Chapter 56 built the intensive with the affix yaṅ: bobhūyate, śāśayyate. This chapter takes the same intensive and deletes its yaṅ. What is left is still doubled, and it is still a root, but it is conjugated like a root of the ad class of chapter 45: parasmaipada only, with its vikaraṇa śap deleted by luk. Bhaṭṭoji calls the section the yaṅluganta-prakriyā, "the working of what ends in a yaṅ removed by luk". After this chapter you will be able to build bobhavīti and bobhoti from bhū step by step, and to say why the first has ī and the second has none. You will know the conjugation of seventeen roots under SK 2651 (momudīti / momotti, jaṅgamīti / jaṅganti, jaṅghanīti, sāsvapīti …), and the forms of the ṛ-roots under SK 2652–2653: most come in three shapes (varvarti / varivarti / varīvarti, carkarti), and ṛ itself has two (ararti / ariyarti). You will see ūṭh at work in māmoti (SK 2654), the loss of v after r in totorti (SK 2655), and the sūtra that bars guṇa before a deleting ārdhadhātuka (SK 2656). Above all, you will learn which rules reach this doubled stem and which do not, and why. The chapter has seven sūtras, SK 2650 to SK 2656.
bhū + yaṅ → (luk of yaṅ, unconditioned and antaraṅga, so first) bhū → (doubling: still yaṅ-final by pratyayalakṣaṇa) bhū-bhū → (abhyāsa: bu, guṇa by guṇo yaṅlukoḥ) bobhū → laṭ, parasmaipada, śap deleted (adādi) → bobhoti / bobhavīti (2651)One sūtra opens the chapter. SK 2650 deletes yaṅ by luk: always before the suffix ac, and "variously" without it. Bhaṭṭoji then sets out the order of the steps that turn bhū + yaṅ into a conjugable stem, and he says what that stem may and may not take. The running example is bhū "to be". Its yaṅ is deleted, the root is still doubled, the abhyāsa takes guṇa, and the stem bobhū is conjugated in parasmaipada, its śap deleted by luk.
Rule. The affix yaṅ undergoes luk when the suffix ac follows. By the word ca "and", it also undergoes luk "variously" (bahulam) even without that suffix. Bahulam means that the rule applies in some places and not in others.
The sūtra is short, and two words come from elsewhere by anuvṛtti. "Luk" comes from SK 1276 (ṇyakṣatriyārṣañito yūni luk aṇiñoḥ). "Bahulam" is drawn in by the ca from bahulaṃ chandasi, a rule of the Vedic section (SK 3400). Bhaṭṭoji's gloss takes aci as the suffix ac, a kṛt affix. It does not mean the pratyāhāra ac "any vowel". His commentators give the reason, association (sāhacarya): it stands beside yaṅ, which is a suffix too.
Two kinds of luk. Bhaṭṭoji names the kind that occurs without ac anaimittika, "unconditioned". Nothing that follows causes it. Being antaraṅga, it applies first. An antaraṅga operation is one that depends on less, or on what lies nearer the root; it takes effect before its rivals.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supply the other kind. Both call the luk before the suffix ac naimittika, "conditioned": the ac causes it. Both tie it to SK 2656: the guṇa the suffix ac would bring is barred, because the ac causes the deletion of the yaṅ. One of them, the Bālamanoramā, adds that this luk is therefore bahiraṅga, the opposite of antaraṅga. So there doubling comes first, and the luk of yaṅ after it.
Example (without ac). Bhaṭṭoji gives the order of steps. The root is bhū "to be".
bhū + yaṅ (the intensive affix of chapter 56)
→ this rule: luk of yaṅ, unconditioned, so antaraṅga, so first → bhū
→ the yaṅ is gone, but by pratyayalakṣaṇa (SK 262) the root still counts as ending in yaṅ
→ so doubling by sanyaṅoḥ (SK 2395) → bhū bhū
→ the operations on the abhyāsa (abhyāsakārya): shortening (SK 2180) → bhu bhū; b for bh (SK 2182) → bu bhū; guṇa of the abhyāsa by guṇo yaṅlukoḥ (SK 2630) → bobhū
→ the whole is a dhātu (SK 2304), so the lakāras come: laṭ
→ parasmaipada by śeṣāt kartari parasmaipadam (SK 2159): the ending tip → bobhū + ti
→ śap comes (SK 2167) and undergoes luk, because carkarītaṃ ca is read in the ad class (SK 2423) → bobhū + ti
→ the next sūtra gives bobhavīti and bobhoti.
Example (with ac). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators shows the other kind on the root lū.
lū + yaṅ → the luk is conditioned, so it waits; doubling comes first → lu lū + ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → lolūya
→ the kṛt suffix ac follows → this rule: luk of yaṅ → lolū + a
→ guṇa of ū before ac is due, but SK 2656 bars it → uvaṅ (SK 271) → loluva.
Without the luk, the same commentator gives lolūya. Without ac, he gives the pair bobhūyate (no luk, chapter 56) and bobhavīti (luk).
Applies when / blocked by. Does na lumatāṅgasya (SK 263) not stop the doubling? An affix removed by luk conditions no operation on the base. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer in two ways.
There is a second objection. Doubling by SK 2175 names "one vowel" (ekāc). The verse under SK 2246 says such rules do not hold in yaṅ-luk. Yet the root is doubled. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer that guṇo yaṅlukoḥ (SK 2630) prescribes guṇa for the abhyāsa in yaṅ-luk. That rule would be pointless if there were no doubling. So it is a jñāpaka: a sign in the wording of a sūtra that shows a further principle. Here the principle is that the prohibition in the verse is anitya, not invariable. Section B returns to this with han.
Parasmaipada only. Bhaṭṭoji says the stem takes parasmaipada by SK 2159, and not ātmanepada by anudāttaṅita ātmanepadam (SK 2157). Why not? Yaṅ is ṅit, marked with ṅ, and SK 2157 gives ātmanepada after a ṅit. But being ṅit is common to suffixes and non-suffixes. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give citraṅ as a non-suffix with the marker ṅ. Pratyayalakṣaṇa holds only where a property exclusive (asādhāraṇa) to suffixes is relied upon. So it does not carry the ṅ of the deleted yaṅ.
Bhaṭṭoji gives a parallel. In sudṛṣatprāsādaḥ "[a palace] with fine stones", the lengthening of SK 425 does not take place. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain: the ending as that was deleted occurs both as a suffix and as a non-suffix. So the stem does not count as ending in as by pratyayalakṣaṇa.
