So far every verb you have built spoke of its agent: bhavati "he is", pacati "he cooks". A lakāra can also speak of the object (karman), or of the bare action (bhāva). This chapter builds those forms. After it you will be able to form bhūyate "there is becoming", with the agent in the third case: tvayā bhūyate. You will form anubhūyate ānandaḥ "bliss is experienced", where the ending speaks of the object. You will know the affix yak, which comes before a sārvadhātuka ending in these senses. You will know ciṇ, which replaces cli in the aorist: abhāvi. You will know the optional "treatment as before ciṇ" (ciṇvadbhāva), which gives doublets such as bhāvitā / bhavitā. Then come the root-specific adjustments: tāyate, anvatapta, dāyitā, ghānitā, grāhitā, śāmitā, aśami, abhāji, alambhi. The chapter ends with Bhaṭṭoji's verse on roots with two objects: which object the ending speaks of. Bhaṭṭoji calls the section the bhāvakarma-prakriyā, "the working of [verbs in] bhāva and karma". It has ten sūtras, SK 2756 to SK 2765.
bhū + laṭ (bhāva) → ta (taṅ, SK 2679) → bhū + yak + te → bhūyate; tvayā mayā 'nyaiś ca bhūyateBhaṭṭoji opens the section: "Now laṭ and the other lakāras in bhāva and karma. By bhāvakarmaṇoḥ (SK 2679), the taṅ endings come." One sūtra follows. It puts the affix yak between the root and a sārvadhātuka ending. The running example is bhū "to be, to become". It takes no object, so its lakāra may denote bhāva, the bare action. "There is becoming by you, by me and by others" is tvayā mayā 'nyaiś ca bhūyate.
Rule. The affix yak comes after a root when a sārvadhātuka affix follows that denotes bhāva or karma. Only ya is heard; the k is a marker. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let the affix yak come after a dhātu when there follows a sārvadhātuka denoting bhāva or karma".
"After a dhātu" (dhātoḥ) is carried forward from SK 2629. "Denoting bhāva or karma" is carried forward from SK 2758, two sūtras later. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give these.
Example.
bhū + laṭ, in bhāva (SK 2152; bhū takes no object)
→ the ātmanepada by SK 2679; third person singular → bhū + ta
→ the ta becomes te (SK 2233) → bhū + te
→ te is a sārvadhātuka denoting bhāva, so this rule adds yak → bhū + ya + te
→ yak is marked with k, and such an affix blocks guṇa (chapter 44) → bhūyate.
The agent is not expressed by the ending (anabhihita), so it takes the third case: tvayā mayā 'nyaiś ca bhūyate.
In liṭ there is no sārvadhātuka, so there is no yak: babhūve.
Applies when / blocked by. What is bhāva? Bhaṭṭoji: bhāva is bhāvanā, "bringing about" (utpādanā), that is, action (kriyā). Every root already denotes action, just by being a root. So a lakāra in the sense of bhāva only restates (anūdyate) what the root has said. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators compares the dual ending in dvau "two", which restates the twoness the word already names.
Why only the third person? Bhaṭṭoji: there is no co-reference (sāmānādhikaraṇya) with yuṣmad "you" or asmad "I". One of his commentators explains. A lakāra can share its referent with a word only when it denotes the agent or the karma, never bhāva. The third person still comes by SK 2165, śeṣe prathamaḥ: it is the person used wherever the second and first do not apply.
Why only the singular? Bhaṭṭoji: the action denoted by a verb-ending is not a substance (asattva). So two or many of it are not understood. The singular is used because it is the general ending (autsargika). It does not depend on the number one. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators contrasts the action denoted by a kṛt affix, which is like a substance: pākau, pākāḥ "two cookings, many cookings". Whether "only the singular" holds without exception, scholars discuss this.
