॒रथा॑ र॒थीत॑मो॒भा दे॒वा दि॑वि॒स्पृशा॑) । अश्विना (अ॒श्विना॒) । यौ सुरथौ दिविस्पृशावित्यादौ प्राप्ते आ । नताह्ब्रह्मणम् । नतमिति प्राप्ते आत् । या देव विद्म ता त्वा (या दे॒व वि॒द्म ता त्वा॑) । यमिति प्राप्ते न युष्मे वाजबन्धवः (न यु॒ष्मे वा॑जबन्धवः) । अस्मे इन्द्राबृहस्पती (अ॒स्मे इ॑न्द्राबृहस्पती) । युष्मासु अस्मभ्यमिति प्राप्ते शे । उरुया । धृष्णुया । उरुणा धृष्णुनेति प्राप्ते या । नाभा॑ पृथिव्याः । नाभाविति प्राप्ते डा । ता अनुष्ठ्योच्यावयतात् । अनुष्ठानमनुष्ठा व्यवस्थावदङ् । आङो ड्या । साधुया (साधु॒या) । साध्विति प्राप्ते याच् । वसन्ता यजेत । वसन्ते इति प्राप्ते आल् ।
ईयाडियाजीकाराणामुपसंख्यानम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ उर्विया । दार्विया । उरुणा दारुणेति प्राप्ते इया । सुक्षेत्रिया (सु॒क्षे॒त्रि॒या) । सुक्षेत्रिणेति प्राप्ते डियाच् । दृतिं न शुष्कं सरसी शयानम् (दृतिं॒ न शुष्कं॑ सर॒सी शया॑नम्) । ङेरीकार इत्याहुः । तत्राद्युदात्ते पदे प्राप्ते व्यत्ययेनान्तोदात्तता । वस्तुतस्तु ङीषन्तात् ङेर्लुक् । ईकारादेशस्य तूदाहरणान्तरं मृग्यम् ।
आङ्याजयारामुपसंख्यानम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ प्र बाहवा सिसृतम् (प्र बा॒हवा॑ सिसृतम्) । बाहुनेति प्राप्ते आङादेशः । घेर्ङिति-SK 245 इति गुणः । स्वप्नया । स्वप्नेनेति प्राप्ते अयाच् । स नः सिन्धुमिव नावया (स नः॒ सिन्धु॑मिव ना॒वया॑) । नावेति प्राप्ते अयार् । रित्स्वरः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, any of eleven substitutes may replace a sup ending. They are su, luk, pūrvasavarṇa, ā, āt, śe, yā, ḍā, ḍyā, yāc and āl. luk is loss of the ending. pūrvasavarṇa is a long vowel like the one before. "In the Veda" is carried forward from SK 3560.

Example.

Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas add six more substitutes. An upasaṃkhyāna is a vārttika that "adds to the count".

Vārttika 1 adds iyā, ḍiyāc and ī:

Vārttika 2 adds āṅ, ayāc and ayār:

Watch out. Two forms carry accent statements.

The Subodhinī adds several points. The t of āt is not a marker, by na vibhaktau tusmāḥ (SK 190, chapter 8). In na yuṣme, the rest of the stem goes by śeṣe lopaḥ (SK 385, chapter 11). asme takes no ay before a vowel, since śe is pragṛhya, exempt from sandhi. ḍā, ḍyā and ḍiyāc are ḍ-marked, and a ḍ-marked affix drops the stem's ṭi. In svapnayā the a of ayāc prevents lengthening by supi ca (SK 202, chapter 8); pararūpa follows. The Subodhinī also says panthāḥ is already covered by vyatyayo bahulam (SK 3433, Part I). This sūtra spells that out.

yā and tā in yā deva vidma tā tvā presumably show the substitute ā, since āt would give yāt. In the step bāho + ā → bāhavā, av presumably replaces o before the vowel. The Subodhinī defends aṅ in anuṣṭhā: by sthāgāpāpaco bhāve (SK 3273, chapter 69) ki should come. It answers that the wording vyavasthāyām in SK 218 (chapter 8) shows aṅ is allowed too. It also keeps pra in pra bāhavā a separate word, against the Kāśikā's compound prabāhuṇā.

IV.F. The Vedic substitutes in the tiṅ endings — running example: kṛṇuta → (tāt for ta) kṛṇutāt; as + mas → (final i) smasi; vadh-i-s + am → (maś) m → (īṭ; sic lost) vadhīm

Chapter 44 taught the verb endings (tiṅ) and their ordinary substitutes. Here the Veda replaces some of them again. am, the first-person singular of the past, becomes m: vadhīm "I slew". The t of a middle ending may be lost: aduhra, śaye. dhvam becomes dhvāt. The second-person plural ta has five Vedic substitutes, among them tāt: kṛṇutāt "make!". And mas "we" gains a final i: smasi "we are", and emasi "we come". Three of these sūtras do not repeat "in the Veda": SK 3565, SK 3567 and SK 3568. For them the Vedic setting is understood from the neighbouring rules and the mantra examples.

SK 3562 · अमो मश् · amo maś (A 7.1.40)

अमो मश्
amo maś · A 7.1.40
मिबादेशस्यामो मश् स्यात् । अकार उच्चारणार्थः । शित्त्वात्सर्वादेशः । अस्तिसिचः-SK 2225 इतीट् । वंधीं वृत्रम् (वंधीं॑ वृ॒त्रम्) । अवधिषमिति प्राप्ते ॥

Rule. maś replaces the am that stands for mip, the first-person singular ending. Ordinarily tasthasthamipām… (SK 2199, chapter 44) gives am for mip. The a of maś is only for pronunciation. Its ś is a marker, and an affix marked with ś replaces the whole of what it replaces. So maś is just m, and it takes the place of all of am.

Example.

han + luṅ mip → vadha for han (SK 2433–2434, chapter 45) → sic (SK 2222) and iṭ → am for mip (SK 2199) → vadh-i-s-am

→ maś for am → vadh-i-s-m

→ īṭ (astisicaḥ…, SK 2225, chapter 44) → vadh-i-s-ī-m

→ sic lost (iṭa īṭi, SK 2266) → vadh-i-ī-m → i + ī → ī → vadhīm

→ no aṭ in the Veda → vadhīṃ vṛtram, "I slew Vṛtra".

Ordinary usage → avadhiṣam.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the maś and īṭ steps; the rest are the Subodhinī's. The Subodhinī explains the ś. Without it, maś would replace only the final m, by alo 'ntyasya (SK 42, chapter 2). Is m for m not pointless anyway? No: such a substitute could serve to block anusvāra, the nasal sound written ṃ, as in SK 126 (chapter 5).

Watch out. The am here is the substitute of mip. It is not the second-case singular am of nouns (Subodhinī). Bhaṭṭoji does not repeat "in the Veda" here; he restates it at the next sūtra.

SK 3563 · लोपस्त आत्मनेपदेषु · lopas ta ātmanepadeṣu (A 7.1.41)

लोपस्त आत्मनेपदेषु
lopasta ātmanepadeṣu · A 7.1.41
छन्दसि । देवा अदुह्र । अदुहतेति प्राप्ते दक्षिणतः शये । शेते इति प्राप्ते । आत्मेति किम् । उत्सं दुहन्ति (उत्सं॑ दुहन्ति) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, a t that is in an ātmanepada (middle) ending is lost. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss opens with "in the Veda" (chandasi), carried forward.

Example.

duh + laṅ jha → at for jha (ātmanepadeṣv anataḥ, SK 2258, chapter 44) → ruṭ (SK 3557) → a-duh-r-ata

→ t lost → a-duh-r-a-a → a + a by pararūpa (SK 191) → aduhra: devā aduhra, "the gods milked".

Ordinary usage → aduhata.

śete → t lost → śe + e → ay for the first e → śaye: dakṣiṇataḥ śaye, "he lies on the south side".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "Why 'in the ātmanepada'?" utsaṃ duhanti, "they milk the spring". Its ending anti is parasmaipada, the active set of endings. So its t stays.

Watch out. This is the rule that SK 3557 used, optionally, for duhre. The steps of aduhra and śaye are the Subodhinī's.

SK 3564 · ध्वमो ध्वात् · dhvamo dhvāt (A 7.1.42)

ध्वमो ध्वात्
dhvamo dhvāt · A 7.1.42
अन्तरेवोष्माणं वारय ध्वात् । वारयध्वमिति प्राप्ते ॥

Rule. In the Veda, dhvāt replaces dhvam, the second-person plural middle ending. The Subodhinī glosses: "dhvāt is substituted for dhvam in the Veda."

Example.

vṛ + ṇic + loṭ dhvam → vārayadhvam → dhvāt → vārayadhvāt: antar evoṣmāṇaṃ vārayadhvāt, "keep the heat within".

Applies when / blocked by. The root is vṛ with ṇic, in loṭ, the imperative (Subodhinī).

Watch out. The substitute ends in t, not m. Compare tāt for ta in SK 3566.

SK 3565 · यजध्वैनमिति च · yajadhvainam iti ca (A 7.1.43)

यजध्वैनमिति च
yajadhvainamiti ca · A 7.1.43
एनमित्यस्मिन्परे ध्वमोऽन्तलोपो निपात्यते । यजध्वैनं प्रियमेधाः (यज॑ध्वैनं प्रियमेधाः) । वकारस्य यकारो निपात्यत इति वृत्तिकारोक्तिः प्रामादिकी ॥

Rule. The word yajadhvainam is a nipātana. Before enam "him", the final m of dhvam is lost.

Example.

yajadhvam + enam → m lost → yajadhva + enam → a + e → ai → yajadhvainam: yajadhvainaṃ priyamedhāḥ, "worship him, O Priyamedhas".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji states only the loss of m. The joining of a + e into ai is presumably the ordinary sandhi.

Watch out. The vṛttikāra, the author of the Kāśikā gloss, said that y also replaces v by nipātana. Bhaṭṭoji calls that an oversight. The Subodhinī agrees. The reading with v is not in doubt, and the Vedabhāṣya, a commentary on the Veda, too says the sūtra teaches only the loss of m.

SK 3566 · तस्य तात् · tasya tāt (A 7.1.44)

तस्य तात्
tasya tāt · A 7.1.44
मध्यमपुरुषबहुवचनस्य स्थाने तात्स्यात् । गात्रमस्यानूनं कृणुतात् । कृणुतेति प्राप्ते सूर्यं चक्षुर्गमयतात् (कृणुतेति प्राप्ते सूर्यं॒ चक्षु॑र्गमयतात्) । गमयतेति प्राप्ते ॥

Rule. In the Veda, tāt replaces ta, the second-person plural ending. It is not the third-person singular ta. The Subodhinī gives two reasons. In the Veda one follows what is attested. And the neighbours dhvam (SK 3564) and mas (SK 3568) are plural endings too.

Example.

kṛṇuta → tāt → kṛṇutāt: gātram asyānūnaṃ kṛṇutāt, "make his limb whole".

gamayata → gamayatāt: sūryaṃ cakṣur gamayatāt, "send his eye to the sun".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī derives both. kṛṇu- is kṛvi with the affix u (dhinvikṛṇvyor a ca, SK 2332, chapter 44). a replaces the v, and that a is lost (ato lopaḥ, SK 2308). gamaya- is gam with ṇic: gam + ṇic → vṛddhi → gāmi → shortened by mitāṃ hrasvaḥ (SK 2568, chapter 53) → gami → gamaya-. The shortening applies because gam, a root ending in am, counts as mit by a gaṇasūtra of the ghaṭādi group. The ending is the loṭ second-person plural.

Watch out. The ordinary forms are kṛṇuta and gamayata.

SK 3567 · तप्तनप्तनथनाश्च · taptanaptanathanāś ca (A 7.1.45)

तप्तनप्तनथनाश्च
taptanaptanathanāśca · A 7.1.45
तस्येत्येव । शृणोत ग्रावाणः (शृ॒णोत॑ ग्रावाणः) । शृणुतेति प्राप्ते तप् । सुनोतन पचन ब्रह्मवाहसे दधस्तन द्रविणं चित्रमस्मे (सुनोतन पचन ब्रह्मवाहसे दधस्त॒न द्रवि॑णं चि॒त्रम॒स्मे) । तनप् । मरुतस्तज्जुजुष्टन (म॒रुत॒स्तज्जु॑जुष्टन) । जुषध्वमिति प्राप्ते व्यत्ययेन परस्मैपदं श्लुश्च । विश्वेदेवदेवासो मरुतो यतिष्ठन (विश्वेदेवासो मरुतो॒ यति॒ष्ठन॑) । यत्संख्याकाः स्थेत्यर्थः । यच्छब्दाच्छान्सो डतिः अस्तेस्तस्य थनादेशः ॥

Rule. tap, tanap, tana and thana also replace ta. Bhaṭṭoji: "'in place of ta' continues here too".

Example.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains tap. śṛṇu- is śru with śnu, where śru becomes śṛ (SK 2386, chapter 44). tap is p-marked, so it is not ṅit, and the u takes guṇa. In dadhātana the ā is kept, because śnābhyastayor ātaḥ (SK 2483, chapter 45) needs a ṅit ending. sunotana is ṣu with śnu (SK 2523, chapter 48). In jujuṣṭana, juṣ takes parasmaipada by vyatyaya, and ślu. In yatiṣṭhana, yad takes the Vedic affix ḍati. thana replaces the ta of as "to be".

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji labels tap, tanap and thana. jujuṣṭana is presumably his example of tana, but he does not name it.

SK 3568 · इदन्तो मसि · idanto masi (A 7.1.46)

इदन्तो मसि
idanto masi · A 7.1.46
मसीत्यविभक्तिको निर्देशः । इकार उच्चारणार्थः । मस् इत्ययमिकार रूपचरमावयवविशिष्टः स्यात् । मस इगागमः स्यादिति यावत् । नमो भरन्त एमसि (नमो॒ भर॑न्त॒ एम॑सि ) । त्वमस्माकं तव स्मसि (त्वम॒स्माकं॒ तव॑ स्मसि) । इमः स्मः इति प्राप्ते ॥

Rule. mas, the first-person plural ending, takes a final i. In effect mas gets the augment ik: i marked with k, which goes at the end (ādyantau ṭakitau, SK 36, chapter 2).

Example.

i + mas → final i → imasi (ordinary imaḥ). The mantra has it as emasi: namo bharanta emasi, "bringing homage, we come". The Subodhinī analyses emasi only as iṇ "to go" with mas ending in i; it does not account for the e.

as + mas → a lost (śnasor allopaḥ, SK 2469, chapter 45) → smas → smasi: tvam asmākaṃ tava smasi, "you are ours, we are yours". Ordinary → smaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji explains the wording. masi is cited without a case-ending. idanta means "having i as its end part". The Subodhinī adds that the s stays: i is added, it does not replace. Had i been meant to replace the s, the sūtra would have said so. The sūtra avoids "mas ik" so as not to be confused with the sound-group ik.

Watch out. The i is an augment, not a substitute. The s of mas stays, so the ending is heard as masi.

IV.G. ktvā in the Veda: yak, īnam, ī — running example: gam + ktvā → (nasal lost, SK 2428) gatvā → (yak) gatvāya; pā + ktvā → (ī, SK 2462) pītvā → (ī for ā) pītvī

ktvā "having done" was taught in chapter 69. The Veda gives it three new shapes. It may take ya at the end: gatvāya "having gone". After yaj it may end in īnam: iṣṭvīnam. Or its ā may become ī: pītvī "having drunk". None of these three sūtras says "in the Veda". The Subodhinī states it on SK 3569, and for the other two it is understood from that.

SK 3569 · क्त्वो यक् · ktvo yak (A 7.1.47)

क्त्वो यक्
ktvo yak · A 7.1.47
दिवं सुपर्णो गत्वाय (दिवं॑ सुप॒र्णो ग॒त्वाय॑) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ktvā takes the augment yak. Being k-marked, yak goes at the end: tvā becomes tvāya.

Example.

gam + ktvā → the nasal lost (anudāttopadeśa…, SK 2428, chapter 45) → gatvā → yak → gatvāya: divaṃ suparṇo gatvāya, "the eagle, having gone to heaven".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: "ktvā takes the augment yak in the Veda." The steps are its own.

Watch out. The ordinary form is gatvā.

SK 3570 · इष्ट्वीनमिति च · iṣṭvīnam iti ca (A 7.1.48)

इष्ट्वीनमिति च
iṣṭvīnamiti ca · A 7.1.48
क्त्वाप्रत्ययस्य ईनमन्तादेशो निपात्यते । इष्ट्वीनं देवान् । इष्ट्वा इति प्राप्ते ॥

Rule. The word iṣṭvīnam is a nipātana. After yaj, īnam replaces the final of ktvā. The Subodhinī says "after yaj" must be supplied.

Example.

yaj + ktvā → saṃprasāraṇa (vacisvapiyajādīnāṃ kiti, SK 2409, chapter 44) → ij + tvā

→ j → ṣ (SK 294, chapter 9) → iṣ + tvā → ṣṭutva → iṣṭvā

→ īnam for the final ā → iṣṭvīnam: iṣṭvīnaṃ devān, "having worshipped the gods".

Applies when / blocked by. saṃprasāraṇa turns the semivowel of a root into its vowel: ya → i. ṣṭutva turns a dental next to ṣ into a retroflex: t → ṭ. The steps are the Subodhinī's.

Watch out. The ordinary form is iṣṭvā.

SK 3571 · स्नात्व्यादयश्च · snātvyādayaś ca (A 7.1.49)

स्नात्व्यादयश्च
snātvyādayaśca · A 7.1.49
आदिशब्दः प्रकारार्थः । आकारस्य ईकारो निपात्यते । स्विन्नः स्नात्वी मलादिव (स्वि॒न्नः स्ना॒त्वी मला॑दिव) । पीत्वी सोमस्य वावृधे (पी॒त्वी सोम॑स्य वावृधे) । स्नात्वा पीत्वेति प्राप्ते ॥

Rule. snātvī and forms "of that kind" are nipātanas. In them ī replaces the ā of ktvā. Bhaṭṭoji: the word ādi here means "of that kind" (prakāra), not "and the following".

Example.

snātvā → ī for ā → snātvī: svinnaḥ snātvī malād iva, "like one sweating who, having bathed, (is freed) from dirt".

pā + ktvā → ī for the root's ā (ghumāsthā…, SK 2462, chapter 45) → pītvā → pītvī: pītvī somasya vāvṛdhe, "having drunk of the soma, he grew strong".

Applies when / blocked by. The step for pītvā is the Subodhinī's.

Watch out. Two different *ī*s appear in pītvī. The first replaces the root's ā (SK 2462). The second replaces the ā of ktvā (this rule).

IV.H. Nominal stems in the Veda: asuk, nuṭ, anaṅ, ī, num — running example: deva + jas → (asuk) deva-as-as → devāsaḥ; go + ām → (nuṭ, at the end of a pāda) gonām

These six rules add or change sounds in noun stems before endings. Chapters 8 to 13 taught the ordinary rules. jas, the nominative plural, may take as in front: devāsaḥ "gods". ām, the genitive plural, takes n after śrī, grāmaṇī and go. asthi "bone" and its group take an or ī where ordinary usage does not allow it. And dṛś, svavas and svatavas take a nasal before su. SK 3572 and SK 3576 do not say "in the Veda"; for them it is understood from the neighbouring rules.

SK 3572 · आज्जसेरसुक् · ājjaser asuk (A 7.1.50)

आज्जसेरसुक्
ājjaserasuk · A 7.1.50
अवर्णान्तादङ्गात्परस्य जसोऽसुक् स्यात् । देवासः (दे॒वासः॑) । ब्राह्मणासः (ब्रा॒ह्म॒णासः॑) ॥

Rule. After an aṅga ending in a, the ending jas takes the augment asuk. asuk is the sound-sequence as; its u and k are markers.

Example.

deva + jas → asuk → deva-as-as → devāsaḥ, "gods".

brāhmaṇa + jas → brāhmaṇāsaḥ, "brāhmaṇas".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: once asuk is added, the s of jas is heard. The final s becomes visarga. The sūtra says jaseḥ, not jasaḥ, out of deference to earlier teachers.

Watch out. asuk does not replace jas. The ending stays, and asuk adds a second as beside it.

SK 3573 · श्रीग्रामण्योश्छन्दसि · śrīgrāmaṇyoś chandasi (A 7.1.56)

श्रीग्रामण्योश्छन्दसि
śrīgrāmaṇyośchandasi · A 7.1.56
आमो नुट् श्रीणामुदारो धरुणो रयीणाम् (श्री॒णामु॑दा॒रो ध॒रुणो॑ रयी॒णाम्) । सूतग्रामणीनाम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after śrī and grāmaṇī, the ending ām takes the augment nuṭ (n). Bhaṭṭoji writes āmo nuṭ, "nuṭ to ām", as what continues.

Example.

śrī + ām → nuṭ → śrīṇām: śrīṇām udāro dharuṇo rayīṇām, "the bountiful one of fortunes, the upholder of riches".

sūtagrāmaṇī + ām → sūtagrāmaṇīnām, "of charioteers and village-headmen".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains why śrī needs this rule. By vāmi (SK 304, chapter 9), śrī is a nadī only optionally before ām. A nadī is a feminine stem in ī or ū that takes special endings. Where śrī is a nadī, SK 208 gives nuṭ anyway. So śrīṇām illustrates the other case, where it is not a nadī. sūtagrāmaṇīnām is a dvandva, "charioteers and village-headmen".