What of roots that are themselves anudātta-marked or ṅit, such as spardh and śīṅ? Anudātta is the low pitch-accent. A root whose marker vowel is anudātta takes ātmanepada by SK 2157. Bhaṭṭoji says they too take no ātmanepada in yaṅ-luk. SK 2157 cites them by their marker (anubandha). The paribhāṣā śtipā śapā… excludes such a citation in yaṅ-luk. A paribhāṣā is a rule about how other rules are read. This one is the verse of SK 2246. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why Bhaṭṭoji does not use this second answer for bhū as well. Bhū is not cited with a marker. The ṅ of yaṅ belongs to the suffix, not to the whole form.
The vikaraṇa. By the same paribhāṣā, Bhaṭṭoji says, śyan and the other class-signs (vikaraṇa) do not come. They are taught by citing a class (gaṇa). Only śap comes. One of his commentators adds that śap comes because its rule, SK 2167, lies outside the prohibition. Then śap undergoes luk. The reason is that the line carkarītaṃ ca is read in the ad class. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the rule: adiprabhṛtibhyaḥ śapaḥ (SK 2423).
Watch out. The luk this chapter conjugates is the unconditioned one. It comes before doubling, not after. Do not confuse it with the conditioned luk before ac, which comes after doubling and which SK 2656 concerns. Some carried the word chandasi "in the Veda" into this sūtra as well, as if yaṅ-luk were Vedic only. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators refutes them; the other says that even on their view yaṅ-luk is sometimes used in ordinary speech. Bhaṭṭoji's own proof of that comes under SK 2651.
bobhū + tip → (īṭ) bobhū-ī-ti → (guṇa, av) bobhavīti; (no īṭ) bobhū-ti → (guṇa) bobhotiOne sūtra, SK 2651, governs the endings of the whole conjugation. After a stem that ends in yaṅ, even a yaṅ removed by luk, the augment īṭ may be added to a consonant-initial pit ending. So almost every form with tip, sip or mip comes in two shapes: bobhavīti with ī, bobhoti without. Bhaṭṭoji first proves that the guṇa of bobhoti is right. Then he runs through seventeen roots: bhū, spardh, gādh, nāth, dadh, skund, mud, kurd, vañc, gam, han, car, khan, yu, nu, hā, svap. Each root shows a different rule reaching, or failing to reach, the doubled stem. The running example is bhū.
Rule. After a stem ending in yaṅ, the augment īṭ is optionally added to a following sārvadhātuka that begins with a consonant (hal) and is pit. A sārvadhātuka is a verb-ending or ś-marked affix taught after a root (SK 2166). Pit means marked with p: the endings tip, sip, mip and a few others. Īṭ is the augment ī.
Three words come by anuvṛtti. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name their sources: "pit sārvadhātuka" from nābhyastasyāci piti sārvadhātuke (SK 2503), "consonant-initial" (hali) from uto vṛddhir luki hali (SK 2443), and īṭ from bruva īṭ (SK 2452). The yaṅ is deleted in this chapter, but by pratyayalakṣaṇa the stem still ends in yaṅ. One commentator rejects a reading on which yaṅ here stands for the yaṅ-luk stem itself. The other notes that īṭ, being marked with ṭ, goes at the front of the ending.
Example.
bobhū + tip (Section A) → p is a marker → bobhū + ti
→ this rule: īṭ at the front of ti → bobhū + īti
→ guṇa of ū before the sārvadhātuka (SK 2168) → bobho + īti
→ av for o before a vowel (SK 61) → bobhavīti.
Without īṭ:
bobhū + ti → guṇa (SK 2168) → bobhoti.
Why guṇa at all? Bhaṭṭoji's argument. Bhūsuvos tiṅi (SK 2224) bars guṇa of bhū before a verb-ending. Should it not bar the guṇa in bobhoti? Bhaṭṭoji says the bar does not hold in yaṅ-luk in ordinary speech (bhāṣā). His proof is a Vedic form.
bobhūtu ready-made for the Veda (chandas). A form given ready-made in a sūtra is a nipātana.bobhūtu is a yaṅ-luk form of bhū without guṇa. If SK 2224 already barred guṇa there, nothing new is taught.The objection and the paribhāṣā. Could one say instead that SK 2224 never reaches the doubled stem, so that bobhūtu teaches a new absence of guṇa? Bhaṭṭoji rejects this. By a paribhāṣā, the mention of a base (prakṛti) includes its yaṅ-luk form as well: prakṛtigrahaṇe yaṅlugantasyāpi grahaṇam. So "bhū" in SK 2224 includes bobhū.
This paribhāṣā rests on a settled conclusion (siddhānta): the doubling taught in the sixth book of the Aṣṭādhyāyī (ṣāṣṭha) is a pronouncing twice (dviḥ prayoga). The doubled stem is the same root said twice, not a new item. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators concludes that the paribhāṣā is established by reasoning. It is not a fresh statement.
The stem was built in Section A. The forms:
bobhavīti / bobhoti. 3rd du. bobhūtaḥ: tas is not pit, so it takes no īṭ, and as a non-pit sārvadhātuka it counts as ṅit (SK 2234), which blocks guṇa (SK 2217). 3rd pl. bobhuvati: jhi becomes at after a doubled stem (adabhyastāt, SK 2479), and ū becomes uv before the vowel (uvaṅ, SK 271).bobhavāṃcakāra, with ām. luṭ bobhavitā.abobhavīt / abobhot; abobhūtām; abobhavuḥ.bobhūyāt serves for both kinds of liṅ, as one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes. The 3rd du. differs: bobhūyātām (vidhiliṅ), bobhūyāstām (āśīrliṅ).abobhū + īt (with this rule's īṭ)
→ guṇa is due before the sārvadhātuka, but vuk (SK 2174) adds v after bhū
→ vuk is nitya: it applies whether or not guṇa has applied, so it wins → abobhūv + īt → abobhūvīt.
Without īṭ: abobhot. 3rd du. abobhūtām. 3rd pl.: the jus that replaces jhi here is the one that depends on the doubled stem (abhyasta, SK 2226). Vuk, again nitya, sets guṇa aside → abobhūvuḥ.
abobhaviṣyat.One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators rejects those who would make vuk not nitya here and so give abobhavīt. That contradicts the Bhāṣya's own words: "because vuk of bhū is nitya". Both explain the jus. The restriction of SK 2227, which allows jus after a deleted sic only for roots ending in ā, governs only the jus due to a following sic, not the jus due to the abhyasta.
spardh spardh → śarpūrvāḥ khayaḥ (SK 2259): in a cluster headed by a sibilant, the stop is kept → pa spardh
→ dīrgho 'kitaḥ (SK 2632) lengthens the abhyāsa → pāspardh.