Watch out. Yak comes only before a sārvadhātuka: the endings of laṭ, loṭ, laṅ and vidhiliṅ. The other lakāras take no yak. Liṭ is formed as usual: babhūve. Before sya, sic, sīyuṭ and tās, SK 2757 optionally applies. In the luṅ before ta, SK 2758 brings ciṇ.
bhū + luṅ (bhāva), ta → cli → ciṇ → (vṛddhi, ta luk) → abhāvi; bhū + tās (ciṇvat: vṛddhi + iṭ) → bhāvitā / bhavitāTwo sūtras make the forms that have no yak. SK 2758 replaces cli by ciṇ in the aorist before ta: abhāvi. SK 2757 comes first in Bhaṭṭoji's order. It lets the aṅga be treated, optionally, as if ciṇ followed it. This happens before sya (the affix of lṛṭ and lṛṅ), sic (the aorist), sīyuṭ (the liṅ of blessing) and tās (the periphrastic future). With it comes an augment iṭ. So bhū in luṭ gives bhāvitā, with vṛddhi as before ciṇ, or bhavitā, as usual. Under SK 2758 Bhaṭṭoji then surveys yak forms: the karma, the causative, the desiderative, the intensive, and roots whose stem changes before yak.
Rule. Take an aṅga that ends in a vowel (ac) which stood as such in upadeśa, or the aṅga of han, grah or dṛś. When sya, sic, sīyuṭ or tās follows, and bhāva or karma is understood, that aṅga is optionally treated as before ciṇ. And sya and the rest take the augment iṭ.
Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let there optionally be the operation on the aṅga (aṅgakārya) that takes place before ciṇ … and the augment iṭ for sya and the rest". The word ciṇvat means "as before ciṇ" (ciṇīva). "Of the aṅga" comes from the heading SK 200. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give these points.
Example.
bhū + luṭ, in bhāva → bhū + tās + …
→ this rule, first option: the aṅga is treated as before ciṇ. Ciṇ is marked with ṇ, so the final ū takes vṛddhi (SK 254) → bhau
→ tās takes the joint iṭ; au before a vowel becomes āv → bhāv-i-tā
→ bhāvitā.
Second option, without the treatment:
bhū + tās → the ordinary iṭ before a val-initial affix (SK 2184) → guṇa → bhavitā.
Likewise lṛṭ bhāviṣyate / bhaviṣyate, and the liṅ of blessing bhāviṣīṣṭa / bhaviṣīṣṭa.
Before a sārvadhātuka the rule has no place, and yak comes instead: loṭ bhūyatām, laṅ abhūyata, vidhiliṅ bhūyeta.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji makes three points.
First, the iṭ is enjoined jointly (sanniyogaśiṣṭa) with the treatment. Where the treatment is absent, this iṭ is absent. One of his commentators adds that a seṭ root still takes its ordinary iṭ then. That is why the second option is bhavitā.
Second, the word "before an ārdhadhātuka" is in force here as a heading. It qualifies sīyuṭ alone. Sya, sic and tās are always ārdhadhātuka, so it adds nothing for them. For sīyuṭ it keeps the rule out of the vidhiliṅ: bhūyeta. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both draw this out.
Third, the treatment brings vṛddhi: bhāvitā.
Bhaṭṭoji's gloss reads upadeśe yo 'c, "a vowel that stands in upadeśa". Both of his commentators explain that "in upadeśa" qualifies the vowel only, not han and the rest. The Tattvabodhinī adds the contrast: the gloss is not "a root that ends in a vowel in upadeśa".
One of them, the Bālamanoramā, adds two points. "When bhāva or karma is understood" is a seventh case of domain (viṣayasaptamī), since sya, sic and tās themselves denote neither. And the four affixes are not paired one by one with the kinds of root.
What does the treatment bring? Both commentators cite a verse that lists its uses. Its opening words name vṛddhi, the augment yuk, and gh for the h of han. You will meet all three in this chapter. Both also say that only operations on the aṅga are brought. So vadha for han is not brought (see SK 2761).
When the treatment is taken, its iṭ blocks the ordinary iṭ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say why: it is nitya, a rule that applies whatever is done first.
Watch out. The rule is optional, and the iṭ belongs to sya, sic, sīyuṭ and tās, not to the root. Always give both forms: bhāvitā / bhavitā.
Rule. Ciṇ replaces cli when the ending ta follows, denoting bhāva or karma. Only i is heard. "In place of cli" is carried forward from SK 2222, and "before ta" from SK 2513. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give these.