Watch out. śrīṇām is cited for the case where śrī is not a nadī. Where it is a nadī, the same form comes by SK 208 without this rule.

SK 3574 · गोः पादान्ते · goḥ pādānte (A 7.1.57)

गोः पादान्ते
goḥ pādānte · A 7.1.57
विद्मा हि त्वा गोपतिं शूर गोनाम् (वि॒द्मा हि त्वा॒ गोप॑तिं शूर॒ गोना॑म्) । पादान्ते किम् । गवां शता पृक्षयामेषु (गवां॑ श॒ता पृ॒क्षयामेषु) । पादान्तेऽपि क्वचिन्न । छन्दसि सर्वेषां वैकल्पिकत्वात् । विराजं गोपतिं गवाम् (वि॒राजं॒ गोप॑तिं॒ गवा॑म्) ॥

Rule. After go "cow", ām takes nuṭ at the end of a pāda. A pāda is a quarter of a verse. The Subodhinī says it is the pāda of a ṛk, a verse of the Ṛgveda, since the heading is "in the Veda".

Example.

go + ām → nuṭ → gonām: vidmā hi tvā gopatiṃ śūra gonām, "for we know you, hero, as the lord of cows".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "Why 'at the end of a pāda'?" gavāṃ śatā pṛkṣayāmeṣu: gavām is not pāda-final, so no nuṭ. And even at a pāda's end it sometimes fails: virājaṃ gopatiṃ gavām. The reason: "in the Veda all rules are optional". That is the principle that SK 3389 set up (Part I of this chapter).

Watch out. The ordinary genitive plural of go is gavām.

SK 3575 · छन्दस्यपि दृश्यते · chandasy api dṛśyate (A 7.1.76)

छन्दस्यपि दृश्यते
chandasyapi dṛśyate · A 7.1.76
अस्थ्यादीनामनङ् । इन्द्रो दधीचो अस्थभिः (इन्द्रो॑ दधी॒चो अ॒स्थभिः॑) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, anaṅ (an) for asthi and the rest is seen also where its conditions fail. The base rule is asthidadhisakthyakṣṇām anaṅ udāttaḥ (SK 322, chapter 10). It gives anaṅ only before a vowel-initial ending from ṭā on.

Example.

asthi + bhis → anaṅ, though bhis begins with a consonant → asthan + bhis → asthabhiḥ: indro dadhīco asthabhiḥ, "Indra, with the bones of Dadhyañc".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains api dṛśyate "is seen also". It lets every condition of SK 322 be set aside. So anaṅ comes even with no ending at all. In asthanvantam, asthi takes matup, anaṅ is put in, matup takes nuṭ (ano nuṭ, SK 3601, Part V), and the n of anaṅ is lost.

Watch out. This sūtra has the same wording as SK 3545, chandasy api dṛśyate. Each extends a different base rule: SK 3545 extends āṭ, this one anaṅ.

SK 3576 · ई च द्विवचने · ī ca dvivacane (A 7.1.77)

ई च द्विवचने
ī ca dvivacane · A 7.1.77
अस्थ्यादीनामित्येव । अक्षीभ्यां ते नासिकाभ्याम् (अ॒क्षीभ्यां॑ ते॒ नासि॑काभ्याम्) ॥

Rule. ī replaces the final of asthi and the rest before a dual ending. Bhaṭṭoji: "'of asthi and the rest' continues". That ī replaces the final vowel is shown by the example.

Example.

akṣi + bhyām → ī for i → akṣībhyām: akṣībhyāṃ te nāsikābhyām, "from your two eyes, from your two nostrils".

Applies when / blocked by. There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra.

Watch out. Ordinary usage has akṣibhyām, with short i.

SK 3577 · दृक्स्ववस्स्वतवसां छन्दसि · dṛksvavassvatavasāṃ chandasi (A 7.1.83)

दृक्स्ववस्स्वतवसां छन्दसि
dṛksvavassvatavasāṃ chandasi · A 7.1.83
एषां नुम् स्यात्सौ । कीदृङ्ङिन्द्रः (की॒दृङ्ङिन्द्रः॑) । स्ववान् (स्ववा॑न्) । स्वतवान् (स्वत॑वान्) । उदोष्ठ्यपूर्वस्य - SK 2494 ॥

Rule. In the Veda, dṛś, svavas and svatavas take the augment num (n) before su. num is carried from āc chīnadyor num (SK 445, chapter 13). "Before su" is carried from sāv anaḍuhaḥ (SK 332, chapter 11). The Subodhinī names both sources.

Example.

kīdṛś + su → num → kīdṛ-n-ś → the final ś lost → n → ṅ (kvinpratyayasya kuḥ, SK 377, chapter 11) → kīdṛṅ

→ ṅ doubled before a vowel (ṅamuṭ, SK 134, chapter 5) → kīdṛṅṅ indraḥ, "what sort of Indra".

svavas + su → num → lengthening (sāntamahataḥ…, SK 317, chapter 10) → s lost → svavān.

Likewise svatavān.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī gives the steps. kīdṛś is dṛś with kvin, with kim as upapada (SK 429, chapter 11); kim becomes kī (SK 1018, chapter 25). svavas is av + asun: "whose protection (avas) is good". svatavas is from the root tu "grow", known only from a sūtra: "whose strength (tavas) is his own". In svavān the loss of s is asiddha, so the n is not lost.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes by recalling udoṣṭhyapūrvasya (SK 2494, chapter 46). After a labial, ut replaces a root-final ṝ. That is the frame for SK 3578.

IV.I. Root vowels and iṭ by nipātana: ut for ṝ, hru for hvṛ, the grasita list, sasanivāṃsam — running example: hvṛ + kta → (hru) hruta → ahrutam; gras + kta → (iṭ by nipātana) grasita

These rules change roots, and the augment iṭ (i), before affixes. Chapters 44 and 67 taught the ordinary rules. A final ṝ may become ur after any consonant: taturiḥ. hvṛ "to be crooked" becomes hru before the past participle: ahrutam. Then come lists of fixed forms. Some take iṭ where ordinary usage refuses it: grasita "swallowed". Others lack iṭ where ordinary usage requires it: viśastā "carver". Several of these sūtras do not say "in the Veda". For them it is understood from the setting and from Bhaṭṭoji's contrast with "ordinary usage" (bhāṣā).

SK 3578 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 7.1.103)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 7.1.103
ततुरिः (ततु॑रिः) । जगुरिः पराचैः (जगु॑रिः परा॒चैः) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ut replaces a root-final ṝ, variously. ut is carried from udoṣṭhyapūrvasya (SK 2494, chapter 46), recalled at the end of SK 3577. "A root-final ṝ" comes from ṝta id dhātoḥ (SK 2390, chapter 44). Ordinarily such a ṝ is replaced by i (SK 2390), and by u only after a labial (SK 2494).

Example.

tṝ + kin (SK 3151, chapter 67) → ut for ṝ → tur-

→ doubled, tṝ itself being doubled by sthānivadbhāva (SK 2243, chapter 44) → urat in the reduplicated syllable (SK 2244) → taturiḥ.

jaguriḥ parācaiḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The steps are the Subodhinī's. sthānivadbhāva is "being like the original": a substitute counts as what it replaced. So the doubling works on tṝ, not on tur.

Watch out. In both examples the ṝ follows a non-labial (t, g). So "preceded by a labial" presumably does not carry forward here.

SK 3579 · ह्रु ह्वरेश्छन्दसि · hru hvareś chandasi (A 7.2.31)

ह्रु ह्वरेश्छन्दसि
hru hvareśchandasi · A 7.2.31
ह्ररेर्निष्ठाया ह्रु आदेशः स्यात् । अह्रुतमसि हविर्धानम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, hru replaces hvṛ before a niṣṭhā. The niṣṭhā affixes are kta and ktavatu, the past participles. "Before a niṣṭhā" is carried from śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039, chapter 67).

Example.

a + hvṛ + kta → hru for hvṛ → a + hru + ta → ahrutam: ahrutam asi havirdhānam, "you are the havirdhāna, not bent crooked".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī glosses ahrutam as na hrutam, "not bent".

Watch out. The next two sūtras limit this one.

SK 3580 · अपरिह्वृताश्च · aparihvṛtāś ca (A 7.2.32)

अपरिह्वृताश्च
aparihvṛtāśca · A 7.2.32
पूर्वेण प्राप्तस्यादेशस्याभावो निपात्यते । अपह्वृताः सनुयाम वाजम् (अप॑ह्वृताः सनुयाम॒ वाज॑म्) ॥

Rule. The word aparihvṛtāḥ is a nipātana. It shows the absence of hru, which SK 3579 would bring.

Example.

a + pari + hvṛ + kta → no hru → aparihvṛtāḥ: aparihvṛtāḥ sanuyāma vājam, "unbent, may we win the prize".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī says the sūtra names the form in the plural because only that form is found in use.

SK 3581 · सोमे ह्वरितः · some hvaritaḥ (A 7.2.33)

सोमे ह्वरितः
some hvaritaḥ · A 7.2.33
इड्गुणौ निपात्येते । मा नः सोमो ह्वरितः (मा नः॒ सोमो॑ ह्वरितः) ॥

Rule. Of Soma, the word hvaritaḥ is a nipātana. It has iṭ and guṇa. The Subodhinī adds that the absence of hru is also understood.

Example.

hvṛ + iṭ + kta → guṇa (ṛ → ar) → no hru → hvaritaḥ: mā naḥ somo hvaritaḥ, "let Soma not be made crooked towards us".

Applies when / blocked by. The nipātana holds only of Soma (some).

Watch out. This nipātana fixes three things: iṭ, guṇa, and no hru. Bhaṭṭoji names only the first two; the third is the Subodhinī's.

SK 3582 · ग्रसितस्कभितस्तभितोत्तभितचत्तविकस्ताविशस्तृशंस्तृशास्तृतरुतृतरूतृवरुतृवरूतृवरूत्रीरुज्ज्वलितिक्षरितिवमित्यमितीति च · grasitaskabhitastabhitottabhitacattavikastāviśastṛśaṃstṛśāstṛtarutṛtarūtṛvarutṛvarūtṛvarūtrīrujjvalitikṣaritivamityamitīti ca (A 7.2.34)

ग्रसितस्कभितस्तभितोत्तभितचत्तविकस्ताविशस्तृशंस्तृशास्तृतरुतृतरूतृवरुतृवरूतृवरूत्रीरुज्ज्वलितिक्षरितिवमित्यमितीति च
grasitaskabhitastabhitottabhitacattavikastāviśastṛśaṃstṛśāstṛtarutṛtarūtṛvarutṛvarūtṛvarūtrīrujjvalitikṣaritivamityamitīti ca · A 7.2.34
अष्टादश निपात्यन्ते । तत्र ग्रसु स्कम्भु स्तम्भु एषामुदित्त्वान्निष्ठायामिट्प्रतिषेधे प्राप्ते इण्निपात्यते । युवं शचीभिर्ग्रसिताममुञ्चतम् (यु॒वं शची॑भिर्ग्रसि॒ताममुञ्चतम्) । विष्कभिते अजरे (विष्क॑भिते अ॒जरे॑) । येन स्वः स्तभितम् (येन॒ स्वः॑ स्तभि॒तम्) । सत्येनोत्तभिता भूमिः (स॒त्येनोत्त॑भिता॒ भूमिः॑) । स्तभितेत्येव सिद्धे उत्पूर्वस्य पुनर्निपातनमन्योपसर्गपूर्वस्य मा भूदिति । चते याचने । कस गतौ । आभ्यां क्तस्येडभावः । चत्तो इतश्चत्तामुतः (च॒त्तो इ॒तश्च॒त्तामुतः॑) । त्रिधा ह श्यावमश्विना विकस्तम् (त्रिधा॑ ह॒ श्याव॑मश्विना॒ विक॑स्तम्) । उत्तानाया हृदयं यद्विकस्तम् । निपातनबहुत्वापेक्षं सूत्रे बहुवचनं विकस्ता इति । तेनैकवचनान्तोऽपि प्रयोगः साधुरेव । शसु शंसु शासु एभ्यस्तृच इडभावः । एकस्त्वष्टुरश्वस्याविशस्ता (एक॒स्त्वष्टु॒रश्व॑स्याविश॒स्ता) । ग्रावग्राभ उत शंस्ता (ग्रा॒व॒ग्रा॒भ उ॒त शंस्ता॑) । प्रशास्ता पोता (प्र॒शा॒स्ता पोता॑) । तरतेर्वृङ्वृञोश्च तृच उट् उट् एतावागमौ निपात्येते । तरुतारं रथानाम् (त॒रु॒तारं॒ रथा॑नाम्) । तरूतारम् । वरूतारम् । वरूत्रीभिः सुशरणो नो अस्तु (वरू॑त्रीभिः सुशर॒णो नो॑ अस्तु) । अत्र ङीबन्तनिपातनं प्रपञ्चार्थम् । वरूतृशब्दो हि निपातितः । ततो ङीपा गतार्थत्वात् उज्ज्वलादिभ्यश्चतुर्भ्यः शप इकारादेशो निपात्यते । ज्वल दीप्तौ । क्षर संचलने । टुवम उद्गिरणे । अम गत्यादिषु । इह क्षरितीत्यस्यानन्तरं क्षमितीत्यपि केचित्पठन्ति । तत्र क्षमूष् सहने इति धातुर्बोध्यः । भाषायां तु ग्रस्तस्कब्धोस्तब्धोत्तब्धचतितविकसिताः । विशसिता । शंसिता । शासिता । तरीता । तरिता । वरीता । वरिता । उज्जवलति । क्षरति । पाठान्तरे, क्षमति । वमति । अमति । बभूथाऽततन्थजगृभ्मववर्थेति निगमे SK 2527 विद्मा तमुत्सु यत आवभूथ (वि॒द्मा तमुत्सु॒ यत॑ आव॒भूथ॑) । येनान्तरिक्षमुर्वाततन्थ (येना॒न्तरि॑क्षमु॒र्वा॑त॒तन्थ॑) । जगृभ्मा ते दक्षिणामिन्द्र हस्तम् (ज॒गृभ्मा ते॒ दक्षि॑णामिन्द्र॒ हस्त॑म्) । त्वं ज्योतिपा वितमो ववर्थ (त्वं ज्योति॑पा॒ वितमो॑ ववर्थ) । भाषायां तु बभूविथ । आतेनिथ । जहृहिम । ववरिथेति ॥

Rule. Eighteen forms are nipātanas. Bhaṭṭoji sorts them into five sets.

1. grasu, skambhu and stambhu take iṭ before kta.

2. cat and kas take no iṭ before kta.

3. śas, śaṃs and śās take no iṭ before tṛc.

4. tṛ, vṛṅ and vṛñ take the augments uṭ and ūṭ before tṛc.

5. ujjvala and three other roots take i for śap.

Example.

Applies when / blocked by. Set 1 overrides two ordinary rules. These roots are u-marked (udit), so by udito vā (SK 3328, chapter 69) their iṭ is optional before ktvā. Then yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025, chapter 67) bars iṭ before a niṣṭhā. The nipātana gives iṭ all the same. uttabhita is listed apart from stabhita for a reason. iṭ must not come when an upasarga other than ut precedes. In ordinary usage (bhāṣā) the forms are: grasta, skabdha, stabdha, uttabdha, catita, vikasita; viśasitā, śaṃsitā, śāsitā; tarītā, taritā, varītā, varitā; ujjvalati, kṣarati, vamati, amati.

Bhaṭṭoji then brings in a related rule, babhūthātatanthajagṛbhmavavartheti nigame (SK 2527, chapter 48), with its own examples. These four forms lack iṭ in the Veda (nigama):

vidmā tam utsaṃ yata ābabhūtha, "we know that spring from which you have come into being";

yenāntarikṣam urv ātatantha, "by which you have stretched out the wide atmosphere";

jagṛbhmā te dakṣiṇam indra hastam, "we have grasped your right hand, Indra";

tvaṃ jyotiṣā vi tamo vavartha, "you with light have uncovered the darkness".

Ordinary usage: babhūvitha, ātenitha, jagṛhima, vavaritha.

Watch out. The sūtra's plural vikastāḥ refers to the many nipātanas. So a singular form such as vikastam is also correct. varūtrībhiḥ is listed only for completeness: varūtṛ is already given, and its feminine follows by ṅīp (ṛnnebhyo ṅīp, SK 306, chapter 9). Some read kṣamiti "endures" after kṣariti, from kṣamūṣ; then the count is nineteen. For vavartha, the Subodhinī notes that vṛ already lacks iṭ by kṛsṛbhṛvṛ… (SK 2293, chapter 44). So naming it restricts it: "only in the Veda". Hence ordinary vavaritha.

SK 3583 · सनिंससनिवांसम् · saniṃsasanivāṃsam (A 7.2.69)

सनिंससनिवांसम्
saniṃsasanivāṃsam · A 7.2.69
सनिमित्येतत्पूर्वात्सनतेः सनोतेर्वा क्वसोरिट् एत्वाभ्यासलोपाभावश्च निपात्यते ॥ (अञ्जित्वाग्ने सनिंससनिवांसम्) ।
पावकादीनां छन्दसि प्रत्ययस्थात्कादित्वं नेति वाच्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ हिरण्यवर्णाः शुचयः पावकाः (हिर॑ण्यवर्णाः॒ शुच॑यः पाव॒काः ) ॥

Rule. saniṃ sasanivāṃsam is a nipātana. It is the root san, with sanim before it. Two things are fixed. The affix kvasu takes iṭ. And there is no e-substitution and no loss of the reduplicated syllable.

Example.

san + kvasu, with sanim before it → reduplication → iṭ → sasanivāṃsam: añjitvāgne saniṃ sasanivāṃsam.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: the iṭ is a nipātana because neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981, chapter 67) would bar it. The e-substitution and abhyāsa-loss withheld are presumably those of ata ekahalmadhye… (SK 2260, chapter 44). abhyāsa is the reduplicated syllable.

Watch out. A vārttika is added here. For pāvaka and the rest, in the Veda, the a before an affix's k does not become i.

pū + ṇvul + ṭāp → no i → pāvakāḥ: hiraṇyavarṇāḥ śucayaḥ pāvakāḥ, "gold-coloured, bright, purifying (waters)".

The Subodhinī: pāvaka is "they purify" or "they cause to purify", from pū or its causative with ṇvul, then ṭāp. The rule that would give i is presumably pratyayasthāt kāt… (SK 463, chapter 15). It would make pāvikā.

IV.J. leṭ, mī, īṭ, guṇa and caṅ (7.3–7.4) — running example: dhā + leṭ tip → (ślu doubling) dadhā-ti → (ā lost) dadh-ti → (aṭ; i lost) dadhat; as + laṅ tip → (āṭ; no īṭ; t lost) ās → ā idam

These four rules touch the root before verb endings. They bend rules of chapters 44, 46, 52 and 53. leṭ is the Vedic mood taught in Part I (SK 3424 onward). Before it, dā and dhā may lose their ā: dadhat "he shall bestow". mī "to violate" keeps a short vowel: pramiṇanti. The augment īṭ (SK 2225) may fail: ā idam for āsīt idam "this was". And a rule that is optional in ordinary usage becomes fixed before caṅ.

SK 3584 · घोर्लोपो लेटि वा · ghor lopo leṭi vā (A 7.3.70)

घोर्लोपो लेटि वा
ghorlopo leṭi vā · A 7.3.70
दधद्रत्नानि दाशुषे (दध॒द्रत्ना॑नि दा॒शुषे॑) । सोमो ददद्गन्धर्वाय (सोमो॑ ददद्गन्ध॒र्वाय॑) । यदग्निरग्नय ददात् (यद॒ग्निर॒ग्नय॑ ददात्) ॥

Rule. Before leṭ, the final ā of a ghu root is optionally lost. The ghu roots are dā and dhā (dādhā ghv adāp, SK 2373, chapter 44). The Vedic setting is not repeated; it is understood from the context.

Example.

dhā + leṭ tip → doubling by ślau (SK 2490, chapter 46) → dadhā + ti

→ ā lost → dadh + ti

→ aṭ by leṭo 'ḍāṭau (SK 3427, Part I) → dadh + a + ti

→ i lost by itaś ca lopaḥ parasmaipadeṣu (SK 3426, Part I) → dadhat: dadhad ratnāni dāśuṣe, "he shall bestow treasures on the worshipper".

dā → dadat: somo dadad gandharvāya, "Soma shall give to the Gandharva".

Applies when / blocked by. The loss is optional. Without it: yad agnir agnaye dadāt, "what Agni shall give to Agni". The steps are the Subodhinī's. It says dadhat has the sense of dadhāt, and dadat is the form of dadāti.

SK 3585 · मीनातेर्निगमे · mīnāter nigame (A 7.3.81)

मीनातेर्निगमे
mīnāternigame · A 7.3.81
शिति ह्रस्वः । प्रमिणन्ति व्रतानि (प्रमि॑णन्ति व्र॒तानि॑) । लोके प्रमीणन्ति । अस्तिसिचोऽपृक्ते SK 2225 ॥

Rule. In the Veda (nigama), a short vowel replaces the ī of mī (mīnāti) before a śit affix. A śit affix is one marked with ś, such as śnā. "A short vowel" is carried from pvādīnāṃ hrasvaḥ (SK 2558, chapter 52), the Subodhinī says. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss is "before a śit, a short vowel".