Spardh is cited with an anudātta marker, yet it takes no ātmanepada here (SK 2650).
pāspardhīti with īṭ. Without īṭ, Bhaṭṭoji prints pāspardhi. One of his commentators derives it: t becomes dh after dh (jhaṣas tathor dho 'dhaḥ, SK 2280), and the first dh becomes d (jaś, SK 52). The other adds that the first of the two may be dropped (jharo jhari savarṇe, SK 71). Then pāspardhaḥ, pāspardhati, and 2nd sg. pāspartsi.pāspardhi.apāspardh + t → the one-sound ending is lost after a consonant (SK 252) → apāspardh
→ jaś at the end of the word (SK 84) → apāspard → optional car at a pause (SK 206) → apāspart / apāspard.
apāspardh + s → jaś → apāspard + s
→ daś ca (SK 2468) optionally gives ru (r) for the d → apāspar + r + s
→ s is lost (SK 252) → ro ri (SK 173) deletes the first r → apāspa + r
→ ḍhralope (SK 174) lengthens the vowel before the lost r → apāspā + r → visarga → apāspāḥ.
This order of steps is one commentator's. The other notes that the option of ru implies the plain forms apāspart / apāspard as well.
gādh gādh → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ (SK 2179): only the first consonant of the abhyāsa stays → gā gādh
→ shortening (SK 2180) → ga → kuhoś cuḥ (SK 2245): a velar of the abhyāsa becomes a palatal → ja
→ dīrgho 'kitaḥ → jāgādh.
jāgāddhi: t → dh (SK 2280), d for the first dh (SK 52). 2nd sg. jāghātsi: before s the g is aspirated (bhaṣ, SK 326), and dh becomes t (SK 121).ajāghāt. In the 2nd sg., on the option of ru (SK 2468): ajāghāḥ.nāth nāth → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ, shortening, dīrgho 'kitaḥ → nānāth. laṭ nānātti, nānāttaḥ: th becomes t before t (SK 121).
dadh dadh → da dadh → dīrgho 'kitaḥ → dādadh.
dādaddhi, dādaddhaḥ, dādhatsi.adādhat; 3rd du. adādaddhām; 3rd pl. adādadhuḥ. 2nd sg. adādhaḥ / adādhat.adādādhīt / adādadhīt.skund skund → śarpūrvāḥ khayaḥ keeps the stop → ku skund → kuhoś cuḥ → cu
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → coskund.
coskundīti / coskunti.acoskun, acoskuntām, acoskunduḥ.mud mud → mu mud → guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → momud. This root shows how īṭ and the guṇa of a light penultimate exclude each other.
momud + īti → the ending now begins with a vowel and is pit
→ nābhyastasyāci piti sārvadhātuke (SK 2503) bars guṇa of the light u → momudīti.
momud + ti → no vowel follows, so SK 2503 does not apply (one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators)
→ guṇa of the light penultimate (SK 2189) → momod + ti → car (SK 121) → momotti.
momodāṃcakāra. luṭ momoditā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators ask why SK 2656 does not bar this guṇa. Their answer: this luk is the unconditioned one, so no ārdhadhātuka causes a deletion.amomudīt / amomot; amomuttām; amomuduḥ. 2nd sg. amomudīḥ / amomoḥ / amomot.amomodīt. Bhaṭṭoji: "in luṅ, guṇa". Both commentators explain: this guṇa is conditioned by sic, so the bar of SK 2503 is not even in question.The abhyāsa takes c by kuhoś cuḥ and guṇa by SK 2630; Bhaṭṭoji's forms show the stem cokūrd.
cokūrti / cokūrdīti.acokūrt / acokūrdīt. 2nd sg., on the option of ru: acokūḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps: ru for d (SK 2468), loss of s, the first r deleted (SK 173), lengthening, visarga.acokhūḥ and ajogūḥ. His commentators name the roots: khurd and gurd.vañc vañc → va vañc → the augment nīk (SK 2642), marked with k, so added at the end of the abhyāsa (SK 36) → vanīvañc.
vanīvañcīti / vanīvaṅkti. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain why the nasal survives. Before yaṅ the root would lose its nasal, but here the yaṅ is deleted, so that loss does not occur. And tip is pit, so not ṅit; the loss before a ṅit ending does not occur either.vanīvaktaḥ: tas is ṅit, so the nasal is lost by aniditām (SK 415). vanīvacati.avanīvañcīt / avanīvan.gam gam → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ → ga gam → kuhoś cuḥ → ja gam
→ the augment nuk (SK 2643): the abhyāsa ends in a and the root ends in a nasal; nuk is marked with k, so it goes at the end of the abhyāsa → jan gam
→ n becomes anusvāra (SK 123) and then ṅ before g (SK 124) → jaṅgam.
jaṅgamīti / jaṅganti.jaṅgataḥ: before a jhal-initial kit or ṅit ending the final nasal is deleted (anudāttopadeśa…, SK 2428). Jhal is the pratyāhāra of all consonants except nasals and semivowels.jaṅgmati: before a vowel-initial kit or ṅit ending the penultimate a is deleted (gamahana…, SK 2363).jaṅganmi, 1st du. jaṅganvaḥ: m becomes n before m or v (mvoś ca, SK 2309).jaṅgamitā. Gam is an anudātta root, and SK 2246 denies iṭ to such roots. But SK 2246 is worded with "one vowel" (ekāc), so it does not reach the doubled stem, and iṭ comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators states the doubt this answers. By the paribhāṣā of SK 2651, the yaṅ-luk form of gam would be "gam" too, and so would refuse iṭ.jaṅgam + hi → the nasal is deleted (SK 2428) → jaṅga + hi
→ ato heḥ (SK 2202) would now delete hi after a stem in a
→ but the nasal deletion belongs to the ābhīya zone (chapter 44), so for SK 2202 it counts as not having taken effect (asiddha) → hi stays → jaṅgahi.
ajaṅgam + t → the ending is lost (SK 252) → m becomes n at the end of a root (mo no dhātoḥ, SK 341) → ajaṅgan.ajaṅgamīt, ajaṅgamiṣṭām. Two rules fail to apply. Gam is cited as gamḷ, with the marker ḷ, and SK 2343 gives aṅ in place of cli to ḷ-marked roots. But that is a citation by marker, so there is no aṅ. And hmyanta… (SK 2299) bars vṛddhi of the a before iṭ, since the root ends in m.han han → ha han → kuhoś cuḥ and abhyāse carca (SK 2182) → ja han
→ nuk (SK 2643) → jaṅ han
→ abhyāsāc ca (SK 2430): after the abhyāsa, the h of han becomes the velar gh → jaṅghan.