Example.
bhū + luṅ, in bhāva → the augment aṭ, cli, the ending ta → a + bhū + cli + ta
→ this rule: ciṇ replaces cli → a + bhū + i + ta
→ ciṇ is marked with ṇ: vṛddhi of ū (SK 254), and āv before the vowel → a + bhāv + i + ta
→ the ta after ciṇ is deleted (SK 2329) → abhāvi.
Lṛṅ has sya, so SK 2757 gives two forms: abhāviṣyata / abhaviṣyata.
Applies when / blocked by. Only before ta. Before the dual ātām there is no ciṇ. Sic stays, with the option of SK 2757: anvabhāviṣātām / anvabhaviṣātām. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this as the reason for "before ta".
The karma. Bhaṭṭoji now turns from bhāva to the karma. Anu + bhū "to experience" takes an object. In a karma lakāra the ending expresses the object. So the object does not take the second case:
anubhūyate ānandaś caitreṇa tvayā mayā ca "bliss is experienced by Caitra, by you and by me".
Other persons and numbers are found too:
anubhūyete (supply sukhaduḥkhe, "pleasure and pain"), anubhūyante (supply sukhāni, "pleasures");tvam anubhūyase "you are experienced", aham anubhūye "I am experienced";anvabhāvi; dual anvabhāviṣātām / anvabhaviṣātām.One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies these subjects.
The causative. From bhāvi (bhū + ṇic):
bhāvi + yak + te → the ṇi is deleted before yak (SK 2313) → bhāvyate.
Liṭ: bhāvayāṃcakre, bhāvayāṃbabhūve, bhāvayāmāse.
In bhāvayāmāse, eś replaces ta (SK 2241). The same form is also the first person, where e replaces the ending iṭ (SK 2233). Should the s of ās then become h before e by SK 2250? No, Bhaṭṭoji says, both for eś and for the e that replaces iṭ. SK 2250 gives h to tās only before a sārvadhātuka e. By association with tās, the same holds for as. Bhaṭṭoji gives this as others' view: "so they say" (ity āhuḥ). One of his commentators adds that this e is ārdhadhātuka.
Luṭ of the causative:
bhāvi + tās, treated as before ciṇ → the joint iṭ comes → bhāvi + i + tā
→ SK 2313 deletes ṇi only before an ārdhadhātuka without iṭ. But this iṭ belongs to the ābhīya section of rules, and counts there as asiddha. So for SK 2313 it is not there
→ the ṇi is deleted → bhāvitā.
In the other option, the ordinary iṭ is not asiddha. So the ṇi stays, and takes guṇa → bhāvayitā.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both draw a lesson. This is why SK 2757 is read as "a vowel in upadeśa" and not "a root ending in a vowel in upadeśa". The stem bhāvi was never taught as such, yet it takes the treatment.
Likewise: bhāviṣyate / bhāvayiṣyate; bhāvyatām, abhāvyata, bhāvyeta; bhāviṣīṣṭa / bhāvayiṣīṣṭa; abhāvi; abhāviṣātām / abhāvayiṣātām.
The desiderative. bubhūṣyate, bubhūṣāṃcakre, bubhūṣitā, bubhūṣiṣyate.
The intensive. With yaṅ: bobhūyyate. With yaṅ lost: bobhūyate, bobhavāṃcakre, bobhāvitā / bobhavitā.
Stems that change before yak. Bhaṭṭoji ends with five kinds.