Example.

pra + mī + śnā + anti → short i for ī

→ the ā of nā lost before the vowel (śnābhyastayor ātaḥ, SK 2483, chapter 45)

→ ṇ for n (hinumīnā, SK 2530, chapter 48) → pramiṇanti: pramiṇanti vratāni, "they violate the ordinances".

Ordinary usage (loke) → pramīṇanti.

Applies when / blocked by. The condition "before a śit" presumably belongs to ṣṭhivuklamucamāṃ śiti (SK 2320, chapter 44), which runs on through SK 2558. The loss of the ā of nā is presumably that of SK 2483, which applies before a ṅit ending such as anti.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes by recalling astisico 'pṛkte (SK 2225, chapter 44). After as and after sic, an apṛkta ending takes the augment īṭ. An apṛkta is an affix of a single sound. That is the frame for SK 3586.

SK 3586 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 7.3.97)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 7.3.97
सर्वमा इदम् (सर्व॑मा इ॒दम्) । आसीदिति प्राप्ते ॥ (अस्तेर्लङ् तिप्ईडभाव अपृक्तत्वाद्धल्ङ्यादिलोपः । रुत्वविसर्गौ । संहितायां तु भोभगो SK 167 इति यत्वम् । लोपः शाकल्यस्य SK 67 इति यलोपः । गोभिरक्षाः (गोभि॒रक्षाः॑) । सिच इडभावश्छान्दसः । अट् । शेषं पूर्ववत् । ह्रस्वस्य गुणः SK 242 । जसि च SK 241 ।
जसादिषु छन्दसि वावचनं प्राङ् णौ चङ्युपधायाः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अधा शतकत्वो यूयम् (अधा॑ शतकत्वो यू॒यम्) । शतकतवः । पश्वेनृभ्यो यथा गवे (पश्वे॒नृभ्यो॒ यथा॒ गवे॑) । पशवे ॥ ठनाभ्यस्तस्याचि SK 2503 इति निषेधे ।
बहुलं छन्दसीति वक्तव्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अनुषग्जुजोपत् (अनु॒षग्जुजो॑पत्) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the augment īṭ comes variously. īṭ is carried from SK 2225 (chapter 44), recalled at the end of SK 3585.

Example.

as + laṅ tip → āṭ (SK 2254) → luk of śap → ās + t

→ no īṭ → the single-sound t lost (halṅyābbhyo…, SK 252, chapter 8) → ās

→ ru and visarga → āḥ

→ in saṃhitā, y for the ru (bhobhago…, SK 167, chapter 7) → āy idam

→ the y lost (lopaḥ śākalyasya, SK 67, chapter 3) → sarvam ā idam, "all this was".

Ordinary usage → āsīt.

gobhir akṣāḥ: the absence of iṭ to sic is Vedic; aṭ; the rest as before.

Applies when / blocked by. saṃhitā is the joined recitation, where sandhi applies between words. ru is the r that replaces a final s. Bhaṭṭoji then recalls hrasvasya guṇaḥ (SK 242) and jasi ca (SK 241), both of chapter 8. Two vārttikas follow.

Vārttika 1: in the Veda, jasi ca and rules of its kind are optional, up to, but not including, ṇau caṅy upadhāyā hrasvaḥ (SK 2314, chapter 44). The Subodhinī says "of its kind" takes in rules named in the sūtra before, such as SK 242.

Vārttika 2: where nābhyastasyāci (SK 2503, chapter 46) prohibits, read "variably in the Veda".

Watch out. What SK 2503 prohibits is presumably guṇa: the o of jujoṣat.

SK 3587 · नित्यं छन्दसि · nityaṃ chandasi (A 7.4.8)

नित्यं छन्दसि
nityaṃ chandasi · A 7.4.8
छन्दसि विषये चङ्युपधाया ऋवर्णस्य ऋन्नित्यम् । अवीवृधत् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, before caṅ, ṛ replaces an ṛ-vowel in the upadhā always (nityam). Bhaṭṭoji: "in the domain of the Veda, before caṅ, ṛ always replaces an ṛ-vowel in the upadhā". caṅ is the substitute of cli in the reduplicated aorist.

Example.

vṛdh + ṇic + caṅ → ṛ substituted for the ṛ-vowel in the upadhā, always → avīvṛdhat.

Applies when / blocked by. In ordinary usage the ṛ is only optional, by ur ṛt (SK 2567, chapter 53). That rule works under ṇau caṅy upadhāyā hrasvaḥ (SK 2314, chapter 44). nityam makes it fixed in the Veda.

Watch out. There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra. Bhaṭṭoji gives the form without steps.

IV.K. Denominatives in kyac: no ī and no lengthening; ā, or loss, for the final — running example: mitra + kyac → (no ī, no dīrgha) mitraya- → (u, SK 3150) mitrayuḥ; aśva + kyac → (ā) aśvāya- → aśvāyantaḥ

kyac makes a denominative verb, "to wish for X", from a noun (chapter 58). Ordinarily a final a becomes ī before it (kyaci ca, SK 2658): putrīyantaḥ "desiring sons". In the Veda this ī often fails, and other stem changes come instead. The Vedic adjective in u (kyāc chandasi, SK 3150, chapter 67) is common here: mitrayuḥ "seeking friends". The running examples are mitrayuḥ, with no change to the stem, and aśvāyantaḥ "desiring horses", with ā.

SK 3588 · न च्छन्दस्यपुत्रस्य · na cchandasy aputrasya (A 7.4.35)

न च्छन्दस्यपुत्रस्य
na cchandasyaputrasya · A 7.4.35
पुत्रभिन्नस्यादन्तस्य क्यचि ईत्वदीर्घौ न । मित्रयुः । क्याच्छन्दसि SK 3150 इति उः । अपुत्रस्य किम् । पुत्रीयन्तः सुदानवः (पु॒त्रीयन्तः॑ सु॒दान॑वः) ॥ अपुत्रादीनामिति वाच्यम् ॥ जनीयन्तोन्वग्रवः (ज॒नी॒यन्तोन्वग्र॑वः) । जनमिच्छन्त इत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, an a-final stem other than putra takes no ī before kyac (kyaci ca, SK 2658, chapter 58). Nor is its a lengthened (akṛtsārvadhātukayor dīrghaḥ, SK 2298, chapter 44).

Example.

mitra + kyac → no ī, no lengthening → mitraya- → u by kyāc chandasi (SK 3150, chapter 67) → mitrayuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "Why 'other than putra'?" putrīyantaḥ sudānavaḥ, "the bountiful ones, desiring sons": putra keeps the ī. A vārttika widens the exception: "it should be stated as 'other than putra and the like'". So janīyanto nv agravaḥ, "desiring jana", also keeps the ī. That jana is one of "the like" is shown by Bhaṭṭoji's example, not stated.

Watch out. Why name both the ī and the lengthening? The Subodhinī explains. If only the ī were barred, lengthening would come back. When an exception is barred, the general rule stands again. The proof (jñāpaka) that both are barred is SK 3590. A jñāpaka is a wording that shows an unstated principle.

SK 3589 · दुरस्युर्द्रविणस्युर्वृषण्यतिरिषण्यति · durasyur draviṇasyur vṛṣaṇyati riṣaṇyati (A 7.4.36)

दुरस्युर्द्रविणस्युर्वृषण्यतिरिषण्यति
durasyurdraviṇasyurvṛṣaṇyatiriṣaṇyati · A 7.4.36
एते क्यचि निपात्यन्ते । भाषायां तु उप्रत्ययाभावात् दुष्टीयति । द्रविणीयति । वृषीयति । रिष्टीयति ॥

Rule. durasyuḥ, draviṇasyuḥ, vṛṣaṇyati and riṣaṇyati are nipātanas before kyac. The Subodhinī names the substitutions: duras for duṣṭa, draviṇas for draviṇa, vṛṣaṇ for vṛṣa, and riṣaṇ for riṣṭa.

Example.

duṣṭa + kyac → duras for duṣṭa → durasya- → u → durasyuḥ.

Likewise draviṇasyuḥ; and the verbs vṛṣaṇyati, riṣaṇyati.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "In ordinary usage, since the affix u does not occur there": duṣṭīyati, draviṇīyati, vṛṣīyati, riṣṭīyati. The Subodhinī adds that the point is only the base. With tṛc, which has the same meaning as u, one gets duṣṭīyitā and so on.

Watch out. "In the Veda" is not in the sūtra. It is understood from SK 3588 and from Bhaṭṭoji's contrast with ordinary usage. The u in durasyuḥ is presumably the u of SK 3150, given SK 3588 and Bhaṭṭoji's remark on the affix u.

SK 3590 · अश्वाघस्यात् · aśvāghasyāt (A 7.4.37)

अश्वाघस्यात्
aśvāghasyāt · A 7.4.37
अश्व अघ एतयो क्यचि आत्स्याच्छन्दसी । अश्वायन्तो मघवन् (अ॒श्वा॒यन्तो॑ मघवन्) । मात्वा वृका अघायवः । न च्छन्दसि-SK 3588 इति निषेधो नेत्वमात्रस्य किं तु दीर्घस्यापीति । अत्रेदमेव सूत्रं ज्ञापकम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ā replaces the final of aśva "horse" and agha "harm" before kyac.

Example.

aśva + kyac → ā → aśvāya- → aśvāyanto maghavan, "desiring horses, O Maghavan".

agha + kyac → aghāya- → u (SK 3150) → aghāyavaḥ: mā tvā vṛkā aghāyavaḥ, "let not the wolves, intent on harm, (reach) you".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: aśvāyantaḥ is laṭ replaced by śatṛ, the present participle. aghāyavaḥ has kyac in the sense "wishing (harm) for another", by the vārttika under SK 3419 (Part I).

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji: this sūtra is the jñāpaka for SK 3588. SK 3588 bars lengthening as well as ī. Otherwise lengthening alone would give the ā, and stating ā here would be pointless.

SK 3591 · देवसुम्नयोर्यजुषि काठके · devasumnayor yajuṣi kāṭhake (A 7.4.38)

देवसुम्नयोर्यजुषि काठके
devasumnayoryajuṣi kāṭhake · A 7.4.38
अनयोः क्यचि आत्स्याद्यजुषि कठशाखायाम् । देवायन्तो यजमानाः । सुम्नायन्तो हावमहे (सु॒म्ना॒यन्तो॑ हवामहे) । इह यजुःशब्दो न मन्त्रमात्रपरः किंतु वेदोपलक्षकः । तेन ऋगात्मकेऽपि मन्त्रे यजुर्वेदस्थे भवति । किं च ऋग्वेदेऽपि भवति । स चेन्मन्त्रो यजुषि कठशाखायां दृष्टः । यजुषीति किम् । देवाञ्जिगाति सुम्नयुः (दे॒वाञ्जि॑गाति सुम्न॒युः) । बह्वृचानामप्यस्ति कठशाखा ततो भवति प्रत्युदाहरणमिति हरदत्तः ॥

Rule. In the Yajus of the Kaṭha branch (śākhā), ā replaces the final of deva and sumna before kyac.

Example.

deva + kyac → ā → devāyanto yajamānāḥ, "the sacrificers, longing for the gods".

sumna + kyac → sumnāyanto havāmahe, "longing for favour, we invoke".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: here yajus does not mean the mantras alone. It stands for the Yajurveda. So the rule applies also to a mantra in verse (ṛk) form within the Yajurveda. It even applies in the Ṛgveda, if that mantra is found in the Kaṭha Yajus. Bhaṭṭoji: "Why 'in the Yajus'?" devāñ jigāti sumnayuḥ, "longing for favour, he goes to the gods": no ā.

Watch out. The counter-example seems to have both "Yajus" and "Kaṭha". Haradatta answers that the Bahvṛcas, the followers of the Ṛgveda, have a Kaṭha branch too. The counter-example comes from there. The Subodhinī adds why the sūtra says kāṭhake: so that ā does not come in another branch of the Yajurveda.

SK 3592 · कव्यध्वरपृतनस्यर्चि लोपः · kavyadhvarapṛtanasyarci lopaḥ (A 7.4.39)

कव्यध्वरपृतनस्यर्चि लोपः
kavyadhvarapṛtanasyarci lopaḥ · A 7.4.39
एषामन्त्यस्य लोपः स्यात् क्यचि ऋग्विषये । सपूर्वया निविदा कव्यतायोः (सपूर्व॑या नि॒विदा॑ क॒व्यता॒योः) । अध्वर्युं वा मधुपाणिम् । दमयन्तं पृतन्युम् (द॒मय॑न्तं पृत॒न्युम्) । दधातेर्हि SK 3076 । जहातेश्च क्त्वि SK 3331 ॥

Rule. In the domain of a ṛk, the final of kavi, adhvara and pṛtanā is lost before kyac.

Example.

kavi + kyac → final i lost → kavya-: sa pūrvayā nividā kavyatāyoḥ.

adhvara + kyac → final a lost → adhvarya- → adhvaryum: adhvaryuṃ vā madhupāṇim.

pṛtanā + kyac → final ā lost → pṛtanya- → pṛtanyum: damayantaṃ pṛtanyum, "subduing the one who seeks battle".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī notes that adhvaryu also stands in the mṛgayvādi list, the list of words headed by mṛgayu. That is a different derivation.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes by recalling dadhāter hiḥ (SK 3076, chapter 67), "hi for dhā", and jahāteś ca ktvi (SK 3331, chapter 69), "and for hā before ktvā". They are the frame for SK 3593.

IV.L. hi for hā and i for dhā; t (voiced to d) for the final s before bh — running example: hā + ktvā → (hi) hitvā / hītvā; su + dhā + kta → (i for ā) sudhitam

Two sūtras close Part IV. Chapter 69 made hā "to leave" into hi before ktvā without option (SK 3331). In the Veda it is optional: hitvā or hītvā. Chapter 67 made dhā into hi (SK 3076). In five fixed forms the Veda has dhi instead: sudhitam "well placed". Two vārttikas then extend apo bhi (SK 442, chapter 12), t for the final of ap before bh, to Vedic stems in s: mādbhiḥ.

SK 3593 · विभाषा छन्दसि · vibhāṣā chandasi (A 7.4.44)

विभाषा छन्दसि
vibhāṣā chandasi · A 7.4.44
हित्वा शरीरम् । हीत्वा वा ॥

Rule. In the Veda, hi optionally replaces hā (jahāti) before ktvā. "hi before ktvā" is carried from jahāteś ca ktvi (SK 3331, chapter 69), recalled at the end of SK 3592.

Example.

hā + ktvā → hi → hitvā śarīram, "leaving the body".

Without hi → ī for ā (ghumāsthā…, SK 2462, chapter 45) → hītvā.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī gives the ī of hītvā. It also reports a reading hātvā in some copies. There the ī of SK 2462 fails because the form is Vedic.

Watch out. Ordinarily SK 3331 gives only hitvā. The Vedic option adds hītvā.

SK 3594 · सुधितवसुधितनेमधितधिष्वधिषीय च · sudhitavasudhitanemadhitadhiṣvadhiṣīya ca (A 7.4.45)

सुधितवसुधितनेमधितधिष्वधिषीय च
sudhitavasudhitanemadhitadhiṣvadhiṣīya ca · A 7.4.45
सु वसु नेम एतत्पूर्वस्य दधाते क्तप्रत्यये इत्वं निपात्यते । गर्भं माता सुधितं वक्षणासु (गर्भं॑ मा॒ता सुधि॑तं व॒क्षणा॑सु) । वसुधितमग्नौ । नेमधिता न पौंस्या (ने॒मधि॑ता॒ न पौंस्या॑) । क्तिन्यपि दृश्यते । उत श्वेतं वसुधितिं निरेके (उ॒त श्वे॒तं वसु॑धितिं निरे॒के) । धिष्ववज्रं दक्षिण इन्द्र हस्ते (धि॒ष्ववज्रं॒ दक्षि॑ण इन्द्र॒ हस्ते॑) । धत्स्वेति प्राप्ते । सुरेता रेतो धिषीय । आशीर्लिङि इट् । इटोऽत् SK 2257 । धीसीयेति प्राप्ते । अपोभि SK 442 ।
मासश्छन्दसीति वक्तव्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ माद्भिः । शरद्भिः (श॒रद्भिः॑) ।
स्ववःस्वतवसोरुषसश्चेष्यते
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ स्ववद्भिः (स्वव॒द्भिः) । समुषद्भिरजायथाः (समु॒षद्भि॑रजायथाः) । मिथुनेऽसिः । वसेः उषः किदिति प्राग्व्याख्यातम् । व कवतेर्यङि SK 2641 ॥

Rule. sudhita, vasudhita, nemadhita, dhiṣva and dhiṣīya are nipātanas. In each, i replaces the ā of dhā. For the first three this holds before kta, after su, vasu and nema.

Example.

su + dhā + kta → i for ā → sudhitam: garbhaṃ mātā sudhitaṃ vakṣaṇāsu, "the mother (bears) the well-placed embryo in her womb".

vasudhitam agnau; nemadhitā na pauṃsyā.

With ktin too: uta śvetaṃ vasudhitiṃ nireke.

dhiṣva vajraṃ dakṣiṇa indra haste, "place the vajra in your right hand, O Indra", for dhatsva.

suretā reto dhiṣīya, for dhāsīya: āśīrliṅ, the benedictive, with the ending iṭ, which a replaces (iṭo 't, SK 2257, chapter 44).

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then recalls apo bhi (SK 442, chapter 12): t for the final of ap before bh. Two vārttikas extend it.

Vārttika 1: "It should be stated for mās in the Veda." mās + bhis → t, voiced to d → mādbhiḥ. śaradbhiḥ is cited beside it.

Vārttika 2: "It is wanted for svavas and svatavas, and for uṣas." svavadbhiḥ, svatavadbhiḥ, and samuṣadbhir ajāyathāḥ, "you were born together with the dawns".

Bhaṭṭoji then derives the stems. svavas is av + asun, "those whose protection is good". svatavas is from the root tu, "those whose strength is their own". uṣas has the uṇādi affix asi (mithune 'siḥ). Haradatta takes it by vaseḥ kic ca; by the method of the Pañcapādī, the uṇādi sūtras in five chapters, it was explained earlier by uṣaḥ kit.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji does not repeat "in the Veda" in his gloss here. The Subodhinī adds detail. vasudhita and nemadhita are karmadhāraya compounds, by Haradatta; nema means "half". The Vedabhāṣya takes vasudhita as "giver of wealth". mās replaces māsa by SK 228 (chapter 8). Only mādbhiḥ shows the mās rule; śaradbhiḥ seems to be cited as the word beside it in the mantra. Bhaṭṭoji closes by recalling na kavater yaṅi (SK 2641, chapter 56), the frame for SK 3595 in Part V.

V.A. The last abhyāsa nipātanas of book 7 — running example: kṛṣ + yaṅ → (abhyāsa ka keeps its k; rīk) karīkṛṣyate

The verb chapters taught how a doubled root behaves. The first copy of the root is the abhyāsa, the reduplicated syllable. Its velars turn palatal (kuhoś cuḥ, SK 2245, chapter 44), its consonants are replaced by abhyāse car ca (SK 2182), and so on. Four sūtras now close the seventh book of the Aṣṭādhyāyī with Vedic exceptions to those rules. Two of them are nipātanas: finished forms stated in the sūtra, whose irregular steps are simply accepted. The running example is the intensive of kṛṣ "to plough". In the Veda its abhyāsa keeps its k: karīkṛṣyate, against ordinary carīkṛṣyate.

SK 3595 · कृषेश्छन्दसि · kṛṣeś chandasi (A 7.4.64)

कृषेश्छन्दसि
kṛṣeśchandasi · A 7.4.64
यङि अभ्यासस्य चुत्वं न । करीकृष्यते ॥

Rule. In the Veda (chandas), the root kṛṣ does not take the palatal for its abhyāsa before yaṅ. yaṅ is the affix of the intensive, "again and again" (chapter 56). The change of a velar to a palatal is called cutva.

Example.

kṛṣ + yaṅ → the root is doubled; the abhyāsa is ka, with the augment rīk → ka-rī-kṛṣ-ya

→ kuhoś cuḥ (SK 2245) would make the k of the abhyāsa c; this rule stops it

→ karīkṛṣyate.

Applies when / blocked by. The words "before yaṅ, no cutva of the abhyāsa" come from na kavater yaṅi (SK 2641, chapter 56). The Subodhinī says Bhaṭṭoji quoted that rule at the end of SK 3594 so that its words run on into this one. Outside the Veda the cutva does apply: carīkṛṣyate kṛṣīvalaḥ "the ploughman ploughs again and again" (Subodhinī).