Does SK 2430 reach the yaṅ-luk stem? Bhaṭṭoji raises the question himself. SK 2430 gets its word "of han" (hanteḥ) by anuvṛtti from ho hanter ñṇinneṣu (SK 358). Hanteḥ is a citation with śtip, the ending -ti. The paribhāṣā śtipā śapā… excludes such citations in yaṅ-luk. Even so, says the author of the Nyāsa (the Nyāsakāra), the velar does come in yaṅ-luk. The reason: the prohibition of that paribhāṣā is anitya. Guṇo yaṅlukoḥ (SK 2630) is the jñāpaka, and it shows this with regard to the general case (sāmānyāpekṣa). Bhaṭṭoji closes: "that is the point". One of his commentators makes clear that the point is the Nyāsakāra's.
How does SK 2630 show this? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain. The mention of "one vowel" in SK 2175 would deny doubling in yaṅ-luk. Yet SK 2630 gives guṇa to the abhyāsa in yaṅ-luk, which presupposes doubling. So the "one vowel" exclusion sometimes fails. By kinship, all the exclusions of the same verse sometimes fail too. One of the commentators cites a usage that depends on this: rājā vṛtraṃ jaṅghanat.
The forms:
jaṅghanīti / jaṅghanti; jaṅghataḥ (SK 2428); jaṅghnati (SK 2363).jaṅghanitā.jaṅghahi. Here the exclusion does hold. Hanter jaḥ (SK 2431), which gives ja for han before hi, is taught with śtip, so there is no ja.ajaṅghanīt / ajaṅghan. vidhiliṅ jaṅghanyāt.vadhyāt; luṅ avadhīt, avadhiṣṭām. Here vadha replaces han (SK 2433–2434). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that the yaṅ-luk form is included in "han" by the paribhāṣā of SK 2651.ājaṅghate.car car → ca car → nuk by caraphaloś ca (SK 2636) → can car → anusvāra and ñ before c (SK 123, 124) → cañcar
→ ut parasyātaḥ (SK 2637): u for the a after the abhyāsa → cañcur.
Bhaṭṭoji makes two points about that u.
The forms:
cañcurīti / cañcūrti: in the second, hali ca lengthens the u before r plus t. cañcūrtaḥ; cañcurati.acañcūrīt, acañcūḥ. The first has long ū in the printed text, though hali ca lengthens only before a consonant; editions differ here, and scholars discuss this. For acañcūḥ, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the lengthening is by rvor upadhāyāḥ (SK 433), since the r stands at the end of the word.khan khan → kha khan → abhyāse carca (SK 2182): an aspirate of the abhyāsa loses its aspiration → ka khan
→ kuhoś cuḥ → ca khan → nuk (SK 2643), anusvāra, ṅ → caṅkhan.
caṅkhanīti / caṅkhanti.caṅkhātaḥ: ā for the nasal by janasanakhanāṃ sañjhaloḥ (SK 2504). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators defends this form against those who give caṅkhantaḥ; scholars discuss this.caṅkhnati: penultimate a deleted (SK 2363).caṅkhāhi: Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that hi is not pit, so it counts as ṅit, and SK 2504 gives ā. 1st sg. caṅkhanāni.acaṅkhanīt / acaṅkhan; acaṅkhātām; acaṅkhnuḥ.caṅkhāyāt / caṅkhanyāt: ye vibhāṣā (SK 2319) makes the ā optional before a y-initial ending.acaṅkhanīt / acaṅkhānīt. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the vṛddhi is optional by ato halāder laghoḥ (SK 2284).yu yu → guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → yoyu. Likewise nonu.
In the ad class, yu takes vṛddhi before a consonant-initial pit ending: yauti (SK 2443). Not here. Bhaṭṭoji explains: "nābhyastasya" "not of a doubled stem" is carried into SK 2443 from SK 2503. So the doubled stem takes only guṇa (SK 2168).
yoyoti; with īṭ: yoyu + īti → guṇa → yoyo + īti → av (SK 61) → yoyavīti.ayoyavīt / ayoyot. vidhiliṅ yoyuyāt.yoyūyāt: the u is lengthened. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the rule: akṛtsārvadhātukayor dīrghaḥ (SK 2298).ayoyāvīt.nonavīti / nonoti.hā hā → shortening → ha hā → kuhoś cuḥ and abhyāse carca → ja hā → dīrgho 'kitaḥ → jāhā.
Two roots are heard as hā: hāṅ, with the marker ṅ, and hāk, with the marker k. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say that in yaṅ-luk both give the same forms, since ātmanepada due to ṅ does not come here. Is the abhyāsa of hāk lengthened by dīrgho 'kitaḥ, "of an abhyāsa without k"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say yes, reading akitaḥ as a bahuvrīhi. One of them adds that, doubling being a pronouncing twice, the k belongs to the doubled whole, not to each copy.
Bhaṭṭoji names five rules of hā that do not apply here, because each is taught with śtip:
The forms:
jāhā + īti → ā and ī merge into e (SK 69) → jāheti; without īṭ, jāhāti.jāhītaḥ: ī for the ā before a consonant-initial ṅit ending (ī halyaghoḥ, SK 2497). 3rd pl. jāhati.jāhāsi / jāheṣi, with ṣ for s (SK 212). 2nd du. jāhīthaḥ; 2nd pl. jāhītha. Then jāhīti in the printed text; other editions, and one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, have the loṭ form jāhīhi; scholars discuss this.ajāhet / ajāhāt; ajāhītām; ajāhuḥ.jāhīyāt; āśīrliṅ jāhāyāt.ajāhāsīt, ajāhāsiṣṭām. lṛṅ ajāhiṣyat.Some copies skip from ajāhītām straight to ajāhāsiṣṭām. The printed text has the four forms between.
svap svap → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ → sa svap → dīrgho 'kitaḥ → sāsvap.
Bhaṭṭoji makes two points.
The forms:
sāsvapīti / sāsvapti; sāsvaptaḥ; sāsvapati.asāsvapīt / asāsvap. vidhiliṅ sāsvapyāt.sāsupyāt: here u does come, by vacisvapiyajādīnāṃ kiti (SK 2409), since the āśīrliṅ ending is kit.asāsvāpīt / asāsvapīt, with optional vṛddhi (SK 2284), as Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note.Applies when / blocked by. Īṭ may come before any consonant-initial pit sārvadhātuka: tip, sip, mip in laṭ, t, s in laṅ and luṅ (abobhūvīt), tu in loṭ. Before tas, jhi and the other ṅit endings it does not come: bobhūtaḥ, amomuttām.