stu + ya + te → stūyate viṣṇuḥ "Viṣṇu is praised". Also tuṣṭuve; stāvitā / stotā; stāviṣyate / stoṣyate; astāvi; astāviṣātām / astoṣātām.ṛ + ya + te → aryate; smṛ → smaryate. Bhaṭṭoji also gives the liṭ sasmare.saṃskriyate. Bhaṭṭoji's reason: it has been stated that "invariably" (nitya) is carried into SK 2380. One of his commentators explains. SK 2380 then acts only on a root that always begins with a cluster, and kṛ begins with one only when s is added after sam (SK 2550).sraṃs → srasyate. But a root marked with i (idit) keeps its n: nandyate.yaj → ijyate. One commentator names SK 2409 for it.śī → śayyate.Applies when / blocked by. The ṛ-roots raise a question. Before tās, the ṛ first takes guṇa, with r added (rapara). Bhaṭṭoji says why: it is the later rule (para), and it is nitya. But then the base ends in r, not in a vowel. Does SK 2757 still apply? Yes, Bhaṭṭoji says, "because upadeśa is mentioned": the vowel stood in upadeśa. So āritā / artā, smāritā / smartā. Whether smāritā is fully saved by this gloss, scholars discuss this.
Watch out. In the karma the ending expresses the object, so other persons and numbers are found: anubhūyete, tvam anubhūyase, aham anubhūye. In bhāva only the third person singular is used (SK 2756).
tan + yak → (ā for n, optional) → tāyate / tanyate; anu + tap, luṅ → (no ciṇ) sic → anvatapta pāpenaTwo sūtras adjust single roots. SK 2759 lets tan "to stretch" replace its final n by ā before yak: tāyate, or tanyate. SK 2760 forbids ciṇ to tap "to burn" in two settings: when the karma is itself the agent, and in the sense of remorse. So "he was struck by sin" is anvatapta pāpena, with sic, not ciṇ. Under SK 2760 Bhaṭṭoji adds two more stem changes before yak, and one in liṭ.
Rule. When yak follows, ā optionally replaces the final sound of tan. "Ā" is carried forward from SK 2982, taught later, and "optionally" (vibhāṣā) from ye vibhāṣā (SK 2319). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give these. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss fills in the rest: "let ā optionally be the substitute for the final".
Example.
tan + yak + te (in the karma: "it is stretched")
→ this rule: ā replaces the final n → tā + ya + te
→ tāyate.
In the other option the n stays → tanyate.
Bhaṭṭoji adds the parallel case by SK 2319 itself: jāyate / janyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "before yak"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the intensive taṃtanyate. There the y is that of yaṅ, so the rule does not act.
Watch out. Only yak triggers the rule. A ya of another affix leaves tan alone.
Rule. For tap, ciṇ does not replace cli when the karma is the agent (karmakartṛ). And it does not replace it in the sense of remorse (anutāpa). Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "for tap, ciṇ does not replace cli, when the karma is agent, and in the sense of remorse".
The sūtra says only "for tap, in remorse, and". The rest is carried forward. "Ciṇ" comes from SK 2513 and "in place of cli" from SK 2222. "Not" (na) comes from na rudhaḥ (SK 2770), taught later. The word ca "and" draws in "when the karma is agent" from acaḥ karmakartari (SK 2768), also taught later. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give this, the Bālamanoramā in full.
Example.
anu + tap + luṅ, third person singular → anu + a + tap + cli + ta
→ SK 2758 would bring ciṇ; this rule forbids it in the sense of remorse
→ sic (SK 2222) stays as the replacement of cli → anu + a + tap + s + ta
→ the s of sic is lost between two consonants, p and t (SK 2281, jhalo jhali) → anvatapta
→ anvatapta pāpena.
Bhaṭṭoji gives two readings of the sentence.
The example for "when the karma is agent" comes in chapter 64. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.
Two forms before yak, and one in liṭ. Bhaṭṭoji adds these under this sūtra.
dā + ya + te → dīyate; dhīyate.glai + eś → glā + e → doubling → jaglā + e → the ā is lost before the vowel-initial ending → jagle.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this construal: no bar, so ā does come before eś. He names āto lopa iṭi ca (SK 2372) for the loss of ā.
Watch out. This rule only forbids. The sic that stays is the ordinary aorist affix of chapter 44.
dā + tās (ciṇvat) → dā-y-i-tā (yuk) → dāyitā / dātā; dā + luṅ ciṇ → adāyiOne sūtra here, SK 2761, adds the augment yuk, heard as y, to an aṅga ending in ā. It acts before ciṇ, and so also wherever SK 2757 treats the aṅga as before ciṇ. The running example is dā "to give": dāyitā "it will be given", or dātā; aorist adāyi. Under this sūtra Bhaṭṭoji works through the other three roots named in SK 2757: han, grah and dṛś. He then counts the hundred and four aorist forms of gṝ "to swallow". He ends with a causative in the karma, śamyate, which leads into the next group.