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the form. The Subodhinī names rugrikau ca luki (SK 2652, chapter 57) for the augment rīk. A reader may compare rīg ṛdupadhasya ca (SK 2644), which gives rīk before yaṅ itself; that comparison is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3596 · दाधर्तिदर्धर्तिदर्धर्षिबोभूतुतेतिक्तेऽलर्ष्यापनीफणत्संसनिष्यदत्करिक्रत्कनिक्रदद्भरिभ्रद्दविध्वतोदविद्युतत्तरित्रतःसरीसृपतंवरीवृजन्मर्मृज्यागनीगन्तीति च · dādharti-dardharti-dardharṣi-bobhūtu-tetikte-'larṣy-āpanīphaṇat-saṃsaniṣyadat-karikrat-kanikradad-bharibhrad-davidhvato-davidyutat-taritrataḥ-sarīsṛpataṃ-varīvṛjan-marmṛjy-āganīgantīti ca (A 7.4.65)

दाधर्तिदर्धर्तिदर्धर्षिबोभूतुतेतिक्तेऽलर्ष्यापनीफणत्संसनिष्यदत्करिक्रत्कनिक्रदद्भरिभ्रद्दविध्वतोदविद्युतत्तरित्रतःसरीसृपतंवरीवृजन्मर्मृज्यागनीगन्तीति च
dādhartidardhartidardharṣibobhūtutetikte'larṣyāpanīphaṇatsaṃsaniṣyadatkarikratkanikradadbharibhraddavidhvatodavidyutattaritrataḥsarīsṛpataṃvarīvṛjanmarmṛjyāganīgantīti ca · A 7.4.65
एतेष्टादश निपात्यन्ते । आद्यास्त्रयो धृङो धारयतेर्वा । भवतेर्यङ्लुगन्तस्य गुणाभावः । तेन भाषायां गुणो लभ्यते । तिजेर्यङ्लुगन्तात्तङ् । इयर्तेर्लटि हलादिःशेषापवादो रेफस्य लत्वमित्वाभावश्च निपात्यते । अलर्षि युध्म खजकृत्पुरन्दर (अल॑र्षि युध्म खजकृत्पुरन्दर) । सिपा निर्देशो न तन्त्रम् । अलर्ति दक्ष उत (अल॑र्ति॒ दक्ष॑ उ॒त) । फणतेराङ्पूर्वस्य यङ्लुगन्तस्य शतरि अभ्यासस्य नीगागमो निपात्यते । अन्वापनीफणत् (अन्वा॒पनी॑फणत्) । स्यन्देः संपूर्वस्य यङ्लुकि शतरि अभ्यासस्य निक् । धातुसकारस्य षत्वम् । करोतेर्यङ्लुगन्तस्याभ्यासस्य चुत्वाभावः । क्रन्देर्लुङिच्लेरङ्द्विर्वचनमभ्यासस्य चुत्वाभावो निगागमश्च । कनिक्रदज्जनुपम् (कनि॑क्रदज्ज॒नुप॑म्) । अक्रन्दीदित्यर्थः । बिभर्तेरभ्यासस्य जश्त्वाभावः । वि यो भरिभ्रदोषधीषु (वि यो भरि॑भ्र॒दोष॑धीषु) । ध्वरतेर्यङ्लुगन्तस्य शतरि अभ्यासस्य विगागमो धातोर्ऋकारलोपश्च । दविध्वतो रश्मयः सूर्यस्य (दवि॑ध्वतो र॒श्मयः॒ सूर्य॑स्य) । द्युतेरभ्यासस्य संप्रसारणाभावोऽत्वं विगागमश्च । दविद्युतद्दीद्यच्छोशुचानः (दवि॑द्युत॒द्दीद्य॒च्छोशु॑चानः) । तरतेः शतरि श्लौ द्वितीयैकवचने रीगागमोऽभ्यासस्य । वृजेः शतरि श्लावभ्यासस्य रीक् । मृजेर्लिटि णल् अभ्यासस्य रुक् धातोश्च युक् । गमेराङ्पूर्वस्य लटि श्लावभ्यासस्य चुत्वाभावो नीगागमश्च । वक्ष्यन्ती वेदागनीगन्ति कर्णम् (वक्ष्यन्ती॒ वेदाग॑नीगन्ति कर्ण॑म्) ॥

Rule. Eighteen Vedic verb forms are taught as nipātanas. Most are intensives whose yaṅ has been deleted (yaṅluk, chapter 57), or forms with ślu, the deletion of the class-sign that doubles the root (chapter 46). In most, something about the abhyāsa is irregular. Bhaṭṭoji glosses each form in the order of the sūtra.

Example. One form worked through, alarṣi "you rush on":

ṛ (iyarti) + laṭ, sip → the root is doubled (ślu)

→ the abhyāsa keeps an l in place of r, against halādiḥ śeṣaḥ (SK 2179, chapter 44)

→ the abhyāsa does not take the i of artipipartyoś ca (SK 2493, chapter 46; so the Subodhinī)

→ alarṣi: alarṣi yudhma khajakṛt purandara "you rush on, O fighter, maker of the battle-din, breaker of forts".

The ending sip (second person) is not binding: alarti dakṣa uta "and the able one rushes on".

The other seventeen, with what each nipātana grants:

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī names the rules these forms set aside. karikrat escapes kuhoś cuḥ (SK 2245). bharibhrat escapes abhyāse car ca (SK 2182). davidyutat escapes dyutisvāpyoḥ saṃprasāraṇam (SK 2344). For davidhvataḥ it adds that the nasal of the participle is barred by nābhyastāc chatuḥ (SK 427).

Watch out. bobhūtu teaches something beyond itself. The Subodhinī objects that bhūsuvos tiṅi (SK 2224) already forbids guṇa here. It answers that the nipātana is a jñāpaka, an indication: elsewhere a yaṅluk form of bhū does take guṇa. So ordinary Sanskrit has bobhavīti. The 1915 print gives taritrataḥ and sarīsṛpatam separate glosses.

SK 3597 · ससूवेति निगमे · sasūveti nigame (A 7.4.74)

ससूवेति निगमे
sasūveti nigame · A 7.4.74
सूतेर्लिटि परस्मैपदं वुगागमोऽभ्यासस्य चात्वं निपात्यते । गृष्टिः ससूव स्थविरम् (गृ॒ष्टिः स॑सूव स्थवि॑रम्) । सुपुवे इति भाषायाम् ॥

Rule. In the Vedic text (nigama) the form sasūva is a nipātana. It is the perfect of sū "to give birth".

Example.

sū + liṭ → the active (parasmaipada) ending, by nipātana

→ the root is doubled; the abhyāsa takes a for its u: sa-sū

→ the augment vuk → sasūva.

gṛṣṭiḥ sasūva sthaviram "the young cow has borne a sturdy calf".

Applies when / blocked by. In ordinary Sanskrit (bhāṣā) the form is suṣuve, a middle form with the abhyāsa su.

Watch out. The Subodhinī says this sūtra ought to have stood among the eighteen forms of SK 3596.

SK 3598 · बहुलं छन्दसि · bahulaṃ chandasi (A 7.4.78)

बहुलं छन्दसि
bahulaṃ chandasi · A 7.4.78
अभ्यासस्य इकारः स्याच्छन्दसि । पूर्णां विवष्टि (पूर्णां विव॑ष्टि) । वशेरेतद्रूपम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, i variously takes the place of the abhyāsa's vowel. bahulam means "variously": sometimes it applies, sometimes not.

Example.

vaś + laṭ, tip → the class-sign is deleted (ślu), and the root is doubled → va-vaś-ti

→ i for the abhyāsa's vowel → vi-vaś-ti

→ ś becomes ṣ (SK 294), and t after ṣ becomes ṭ (ṣṭutva) → vivaṣṭi.

pūrṇāṃ vivaṣṭi "he longs for the full ladle". Bhaṭṭoji: this is the form of vaś "to desire".

Applies when / blocked by. The i is the it of bhṛñām it (SK 2496, chapter 46), carried into this rule. The Subodhinī, on the same form at SK 3401, derives vivaṣṭi with this rule. Here the seventh book ends.

V.B. Book 8 opens: doubling for the metre, and the Vedic stems before matup and gha — running example: akṣi + matup → (anaṅ) akṣan-mat → (n lost; nuṭ, asiddha) akṣaṇ-vat → akṣaṇvantaḥ

The eighth book begins. One sūtra doubles four prefixes just to fill a line of verse. Three more change the possessive affix matup and the comparative affixes in the Veda. matup (-mat, -vat) means "having": chapter 39 taught it, and SK 1897 there makes its m a v after certain stems. The comparative and superlative affixes tarap and tamap are called gha (SK 2003, chapter 41). The running example is akṣaṇvantaḥ "having eyes", from akṣi "eye".

SK 3599 · प्रसमुपोदः पादपूरणे · prasamupodaḥ pādapūraṇe (A 8.1.6)

प्रसमुपोदः पादपूरणे
prasamupodaḥ pādapūraṇe · A 8.1.6
एषां द्वे स्तः पादपूरणे । प्रपायमग्निः । संसमिद्युवसे (संसमिद्यु॑वसे) । उपोप मे परामृश (उपो॑प मे परा॑मृश) । किं नोदुदु हर्पसे (किं नोदु॑दु हर्पसे) ॥

Rule. The prefixes pra, sam, upa and ud are doubled to fill out the pāda, the metrical line of a verse.

Example.

pra ayam agniḥ → pra doubled → pra prāyam agniḥ "forth, forth goes this Agni".

saṃsam id yuvase "you join all together".

upopa me parā mṛśa "touch me closely".

kiṃ nod ud u harṣase "why do you not exult?"

Applies when / blocked by. The doubling adds no meaning (Subodhinī). Its only work is to fill the line. Such usage is not found in ordinary language, so the Subodhinī says the rule holds only in the Veda. That the doubling is the one taught by sarvasya dve (SK 2139, chapter 43) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Watch out. The sūtra word prasamupodaḥ is a collective compound (samāhāra-dvandva) naming the four prefixes. It ought to take the closing affix ṭac by SK 930. The Subodhinī says it does not, because rules for closing affixes are not obligatory. The 1915 print reads pra prāyam with both copies of pra. Here the eighth book begins.

SK 3600 · छन्दसीरः · chandasīraḥ (A 8.2.15)

छन्दसीरः
chandasīraḥ · A 8.2.15
इवर्णान्ताद्रेफान्ताच्च परस्य मतोर्मस्य वः स्यात् । हरिवते हर्यश्वाय (हरि॑वते॒ हर्य॑श्वाय) । गीर्वान् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after a stem ending in an i-vowel or in r, v replaces the m of matup.

Example.

hari + matup → m becomes v → harivat "having bay horses"

→ dative harivate: harivate haryaśvāya "to him who has bay horses, whose horses are bay".

gir + matup → m becomes v → gir-vat → the i is lengthened before r (SK 433) → gīrvān.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss supplies "the m of matup becomes v". That this comes from mād upadhāyāś ca… (SK 1897, chapter 39) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. The ī of the sūtra stands for the whole i-class, short and long. The Subodhinī supplies the lengthening rule for gīrvān.

SK 3601 · अनो नुट् · ano nuṭ (A 8.2.16)

अनो नुट्
ano nuṭ · A 8.2.16
अन्नन्तान्मतोर्नुट् स्या । अक्षण्वन्तः कर्णवन्तः (अ॒क्ष॒ण्वन्तः॒ कर्ण॑वन्तः) । अस्थन्वन्तं यदनस्था (अ॒स्थ॒न्वन्तं॒ यद॑न॒स्था) ॥

Rule. After a stem ending in an, matup takes the augment nuṭ, that is, an n placed before it.

Example.

akṣi + matup → akṣi becomes akṣan (anaṅ, SK 322, through chandasy api dṛśyate, SK 3575) → akṣan-mat

→ the stem's n is lost → akṣa-mat

→ nuṭ comes, on the strength of what the stem was before → akṣa-n-mat

→ v for m; n becomes ṇ → akṣaṇvantaḥ "having eyes".

Also asthanvantaṃ yad anasthā "that the boneless one bears the one with bones".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī explains why nuṭ does not spoil the other rules. nuṭ is taught in the Tripādī, the last three quarters of book 8, whose rules are asiddha, treated as not yet done, for the earlier rules (SK 12). So the n is lost first, and nuṭ comes after. And nuṭ does not stand between the stem and matup for the rule that makes m into v.

Watch out. The quoted line also has karṇavantaḥ "having ears". That word does not end in an and is not an instance of this rule. The Subodhinī adds that the Vedic word-by-word text writes akṣaṇ-vantaḥ. It cites the Mahābhāṣya: grammar does not follow those reciters; they must follow grammar.

SK 3602 · नाद्घस्य · nād ghasya (A 8.2.17)

नाद्घस्य
nādghasya · A 8.2.17
नान्तात्परस्य घस्य नुट् । सुपथिन्तरः ।
भूरिदान्नस्तुड्वाच्यः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ भूरिदावत्तरो जनः (भू॒रि॒दाव॑त्तरो जनः॑) ।
ईद्रथिनः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ रथीतरः (र॒थीत॑रः) । रथीतमं रथीनाम् (र॒थीत॑मं र॒थीना॑म्) ॥

Rule. After a stem ending in n, gha (tarap or tamap) takes the augment nuṭ.

Example.

supathin + tarap → the stem's n is lost → supathi-tara

→ nuṭ → supathi-n-tara → supathintaraḥ.

The Subodhinī: tarap comes by SK 2005; the n passes through anusvāra to the nasal of t's class.

Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas extend the rule. A vārttika is a supplementary statement to a sūtra.

bhūridāvan + tarap → n lost → bhūridāva-tara → tuṭ → bhūridāvattaro janaḥ "a man who gives more abundantly".

The Subodhinī derives the stem with vanip after dā (SK 3418).

rathin + tarap → n lost → rathi-tara → ī for the i → rathītaraḥ; rathītamaṃ rathīnām "the best charioteer among charioteers".

Watch out. In rathītaraḥ the ī replaces the i left after the n is lost, not the n itself. The Subodhinī says so: an ī for the n would be asiddha, and the vowels could not merge. The vārttika's stem is printed bhūridānnaḥ; the form bhūridāvattaraḥ and the Subodhinī's derivation show it is bhūridāvan.

V.C. Vedic niṣṭhā nipātanas, and ru-or-r for amnas, ūdhas, avas and bhuvas — running example: amnas eva → (ru → y → lost) amna eva / (r) amnar eva

Three short sūtras follow. The first fixes six Vedic past participles taught as finished forms; most keep a t where ordinary Sanskrit has n. The other two let four s-final words end either in ru or in a plain r. ru is the r that the earlier chapters put in place of a word-final s (sasajuṣo ruḥ, SK 162, chapter 7). It then changes further by the rules of chapter 7, for example to y before a vowel (SK 167). The running example is amnas "a little". With ru it gives amna eva; with r it gives amnar eva.

SK 3603 · नसत्तनिषत्तानुत्तप्रतूर्तसूर्तगूर्तानि छन्दसि · nasattaniṣattānuttapratūrtasūrtagūrtāni chandasi (A 8.2.61)

नसत्तनिषत्तानुत्तप्रतूर्तसूर्तगूर्तानि छन्दसि
nasattaniṣattānuttapratūrtasūrtagūrtāni chandasi · A 8.2.61
सदेर्नञ्पूर्वान्निपूर्वाच्च निष्ठायां नत्वाभावो निपात्यते । नसत्तमञ्जसा । निपत्तमस्य चरतः । असन्नं निषण्णमिति प्राप्ते । उन्देर्नञ्पूर्वस्यानुत्तम् । प्रतूर्तमिति त्वरतेः, तुर्वीत्यस्य वा । सूर्तमिति सृ इत्यस्य । गूर्तमिति गुरी इत्यस्य ॥

Rule. In the Veda, six past participles are nipātanas: nasatta, niṣatta, anutta, pratūrta, sūrta and gūrta. The past participle in -ta is called the niṣṭhā.

Example.

ni + sad + kta → by nipātana the niṣṭhā does not take n

→ s becomes ṣ (SK 2271, so the Subodhinī) → niṣattam: niṣattam asya carataḥ.

na + sad + kta → nasattam: nasattam añjasā.

In ordinary Sanskrit these would be niṣaṇṇam and asannam.

The others: anuttam from und with the negative na; pratūrtam from tvar or from turvī; sūrtam from sṛ; gūrtam from gurī.

Applies when / blocked by. The change these forms escape is radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ pūrvasya ca daḥ (SK 3016, chapter 67). It makes the t of the niṣṭhā n after r and d, and the d before it n too. The Subodhinī gives the ordinary forms anunnam and gūrṇam.

Watch out. The Subodhinī draws a further point from anuttam. Because this form had to be taught for the Veda, the option of SK 3038 does not hold for und in ordinary Sanskrit.

SK 3604 · अम्नरूधरवरित्युभयथा छन्दसि · amnarūdharavarityubhayathā chandasi (A 8.2.70)

अम्नरूधरवरित्युभयथा छन्दसि
amnarūdharavarityubhayathā chandasi · A 8.2.70
रुर्वा रेफो वा । अम्न एव । अम्नरेव । ऊध एव । ऊधरेव । अवएव । अवरेव ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the final s of amnas, ūdhas and avas is replaced either by ru or by r.

Example.

amnas eva → s becomes ru → ru becomes y before a vowel (SK 167) → y is lost (SK 67) → amna eva.

amnas eva → s becomes r → amnar eva.

Likewise ūdha eva / ūdhar eva, and ava eva / avar eva.

Applies when / blocked by. ru would come anyway by sasajuṣo ruḥ (SK 162). So, the Subodhinī says, the rule is really for the plain r. The plain r does not go on to y, so it stays. The Subodhinī glosses the words: amnas means "a little", avas means "protection".

SK 3605 · भुवश्च महाव्याहृतेः · bhuvaś ca mahāvyāhṛteḥ (A 8.2.71)

भुवश्च महाव्याहृतेः
bhuvaśca mahāvyāhṛteḥ · A 8.2.71
भुव इति (भुव॒ इति॑) । भवरिति (भुव॒रिति॑) ॥

Rule. The same choice, ru or r, holds for bhuvas when it is the great utterance (mahāvyāhṛti). The three great utterances name earth, mid-region and heaven; bhuvas is the middle one.

Example.

bhuvas iti → ru → y → lost → bhuva iti.

bhuvas iti → r → bhuvar iti.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: the word must be the indeclinable bhuvas, "the mid-region". In bhuvo viśveṣu bhuvaneṣu the word is a verb form of bhū, so the rule does not touch it. There bhuvaḥ is an imperfect (laṅ) used for the present (SK 3423), with no augment a (SK 3546).

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the two forms. That bhuva iti shows ru and bhuvar iti shows r, as at SK 3604, is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. The 1915 print reads bhuvar iti.

V.D. The udātta pluta in ritual and dialogue — running example: ye yajāmahe → (ṭi e pluta, udātta by SK 93) ye3 yajāmahe; akārṣaṃ hi → akārṣaṃ hi3

A pluta vowel is a vowel held for three mātrās (morae), against one for a short and two for a long vowel. It is written with the figure 3 after it: ye3. The head of the pluta rules was taught in chapter 4. There vākyasya ṭeḥ pluta udāttaḥ (SK 93) says that the ṭi of a sentence becomes pluta and udātta (high-pitched). The ṭi is the last vowel of a word together with whatever follows it. SK 94–97 gave the pluta in a return greeting, in a call from afar, and elsewhere.

Thirteen sūtras now give the pluta in the ritual and in dialogue. The Subodhinī says at SK 3608 that the words "of the ṭi" are still carried from SK 93. At SK 3619 it says such a pluta would be udātta. So every pluta in this group except the om of SK 3608 is udātta, and it is marked with an acute: yé3, hí3. The rest of each sentence keeps its own accent, which these units do not mark.

SK 3606 · ओमभ्यादाने · om abhyādāne (A 8.2.87)

ओमभ्यादाने
omabhyādāne · A 8.2.87
ओंशब्दस्य प्लुतः स्यादारम्भे । ओ3मग्निमीळे पुरोहितम् (ओ3म॒ग्निमी॑ळे पु॒रोहि॑तम्) । अभ्यादाने किम् । ओमित्येकाक्षरम् ॥

Rule. The word om becomes pluta at a commencement (abhyādāna, that is, ārambha).

Example.

om agnim īḷe purohitam → o of om pluta → ó3m agnim īḷe purohitam "Om! I praise Agni, the household priest".

The udātta syllable is the pluta ó3.

Applies when / blocked by. It is not pluta when om does not open anything: om ity ekākṣaram "om, the single syllable".

Watch out. Only the vowel is prolated, not the m. The Subodhinī says the pluta always falls on a vowel, by acaś ca (SK 35, chapter 2). With half a mātrā for the m, ó3m comes to three and a half mātrās.

SK 3607 · ये यज्ञकर्मणि · ye yajñakarmaṇi (A 8.2.88)

ये यज्ञकर्मणि
ye yajñakarmaṇi · A 8.2.88
ये3यजामहे । यज्ञेति किम् । ये यजामहे ॥

Rule. In a sacrificial act (yajñakarman), the word ye becomes pluta.

Example.

ye yajāmahe → e of ye pluta → yé3 yajāmahe "we who worship".

The udātta syllable is the pluta yé3.

Applies when / blocked by. Outside the sacrificial act the same words are said plainly: ye yajāmahe. The word yajñakarmaṇi runs on into SK 3608–3610.