Watch out. The exclusion of the verse under SK 2246 is not invariable, but it is not empty either. On one and the same root, han, the velar of SK 2430 comes (jaṅghanīti) while the ja of SK 2431 does not (jaṅghahi). Each rule must be tested as Bhaṭṭoji tests it. Note also the pair under mud: with īṭ there is no guṇa (momudīti), without it there is (momotti). Final vowels take guṇa either way: bobhavīti / bobhoti.
vṛt → (doubling; abhyāsa ṛ → a by urat, r, halādiḥ śeṣaḥ) va-vṛt → + ruk / rik / rīk → var-vṛt / vari-vṛt / varī-vṛt → (no īṭ, guṇa) varvarti / varivarti / varīvartiTwo sūtras give the abhyāsa of a ṛ-root three augments in yaṅ-luk: ruk (r), rik (ri) and rīk (rī). An augment (āgama) is a sound added to a form, not put in place of anything. SK 2652 covers roots whose penultimate is ṛ, such as vṛt "to turn". SK 2653 covers roots that end in short ṛ, such as kṛ "to do" and ṛ "to go". So most forms come in three shapes, and Bhaṭṭoji marks these with the figure "(3)". Ṛ itself has only two. Under SK 2653 he also gives the roots that look similar but take no augment (kṝ, tṝ, grah), the root pracch, and the roots ending in y or v. The running example is vṛt.
Rule. In yaṅ-luk, the abhyāsa of a root whose penultimate is ṛ takes the augments ruk and rik, and by the ca, rīk. Bhaṭṭoji gives no form here. The forms come under the next sūtra.
The sūtra leans on its neighbours. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the ca draws in rīk from rīg ṛdupadhasya ca (SK 2644). One of them, the Bālamanoramā, names the sources of the rest. "Of a root whose penultimate is ṛ" (ṛdupadhasya) comes from the same sūtra. "Of the abhyāsa" comes from atra lopo 'bhyāsasya (SK 2620). "In yaṅ-luk" comes from guṇo yaṅlukoḥ (SK 2630). Hence the word luki "in luk" means luk of yaṅ.
Which sounds are real? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the u of ruk is only there to make it pronounceable (uccāraṇārtha). One of them adds that the i of rik and the ī of rīk are actually heard. Each augment is marked with k, so it is added at the end of the abhyāsa (SK 36): var-, vari-, varī-.
Example. vṛt "to turn":
vṛt + yaṅ → luk of yaṅ (SK 2650) → doubling (SK 2395) → vṛt vṛt
→ urat (SK 2244): the ṛ of the abhyāsa becomes a, followed by r → vart vṛt
→ halādiḥ śeṣaḥ (SK 2179): only the first consonant of the abhyāsa stays → va vṛt
→ this rule: ruk → var vṛt; or rik → vari vṛt; or rīk → varī vṛt
→ laṭ, tip, no īṭ: guṇa of the light penultimate ṛ (SK 2189), ar → varvarti / varivarti / varīvarti.
Watch out. Do not lengthen the abhyāsa. An abhyāsa that carries one of these k-marked augments is "kit", so dīrgho 'kitaḥ (SK 2632) does not apply: var-, never vār-. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators makes this point under the root ṛ.
Rule. The abhyāsa of a root ending in short ṛ also takes ruk, rik and rīk in yaṅ-luk. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "likewise also [the abhyāsa] of a root ending in ṛ". One of his commentators says that, strictly, ṛtaḥ qualifies the word aṅga "base", carried from the heading. "Of a root ending in ṛ" only states the resulting sense.
Example. kṛ "to do":
kṛ kṛ → urat → kar kṛ → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ → ka kṛ → kuhoś cuḥ → ca kṛ
→ this rule: ruk → carkṛ (or carikṛ, carīkṛ)
→ laṭ, tip, no īṭ: guṇa of the final ṛ (SK 2168) → carkarti / carikarti / carīkarti.
The rest of Bhaṭṭoji's passage runs root by root. "(3)" after a form means it has the three shapes car-, cari-, carī- (or var-, vari-, varī-).
Vṛt has penultimate ṛ, so its augments come from SK 2652. Its stem was built above.
varvṛtīti, varivṛtīti, varīvṛtīti: with īṭ, the ending begins with a vowel, so SK 2503 bars guṇa (one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators). Without īṭ: varvarti, varivarti, varīvarti. 3rd du. varvṛtaḥ (3); 3rd pl. varvṛtati (3).varvartāmāsa (3). luṭ varvartitā.varvartiṣyati (3). Na vṛdbhyaś caturbhyaḥ (SK 2348) would deny iṭ to vṛt before sya. But it names "vṛt and the others", a class. So it does not apply.avarvṛtīt (3), and without īṭ:avarvṛt + t → guṇa → avarvart + t → the ending is lost (SK 252) → avarvart
→ the final t of a cluster would be lost (SK 54), but rāt sasya (SK 280) allows only s to be lost after r → avarvart (3). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this step.
avarvāḥ (3).avarvartīt. Vṛt belongs to the dyut group, and SK 2343 gives aṅ to that group. But it cites a class, so there is no aṅ.carkarīti (3), with guṇa of the final ṛ before īṭ. carkarti, carikarti, carīkarti. 3rd du. carkṛtaḥ (3). 3rd pl. carkrati (3): r for ṛ before the vowel (yaṇ).carkarāṃcakāra (3). luṭ carkaritā (3).acarkarīt; without īṭ, acarkaḥ (3): the ending t is lost and the final r becomes visarga.carkṛyāt (3). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the vidhiliṅ ending is sārvadhātuka, so SK 2298 does not lengthen the ṛ.carkriyāt (3): riṅ, the substitute ri, replaces the ṛ (riṅ śayagliṅkṣu, SK 2367).acarkārīt (3): vṛddhi by sici vṛddhiḥ (SK 2297), as one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes.The sūtra says ṛt, with t after the vowel (tapara). A tapara vowel names only its own length. So a root ending in long ṝ takes no ruk, rik or rīk.
kṝ kṝ → urat, halādiḥ śeṣaḥ, kuhoś cuḥ → ca kṝ → no augment, so dīrgho 'kitaḥ lengthens the abhyāsa → cākṝ → guṇa → cākarti.tātarti, tātīrtaḥ, tātirati; loṭ tātīrhi, tātarāṇi; laṅ atātarīt, atātaḥ, atātīrtām, atātaruḥ; luṅ atātārīt, atātāriṣṭām.One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says both roots ṛ are meant, that of the bhū class and that of the hu class. Bhaṭṭoji gives the steps:
ṛ ṛ → urat: the abhyāsa's ṛ becomes a, followed by r → ar ṛ
→ halādiḥ śeṣaḥ → a ṛ
→ with ruk → ar ṛ → guṇa before tip → ararti.