Rule. An aṅga ending in ā takes the augment yuk when ciṇ follows, or a kṛt affix marked with ñ or ṇ. The u and k are markers; y is added. "Marked with ñ or ṇ" (ñṇiti) is carried forward from SK 254.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say that ñṇiti qualifies the kṛt affix only. Ciṇ is always marked with ṇ, so the word adds nothing for it.
Example.
dā + luṭ, in the karma → dā + tās + …
→ SK 2757: treated as before ciṇ, with the joint iṭ
→ this rule: yuk before ciṇ, here by that treatment → dā + y + i + tā
→ dāyitā.
Without the treatment there is no yuk, and dā takes no iṭ → dātā.
Likewise: dāyiṣīṣṭa / dāsīṣṭa. Luṅ with ciṇ itself: dā + ciṇ → yuk → adāyi.
Dual of the luṅ, with sic: adāyiṣātām. Without the treatment, SK 2389 (sthāghvor icca) gives i for the ā: adiṣātām. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain that the joint iṭ, as the later rule, blocks SK 2389 in the first form.
So too dhā: adhāyiṣātām / adhiṣātām; and glai: aglāyiṣātām / aglāsātām.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives counter-examples. Why "before ciṇ or a kṛt"? cauḍiḥ, bālākiḥ (a taddhita affix iñ) and dadau (a liṭ ending) take no yuk. Why "marked with ñ or ṇ"? pānīyam, dānīyam.
han. Present hanyate. With the treatment:
han + tās → treated as before ciṇ
→ SK 2574 replaces the n of han by t, but not before ciṇ. So here too the n stays
→ gh for h by SK 358, reached through the treatment
→ vṛddhi of the penultimate a, with the joint iṭ → ghānitā.
Without the treatment: hantā. Likewise ghāniṣyate / haniṣyate.
Liṅ of blessing. SK 2433 replaces han by vadha before liṅ. But here the treatment wins: it is the exception (apavāda) to vadha. Bhaṭṭoji's reason: it is specifically enjoined in the clause "before sīyuṭ, an ārdhadhātuka". So ghāniṣīṣṭa; in the other option, vadha: vadhiṣīṣṭa.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain "specifically" in two ways.
Luṅ: aghāni. Dual aghāniṣātām / ahasātām. In the other option, vadha: avadhi, avadhiṣātām. Lṛṅ: aghāniṣyata / ahaniṣyata.
Could the treatment itself bring vadha in sya and the rest? No, says Bhaṭṭoji. Because of the heading SK 200, only an operation on the aṅga is extended. One of his commentators adds that vadha is taught in the second book, outside that heading.
grah. Present gṛhyate. The joint iṭ is not lengthened. SK 2562 lengthens only the iṭ in its own context: the ordinary iṭ before a val-initial affix. So:
grāhitā / grahītā; grāhiṣyate / grahīṣyate; agrāhi; agrāhiṣātām / agrahīṣātām.
In the liṅ of blessing the text gives grāhiṣīṣṭa / grahiṣīṣṭa; whether the second should be long, as SK 2562 would make it, scholars discuss this.
dṛś. Present dṛśyate. Luṅ adarśi; dual adarśiṣātām. Without the treatment: sic is marked as kit by SK 2300. So the augment am of SK 2405 does not come, since it needs an affix that is not kit: adṛkṣātām.
gṝ in the luṅ, before dhvam: a hundred and four forms. Bhaṭṭoji counts them.
agāridhvam. The ordinary iṭ, optionally long by SK 2391, gives agarīdhvam and agaridhvam.agīrḍhvam.Bhaṭṭoji sums it up in a verse. The eight options are the iṭ, its lengthening, the joint iṭ, latva, ḍhatva and the three doublings. Both of his commentators set out the count step by step, in slightly different orders, and name the rule for each option.