SK 3608 · प्रणवष्टेः · praṇavaṣ ṭeḥ (A 8.2.89)

प्रणवष्टेः
praṇavaṣṭeḥ · A 8.2.89
यज्ञकर्मणि टेरोमित्यादेशः स्यात् । अपां रेतांसि जिवन्तो3म् (अ॒पां रेतां॑सि जिवन्तो3म्) । टेः किम् । हलन्ते अन्त्यस्य माभूत् ॥

Rule. In a sacrificial act, the praṇava, the syllable om, replaces the whole ṭi of the sentence.

Example. The Subodhinī's reading:

jinvati (jinv, present, third person singular) → its ṭi i is replaced by om → jinvato3m.

In the mantra: apāṃ retāṃsi jinvato3m "it quickens the seeds of the waters".

Applies when / blocked by. yajñakarmaṇi comes from SK 3607 (Subodhinī). Why does the sūtra say "of the ṭi" again, when SK 93 already gives it? The Subodhinī answers. A substitute replaces only the last sound of what it stands for, by alo 'ntyasya (SK 42, chapter 2). Where the ṭi ends in a consonant, om would replace only that consonant. Restating "of the ṭi" makes om replace the whole ṭi.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's text, like the 1915 print, has jivanto3m. The Subodhinī reads jinvato3m and derives it from jinvati; the example above follows it. Bhaṭṭoji writes the substituted om as pluta but does not say here why. So its accent is not marked here.

SK 3609 · याज्याऽन्तः · yājyā 'ntaḥ (A 8.2.90)

याज्याऽन्तः
yājyā'ntaḥ · A 8.2.90
ये याज्या मन्त्रास्तेषामन्त्यस्य टे प्लुतो यज्ञकर्मणि । जिह्वामगग्ने चकृषे हव्यवाहा3म् (जि॒ह्वाम॑ग्ने चकृषे हव्यवाहा3म्) । अन्तः किम् । याज्यानामृचां वाक्यसमुदाय रूपाणां प्रतिवाक्यं टेः स्यात् । सर्वान्त्यस्य चेत्यते ॥

Rule. In a sacrificial act, in a yājyā (a verse recited at the offering), only the ṭi of the last sentence becomes pluta.

Example.

jihvām agne cakṛṣe havyavāham → the ṭi am of the last word pluta → jihvām agne cakṛṣe havyavāhā́3m.

"O Agni, you have made your tongue the bearer of oblations." The udātta syllable is the pluta hā́3m.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "last"? A yājyā is a verse made of a group of sentences. Without "last", every sentence would take the pluta at its ṭi. It is wanted only for the very last.

SK 3610 · ब्रूहिप्रेष्यश्रौषड्वौषडावहानामादेः · brūhi-preṣya-śrauṣaḍ-vauṣaḍ-āvahānām ādeḥ (A 8.2.91)

ब्रूहिप्रेष्यश्रौषड्वौषडावहानामादेः
brūhipreṣyaśrauṣaḍvauṣaḍāvahānāmādeḥ · A 8.2.91
एषामादेः प्लुतो यज्ञकर्मणि । अग्नयेनुब्रू3हि । अग्नये गोमयानि प्रे3ष्य । अस्तु श्रौ3षट् । सोमस्याग्ने वीही वौ3षट् । अग्निमा3वह ॥

Rule. In a sacrificial act, the first vowel of brūhi, preṣya, śrauṣaṭ, vauṣaṭ and āvaha becomes pluta.

Example.

agnaye 'nubrū́3hi.

agnaye gomayāni pré3ṣya.

astu śráu3ṣaṭ.

somasyāgne vīhī váu3ṣaṭ.

agnim ā́3vaha.

In each, the udātta syllable is the pluta: brū́3, pré3, śráu3, váu3, ā́3.

Watch out. This rule moves the pluta to the first vowel of the word, not the ṭi. The sūtra says only "the first". That it means the first vowel is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred, since only a vowel can be pluta (SK 35). There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra.

SK 3611 · अग्नीत्प्रेषणे परस्य च · agnītpreṣaṇe parasya ca (A 8.2.92)

अग्नीत्प्रेषणे परस्य च
agnītpreṣaṇe parasya ca · A 8.2.92
अग्नीधः प्रेषणे आदेः प्लुतस्तस्मात्परस्य च । ओ3श्रा3वय ॥

Rule. In the agnīdh's directive (agnīt-preṣaṇa), the first vowel becomes pluta, and also the vowel after it. The agnīdh is a priest of the rite.

Example.

o śrāvaya → first vowel o pluta, and the next vowel ā pluta → ó3śrā́3vaya.

Both plutas are udātta: ó3 and śrā́3.

Applies when / blocked by. "The first" comes from SK 3610, as Bhaṭṭoji's gloss shows. Bhaṭṭoji and the Subodhinī read the compound as "the directive of the agnīdh". They do not say whether the agnīdh gives it or receives it.

SK 3612 · विभाषा पृष्टप्रतिवचने हेः · vibhāṣā pṛṣṭaprativacane heḥ (A 8.2.93)

विभाषा पृष्टप्रतिवचने हेः
vibhāṣā pṛṣṭaprativacane heḥ · A 8.2.93
प्लुतः अकार्षीः कटम् । अकार्षं हि3 । अकार्षं हि । पृष्टेति किम् कटं करिष्यति हि । हेः किम् । कटं करोति ननु ॥

Rule. In the answer to a question, the particle hi optionally (vibhāṣā) becomes pluta.

Example.

Question: akārṣīḥ kaṭam? "Did you make the mat?"

Answer: akārṣaṃ hi → hi pluta → akārṣaṃ hí3 "Of course I made it"; or plain akārṣaṃ hi.

The udātta syllable is the pluta hí3.

Applies when / blocked by. Only in an answer: kaṭaṃ kariṣyati hi "he will surely make the mat" answers nothing, so no pluta. Only for hi: kaṭaṃ karoti nanu "why, he is making the mat" uses nanu, so no pluta.

SK 3613 · निगृह्यानुयोगे च · nigṛhyānuyoge ca (A 8.2.94)

निगृह्यानुयोगे च
nigṛhyānuyoge ca · A 8.2.94
अत्र यद्वाक्यं तस्य टेः प्लुतो वा । अद्यामावास्येत्यात्थ3 । अमावास्येत्येवंवादिनं युक्त्या स्वमतात्प्रच्याव्य एवमनुयुज्यते ॥

Rule. When one has refuted someone (nigṛhya) and then questions him about his claim (anuyoga), the ṭi of that sentence optionally becomes pluta.

Example.

Someone has said, "Today is the new-moon day". He has been refuted by reasoning. Now he is asked:

adyāmāvāsyety āttha → ṭi a of āttha pluta → adyāmāvāsyety ātthá3 "You say, 'Today is the new-moon day'?"

The udātta syllable is the pluta thá3.

Applies when / blocked by. The option comes from SK 3612, as Bhaṭṭoji's "optionally" (vā) shows. The Subodhinī: nigṛhya is an absolutive, "having dislodged him from his position"; anuyoga is putting that position back to him in words, "so you say this without proof". The question is asked with indignation.

SK 3614 · आम्रेडितं भर्त्सने · āmreḍitaṃ bhartsane (A 8.2.95)

आम्रेडितं भर्त्सने
āmreḍitaṃ bhartsane · A 8.2.95
दस्यो3दस्यो3घातयिष्यामि त्वाम् । आम्रेडितग्रहणं द्विरुक्तोपलक्षणम् । चौर3 चौर3 ॥

Rule. In a threat (bhartsana), the doubled word becomes pluta at its ṭi. The sūtra names the āmreḍita, the second member of a doubled word (SK 83, chapter 3). Bhaṭṭoji says it stands for the whole doubled expression, both members.

Example.

dasyo dasyo → each ṭi o pluta → dasyó3 dasyó3 ghātayiṣyāmi tvām "Robber! robber! I will have you killed!"

caurá3 caurá3 "Thief! thief!"

The udātta syllables are the plutas syó3 and rá3.

Applies when / blocked by. The word is doubled by vākyāder āmantritasya… (SK 2143, chapter 43), so the Subodhinī. It explains Bhaṭṭoji's remark. The name āmreḍita belongs to the second member alone. Yet the pluta is wanted on both, and the second member alone is never used in a threat. So "āmreḍita" here indicates the whole doubled group (upalakṣaṇa).

SK 3615 · अङ्गयुक्तं तिङ् आकाङ्क्षम् · aṅgayuktaṃ tiṅ ākāṅkṣam (A 8.2.96)

अङ्गयुक्तं तिङ् आकाङ्क्षम्
aṅgayuktaṃ tiṅ ākāṅkṣam · A 8.2.96
अङ्गेत्यनेन युक्तं तिङन्तं प्लवते । अङ्ग कूज3 इदानीं ज्ञास्यसिजाल्म । तिङ् किम् । अङ्ग देवदत्त मिथ्या वदसि । आकाङ्क्षं किम् । अङ्ग पच । नैतदपरमाकाङ्क्षति । भर्त्सन इत्येव । अङ्गाधीष्व भक्तं तव दास्यामि ॥

Rule. In a threat, a verb form (tiṅanta, a word ending in a verb ending) joined with the particle aṅga becomes pluta at its ṭi. The verb must be ākāṅkṣa, "expectant": the sentence must go on.

Example.

aṅga kūja → ṭi a of kūja pluta → aṅga kūjá3, idānīṃ jñāsyasi jālma "Go on, coo! Now you will find out, you wretch!"

The udātta syllable is the pluta já3. The Subodhinī: aṅga shows impatience, and kūja is the imperative of kūj "to make an inarticulate sound".

Applies when / blocked by. Three counter-examples, none pluta:

SK 3616 · विचार्यमाणानाम् · vicāryamāṇānām (A 8.2.97)

विचार्यमाणानाम्
vicāryamāṇānām · A 8.2.97
वाक्यानां टेः प्लुतः । होतव्यं दीक्षितस्य गृहा3इ । न होतव्य3मिति । होतव्यं न होतव्यमिति विचार्यते । प्रमाणैर्वस्तुतत्त्वपरीक्षणं विचारः ॥

Rule. The ṭi of sentences under deliberation (vicāryamāṇa) becomes pluta. Bhaṭṭoji: deliberation (vicāra) is examining the true nature of a thing by the means of knowledge (pramāṇas).

Example.

hotavyaṃ dīkṣitasya gṛhe, na hotavyam iti

→ the ṭi of each sentence pluta → hotavyaṃ dīkṣitasya gṛhā́3i, na hotavyá3m iti

"Should one offer in the house of the initiated sacrificer, or should one not offer?"

The udātta syllables are the plutas hā́3 and vyá3.

Applies when / blocked by. Both alternatives, "one should offer" and "one should not offer", are being weighed, so both take the pluta. SK 3617 shows that this is the Vedic usage.

Watch out. gṛhā3i is gṛhe, a locative, whose e has been split into a pluta ā and an i. The Subodhinī names SK 3626 for that split.

SK 3617 · पूर्वं तु भाषायाम् · pūrvaṃ tu bhāṣāyām (A 8.2.98)

पूर्वं तु भाषायाम्
pūrvaṃ tu bhāṣāyām · A 8.2.98
विचार्यमाणानां पूर्वमेव प्लवते । अहिर्नु3 रज्जुर्नु । प्रयोगापेक्षं पूर्वत्वम् । भाषाग्रहणात्पूर्वयोगश्छन्दसीति ज्ञायते ॥

Rule. But in ordinary Sanskrit (bhāṣā), of the sentences under deliberation, only the first becomes pluta.

Example.

ahir nu rajjur nu → only the first sentence pluta → ahir nú3 rajjur nu "Is it a snake? Or is it a rope?"

The udātta syllable is the pluta nú3.

Applies when / blocked by. "First" means first in the order spoken. Since the sūtra names bhāṣā, Bhaṭṭoji infers that SK 3616, which gives the pluta to every sentence, is for the Veda.

Watch out. The first sentence already has the pluta by SK 3616. So, the Subodhinī says, this rule is a niyama, a restriction: "only the first". It does not mean "the first, only in bhāṣā".

SK 3618 · प्रतिश्रवणे च · pratiśravaṇe ca (A 8.2.99)

प्रतिश्रवणे च
pratiśravaṇe ca · A 8.2.99
वाक्यस्य टे प्लुतोऽभ्युपगमे प्रतिज्ञाने श्रवणाभिमुख्ये च । गां मे देहि भोः । हन्त ते ददामि3 । नित्यः शब्दो भवितुमर्हति 3 । दत्त किमात्थ3 ॥

Rule. In pratiśravaṇa the ṭi of the sentence becomes pluta. Bhaṭṭoji gives the word three senses: acceptance, affirmation, and readiness to listen.

Example.

The udātta syllables are the plutas mí3, tí3 and thá3.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji lists the examples without labels. The Subodhinī assigns the last to readiness to listen. Pairing the first two with acceptance and affirmation is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred from the examples.

V.E. The pluta's accent and shape: anudātta and svarita plutas, the split of ec, and y/v — running example: agnibhūte (end of a question) → (e = a+i; a → pluta ā, + i) agnibhūta3i (anudātta pluta); agna3i āśā → (i → y) agna3yāśā

The pluta of SK 93 is udātta. Six sūtras now change that accent in set contexts. Some make the pluta anudātta (low-pitched); others make it svarita (a falling pitch). Marking: udātta takes an acute, an independent svarita takes a grave, and anudātta is left unmarked. Three more sūtras say what happens when a diphthong (ai, au, e, o) is to be pluta. Accents are not marked in SK 3625–3627. The figure 3 marks a three-mātrā vowel whether it is written a3 or ā3. The running example is the vocative agnibhūte "O Agnibhūti" at the end of a question. Its e splits into a pluta ā and an i: agnibhūta3i. Before a vowel that i becomes y: agna3yāśā.

SK 3619 · अनुदात्तं प्रश्नान्ताभिपूजितयोः · anudāttaṃ praśnāntābhipūjitayoḥ (A 8.2.100)

अनुदात्तं प्रश्नान्ताभिपूजितयोः
anudāttaṃ praśnāntābhipūjitayoḥ · A 8.2.100
अनुदात्तः प्लुतः स्यात् । दूराद्धूतादिषु सिद्धस्य प्लुतस्यानुदात्तत्वमात्रमनेन विधीयते । अग्निभूत 3 इ । पट 3 उ । अग्निभूते पटो एतयोः प्रश्नान्ते टेरनुदात्तः प्लुतः । शोभनः खल्वसि माणवक3 ॥

Rule. At the end of a question (praśnānta) and in praise (abhipūjita), the pluta is anudātta. Bhaṭṭoji: this rule gives only the anudātta accent. The pluta itself is already given by dūrād dhūte ca (SK 95, chapter 4) and the other rules.

Example.

Question: agamaḥ pūrvān grāmān agnibhūte paṭo "Did you go to the eastern villages, Agnibhūti, clever one?"

→ the closing words take the pluta at their ṭi → agnibhūta3i, paṭa3u

→ this rule: those plutas are anudātta.

The pluta syllables ta3 and ṭa3 are anudātta, so they carry no mark.

Praise: śobhanaḥ khalv asi māṇavaka3 "You are fine indeed, boy". The pluta ka3 is anudātta.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī names the sources of these plutas. In praise the pluta comes from SK 95. In the question it comes from SK 3624, which reaches even a non-final word. In the question, the non-final words keep the svarita of SK 3624; only the closing words take the anudātta of this rule.

Watch out. agnibhūta3i and paṭa3u are agnibhūte and paṭo with the e and o split by SK 3626. Bhaṭṭoji does not derive them here.

SK 3620 · चिदिति चोपमाऽर्थे प्रयुज्यमाने · cid iti copamārthe prayujyamāne (A 8.2.101)

चिदिति चोपमाऽर्थे प्रयुज्यमाने
ciditi copamā'rthe prayujyamāne · A 8.2.101
वाक्यस्य टेरनुदात्तः प्लुतः अग्निचिद्भाया3त् अग्निरिव भायात् । उपमार्थे किम् । कथंचिदाहुः प्रयुज्यमाने किम् । अग्निर्माणवको भायात् ॥

Rule. When the particle cit is used in the sense of comparison (upamā), the ṭi of the sentence becomes an anudātta pluta.

Example.

agnicid bhāyāt "may he shine like fire" (= agnir iva bhāyāt)

→ ṭi āt of bhāyāt becomes an anudātta pluta → agnicid bhāyā3t.

The pluta syllable yā3 is anudātta, so it carries no mark.

Applies when / blocked by. Not where cit means something else: kathaṃcid āhuḥ "they say it with difficulty". Not where cit is not used: agnir māṇavako bhāyāt "may the boy shine like fire". There the comparison is understood, but cit is absent.

Watch out. Here the pluta itself is prescribed, not only its accent (Subodhinī, contrasting SK 3619). The pluta falls on the sentence's ṭi, on bhāyāt, not on cit. The Subodhinī: the iti in the sūtra makes "used" go with the word cit, so the pluta is not placed on cit.

SK 3621 · उपरिस्विदासीदिति च · uparisvid āsīd iti ca (A 8.2.102)

उपरिस्विदासीदिति च
uparisvidāsīditi ca · A 8.2.102
टेः प्लुतोऽनुदात्तः स्यात् । उपरिस्विदासी 3 त् (उ॒परि॑स्विदासी 3 त्) । अधः स्विदासी 3 त् (अ॒धः स्वि॑दा॒सी 3 त्) इत्यत्र तु विचार्यमाणानाम् SK 3616 इत्युदात्तः प्लुतः ॥

Rule. In the phrase upari svid āsīt "was it above?", the ṭi becomes an anudātta pluta. The pluta itself is the one that vicāryamāṇānām (SK 3616) gives to a sentence under deliberation. This rule changes only its accent (Subodhinī).

Example.

upári svid āsī3t "was it above?"

The udātta syllable is pá of upári. The pluta sī3 is anudātta and unmarked. The ri after pá carries a svarita that only follows an udātta; as elsewhere in this chapter, such a svarita is left unmarked.

Contrast adháḥ svid āsī́3t "was it below?"

Here the udātta syllables are dhá of adháḥ and the pluta sī́3. That pluta is udātta by SK 3616.

Applies when / blocked by. Only the phrase with upari is named. The paired phrase with adhaḥ keeps the udātta pluta of SK 3616.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji glosses "the ṭi becomes an anudātta pluta". That the word "anudātta" is carried from SK 3619 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3622 · स्वरितमाम्रेडितेऽसूयासम्मतिकोपकुत्सनेषु · svaritam āmreḍite 'sūyāsammatikopakutsaneṣu (A 8.2.103)

स्वरितमाम्रेडितेऽसूयासम्मतिकोपकुत्सनेषु
svaritamāmreḍite'sūyāsammatikopakutsaneṣu · A 8.2.103
स्वरितः प्लुतः स्यादाम्रेडिते परेऽसूयादौ गम्ये । असूयायाम् । अभिरूपक3 अभिरूपकरिक्तं ते आभिरूप्यम् । संमतौ । अभिरूपक 3 अभिरूपक शोभनोऽसि । कोपे । अविनीतक 3 अविनीतक इदानीं ज्ञास्यसि जाल्म । कुत्सने । शाक्तीक 3 शाक्तीकरिक्ता ते शक्तिः ॥

Rule. When an āmreḍita, the second member of a doubled word, follows, the pluta is svarita. This holds where envy (asūyā), approval (sammati), anger (kopa) or contempt (kutsana) is meant.

Example.

In each, the pluta kà3 is svarita and marked with a grave.

Applies when / blocked by. The word is doubled by vākyāder āmantritasya asūyāsammatikopakutsanabhartsaneṣu (SK 2143, chapter 43), so the Subodhinī. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss supplies "pluta". That it comes from SK 93 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3623 · क्षियाऽऽशीःप्रैषेषु तिङ् आकाङ्क्षम् · kṣiyāśīḥpraiṣeṣu tiṅ ākāṅkṣam (A 8.2.104)

क्षियाऽऽशीःप्रैषेषु तिङ् आकाङ्क्षम्
kṣiyā''śīḥpraiṣeṣu tiṅ ākāṅkṣam · A 8.2.104
आकाङ्क्षस्य तिङन्तस्य टेः स्वरितः प्लुतः स्यादाचारभेदे । स्वयं ह रथेन याति 3 उपाध्यायं पदातिं गमयति । प्रार्थनायाम् । पुत्रंश्च लप्सीष्ट 3 धनं च तात । व्यापारणे । कटं कुरु 3 ग्रामं गच्छ । आकाङ्क्षं किम् । दीर्घायुरसि अग्नीदग्नीन्विहर ॥

Rule. In a breach of proper conduct (kṣiyā), a wish (āśīḥ) or a direction (praiṣa), the ṭi of an expectant verb form becomes a svarita pluta. "Expectant" means the sentence goes on after it.

Example.

The svarita plutas, marked with a grave, are tì3, ṣṭà3 and rù3.

Applies when / blocked by. Not where the verb expects nothing further. For a wish: dīrghāyur asi "you are long-lived". For a direction: agnīd agnīn vihara "Agnīdh, spread out the fires". The Subodhinī: a breach of conduct has no counter-example, since it is always expectant. "He goes by chariot" shows no breach until the second half is said.