With rik or rīk:
a ṛ → ari ṛ / arī ṛ
→ iyaṅ: the abhyāsa's i or ī becomes iy before the unlike vowel ṛ (abhyāsasyāsavarṇe, SK 2290) → ariy ṛ → guṇa → ariyarti.
So rik and rīk give the same forms here: two shapes, not three. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that some give the abhyāsa guṇa by SK 2630 instead of urat; the result is the same.
ararti / ariyarti; with īṭ, ararīti / ariyarīti. 3rd du. arṛtaḥ / ariyṛtaḥ.ar ṛ + jhi → jhi becomes at → ar ṛ + ati
→ yaṇ: r for ṛ before the vowel → ar r ati
→ ro ri (SK 173) deletes the r of ruk → a r ati
→ ḍhralope (SK 174) lengthens the a → ārati.
With rik / rīk: ariy ṛ + ati → yaṇ → ariyrati.
ar ṛ + yāt → riṅ (SK 2367) → ar ri yāt → ro ri deletes the first r → a ri yāt → lengthening (SK 174) → āriyāt.
With rik / rīk: ariy ṛ + yāt → riṅ → ariyriyāt.
arārīt, āriyārīt. For the first, both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read ārārīt, with the augment ā that a vowel-initial root takes; scholars discuss this.gṛh "to take" has penultimate ṛ:
gṛh gṛh → urat → gar gṛh → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ → ga → kuhoś cuḥ → ja → ruk → jargṛh.
jargṛhīti (3), jargarḍhi (3), jargṛḍhaḥ (3), jargṛhati (3).ajargharṭ (3). Here g becomes gh (bhaṣ, SK 326), though that rule names "one vowel". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports the view that it applies because the exclusion is anitya, as guṇo yaṅlukoḥ shows.Contrast grah, the root of gṛhṇāti:
grah grah → ga grah → kuhoś cuḥ → ja → dīrgho 'kitaḥ → jāgrah.
jāgrahīti, jāgrāḍhi. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the saṃprasāraṇa that yaṅ would bring does not come, since the yaṅ is deleted.jāgṛḍhaḥ, jāgṛhati.jāgrahīṣi / jāghrakṣi.jāgrahitā. Graho 'liṭi dīrghaḥ (SK 2562) lengthens the iṭ after grah, but not here. Bhaṭṭoji's reason: "one vowel" (ekācaḥ) is carried into that rule by anuvṛtti. His commentators say this rests on a statement of Haradatta under SK 2175.gṛdh "to desire", built like gṛh:
jargṛdhīti, jargarddhi, jargṛddhaḥ, jargṛdhati; 2nd sg. jargṛdhīṣi / jarghartsi (all 3).ajargṛdhīt (3). Without īṭ, Bhaṭṭoji gives every step:ajargṛdh + t → guṇa (SK 2189) → ajargardh + t
→ the ending is lost (SK 252) → ajargardh
→ bhaṣ: g becomes gh (SK 326) → ajarghardh
→ jaś (SK 84) → ajarghard → car (SK 206) → ajarghart (3).
ajargṛddhām (3).ajarghar + r → ro ri → lengthening → visarga → ajarghāḥ (3). This r is not at the end of a word. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ro ri still applies, because "of a word" (padasya) is carried into it by a "frog's leap" (maṇḍūkapluti), skipping the sūtras between. Padasya here means "belonging to a word", not "at the end of a word".ajargardhīt, ajargardhiṣṭām (3).Pracch is not a ṛ-root, but Bhaṭṭoji places it here.
pracch pracch → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ → pa → dīrgho 'kitaḥ → pāpracch.
pāpracchīti. Without īṭ: cch becomes ṣ (SK 294), and t becomes ṭ after it (SK 113) → pāpraṣṭi.pāpracch + tas → ś for cch (cchvoḥ śūḍ anunāsike ca, SK 2561) → ṣ for ś (SK 294) → ṭ for t → pāpraṣṭaḥ.
pāpracchati. 1st sg. pāpraśmi, 1st du. pāpracchvaḥ, 1st pl. pāpraśmaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains: SK 2561 gives ś before a nasal-initial ending, as in -mi and -maḥ, but -vaḥ begins with neither a nasal nor a jhal.Bhaṭṭoji now states a limit. Roots ending in y or v that undergo ūṭh have no yaṅ-luk. Ūṭh is the substitute ū, and an ūṭhbhāvin is a root that is to take it. Bhaṭṭoji gives his authorities: this is hinted (dhvanita) in the Bhāṣya on cchvoḥ… (SK 2561), and made explicit by Kaiyaṭa.
How is it hinted? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain. The Bhāṣya there weighs whether "before a kit or ṅit" continues into SK 2561. It concludes "only so much is the difference" (etāvān eva viśeṣaḥ): only the ṣ for ch is affected. Were there yaṅ-luk for such roots, div would give either dedeti or dedyoti according to the choice. That would be a further difference, and "only" would be false.
Bhaṭṭoji limits the statement in two ways.
He gives examples of the first kind:
One of his commentators says outright that these have no yaṅ-luk. Which root the mav of SK 2654 is, mav or mavya, scholars discuss.
haya → jāhay. Haya "to go" ends in y but takes no ūṭh, so it has yaṅ-luk.
hay hay → ha hay → kuhoś cuḥ, abhyāse carca → ja → dīrgho 'kitaḥ → jāhay.
jāhayīti / jāhati: without īṭ, the y is lost before the consonant (lopo vyor vali, SK 873). 3rd du. jāhataḥ; 3rd pl. jāhayati; 2nd sg. jāhayīṣi / jāhasi.jāhay + mi → y lost before m (SK 873) → jāha + mi
→ a lengthened before m (ato dīrgho yañi, SK 2170) → jāhāmi.
So too jāhāvaḥ, jāhāmaḥ.
harya → jāhary. Harya "to go, to desire":
jāharyīti / jāharti; jāhartaḥ; jāharyati.jāharhi.ajāhaḥ, ajāhartām, ajāharyuḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that ajāhaḥ is also the 2nd sg.Bhaṭṭoji ends the passage with "mava — to bind". That is the root of the next sūtra's example.
mav: māmav-ti → (ūṭh for a + v together) māmū-ti → (tip is pit, so guṇa) māmotiSK 2654 replaces the penultimate vowel and the final v of five roots by ū, before certain affixes. One of those roots is mav, which, Bhaṭṭoji has just said, keeps its yaṅ-luk (Section C). His example is the yaṅ-luk of mav: māmoti.