Watch out. Keep the two *iṭ*s apart. With the joint iṭ of SK 2757, the root takes vṛddhi from the treatment, and the iṭ is not lengthened: grāhitā, agāridhvam. With the ordinary iṭ, the root takes guṇa. That iṭ is long for grah (SK 2562): grahītā. It is optionally long for gṝ (SK 2391): agarīdhvam / agaridhvam.
A causative in the karma. Bhaṭṭoji closes the sūtra with śam "to be calm" + the causative ṇic (his hetumaṇṇic). Its lakāra is in the karma; yak comes; the ṇi is deleted:
śami + yak + te → śamyate moho mukundena "delusion is calmed by Mukunda".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why the karma: a causative stem always takes an object.
śam + ṇic + tās (ciṇvat) → śāmitā / śamitā / śamayitā; śam + luṅ ciṇ → (no vṛddhi) aśamiBoth sūtras here act on the upadhā, the penultimate vowel, before ciṇ. SK 2762 is for the causative of a mit root. Its a was kept short before ṇi by SK 2568. Before ṇi followed by ciṇ it may now be long: śāmitā or śamitā, beside śamayitā without the treatment. SK 2763 is for the plain root. An m-final root that is udātta in upadeśa takes no vṛddhi before ciṇ: aśami, not aśāmi. The running example is śam "to be calm" in both.
Rule. Take a ṇi that is followed by ciṇ or by ṇamul. Before it, the penultimate vowel of a mit root is optionally long. Ṇamul is a kṛt affix, taught later.
The sūtra says only "before ciṇ or ṇamul, a long vowel, optionally". The rest is carried forward: "before ṇi" from SK 2604, "of the penultimate" from SK 2364, and "of mit roots" from SK 2568. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these.
Example.
śam + ṇic → vṛddhi, then shortening because śam is mit (SK 2568) → śami
→ luṭ, in the karma → śami + tās + …
→ SK 2757: treated as before ciṇ, with the joint iṭ. So the ṇi is followed by ciṇ
→ this rule: the penultimate a is optionally long → śāmi
→ the ṇi is deleted before the joint iṭ, as in bhāvitā → śāmitā.
In the other option the a stays short → śamitā.
Without the treatment of SK 2757 → śamayitā.
Likewise śāmiṣyate / śamiṣyate / śamayiṣyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Why does the sūtra say "long"? Could it not simply make the short vowel of SK 2568 optional? Bhaṭṭoji answers no. That would fail where the ṇi follows a stem that already ends in ṇi. There the first ṇi is deleted. In a rule of shortening, the deleted ṇi counts as still present (sthānivat), and it stands between. In a rule of lengthening it does not count, so the lengthening goes through. The Bālamanoramā names SK 50 for sthānivat, and SK 51 (na padānta…), which bars it in a rule of lengthening. The Tattvabodhinī also points to SK 51.
Bhaṭṭoji then reports the Bhāṣya. The Bhāṣya relies on a principle: a substitute is not sthānivat in a rule of the section that is asiddha to what precedes it (pūrvatrāsiddhīya). With that principle it rejects several words of SK 51 as superfluous: doubling, savarṇa, anusvāra, lengthening, jaś and car. On that view "ṇau" names the class "ṇi-ness" (jātipara), present in both *ṇi*s. So the Bhāṣya would drop a mention of "long". Which mention, the one in SK 51 or the one in this sūtra, scholars discuss this.
Yaṅ, then ṇic. From the intensive śaṃśamya + ṇic: śaṃśamyate; śaṃśāmitā / śaṃśamitā / śaṃśamayitā. From the yaṅluk stem + ṇic, the same.
On the Bhāṣya's view there is one difference. From the yaṅ-stem, with the joint iṭ, there is no lengthening. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain: the lost a of yaṅ counts as still present and keeps the ṇi from following directly. One of them concludes that, since the results differ, the Bhāṣya's rejection is not right; scholars discuss this.
Without ṇic. Śam alone takes no object, so its lakāra is in bhāva: śamyate muninā "there is calm on the sage's part". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give this reason.
Watch out. The rule needs ṇi. For plain śam before ciṇ, see SK 2763.