Watch out. That "svarita" is carried from SK 3622 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss itself says "svarita pluta". The 1915 print reads putrāṃś.

SK 3624 · अनन्त्यस्यापि प्रश्नाख्यानयोः · anantyasyāpi praśnākhyānayoḥ (A 8.2.105)

अनन्त्यस्यापि प्रश्नाख्यानयोः
anantyasyāpi praśnākhyānayoḥ · A 8.2.105
अनन्त्यस्यान्त्यस्यापि पदस्य टेः स्वरितः प्लुतः एतयोः । अगमः 3पूर्वा 3 न् ग्रामा 3 न् । सर्वपदानामयम् । आख्याने । अगम3 म् पूर्वा 3 न् ग्रामा 3 न् ॥

Rule. In a question (praśna) and in a narration (ākhyāna), the ṭi of every word (pada), not only the last, becomes a svarita pluta.

Example.

Every pluta here is svarita and marked with a grave.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: this pluta comes on all the words. At the very end of a question, SK 3619 makes the pluta anudātta instead (Subodhinī on SK 3619). In the full question of SK 3619, agamaḥ pūrvān grāmān goes on with agnibhūte paṭo; those closing words take the anudātta pluta.

Watch out. That "svarita" is carried from SK 3622 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra itself.

SK 3625 · प्लुतावैच इदुतौ · plutāv aica idutau (A 8.2.106)

प्लुतावैच इदुतौ
plutāvaica idutau · A 8.2.106
दूराद्धूतादिषु प्लुतो विहितस्तत्रैव ऐचः प्लुतप्रसङ्गे तदवयवाविदुतौ प्लवेते । ऐ 3 तिकायन । औ 3 पगव । चतुर्मात्रावत्र ऐचौ संपद्येते ॥

Rule. Where ai or au is to be pluta, its i or u part is made pluta.

Example.

aitikāyana → the i part of ai pluta → ai3tikāyana.

aupagava → the u part of au pluta → au3pagava.

Bhaṭṭoji: here ai and au come to four mātrās.

Applies when / blocked by. It works wherever a pluta is prescribed, as in dūrād dhūte (SK 95) and the rest. The Subodhinī says these two plutas come from guror anṛto… (SK 97, chapter 4).

Watch out. The count of four mātrās: the Subodhinī takes ai as one mātrā of a plus one of i. When the i becomes pluta it has three, and the whole has four. Some divide ai as half a mātrā and one and a half, which would give three and a half. The Subodhinī keeps the equal division, because the Mahābhāṣya wants a pluta of four mātrās here.

SK 3626 · एचोऽप्रगृह्यस्यादूराद्धूते पूर्वस्यार्धस्यादुत्तरस्येदुतौ · eco 'pragṛhyasyādūrāddhūte pūrvasyārdhasyād uttarasyedutau (A 8.2.107)

एचोऽप्रगृह्यस्यादूराद्धूते पूर्वस्यार्धस्यादुत्तरस्येदुतौ
eco'pragṛhyasyādūrāddhūte pūrvasyārdhasyāduttarasyedutau · A 8.2.107
अप्रगृह्यस्य एचोऽदूराद्धूते प्लुतविषये पूर्वस्यार्धस्याकारः प्लुतः स्यादुत्तरस्य त्वर्धस्य इदुतौ स्तः ।
प्रश्नान्ताभिपूजितविचार्यमाणप्रत्यभिवादयाज्यान्तेष्वेव
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ प्रश्नान्ते । अगमः 3 पूर्वा 3 न् ग्रामा 3 न् । अग्निभूत 3 इ । अभिपूजिते । करोषि पट 3 उ । विचार्यमाणे । होतव्यं दीक्षितस्य गृह 3 इ । न होतव्य 3 मिति । प्रत्यभिवादे । आयुष्मानेधि अग्निभूत 3 इ । याज्यान्ते । स्तोर्मैर्विधेमा॒ग्नया 3 इ । परिगणनं किम् । विष्णुभूते घातयिष्यामि त्वाम् । अधूराद्धूत इति न वक्तव्यम् । पदान्तग्रहणं तु कर्तव्यम् । इह माभूत् । भद्रं करोषि गौरिति । अप्रगृह्यस्य किम् । शोभने माने ।
आमन्त्रिते छन्दसि प्लुतविकारोऽयं वक्तव्यः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अग्न 3 इ पत्नी वः ॥

Rule. Take an ec (e, o, ai, au) that is not pragṛhya, where a pluta is due, but not in a call from afar. Its first half becomes a pluta ā, and its second half becomes i or u. A pragṛhya vowel is one that stays unchanged before a vowel (chapter 4).

Example.

agnibhūte → e = a + i → first half a pluta ā, second half i → agnibhūta3i.

paṭo → o = a + u → paṭa3u.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika limits the rule to five contexts:

Why the list? Not in viṣṇubhūte ghātayiṣyāmi tvām "Viṣṇubhūti, I shall have you killed". So the sūtra's "not in a call from afar" need not be stated; the list already excludes it.

But "at the end of a word" (padānta) must be added. Otherwise the rule would reach bhadraṃ karoṣi gauḥ "you do well, ox". The Subodhinī: by SK 230, go is not a pada before the ending s, so its au is not word-final.

Not for a pragṛhya: śobhane māle "O two fine garlands", pragṛhya by SK 100.

A second vārttika: in the Veda, this split also applies to a vocative (āmantrita) where pluta is not otherwise due: agna3i patnīvaḥ "O Agni, accompanied by the wives". The Subodhinī: agne is a vocative by SK 411, and the vārttika covers only cases where no pluta is otherwise due.

Watch out. The Subodhinī matches the list to its rules. The question takes SK 3619 and SK 3624, and praise SK 3619. Deliberation takes SK 3616; the last two take SK 94 and SK 3609. That patnīvaḥ is one word, with ru by SK 3628, is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3627 · तयोर्य्वावचि संहितायाम् · tayor yvāv aci saṃhitāyām (A 8.2.108)

तयोर्य्वावचि संहितायाम्
tayoryvāvaci saṃhitāyām · A 8.2.108
इदुतोर्यकारवकारौ स्तोऽचि संहितायाम् । अग्न 3 याशा । पट 3 वाशा । अग्न 3 यिन्द्रम् । पट 3 वुदकम् । अचि किम् । अग्ना 3 इ वरुणौ । संहितायां किम् । अग्न 3 इ इन्द्रः । संहितायामित्यध्यायसमाप्तेरधिकारः । इदुतोरसिद्धत्वादयमारम्भः सवर्मदीर्घत्वस्य शाकल्यस्य च निवृत्त्यर्थम् । यवयोरसिद्धत्वात् उदात्तस्वरितयोर्यणः स्वरितोऽनुदात्तस्य SK 3657 इत्यस्य बाधनार्थो वा ॥

Rule. The i and u left by SK 3626 become y and v before a vowel (ac), in continuous utterance (saṃhitā).

Example.

agna3i + āśā → i becomes y → agna3yāśā.

paṭa3u + āśā → u becomes v → paṭa3vāśā.

Likewise agna3yindram, paṭa3vudakam.

Applies when / blocked by. Not before a consonant: agnā3i varuṇau. Not outside saṃhitā: agna3i indraḥ. Bhaṭṭoji: the word saṃhitāyām is a heading (adhikāra) to the end of the eighth book.

Watch out. The Subodhinī asks why this is taught, when i and u become y and v before a vowel anyway (SK 47). Bhaṭṭoji gives two answers.

Scholars discuss this. The Subodhinī weighs both at length and quotes a verse that favours the second.

V.F. ru for n: in the vocative, before chav and aṭ, and before pāyu — running example: harivan (sambuddhi) → (n → ru) harivaḥ → (u by SK 166) harivo medinam; devān acchā → (n → ru; ā nasalized) devā̃ acchā

The eighth book's third quarter opens with ru, now for a final n. Chapter 5 taught naś chavy apraśān (SK 140): a word-final n becomes ru before a sound of the group chav. With it came SK 136, which nasalizes the vowel before that ru, and SK 138, which makes the visarga s. Six sūtras now add Vedic cases. The running examples are harivo medinam "O lord of the bay horses, … the ally", and devā̃ acchā "towards the gods".

SK 3628 · मतुवसो रु सम्बुद्धौ छन्दसि · matuvaso ru sambuddhau chandasi (A 8.3.1)

मतुवसो रु सम्बुद्धौ छन्दसि
matuvaso ru sambuddhau chandasi · A 8.3.1
रु इत्यविभक्तिको निर्देशः । मत्वन्तस्य वस्वन्तस्य च रुः स्यात् । अलोऽन्त्यस्य SK 42 इति परिभाषया नकारस्य । इन्द्र मरुत्व इह पाहि सोमम् (इन्द्र॑ मरुत्व इ॒ह पा॑हि सोम॑म्) । हरिवो मेदिनं त्वा (हरिवो मे॒दिनं॑ त्वा) । छन्दसीरः SK 3600 इति वत्वम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, in the vocative singular (sambuddhi), a stem in matup or in vasu changes its final n to ru. By alo 'ntyasya (SK 42) the ru replaces the last sound, the n.

Example. The Subodhinī's steps:

harivat + su (vocative) → the augment num (SK 361) → harivant + s

→ s is lost, then the final t of the cluster → harivan

→ n becomes ru → ru becomes u before m (haśi ca, SK 166) → a + u become o (ādguṇaḥ, SK 69, chapter 3) → harivo medinaṃ tvā "… you, the ally, O lord of the bay horses".

marutvan → ru → indra marutva iha pāhi somam "Indra, accompanied by the Maruts, drink the soma here".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: the v of harivaḥ is by chandasīraḥ (SK 3600). The Subodhinī takes the v of marutvan from jhayaḥ (SK 1898, chapter 39). The word ru in the sūtra has no case-ending (Bhaṭṭoji).

Watch out. In marutva iha the ru has gone on to y and then been lost before the vowel. These steps are not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators here; they are inferred, as at SK 3604.

SK 3629 · दाश्वान् साह्वान् मीढ्वांश्च · dāśvān sāhvān mīḍhvāṃś ca (A 6.1.12)

दाश्वान् साह्वान् मीढ्वांश्च
dāśvān sāhvān mīḍhvāṃśca · A 6.1.12
एते क्वस्वन्ता निपात्यन्ते । मीढ्वस्तोकाय तनयाय (मीढ्व॑स्तो॒का॒य तन॑याय) ।
वन उपसंख्यानम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ क्वनिब्वनिपोः सामान्यग्रहणम् । अनुबन्धपरिभाषा तु नोपतिष्ठते । अनुबन्धस्येहानिर्देशात् । यस्त्वायन्तं वसुना प्रातरित्वः (यस्त्वा॒यन्तं॒ वसु॑ना प्रातरित्वः) । इणः क्वनिप् ॥

Rule. dāśvān, sāhvān and mīḍhvān are nipātanas. All three end in the affix kvasu.

Example.

mīḍhvas tokāya tanayāya "O bountiful one, for offspring and descendants".

Applies when / blocked by. This sūtra comes from the sixth book. The Subodhinī says Bhaṭṭoji brings it in "incidentally" (prasaṅgāt). The link is probably that mīḍhvaḥ is the vocative of a kvasu stem, with the ru of SK 3628. That link is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

A vārttika adds van, stems in -van. That it adds them to the matup and vasu stems of SK 3628 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred from its example, the vocative prātaritvaḥ with ru. Both kvanip and vanip are covered, since no marker is named. So the rule about affixes with a given marker (anubandha) does not come in.

prātar + i + kvanip → the augment tuk (SK 2858) → prātaritvan "early-comer"

→ vocative, n becomes ru → yas tvāyantaṃ vasunā prātaritvaḥ "… who welcomes you as you come with wealth, O early-comer".

Bhaṭṭoji: kvanip comes after iṇ "to go". The Subodhinī gives anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyante (SK 2980) for it.

SK 3630 · उभयथर्क्षु · ubhayatharkṣu (A 8.3.8)

उभयथर्क्षु
ubhayatharkṣu · A 8.3.8
अम्परे छवि नकारस्य रुर्वा । पशून्तांश्चक्रे (प॒शून्तांश्च॑क्रे) ॥

Rule. In the ṛcs (Vedic verses), the change of SK 140 is optional. A final n optionally becomes ru before a sound of the group chav that is followed by a sound of the group am.

Example.

paśūn tān cakre → the n of tān becomes ru → ru becomes visarga → visarga becomes s (SK 138), with a nasal before it → s becomes ś before c (stoḥ ścunā ścuḥ, SK 111, chapter 5; not named here) → paśūn tāṃś cakre "he made those animals".

Applies when / blocked by. naś chavy apraśān (SK 140) runs on into this rule; by itself it would make ru obligatory. So this rule is for the option (Subodhinī). The nasal before ru is optional here by SK 136, the Subodhinī says.

Watch out. The n of paśūn stays as it is. That it shows the option not taken is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

SK 3631 · दीर्घादटि समानपादे · dīrghād aṭi samānapāde (A 8.3.9)

दीर्घादटि समानपादे
dīrghādaṭi samānapāde · A 8.3.9
दीर्घान्नकारस्य रुर्वा स्यादटि तौ चेन्नाटौ एकपादस्थौ स्याताम् । देवां अच्छा सुमती (दे॒वां अच्छा॑ सुम॒ती) । महां इन्द्रो य ओजसा (म॒हां इन्द्रो॒ य ओज॑सा) । उभयथेत्यनुवृत्तेर्नेह । आदित्यान्याचिषामहे (आ॒दित्यान्या॑चिषामहे) ॥

Rule. An n after a long vowel optionally becomes ru before a sound of the group aṭ. The n and the aṭ must stand in the same pāda.

Example.

devān acchā → n becomes ru; the ā before it is nasalized (SK 3632) → the ru then goes before the vowel, as at SK 3604 (not stated here) → devā̃ acchā sumatī "towards the gods, with good thought".

mahān indraḥ → mahā̃ indro ya ojasā "Indra, who is great in might".

Applies when / blocked by. "Optionally" runs on from SK 3630. So the option may not be taken: ādityān yāciṣāmahe "we entreat the Ādityas". That the n is still the n of SK 140 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. The Subodhinī: samāna here means "one", so the n and the aṭ must be in one pāda.

Watch out. The 1915 print reads devā̃ and mahā̃, with the nasal sign over the vowel, not an anusvāra. The Subodhinī adds that the option also accounts for the reading mahān hi saḥ of the Ṛgveda reciters.

SK 3632 · आतोऽटि नित्यम् · āto 'ṭi nityam (A 8.3.3)

आतोऽटि नित्यम्
āto'ṭi nityam · A 8.3.3
अटि परतो रोः पूर्वस्यातः स्थाने नित्यमनुनासिकः । महाँ इन्द्रः (म॒हाँ इन्द्रः॑) । तैत्तिरीयास्तु अनुस्वारमधीयते । तत्र छान्दसो व्यत्यय इति प्राञ्चः । एवं च सूत्रस्य फलं चिन्त्यम् ॥

Rule. Before a sound of the group aṭ, an ā standing before ru is always nasalized (anunāsika).

Example.

mahān indraḥ → n becomes ru (SK 3631) → the ā before it nasalized → the ru then goes before the vowel, as at SK 3604 (not stated here) → mahā̃ indraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. SK 136 (chapter 5) makes this nasal optional. Before an aṭ, after ā, this rule makes it obligatory. Bhaṭṭoji places the rule after SK 3631 because SK 3631's examples need it. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss supplies "before ru" and "nasal". That they come from SK 3628 and SK 136 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji doubts the rule's purpose. The Taittirīya school recites an anusvāra here. The earlier grammarians (prāñcaḥ) call that a Vedic interchange (vyatyaya). So the use of the sūtra is open to question (cintya). The Subodhinī: since the option of SK 136 is fixed in scope anyway, dropping this sūtra would be much simpler.

SK 3633 · स्वतवान् पायौ · svatavān pāyau (A 8.3.11)

स्वतवान् पायौ
svatavān pāyau · A 8.3.11
रुर्वा । भवस्तस्य स्वतवाँ पायुरग्ने (भुव॒स्तस्य॒ स्वत॑वाँ पा॒युर॑ग्ने) ॥

Rule. The n of svatavān optionally becomes ru when the word pāyu follows.

Example.

svatavān pāyuḥ → n becomes ru; the ā nasalized → bhuvas tasya svatavā̃ḥ pāyur agne "be, O Agni, his self-strong protector".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: svatavas means "whose strength is his own", from the root tu "to grow" with asun. Its n is the augment num of dṛksvavassvatavasāṃ chandasi (SK 3577). That the ru comes from SK 3628 and the option from SK 3630 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred.

Watch out. The 1915 print reads bhuvas and svatavā̃ḥ, with the visarga that the ru leaves.

V.G. s for visarga before ku and pu — running example: vācaḥ patim → (visarga → s before p, ṣaṣṭhī) vācas patim

In ordinary Sanskrit a visarga before k or p stays a visarga, or becomes the special breath sounds of kupvoḥ ≍ka≍pau ca (SK 142, chapter 5). The Veda often has s there instead: vācas patim, not vācaḥ patim. Six sūtras say where. The first is general and optional; the others name the following word or the case of the word before. The running example is vācas patim "Vācaspati, the lord of speech", where the sixth-case (ṣaṣṭhī) vācaḥ keeps an s before pati.

SK 3634 · छन्दसि वाऽप्राम्रेडितयोः · chandasi vā 'prāmreḍitayoḥ (A 8.3.49)

छन्दसि वाऽप्राम्रेडितयोः
chandasi vā'prāmreḍitayoḥ · A 8.3.49
विसर्गस्य सो वा स्यात् कुप्वोः प्रशब्दमाम्रेडितं च वर्जयित्वा । अग्ने त्रातर्ऋतस्कविः (अग्ने त्रातर्ऋ॒तस्क॒विः) । गिरिर्न विश्वतस्पृथुः (गि॒रिर्न वि॒श्वत॑स्पृ॒थुः) । नेह । वसुनः पूर्व्यस्पतिः (वसु॑नः पू॒र्व्यस्पतिः॑) । अप्रेत्यादि किम् । अग्निः प्रविद्वान् । परुषः परुषः (परु॑षः परुषः) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, a visarga optionally becomes s before a sound of the k-class or the p-class (ku, pu). This does not happen before the word pra or before an āmreḍita.

Example.

ṛtaḥ kaviḥ → visarga becomes s before k → agne trātar ṛtas kaviḥ "O Agni, protector, seer of the ṛta".

viśvataḥ pṛthuḥ → girir na viśvatas pṛthuḥ "broad on all sides like a mountain".

Applies when / blocked by. Not before pra: agniḥ pra vidvān. Not before an āmreḍita: paruṣaḥ paruṣaḥ "joint by joint", a doubling for pervasion (vīpsā), so the Subodhinī. Bhaṭṭoji also gives vasunaḥ pūrvyas patiḥ "the ancient lord of wealth" as "not here". The visarga of vasunaḥ stays before p, while pūrvyas in the same line shows the s.

Watch out. That vasunaḥ shows the option not taken is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss supplies "visarga becomes s before ku and pu". No commentator says from which rule those words come.

SK 3635 · कःकरत्करतिकृधिकृतेष्वनदितेः · kaḥkaratkaratikṛdhikṛteṣv anaditeḥ (A 8.3.50)

कःकरत्करतिकृधिकृतेष्वनदितेः
kaḥkaratkaratikṛdhikṛteṣvanaditeḥ · A 8.3.50
विसर्गस्य सः स्यात् । प्रदिवो अपस्कः (प्र॒दिवो॒ अप॒स्कः) । यथा नो वस्यसस्करत् (यथा॑ नो॒ वस्य॑स॒स्कर॑त्) । सुपेशसस्करति (सु॒पेश॑सस्करति॒) । उरुणस्कृधि (उ॒रुण॑स्कृधि) । सोमं न चारु मघवत्सु नस्कृतम् (सोमं॒ न चारुं॑ म॒घव॑त्सु नस्कृतम्) । अनदितेरिति किम् । यथा नो अदितिः करत् (यथा॑ नो॒ अदि॑तिः॒ कर॑त्) ॥

Rule. A visarga becomes s before kaḥ, karat, karati, kṛdhi and kṛta, all forms of kṛ "to make". The visarga of aditiḥ is excepted.

Example.

apaḥ kaḥ → visarga becomes s → pradivo apas kaḥ "from of old you have done the work".

yathā no vasyasas karat "so that he may make us better off".

supeśasas karati "he makes them well-adorned".

uruṇas kṛdhi "make wide room for us".

somaṃ na cārũ maghavatsu nas kṛtam "make us dear among the patrons, like soma".

Applies when / blocked by. Not for aditi: yathā no aditiḥ karat "so that Aditi may make it for us".

Watch out. The Subodhinī derives all five from kṛ:

Whether "in the Veda" runs on from SK 3634 is not said by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators.

SK 3636 · पञ्चम्याः परावध्यर्थे · pañcamyāḥ parāv adhyarthe (A 8.3.51)

पञ्चम्याः परावध्यर्थे
pañcamyāḥ parāvadhyarthe · A 8.3.51
पञ्चमीविसर्गस्य सः स्यादुपरिभवार्थे परिशब्दे परतः । दिवस्परि प्रथमं जज्ञे (दि॒वस्परि॑ प्रथमं ज॑ज्ञे) । अध्यर्थे किम् । दिवस्पृथिव्याः पर्योजः (दि॒वस्पृ॑थि॒व्याः पर्योजः॑) ॥

Rule. The visarga of a fifth-case (ablative) word becomes s before pari when pari means adhi, "above".