Rule. Of the roots jvar, tvar, srivi, av and mav, the penultimate and the v are replaced by ūṭh. This happens before kvi, before a suffix that begins with a jhal, and before a suffix that begins with a nasal. Ūṭh is the substitute ū; its ṭh is a marker. Kvi is a kṛt affix of which no sound remains. The penultimate (upadhā) is the sound before the last.
The sūtra borrows much. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists it. From cchvoḥ śūḍ anunāsike ca (SK 2561) come "v", "ūṭh" and "before a nasal". From anunāsikasya kvijhaloḥ kṅiti (SK 2666, taught later) comes "before kvi or a jhal". The ca of this sūtra adds the v to the penultimate.
Two points on the anuvṛtti. Bhaṭṭoji tests each by a word.
otuḥ, from av with the affix tun:av + tu → ūṭh for a and v → ū + tu
→ guṇa, possible only because tun is not kit → otu → otuḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the earlier commentary (the vṛtti) has kṅiti here, and that it is a mistake.
om, from av with the affix man, whose ṭi is deleted. Ṭi is the last vowel with whatever follows it.av + man → ṭi (an) deleted → av + m
→ ūṭh before the nasal → ū + m → guṇa → om.
Example. mav "to bind", in yaṅ-luk:
mav mav → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ → ma mav → dīrgho 'kitaḥ → māmav
→ laṭ, tip, no īṭ → māmav + ti
→ this rule: ūṭh before the jhal t. On one view, one ū replaces a and v together → māmū + ti
→ tip is pit, so not ṅit, and the ū takes guṇa (SK 2168) → māmoti.
Both views are from one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, the Bālamanoramā. The first is the one just shown. On the second, each of a and v takes ūṭh, and the two ū merge. It places both views in the Bhāṣya on ekaḥ pūrvaparayoḥ.
The forms:
māmoti; with īṭ, māmavīti (a vowel follows, so no ūṭh). 3rd du. māmūtaḥ: tas is ṅit, so no guṇa. 3rd pl. māmavati.māmoṣi; 1st sg. māmomi.māmāvaḥ. V is not a jhal, so there is no ūṭh. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps: the v of the root is lost before v (SK 873), and the a is lengthened (SK 2170).māmūmaḥ: ūṭh before the nasal m; mas is ṅit, so no guṇa.māmūhi; 1st sg. māmavāni.amāmot, amāmoḥ, amāmavam, amāmāva, amāmūma.The same commentator adds the other roots: jājvarīti, tātūrti, sesroti. Av has no yaṅ, so he illustrates it with kvip: ūḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's passage ends with the root turvī "to injure" and the form totūrvīti. That leads into the next sūtra.
toturv-ti → (v deleted after r, 2655) totur-ti → (laghūpadha guṇa: tip is not ārdhadhātuka, so 2656 does not bar it) totortiTwo sūtras close the chapter. SK 2655 deletes ch and v after r before the same affixes as SK 2654. SK 2656 bars guṇa and vṛddhi before an ārdhadhātuka that causes part of a root to be deleted. Bhaṭṭoji uses it to show that it does not bar the guṇa of totorti. He ends with a note on aj, which has no yaṅ-luk. The running example is turvī "to injure": totorti.
Rule. After r, ch and v are deleted before kvi, a jhal-initial suffix, or a nasal-initial suffix. "ch and v" and "before a nasal" come from SK 2561, and "before kvi or a jhal" from SK 2666. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that ūṭh is not carried, nor "before a kit or ṅit".
Example. turv (turvī) "to injure":
turv turv → halādiḥ śeṣaḥ → tu turv → guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → toturv.
With īṭ: toturv + īti → the u is lengthened (upadhāyāṃ ca, SK 2265, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators) → totūrvīti.
Without īṭ:
toturv + ti → this rule: v after r is deleted before the jhal t → totur + ti
→ tip is pit, so not ṅit: guṇa of the light penultimate (SK 2189) → totorti.
Bhaṭṭoji: "thus the deletion of v; then guṇa of the light penultimate."
Applies when / blocked by. Is this rule needed in totorti? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, the Tattvabodhinī, notes that lopo vyor vali (SK 873) would already delete the v before t here. The other cites this rule at totorti as the proper one. Both say the rule is needed in totūrtaḥ:
toturv + tas → ūṭh by cchvoḥ… (SK 2561) would replace the v, and would set lopo vyor vali aside
→ this rule deletes the v instead → totur + taḥ
→ hali ca (SK 354) lengthens the u → totūrtaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives forms with kvi: tūḥ, dhūḥ, mūḥ.
Rule. Guṇa and vṛddhi do not replace an ik vowel before an ārdhadhātuka that causes the deletion of part of a dhātu. An ārdhadhātuka is any affix after a root other than the sārvadhātukas (SK 2187). "Guṇa and vṛddhi in place of ik" comes by anuvṛtti from iko guṇavṛddhī (SK 34). Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "when an ārdhadhātuka follows that is the cause of the deletion of part of a dhātu (dhātvaṃśalopanimitte), guṇa and vṛddhi do not come in place of ik".
Why "part of" a dhātu? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators tests the literal readings.
loluvaḥ, where only the yaṅ, a part, is lost.śayitā, where the ṅ of śīṅ is lost.So the ārdhadhātuka must itself cause the deletion. How the compound dhātulopa yields this sense, scholars discuss.
Example: where the sūtra applies. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give its own domain: the conditioned luk of yaṅ before the kṛt suffix ac (SK 2650). One of them names loluvaḥ, popuvaḥ and marīmṛjaḥ.
lolūya + ac → ac causes the luk of yaṅ, part of the dhātu lolūya → lolū + a
→ guṇa of ū would come before ac (SK 2168)
→ this rule: ac is an ārdhadhātuka that caused part of the dhātu to be deleted, so no guṇa
→ uvaṅ (SK 271) → loluva → loluvaḥ.
Example: where it does not. Bhaṭṭoji: "this prohibition does not apply here, because tip and the rest are not ārdhadhātuka". So in totur + ti the guṇa stands → totorti. The luk of yaṅ in this chapter is the unconditioned one in any case (SK 2650).