Rule. Take a root that ends in m and is udātta in upadeśa, other than ācam. Its penultimate vowel takes no vṛddhi before ciṇ, or before a kṛt affix marked with ñ or ṇ.
Carried forward: "vṛddhi" from SK 2473, "of the penultimate" from SK 2282, "before ciṇ or a kṛt" from SK 2761, and "marked with ñ or ṇ" from SK 254, for the kṛt only. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these. He adds that "udātta in upadeśa" means every root not listed as anudātta, and that ācam is cam with ā.
Example.
śam + luṅ, in bhāva → a + śam + ciṇ + ta
→ SK 2282 would give vṛddhi of the penultimate a before the ṇ-marked ciṇ
→ this rule: śam ends in m and is udātta in upadeśa, so no vṛddhi
→ the ta is deleted (SK 2329) → aśami.
Likewise dam: adami.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's counter-examples:
agāmi: gam is anudātta.avādi: vad ends in d.ācāmi.A vārttika widens the exception: "It should be stated: except ācam, kam and vam." So kam and vam take vṛddhi too.
akāmi. With ṇiṅ or ṇic, the ṇi is deleted and the form is the same. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain this.avāmi.Two more forms with ciṇ, which Bhaṭṭoji adds:
avadhi. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is a root of its own, not the vadha that replaces han (SK 2761).ajāgāri.Watch out. The prohibition is for the penultimate vowel only. Śam in SK 2762 has its own rule for length before ṇi.
bhañj + luṅ ciṇ → (n elided, optional) abhāji / abhañji; labh + ciṇ → (num, optional) alambhi / alābhiTwo roots change their nasal before ciṇ. Bhañj "to break" may lose its n: abhāji, or abhañji. Labh "to obtain" may gain one, the augment num: alambhi, or alābhi. After an upasarga, labh must take it: prālambhi.
Rule. For bhañj too, when ciṇ follows, the n is optionally elided. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let elision of n optionally occur".
"N" and "elision" are carried forward from SK 2544, śnān nalopaḥ. "Optionally" comes from SK 3330, taught later. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this.
Example.
bhañj + luṅ, in the karma → a + bhañj + ciṇ + ta
→ this rule: the n (heard as ñ) is elided → a + bhaj + i + ta
→ now a is the penultimate, and takes vṛddhi before the ṇ-marked ciṇ (SK 2282) → a + bhāj + i + ta
→ the ta is deleted (SK 2329) → abhāji.
In the other option the n stays → abhañji.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators states the vṛddhi step.
Watch out. The vṛddhi depends on the elision. With the n kept, a is not the penultimate, so abhañji has a short a.
Rule. Labh optionally takes the augment num when ciṇ or ṇamul follows. Num is heard as n, placed after the root's vowel. "Of labh" is carried forward from SK 2582, and "num" from SK 2262. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give "of labh"; the Bālamanoramā also gives num from SK 2262.
Example.
labh + luṅ, in the karma → a + labh + ciṇ + ta
→ this rule: num → a + lambh + i + ta; the n of num is heard as m before bh
→ the a is no longer the penultimate, so it takes no vṛddhi, as in abhañji
→ the ta is deleted (SK 2329) → alambhi.
In the other option there is no num. The penultimate a takes vṛddhi → alābhi.
Applies when / blocked by. The option is fixed in its domain (vyavasthitavikalpa). After pra and the rest, num is obligatory: prālambhi. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes "pra and the rest" as all the upasargas, and traces this to a vārttika and the Bhāṣya.
With ṇamul, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives lābhaṃlābham without num. After pra only pralambhaṃpralambham.
Watch out. An option fixed in its domain is not a free choice. Without an upasarga both forms are right; with one, only the num-form.
duh (gauṇa karma gauḥ expressed) → gaur duhyate payaḥSome roots take two objects (dvikarmaka). "He milks the cow of milk" has gām and payaḥ. When the lakāra is in the karma, which of the two does the ending speak of? Bhaṭṭoji answers in a verse and a half, under SK 2765. Then he adds a statement on roots that take no object but have a time-word as karma. The running example is duh "to milk": gaur duhyate payaḥ. The ending speaks of the cow.