Example.

divaḥ pari → visarga becomes s → divas pari prathamaṃ jajñe "he was first born above heaven".

Applies when / blocked by. Not when pari means something else: divas pṛthivyāḥ pary ojaḥ. There, the Subodhinī says, pari means "all round".

SK 3637 · पातौ च बहुलम् · pātau ca bahulam (A 8.3.52)

पातौ च बहुलम्
pātau ca bahulam · A 8.3.52
पञ्चम्या इत्येव । सूर्यो नो दिवस्पातु (सूर्यो॑ नो दि॒वस्पा॑तु) ॥

Rule. The visarga of a fifth-case word becomes s variously (bahulam) before pātu, a form of pā "to protect".

Example.

divaḥ pātu → visarga becomes s → sūryo no divas pātu "may Sūrya protect us from heaven".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "of a fifth-case word" applies here too, carried from SK 3636.

Watch out. The Subodhinī reports two views of the sūtra word pātau. Some take it as naming the root pā; others, looking at the example, take it as imitating the imperative pātu.

SK 3638 · षष्ठ्याः पतिपुत्रपृष्ठपारपदपयस्पोषेषु · ṣaṣṭhyāḥ patiputrapṛṣṭhapārapadapayaspoṣeṣu (A 8.3.53)

षष्ठ्याः पतिपुत्रपृष्ठपारपदपयस्पोषेषु
ṣaṣṭhyāḥ patiputrapṛṣṭhapārapadapayaspoṣeṣu · A 8.3.53
वाचस्पतिं विश्वकर्माणम् (वा॒चस्पतिं॑ वि॒श्वक॑र्माणम्) । दिवस्पुत्राय सूर्याय (दि॒वस्पु॑त्राय सूर्या॑य) । दिवस्पृष्ठं भनभन्दमानः (दि॒वस्पृ॒ष्ठं भन्द॑मानः) । तमसस्पारमस्य (तम॑सस्पा॒रम॒स्य) । परिवीत इळस्पदे (परि॑वीत इ॒ळस्प॒दे) । दिवस्पयो दिधिषाणाः (दि॒वस्पयो॒ दिधि॑षाणाः) । रायस्पोषं यजमानेषु (रा॒यस्पोषं॒ यज॑मानेषु) ॥

Rule. The visarga of a sixth-case (genitive) word becomes s before pati, putra, pṛṣṭha, pāra, pada, payas and poṣa.

Example.

vācaḥ patim → visarga becomes s → vācas patiṃ viśvakarmāṇam "Vācaspati, the all-maker".

divas putrāya sūryāya "to Sūrya, the son of heaven".

divas pṛṣṭhaṃ bhandamānaḥ "… the back of heaven, rejoicing".

tamasas pāram asya "the far shore of this darkness".

parivīta iḻas pade "enveloped, in the place of Iḻā".

divas payo didhiṣāṇāḥ "longing for the milk of heaven".

rāyas poṣaṃ yajamāneṣu "increase of wealth among the sacrificers".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives only examples. That the operation is "visarga becomes s", as in SK 3635–3636, is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators here; it is inferred. The Subodhinī: in vācaspatim the sixth-case ending is not dropped, by tatpuruṣe kṛti bahulam (SK 972, chapter 24).

Watch out. ḻ writes the Vedic ḷa.

SK 3639 · इडाया वा · iḍāyā vā (A 8.3.54)

इडाया वा
iḍāyā vā · A 8.3.54
पतिपुत्रादिषु परेषु । इलायास्पुत्रः (इळा॑यास्पुत्रः) । इळायाः पुत्रः । इळायास्पदे (इळा॑यास्प॒दे) । इळायाः पदे । निसस्तपतावनासेवने SK 2403 निसः सकारस्य मूर्धन्यः स्यात् । निष्टप्तं रक्षो निष्टप्ता अरातयः (निष्ट॑प्तं रक्षो॒ निष्ट॑प्ता॒ अरा॑तयः) । अनासेवने किम् । निस्तपति । पुनःपुनस्तपतीत्यर्थः ॥

Rule. The visarga of iḍāyāḥ "of Iḍā" optionally becomes s before pati, putra and the rest of SK 3638.

Example.

iḻāyāḥ putraḥ → visarga becomes s → iḻāyās putraḥ; or iḻāyāḥ putraḥ "son of Iḻā".

iḻāyās pade or iḻāyāḥ pade "in the place of Iḻā".

Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra writes ḍ; the Vedic forms have ḻ. The 1915 print reads iḻāyās with ḻ.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji ends the unit by recalling nisas tapatāv anāsevane (SK 2403, chapter 44). It makes the s of nis retroflex before tapati, when the sense is not repetition: niṣṭaptaṃ rakṣo niṣṭaptā arātayaḥ "scorched is the demon, scorched are the hostile powers". With repetition: nistapati "he heats again and again". That rule is recalled because the next sūtras go on with the retroflex for s.

V.H. ṣ for s and ṇ for n — running example: tribhis tvam → (s → ṣ before t-initial yuṣmad; t → ṭ) tribhiṣ ṭvam; abhi su naḥ → (abhi lengthened, SK 3536) abhī su naḥ → (ṣ, 3644) abhī ṣu ṇaḥ → (ṇ, 3649) abhī ṣu ṇaḥ

Chapter 8 taught apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ (SK 210), the heading for a retroflex (mūrdhanya) substitute; with SK 335 it makes ṣ for s. iṇkoḥ (SK 211) gave the sounds after which it does so. Chapter 8 also taught raṣābhyāṃ no ṇaḥ samānapade (SK 235): n becomes ṇ after r or ṣ within one word. Ten sūtras close the Vedic rules with more cases of both. The s becomes ṣ across a word boundary, and nas "us" takes ṇ. The running examples are tribhiṣ ṭvam "you, with the three" and abhī ṣu ṇaḥ.

SK 3640 · युष्मत्तत्ततक्षुःष्वन्तःपादम् · yuṣmattattatakṣuḥṣv antaḥpādam (A 8.3.103)

युष्मत्तत्ततक्षुःष्वन्तःपादम्
yuṣmattattatakṣuḥṣvantaḥpādam · A 8.3.103
पादमध्यस्थस्य सस्य मूर्धन्यः स्यात्तकारादिष्वेषु परेषु । युष्मदादेशाः त्वंत्वातेतवाः । त्रिभिष्ट्वं देव सवितः (त्रि॒भिष्ट्वं दे॑व सवितः) । तेभिष्ट्वा (तेभि॑ष्ट्वा) । आभिष्टे (आभिष्टे॑) । अप्स्वग्ने सधिष्टव (अ॒प्स्व॑ग्ने सधि॒ष्टव॑) । अग्निष्टद्विश्वम् (अ॒ग्निष्टद्विश्व॑म्) । द्यावा पृथिवी निष्टतक्षुः (द्यावा॑ पृथि॒वी नि॑ष्टत॒क्षुः) । अन्तः पादं किम् । तदग्निस्तदर्यमा (तद॒ग्निस्तद॑र्य॒मा) । यन्म आत्मनो मिन्दाभूदग्निस्तत्पनराहार्जातवेदा विचर्षणिः (यन्म॑ आ॒त्मनो॑ मि॒न्दाभू॑द॒ग्निस्तत्पुन॒राहा॑र्जा॒तवे॑दा विच॑र्षणिः) । अत्राग्निरिति पूर्वपादस्यान्तो न तु मध्यः ॥

Rule. Within a pāda (antaḥpādam), a retroflex replaces s before three kinds of word. They are forms of yuṣmad "you" beginning with t, the word tat "that", and tatakṣuḥ "they fashioned".

Example.

tribhis tvam → s becomes ṣ; t beside ṣ becomes ṭ → tribhiṣ ṭvaṃ deva savitaḥ "with the three …, you, O god Savitṛ".

The t-forms of yuṣmad are tvam, tvā, te and tava:

tebhiṣ ṭvā; ābhiṣ ṭe; apsv agne sadhiṣ ṭava "in the waters, O Agni, is your seat".

With tat: agniṣ ṭad viśvam. With tatakṣuḥ: dyāvā pṛthivī niṣ ṭatakṣuḥ "they fashioned heaven and earth".

Applies when / blocked by. Only within a pāda. tad agnis tad aryamā "that is Agni, that is Aryaman". yan ma ātmano mindābhūd agnis tat punar āhār jātavedā vicarṣaṇiḥ. Here, Bhaṭṭoji says, agniḥ ends the preceding pāda and does not stand inside it.

Watch out. "Beginning with t" comes from hrasvāt tādau taddhite (SK 1325, chapter 29), so the Subodhinī. It qualifies yuṣmad only; tat and tatakṣuḥ always begin with t. That "a retroflex replaces s" comes from SK 210 and SK 335 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. So is the step t → ṭ (ṣṭutva, SK 113).

SK 3641 · यजुष्येकेषाम् · yajuṣy ekeṣām (A 8.3.104)

यजुष्येकेषाम्
yajuṣyekeṣām · A 8.3.104
युष्मत्तत्ततक्षुषु परतः सस्य मूर्धन्यो वा । अर्चिभिष्ट्वम् । अग्निष्टे अग्रम् । अर्चिभिष्टतक्षुः । पक्षे अर्चिभिस्त्वमित्यादि ॥

Rule. In the Yajurveda, in the view of some teachers, a retroflex replaces s before yuṣmad, tat and tatakṣuḥ. Bhaṭṭoji takes "of some" as an option.

Example.

arcibhis tvam → s becomes ṣ → arcibhiṣ ṭvam; or arcibhis tvam.

agniṣ ṭe agram. arcibhiṣ ṭatakṣuḥ.

Watch out. Neither Bhaṭṭoji nor the Subodhinī says that "within a pāda" runs on here, so it is not supplied. There is no Subodhinī on this sūtra.

SK 3642 · स्तुतस्तोमयोश्छन्दसि · stutastomayoś chandasi (A 8.3.105)

स्तुतस्तोमयोश्छन्दसि
stutastomayośchandasi · A 8.3.105
नृभिष्टुतस्य । नृभिःस्तुतस्य । गोष्टोमम् । गोस्तोमम् । पूर्वपदादित्येव सिद्धे प्रपञ्चार्थमिदम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the s of stuta "praised" and stoma "praise" optionally becomes ṣ after a conditioning sound in the word before.

Example.

nṛbhiḥ stutasya → the s of stuta becomes ṣ; t becomes ṭ → nṛbhiṣṭutasya; or nṛbhiḥ stutasya "of the one praised by men". (The visarga of nṛbhiḥ does not appear in the transmitted form; the text does not explain this.)

go + stoma → goṣṭomam; or gostomam.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: SK 3643 already gives this, so the sūtra is for elaboration (prapañca). The Subodhinī: "in the Veda" is still needed, for the rules that follow.

Watch out. In nṛbhiṣṭutasya the ṣ is the first sound of stuta, not the visarga of nṛbhiḥ. goṣṭomam shows this: it has no s but that of stoma. Bhaṭṭoji gives every example with and without ṣ, but does not say "optionally". That the rule is optional is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred from the examples.

SK 3643 · पूर्वपदात् · pūrvapadāt (A 8.3.106)

पूर्वपदात्
pūrvapadāt · A 8.3.106
पूर्वपदस्थान्निमित्तात्परस्य सस्य षो वा । यदिन्द्राग्नी दिविष्ठः (यदि॑न्द्राग्नी दि॒विष्ठः) । युवं हि स्थः स्वर्पती (यु॒वं हि स्थः स्व॑र्पती) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, an s after a conditioning sound (nimitta) in the prior word (pūrvapada) optionally becomes ṣ.

Example.

divi sthaḥ → s becomes ṣ; th becomes ṭh → yad indrāgnī diviṣṭhaḥ "when, O Indra and Agni, you two are in heaven".

The option not taken: yuvaṃ hi sthaḥ svarpatī "for you two are lords of the light".

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: pūrvapada here means any preceding word, not only the first member of a compound. So the rule works within a sentence, as both examples show.

Watch out. The conditioning sound is probably that of iṇkoḥ (SK 211); the text does not say. That "in the Veda" runs on from SK 3642 through SK 3646 is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. The Subodhinī says only "for the following".

SK 3644 · सुञः · suñaḥ (A 8.3.107)

सुञः
suñaḥ · A 8.3.107
पूर्वपदस्थान्निमित्तात्परस्य सुञो निपातस्य सस्य षः । ऊर्ध्व ऊषुणः (ऊ॒र्ध्व ऊषुणः॑) । अभीषुणः (अ॒भीषुणः॑) ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the s of the particle (nipāta) su, named suñ, becomes ṣ after a conditioning sound in the prior word.

Example.

abhi su naḥ → abhi lengthened (ikaḥ suñi, SK 3536) → abhī su naḥ

→ s of su becomes ṣ → abhī ṣu naḥ → n becomes ṇ (SK 3649) → abhī ṣu ṇaḥ.

Likewise ūrdhva ū ṣu ṇaḥ "upright, indeed, for us".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss carries "after a conditioning sound in the prior word" from SK 3643. He does not repeat "optionally", so the rule is taken as obligatory. The Subodhinī gives the lengthening and the ṇ.

SK 3645 · सनोतेरनः · sanoter anaḥ (A 8.3.108)

सनोतेरनः
sanoteranaḥ · A 8.3.108
गोषा इन्दो नृषा असि (गो॒षा इ॑न्दो नृ॒षा अ॑सि) । अनः किम् । गोसनिः ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the s of the root san "to win" becomes ṣ when san no longer ends in n.

Example. The Subodhinī's steps:

go + san + viṭ (SK 3413) → ā for the n of san (SK 2982) → go-sā

→ s becomes ṣ → goṣāḥ: goṣā indo nṛṣā asi "you, O Indu, are a winner of cows, a winner of men".

Applies when / blocked by. Where san keeps its n, there is no ṣ: gosaniḥ. There the affix is in (SK 3408), and san keeps its n.

SK 3646 · सहेः पृतनर्ताभ्यां च · saheḥ pṛtanartābhyāṃ ca (A 8.3.109)

सहेः पृतनर्ताभ्यां च
saheḥ pṛtanartābhyāṃ ca · A 8.3.109
पृतनाषाहम् । ऋताषाहम् । चात् ऋतीषाहम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, the s of the root sah "to overpower" becomes ṣ after pṛtanā "army" and ṛta.

Example.

pṛtanā + sāham → s becomes ṣ → pṛtanāṣāham "the overpowerer of armies".

ṛtāṣāham. By the word ca "and", also ṛtīṣāham.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the forms, and there is no Subodhinī. That the operation is "s becomes ṣ" is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators here; it is inferred from the run of rules and the forms. Nothing is said about the long vowels at the end of pṛtanā-, ṛtā-, ṛtī-.

SK 3647 · निव्यभिभ्योऽड्व्यवाये वा छन्दसि · nivyabhibhyo 'ḍvyavāye vā chandasi (A 8.3.119)

निव्यभिभ्योऽड्व्यवाये वा छन्दसि
nivyabhibhyo'ḍvyavāye vā chandasi · A 8.3.119
सस्य मूर्धन्यः । न्यषीदत् । न्यसीदत् । व्यषीदत् । व्यसीदत् । अभ्यष्टौत् । अभ्यस्तौत् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, after ni, vi and abhi, when the augment a (aṭ) stands between, a retroflex optionally replaces s.

Example.

ni + a + sīdat → s becomes ṣ → nyaṣīdat; or nyasīdat.

vyaṣīdat or vyasīdat.

abhyaṣṭaut or abhyastaut, with vṛddhi by uto vṛddhir luki hali (SK 2443, chapter 45).

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: the word "not" (na) runs on from na raparasṛpi… (SK 3168, chapter 68). An option on a prohibition comes to an option on the change itself. Hence Bhaṭṭoji's gloss, "a retroflex replaces s", read with the sūtra's "optionally".

SK 3648 · छन्दस्यृदवग्रहात् · chandasy ṛdavagrahāt (A 8.4.26)

छन्दस्यृदवग्रहात्
chandasyṛdavagrahāt · A 8.4.26
ऋकारान्तादवग्रहात्परस्य नस्य णः । नृमणाः । पितृयाणम् ॥

Rule. In the Veda, ṇ replaces an n that follows an avagraha ending in ṛ. An avagraha is a member that is recited separately, as in the word-by-word text.

Example.

nṛ-manāḥ → n becomes ṇ after nṛ → nṛmaṇāḥ "manly-minded".

pitṛ-yānam → pitṛyāṇam "the path of the fathers".

Applies when / blocked by. That this is the ṇ of raṣābhyāṃ no ṇaḥ samānapade (SK 235, chapter 8) is not stated by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators; it is inferred. SK 235 itself needs both sounds in one word.

Watch out. Scholars discuss this. Bhaṭṭoji reads the compound as "an avagraha that ends in ṛ". The Subodhinī reads it as "the ṛ that is an avagraha". For it, ṛ is called avagraha because it is fit to be separated. The ṇ is made in the continuous text, while the separation belongs to the word-by-word text. The result is the same.

SK 3649 · नश्च धातुस्थोरुषुभ्यः · naś ca dhātusthoruṣubhyaḥ (A 8.4.27)

नश्च धातुस्थोरुषुभ्यः
naśca dhātusthoruṣubhyaḥ · A 8.4.27
धातुस्थात् । अग्ने रक्षा णः (अग्ने॒ रक्षा॑ णः) । शिक्षा णो अस्मिन् (शिक्षा॑ णो अ॒स्मिन्) । उरु णस्कृधि (उ॒रु ण॑स्कृधि) । अभीषु णः (अ॒भीषु णः॑) । मो षु णः (मो षु णः॑) ॥ इत्यष्टमोऽध्यायः ॥

Rule. The n of nas "us" becomes ṇ after a conditioning sound in a root (dhātu), and after uru and ṣu.

Example.

Applies when / blocked by. The Subodhinī: ṣu is the particle su already made ṣu by SK 3644. It is not the locative plural ending su. So indro dhartā gṛheṣu naḥ keeps its n. In every example nas is the substitute of asmad "we".

Watch out. Whether "in the Veda" runs on from SK 3648 is not said by Bhaṭṭoji or his commentators. With this sūtra the eighth book ends, and with it the Vedic section (vaidikī prakriyā).