Bhaṭṭoji's remaining forms:
totūrtaḥ, with lengthening by hali ca (SK 354); totūrvati.tothorti. durvī: dodorti. dhurvī: dodhorti. The root names are his commentators'.momūrcchīti; momorti, where ch is deleted by SK 2655; momūrtaḥ; momūrchati.The status of the sūtra. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report that the Bhāṣya rejects this sūtra (pratyākhyāta): it is not needed. One of them gives the reason: the deleted a is treated as still present (sthānivadbhāva), and that already prevents the guṇa and vṛddhi. The other adds that Haradatta reinstates the sūtra and that the Kaustubha rejects it again.
A note on aj. Bhaṭṭoji closes with the root aj. The rule ajer vy aghañapoḥ (SK 2292) replaces aj by vī before an ārdhadhātuka. In it, the carried word ārdhadhātuke is a locative of domain (viṣayasaptamī), not of something that actually follows. So vī replaces aj as soon as yaṅ is intended, before yaṅ is added: vevīyate. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds why this matters. Vī begins with a consonant, so yaṅ can now come at all.
But aj has no yaṅ-luk, says Bhaṭṭoji. When the yaṅ is removed by luk, there is no domain of an ārdhadhātuka, so vī does not come. One of his commentators puts it thus: a yaṅ removed by luk cannot be the thing intended in advance.
Here ends the yaṅluganta-prakriyā.
Watch out. SK 2656 is a sūtra of the first book (A 1.1.4), though Bhaṭṭoji teaches it here. Its prohibition needs two things: an ārdhadhātuka, and a deletion that this ārdhadhātuka causes. The endings tip and the rest are sārvadhātuka, so it cannot touch totorti, momotti or bobhoti. And where an ārdhadhātuka does follow, as tās in momoditā, the luk of this chapter was not caused by it, so the guṇa stands (SK 2651).
bobhūyate.bobhavīti.bobhūtu (SK 3596).abobhūvīt.abobhūvuḥ.momotti, varvarti.vanīvañc, jaṅgam.carkriyāt.carkrati.ariyarti.jāgrahitā; his commentators trace his anuvṛtti of ekācaḥ to Haradatta. He cites Kaiyaṭa on the ūṭh roots (SK 2653).ūḥ, tūḥ.| SK | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|
| 2650 | luk of yaṅ before the suffix ac, and variously without it. The unconditioned luk comes first; the stem still doubles; parasmaipada only; śap deleted as in the ad class | bhū + yaṅ → bobhū; loluva |
| 2651 | optional īṭ before a consonant-initial pit sārvadhātuka after a yaṅ-final stem | bobhavīti / bobhoti |
| 2652 | ruk, rik, rīk to the abhyāsa of a root with penultimate ṛ, in yaṅ-luk | varvarti, varivarti, varīvarti |
| 2653 | the same for a root ending in short ṛ | carkarti (3), ararti / ariyarti |
| 2654 | ūṭh for the penultimate and v of jvar, tvar, srivi, av, mav before kvi, a jhal or a nasal | māmoti, otuḥ, om |
| 2655 | ch and v deleted after r before kvi, a jhal or a nasal | totorti, totūrtaḥ, momorti |
| 2656 | no guṇa or vṛddhi of ik before an ārdhadhātuka that causes part of the dhātu to be deleted | loluvaḥ; not in totorti |
The roots of SK 2651 and SK 2653, with the step that marks each:
| Root | Stem | Forms | What to notice |
|---|---|---|---|
| bhū | bobhū | bobhavīti / bobhoti, abobhūvīt | guṇa allowed in speech (bobhūtu is a Vedic niyama); vuk is nitya |
| spardh | pāspardh | pāspardhīti / pāspardhi, apāspāḥ | no ātmanepada; ru, ro ri, lengthening |
| gādh | jāgādh | jāgāddhi, jāghātsi, ajāghāḥ | kuhoś cuḥ, dīrgho 'kitaḥ |
| nāth, dadh | nānāth, dādadh | nānātti; dādaddhi, adādhaḥ / adādhat | lengthened abhyāsa |
| skund | coskund | coskundīti / coskunti | śarpūrvāḥ khayaḥ |
| mud | momud | momudīti / momotti, momoditā | SK 2503 with īṭ; guṇa without it |
| kurd | cokūrd | cokūrti, acokūḥ | ru option |
| vañc | vanīvañc | vanīvaṅkti, vanīvaktaḥ | nīk; nasal kept before pit |
| gam | jaṅgam | jaṅganti, jaṅgataḥ, jaṅgamitā, jaṅgahi | ekāc rule fails; nasal loss asiddha for ato heḥ; no aṅ |
| han | jaṅghan | jaṅghanīti, jaṅghahi, vadhyāt | gh by SK 2430 (Nyāsa); no ja; vadha not doubled |
| car | cañcur | cañcūrti, acañcūḥ | tapara u: no guṇa, but hali ca |
| khan | caṅkhan | caṅkhātaḥ, caṅkhāyāt / caṅkhanyāt | ā by SK 2504 |
| yu, nu | yoyu, nonu | yoyoti / yoyavīti, nonoti | no vṛddhi by SK 2443 |
| hā | jāhā | jāheti / jāhāti, jāhītaḥ | five śtip-cited rules fail |
| svap | sāsvap | sāsvapīti / sāsvapti, sāsupyāt | no u from SK 2645; no iṭ from SK 2474 |
| vṛt | varvṛt (3) | varvarti, varvṛtīti, avarvart, varvartiṣyati | SK 2348 and aṅ fail (class citations) |
| kṛ | carkṛ (3) | carkarti, carkriyāt, acarkārīt | SK 2653 |
| kṝ, tṝ | cākṝ, tātṝ | cākarti, tātarti | tapara ṛt: no augment |
| ṛ | arṛ, ariyṛ | ararti / ariyarti, ārati, āriyāt | iyaṅ; ro ri; SK 2380 fails |
| gṛh / grah | jargṛh (3) / jāgrah | jargarḍhi; jāgrāḍhi, jāgṛḍhaḥ, jāgrahitā | bahiraṅga saṃprasāraṇa takes no ruk; no long ī |
| gṛdh | jargṛdh (3) | ajarghart, ajarghāḥ | bhaṣ, jaś, car |
| pracch | pāpracch | pāpraṣṭi, pāpraṣṭaḥ, pāpraśmi | no saṃprasāraṇa (śtip) |
| haya, harya | jāhay, jāhary | jāhati, jāhāmi; jāharti | y lost before val; ūṭh roots of SK 2561 have no yaṅ-luk |
| mav | māmav | māmoti, māmāvaḥ, māmūmaḥ | SK 2654 |
| turv, murch | toturv, momurch | totorti, totūrtaḥ, momorti | SK 2655; SK 2656 does not bar guṇa |