The verse. Bhaṭṭoji gives it in a verse and a half:
"In the secondary (gauṇa) karma for duh and the rest; in the principal (pradhāna) karma for nī, hṛ, kṛṣ and vah. For roots meaning cognition (buddhi) or eating (bhakṣa), and for roots whose karma is speech, at one's own choice. In the karma that is the one caused to act (prayojya), for the others, when they end in ṇi. There the lakāras and the rest are held to come."
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain its terms.
One of them, the Bālamanoramā, adds that the verse sums up the vārttikas and the Bhāṣya on SK 539.
Example.
duh: the milk (payaḥ) is the principal karma; the cow (go) is karma by SK 539, the secondary one
→ the verse: for duh, the lakāra goes to the secondary karma
→ the ending expresses the cow, so it takes the first case: gauḥ
→ the milk is not expressed, so it keeps the second case: payaḥ
→ gaur duhyate payaḥ "the cow is milked of [her] milk".
Bhaṭṭoji's other examples:
ajā grāmaṃ nīyate "the goat is led to the village". Likewise hriyate, kṛṣyate, uhyate.bodhyate māṇavakaṃ dharmaḥ "dharma is taught to the boy", or māṇavako dharmam "the boy is taught dharma".devadatto grāmaṃ gamyate "Devadatta is made to go to the village".Time as karma. Bhaṭṭoji adds: for roots without an object that have time and the like as karma, the lakāra is wanted in the karma and in bhāva. So māso māsaṃ vā āsyate devadattena: "the month is sat through by Devadatta", or "there is sitting for a month by Devadatta".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that this statement is not a vārttika; it rests on reasoning. He also reads the bhāva form with the seventh case, māse; scholars discuss this.
From the causative, the affix goes to the one caused to act: māsam āsyate māṇavakaḥ "the boy is made to sit for a month". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the prompter, devadattena, is to be supplied.
So ends the section on bhāva and karma.
Watch out. With two objects, only one is expressed by the ending and stands in the first case. The other keeps the second case, as in gaur duhyate payaḥ.
a + bhū.| SK | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|
| 2756 | yak before a sārvadhātuka in bhāva or karma; bhāva is third singular only, agent in the third case | tvayā bhūyate; liṭ babhūve |
| 2757 | before sya, sic, sīyuṭ, tās in bhāva/karma, the aṅga of a vowel-root (vowel in upadeśa), han, grah, dṛś is optionally treated as before ciṇ, with a joint iṭ | bhāvitā / bhavitā, bhāviṣyate / bhaviṣyate |
| 2758 | ciṇ replaces cli before ta in bhāva/karma; survey of yak forms (karma, causative, desiderative, intensive, stem changes) | abhāvi; anubhūyate; bhāvyate, bhāvitā / bhāvayitā; stūyate, āritā / artā |
| 2759 | optional ā for the final of tan before yak | tāyate / tanyate; jāyate / janyate |
| 2760 | no ciṇ for tap when the karma is agent, and in remorse; also dīyate, jagle | anvatapta pāpena |
| 2761 | augment yuk for an ā-final aṅga before ciṇ or a ñ/ṇ-marked kṛt; forms of han, grah, dṛś; the 104 forms of gṝ | dāyitā / dātā, adāyi; ghānitā / hantā; grāhitā / grahītā; adarśi; śamyate |
| 2762 | optional long penultimate of a mit root before ṇi + ciṇ/ṇamul | śāmitā / śamitā / śamayitā |
| 2763 | no penultimate vṛddhi before ciṇ/ñ-ṇ kṛt for an m-final udātta root, except ācam (vārttika: and kam, vam) | aśami, adami; ācāmi, akāmi, avāmi |
| 2764 | optional loss of the n of bhañj before ciṇ | abhāji / abhañji |
| 2765 | optional num for labh before ciṇ/ṇamul, obligatory after an upasarga; then the verse on two-object roots, and time as karma | alambhi / alābhi, prālambhi; gaur duhyate payaḥ; māsam āsyate māṇavakaḥ |