Terms used in this chapter

Summary

SKwhat it doesexample
3387punarvasu for two stars may be singularpunarvasu nakṣatram
3388the same for viśākhāviśākhā nakṣatram
3389pati with a sixth-case word is optionally ghi; all Vedic operations optional; nabhas etc. bha before vatpatinā, nabhasvat, vṛṣaṇvasuḥ
3390ayasmaya and the rest have both names, bha and padaṛkvatā, vājina
3391gati and upasarga may follow the root (against SK 2230)(see 3392)
3392they may stand separated from the rootharibhyāṃ yāhy oka ā
3393liṭ after indh and bhū is kit; rejected by a vārttikasamīdhe, babhūva
3394the object of hu takes the third case, or the secondyavāgvā 'gnihotraṃ juhoti
3395in the Brāhmaṇa the object of div takes the second, not the sixthgām … dīvyeyuḥ
3396the sixth stands variously for the fourth (and the fourth for the sixth)vanaspatīnām, tasyai
3397the sixth stands variously for the instrument of yajghṛtasya yajate
3399hemantaśiśirau, ahorātre take the gender of the prior memberahorātre
3398ghasḷ replaces ad variouslyghastām, sagdhiḥ
3400the luk of śap in the ad class applies variouslyhanati, trādhvam
3401ślu in the hu class applies variouslydāti, vivaṣṭi
3402in a mantra, cli is lost after ghas, hvṛ, naś and the restakṣan, praṇak, akran
3403six ready-made forms with ām and an auxiliaryabhyutsādayām akaḥ, vidām akran
3404after bare gup, caṅ optionally for cliajūgupatam
3405no caṅ after ūnaya, dhvanaya, elaya, ardayamā … ūnayīḥ
3406aṅ optionally for cli after kṛ, mṛ, dṛ, ruhakaram, āruhat
3407seventeen ready-made kṛtya formsniṣṭarkya, devahūya, upacāyyapṛḍam
3408in after van, san, rakṣ, math with an object upapadagoṣaṇim, pathirakṣī
3409ṇvi after sah with an upapadapṛtanāṣāṭ
3410ṇvi after vah toodityavāṭ
3411ñyuṭ after vah with kavya, purīṣa, purīṣyakavyavāhanaḥ
3412ñyuṭ with havya when not inside a pāda; inside, ṇvihavyavāhanaḥ / havyavāḷ
3413viṭ after jan, san, khan, kram, gam; ā for the nasalabjāḥ, goṣāḥ, agregāḥ
3414in a mantra, ṇvin in three compounds; ḍas where pada status comesśvetavāḥ / śvetavāhau
3415ṇvin after yaj with avaavayāḥ, avayājau
3416avayāḥ, śvetavāḥ, puroḍāḥ, ukthaśāḥ keep the long vowel in addressśvetavāḥ (vocative)
3417vic after yaj with upaupayaṭ
3418manin, kvanip, vanip, and vic, after ā-final rootssudāmā, sudhīvā, bhūridāvā, kīlālapāḥ
3419kvip after han variously, even with other upapadas; recap of the Vedic kṛt rulesmātṛhā, aghāyuḥ, javaḥ
3420in a mantra, ktin after eight roots, and the affix is udāttavṛṣṭíṃ diváḥ (udātta on ṭí)
3421yuc for khal after roots of motionsūpasadanaḥ
3422yuc after other roots toosuvedanām
3423luṅ, laṅ, liṭ optionally in any timeadyā mamāra
3424leṭ in the senses of liṅ(see 3426–3431)
3425sip variously before leṭtāriṣat
3426the i of leṭ's parasmaipada endings optionally losttāriṣat
3427leṭ takes aṭ or āṭ, both pit; sip variously ṇittāriṣat, patāti
3428the s of leṭ's uttama endings optionally lostkaravāva / karavāvaḥ
3429the ā of leṭ's endings becomes ai (not the augment āṭ)mādayaite, yajāti
3430elsewhere, the e of leṭ optionally becomes aiīśai, gṛhyāntai
3431leṭ also for a bargain and for apprehensionnej jihmā … patāma
3432śāyac (and śānac) for śnā before hi; bh for the h of hṛ, grahgṛbhāya, badhāna, jabhāra
3433vikaraṇas, and eleven other things, are exchanged variouslybhedati, taruṣema, annādāya
3434aṅ before āśīrliṅ; ak after dṛśvocema, dṛśeyam
3435an affix after a root is both sārvadhātuka and ārdhadhātukavardhantu, viśṛṇvire, babhriḥ
3436fifteen affixes in the sense of tumun, some with fixed accentjīváse (udātta on va), kartave
3437prayai, rohiṣyai, avyathiṣyai in the sense of tumunprayai = prayātum
3438dṛśe, vikhye in the sense of tumundṛśe = draṣṭum
3439with śak as upapada, ṇamul and kamul in the sense of tumunvibhājaṃ nāśakat, apalupaṃ nāśakat
3440with īśvara as upapada, tosun and kasun in the sense of tumunīśvaro vicaritoḥ, īśvaro vilikhaḥ
3441tavai, ken, kenya, tvan in the kṛtya sensena mlecchitavai, avagāhe, didṛkṣeṇyaḥ, kartvam
3442avacakṣe is a nipātana in the kṛtya senseripuṇā nāvacakṣe
3443tosun after sthā, iṇ … jan marking the limit of an actionāsaṃsthātoḥ sīdanti, udetoḥ
3444kasun after sṛp and tṛd in the same sense; end of book 3purā krūrasya visṛpaḥ, ātṛdaḥ
3445ṅīp after rātri in the Veda, except before jasrā́trī vy àkhyad āyatī́
3446ṅīṣ obligatory after bahu and the restbahvīṣu
3447ṅīṣ obligatory after bhu in ḍu; vārttika: lit ṅīṣ with ānuk after mudgalavibhvī, prabhvī; mudgalā́nī
3448dīrghajihvī is a nipātanaāsurī vai dīrghajihvī
3449ūṅ after kadru, kamaṇḍalu; vārttikas: guggulu etc., and tyap in āviṣṭyakadrūḥ, guggulūḥ, āviṣṭyaḥ
3450ṭhañ after varṣā, against ṭhak: a difference of accentvā́rṣikam
3451ṭhañ after vasantavāsantikam
3452ṭhañ after hemanta, split off for SK 1390; ṇini by SK 1486haimantikam; śaunakinaḥ
3453mayaṭ "made of" after a two-vowel stemśaramayaṃ barhiḥ, parṇamayī
3454no mayaṭ after a stem with u, vardhra, bilvamauñjam, vārdhrī, bailvaḥ
3455ḍha after sabhā in the sense "fit for"sabheyo yuvā
3456yat "being there" after a seventh-case word; the Vedic heading to SK 3490meghyāya, vidyutyāya; mauñjavataḥ
3457ḍyaṇ after pāthas, nadīpāthyaḥ, nādyaḥ
3458aṇ after veśanta, himavatvaiśantībhyaḥ, haimavatībhyaḥ
3459ḍyat or ḍya after srotas, optionally; else yatsrotyaḥ, srotasyaḥ
3460yan after sagarbha, sayūtha, sanutasagarbhyaḥ, sayūthyaḥ, sanutyaḥ
3461ghan after tugra; else yattugriyāsu, tugryāsu
3462yat after agra, taught againagryaḥ
3463gha and cha after agra, and yatagryaḥ, agriyaḥ, agrīyaḥ
3464gha after samudra, abhra; last rule of bhavasamudriyāḥ, abhriyasya
3465yat after barhis "given on it"barhiṣyeṣu
3466yat after dūta for his share or taskdūtyam
3467yat after rakṣas, yātu "that which slays them"rakṣasyā tanūḥ, yātavyā
3468yat after revatī, jagatī, haviṣyā "praising them"revatyam, jagatyam, haviṣyam
3469yat after asura "its own"asuryam
3470aṇ after asura when māyā is meantāsurī māyā
3471yat naming bricks after their laying mantra, with luk of matupvarcasyāḥ, ṛtavyāḥ
3472aṇ after aśvimat, same conditionsāśvinīr upadadhāti
3473matup after mūrdhavat for vayasyā bricksmūrdhanvatīr upadadhāti
3474yat in the matup sense for a month or a bodynabhasyaḥ, ojasyā tanūḥ
3475ña, and yat, after madhu in the matup sensemādhavaḥ, madhavyaḥ
3476yat and kha after ojas for a dayojasyam, ojasīnam
3477yal after bhaga with veśas or yaśas before itveśobhagyaḥ, yaśobhagyaḥ
3478kha also, under the same conditionsveśobhagīnaḥ, yaśobhagīnaḥ
3479ina and ya after pūrva "made by those of old"pūrviṇebhiḥ, pūrvyāsaḥ
3480yat after ap "prepared with water"apyaṃ haviḥ
3481gha after sahasra "equal to a thousand"sahasriyāsaḥ
3482gha after sahasra in the matup sense toosahasriyaḥ
3483ya after soma "deserves"somyo brāhmaṇaḥ
3484ya after soma in the mayaṭ sensesomyaṃ madhu
3485yat after madhu in the mayaṭ sensemadhavyaḥ
3486yat after vasu "collection" and in the mayaṭ sense; vārttika: yat after chandasvasavyaḥ; chāndasyaḥ
3487gha after nakṣatra in its own sensenakṣatriyebhyaḥ
3488tātil after sarva, deva in their own sensesarvatātim, devatātim
3489tātil after śiva, śam, ariṣṭa "one who makes"śivatātiḥ, śantātī, ariṣṭatātaye
3490tātil after the same in the sense of the state; end of book 4śivatātiḥ, śantātiḥ, ariṣṭatātiḥ
3491añ after saptan for measure and group; vārttikas: ḍini, vatupsāptāni, pañcadaśinaḥ, tvāvān
3492yat after any stem for "deserves that"sādanyam, vidathyam
3493cha after a stem ending in vatsara, in the "accomplished" sensesidvatsarīyaḥ
3494kha, and cha, after saṃvatsara and parivatsarasaṃvatsarīṇaḥ, saṃvatsarīyaḥ
3495ghas after ṛtu for "that has come to it"ṛtviyaḥ
3496vati after an upasarga denoting a factor of the actionudvataḥ, nivataḥ
3497the augment thaṭ, and maṭ, to ordinal ḍaṭ; SK 1889 citedpañcatham, pañcamam
3498vini variously; vārttikas: lengthening before vin; ī and vanipubhayāvinam, rathīḥ, maghavānam
3499dā after idam, rhil after tadidā, tarhi
3500thā after kim for cause and mannerkathā
3501paśca, paścā fixed for avara; SK 2007 citedpaśca hi saḥ, kariṣṭhaḥ
3502thāl in the sense "like" after pratna, pūrva, viśva, imapratnathā, imathā
3503amu in the setting of SK 2004prataram
3504til after vṛka, tātil after jyeṣṭhavṛkatiḥ, jyeṣṭhatātim
3505ṭac after a neuter tatpuruṣa in an or asbrahmasāmam, devacchandasāni
3506bahuprajāḥ fixedbahuprajāḥ
3507datṛ for danta in a bahuvrīhiubhayatodataḥ
3508no kap after a ṛ-final bahuvrīhihatamātā
3509the abhyāsa of tuj and the like lengthened; doubling optional (vārttika)tūtujānaḥ; jāgāra
3510saṃprasāraṇa of hvā variously; vārttikas on tri + ṛc and rayiāhuve, tṛcam, revān
3511kī for cāy variouslycikyuḥ; not nicāyya
3512nine fixed formsapaspṛdhethām, tityāja, āśīrtaḥ
3513ā optionally for the e of khidcikhāda / cikheda
3514śīrṣan for śirasśīrṣṇaḥ
3515pūrvasavarṇadīrgha optional; the option reaches SK 194 and SK 330vārāhī / vārāhyau; śamīm / śamyam
3516śi lost variously; vārttika: pararūpa in emanyā, tā tā; apāṃ tveman
3517bhayya, pravayyā fixed, with ay before yat; vārttika hradayyābhayyaḥ, pravayyā, hradayyāḥ
3518eṅ stays before a inside a pāda, unless v or y followsupaprayanto adhvaram
3519eṅ stays before seven words, even with v or yvasubhir no avyāt
3520in the Yajus, uro stays before auro antarikṣam
3521in the Yajus, āpo, juṣāṇo, vṛṣṇo, varṣiṣṭhe, ambe, ambāle stayambe ambāle ambike
3522in the Yajus, eṅ of aṅga, and eṅ before aṅga, staysprāṇo aṅge aṅge adīdhyat
3523in the Yajus, eṅ stays before an anudātta a followed by ku or dhayáṃ só agníḥ
3524in the Yajus, eṅ stays before an anudātta avapathāḥtrī́ rudrébhyo avapathāḥ
3525āṅ becomes nasal before a vowel and stays; vārttika īṣā akṣaabhra ā̃ apaḥ, īṣā akṣaḥ
3526the su of sya lost before a consonant, variouslyeṣa sya bhānuḥ
3527suṭ to candra after a short vowel, in a mantrahariścandraḥ
3528pitarāmātarā fixed; SK 1012 cited; vārttika on adripitarā mātarā, sagarbhyaḥ, devadrīcī
3529sadha for saha before māda, sthasadhamāde, sadhastham
3530kava, kā for ku before pathinkavapathaḥ, kāpathaḥ
3531sāḍhyai, sāḍhvā, sāḍhā fixed from sahsā́ḷhā
3532ā for the final of aṣṭan before a second memberaṣṭāpadī
3533final of soma, aśva, indriya, viśvadevya long before matupaśvāvatīm
3534final of oṣadhi long before a non-first-case endingóṣadhībhyaḥ
3535final of tu, nu, gha … uruṣya long in a ṛcā tū na indra, bharatā
3536an ik-final word long before suabhī ṣu ṇaḥ
3537final a of a two-vowel verb form longvidmā, cakrā
3538final of a nipāta longevā hi te
3539lengthening seen in other prior members toopūruṣaḥ, daṇḍādaṇḍi
3540lengthening before nām optionaldhātṝṇām / dhātṛṇām
3541penultimate after ṣ optionally long before a strong endingṛbhukṣāṇam / ṛbhukṣaṇam
3542janitā fixed, with ṇi lost before iṭjanitā
3543śamitā in the sacrifice: ṇi dropped, as in janitāśamitā (= śamayitā)
3544long ū for yu, plu before lyapviyūya, viplūya
3545āṭ also for aṅgas not beginning with a vowelānaṭ, āvaḥ
3546aṭ, āṭ variable: absent without māṅ, present with itjaniṣṭhāḥ, mā … avāpsuḥ
3547re for ire; asiddha for the loss of ādadhre
3548bhū, sudhī take yaṇ and iyaṅ/uvaṅ; vārttika on tanūvibhvam / vibhuvam; tanvam / tanuvam
3549tan, pat lose the upadhā before kit/ṅitvitatnire, paptima
3550ghas, bhas lose the upadhā before kit/ṅitsagdhiḥ, babdhām
3551dhi for hi after śru, śṛṇu, pṝ, kṛ, vṛśrudhī, śṛṇudhī, rāyaspūrdhi, uruṇaskṛdhi
3552hi (for sip) is optionally apit—
3553dhi for hi also when hi is not ṅitrārandhi, prayandhi, yuyodhi
3554in mantras, ātman loses its first sound before āṅ (ṭā)tmanā
3555ra for the ṛ of ṛju, optionally, before iṣṭhan etc.rajiṣṭham / ṛjiṣṭham
3556nipātanas ṛtvya, vāstvya, vāstva, mādhvī, hiraṇyayamādhvīḥ, hiraṇyayena
3557the augment ruṭ, variouslyduhre, duhrate, adṛśram
3558ais for bhis only variablydevebhiḥ
3559no adḍ after itaraitaram (ordinary itarat)
3560ktvā also where lyap is dueparidhāpayitvā
3561seventeen Vedic substitutes for sup endingspanthāḥ, vyoman, dhītī, sarasī́, nāváyā
3562maś (m) for the am of mipvadhīm
3563t of an ātmanepada ending lostaduhra, śaye
3564dhvāt for dhvamvārayadhvāt
3565yajadhvainam: m of dhvam lost before enamyajadhvainam
3566tāt for the second-person plural takṛṇutāt, gamayatāt
3567tap, tanap, tana, thana for taśṛṇota, sunotana, jujuṣṭana, yatiṣṭhana
3568mas takes a final iemasi, smasi
3569ktvā takes yakgatvāya
3570īnam for the final of ktvā after yajiṣṭvīnam
3571ī for the ā of ktvā in snātvī and the likesnātvī, pītvī
3572jas takes asuk after an a-stemdevāsaḥ, brāhmaṇāsaḥ
3573nuṭ to ām after śrī, grāmaṇīśrīṇām, sūtagrāmaṇīnām
3574nuṭ to ām after go at a pāda's endgonām (not pāda-final gavām)
3575anaṅ for asthi etc. even outside its conditionsasthabhiḥ, asthanvantam
3576ī for the final of asthi etc. before a dual endingakṣībhyām
3577num for dṛś, svavas, svatavas before sukīdṛṅ, svavān, svatavān
3578ut for a root-final ṝ, variously, even without a labialtaturiḥ, jaguriḥ
3579hru for hvṛ before a niṣṭhāahrutam
3580aparihvṛtāḥ: no hruaparihvṛtāḥ
3581hvaritaḥ of Soma: iṭ, guṇa, no hruhvaritaḥ
3582eighteen nipātanas with or without iṭ, uṭ/ūṭ, i for śapgrasitām, viśastā, tarutāram, ujjvaliti
3583saniṃ sasanivāṃsam: iṭ to kvasu; vārttika on pāvakasasanivāṃsam, pāvakāḥ
3584final ā of dā, dhā optionally lost before leṭdadhat, dadat / dadāt
3585short vowel for the ī of mī before a śit affixpramiṇanti (ordinary pramīṇanti)
3586īṭ variable; vārttikas: jasi ca etc. optional, nābhyastasyāci variableā idam, śatakratvaḥ, paśve, jujoṣat
3587ṛ in the upadhā before caṅ alwaysavīvṛdhat
3588no ī and no lengthening before kyac, except putra and the likemitrayuḥ; putrīyantaḥ, janīyantaḥ
3589nipātanas durasyu, draviṇasyu, vṛṣaṇyati, riṣaṇyatidurasyuḥ (ordinary duṣṭīyati)
3590ā for the final of aśva, agha before kyacaśvāyantaḥ, aghāyavaḥ
3591ā for deva, sumna before kyac in the Kaṭha Yajusdevāyantaḥ, sumnāyantaḥ
3592final of kavi, adhvara, pṛtanā lost before kyac in a ṛkkavyatāyoḥ, adhvaryum, pṛtanyum
3593hi for hā before ktvā, optionallyhitvā / hītvā
3594i for the ā of dhā in five forms; vārttikas on mās, svavas, uṣassudhitam, dhiṣva, dhiṣīya; mādbhiḥ, samuṣadbhiḥ
3595in the Veda, kṛṣ keeps the velar of its abhyāsa before yaṅkarīkṛṣyate
3596eighteen Vedic intensive and ślu forms with irregular abhyāsasalarṣi, kanikradat, āganīganti
3597sasūva, the Vedic perfect of sūgṛṣṭiḥ sasūva sthaviram
3598in the Veda, i variously for the abhyāsa's vowelvivaṣṭi
3599pra, sam, upa, ud doubled to fill the pādapra prāyam agniḥ
3600in the Veda, v for the m of matup after i-vowels and rharivate, gīrvān
3601matup takes nuṭ after an an-stemakṣaṇvantaḥ
3602gha takes nuṭ after an n-stem; tuṭ after bhūridāvan; ī for rathinsupathintaraḥ, bhūridāvattaraḥ, rathītaraḥ
3603six Vedic niṣṭhā forms taught as finished forms; most keep tnasattam, niṣattam, gūrtam
3604amnas, ūdhas, avas take ru or ramna eva / amnar eva
3605the same for bhuvas, the great utterancebhuva iti / bhuvar iti
3606om is pluta at a commencementó3m agnim īḷe purohitam
3607ye is pluta in a sacrificial actyé3 yajāmahe
3608om replaces the whole ṭi in a sacrificial actjinvato3m
3609only the last ṭi of a yājyā is plutahavyavāhā́3m
3610the first vowel of brūhi, preṣya, śrauṣaṭ, vauṣaṭ, āvaha is plutaagnaye 'nubrū́3hi
3611in the agnīdh's directive, the first vowel and the next are plutaó3śrā́3vaya
3612hi is optionally pluta in an answerakārṣaṃ hí3
3613optional pluta in questioning a refuted speakeradyāmāvāsyety ātthá3
3614a doubled word is pluta in a threatdasyó3 dasyó3
3615in a threat, an expectant verb with aṅga is plutaaṅga kūjá3
3616the ṭi of sentences under deliberation is plutagṛhā́3i, na hotavyá3m
3617in bhāṣā, only the first alternative is plutaahir nú3 rajjur nu
3618pluta in acceptance, affirmation, readiness to listenhanta te dadāmí3
3619the pluta is anudātta at the end of a question and in praiseagnibhūta3i, māṇavaka3
3620an anudātta pluta when cit is used for comparisonagnicid bhāyā3t
3621an anudātta pluta in upari svid āsītupári svid āsī3t
3622a svarita pluta before an āmreḍita, in envy, approval, anger, contemptabhirūpakà3 abhirūpaka
3623a svarita pluta on an expectant verb in breach of conduct, wish, directionkaṭaṃ kurù3 grāmaṃ gaccha
3624in question and narration, every word's ṭi is a svarita plutaagamàḥ3 pūrvà3n grāmà3n
3625in a pluta ai, au, the i, u part is plutaai3tikāyana
3626a pluta e, o splits into pluta ā + i, uagnibhūta3i, paṭa3u
3627that i, u becomes y, v before a vowel, in saṃhitāagna3yāśā
3628in the Veda, ru for the n of a matup or vasu stem in the vocativeharivo medinam
3629dāśvān, sāhvān, mīḍhvān are nipātanas; van stems also take rumīḍhvas, prātaritvaḥ
3630in the ṛcs, the ru of SK 140 is optionalpaśūn tāṃś cakre
3631n after a long vowel optionally ru before aṭ in one pādadevā̃ acchā
3632before aṭ, the ā before ru is always nasalmahā̃ indraḥ
3633the n of svatavān optionally ru before pāyusvatavā̃ḥ pāyuḥ
3634in the Veda, visarga optionally s before ku, pu, except pra and an āmreḍitaṛtas kaviḥ
3635visarga s before kaḥ, karat, karati, kṛdhi, kṛta, not for aditiuruṇas kṛdhi
3636a fifth-case visarga s before pari "above"divas pari
3637a fifth-case visarga variously s before pātudivas pātu
3638a sixth-case visarga s before pati, putra and the restvācas patim
3639the same optionally for iḍāyāḥ; SK 2403 recallediḻāyās putraḥ / iḻāyāḥ putraḥ
3640within a pāda, ṣ for s before t-forms of yuṣmad, tat, tatakṣuḥtribhiṣ ṭvam
3641in the Yajus, the same optionallyarcibhiṣ ṭvam / arcibhis tvam
3642in the Veda, ṣ optionally for the s of stuta, stomanṛbhiṣṭutasya, goṣṭomam
3643ṣ optionally for s after a conditioning sound in the prior worddiviṣṭhaḥ
3644ṣ for the s of the particle suabhī ṣu ṇaḥ
3645ṣ for the s of san when it has lost its ngoṣāḥ
3646ṣ for the s of sah after pṛtanā, ṛtapṛtanāṣāham
3647after ni, vi, abhi with aṭ between, ṣ optionalnyaṣīdat / nyasīdat
3648in the Veda, ṇ for n after an avagraha ending in ṛnṛmaṇāḥ
3649ṇ for the n of nas after a root sound, uru, ṣuagne rakṣā ṇaḥ
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