This chapter teaches the intensive: "he becomes again and again", "he goes crookedly", "he mutters in a censurable way". Pāṇini forms it with the affix yaṅ, which is ya with the marker ṅ. The result is a new root, so it takes the lakāras like any other. A lakāra is one of the ten tense-and-mood affixes, laṭ, liṭ and the rest, named with l. Because yaṅ is marked with ṅ it takes the ātmanepada. Bhaṭṭoji calls the section the yaṅanta-prakriyā, "the working of what ends in yaṅ". After this chapter you will know when yaṅ comes (SK 2629, 2634, 2635) and how its stem is built: the root is doubled, and the first copy, the abhyāsa, takes guṇa (SK 2630) or is lengthened (SK 2632). You will derive bobhūyate, vāvrajyate, lolupyate, aṭāṭyate and arāryate. You will know when the cluster ya is lost before a further affix (sosūcāṃcakre, bebhiditā). You will meet the augments that some roots put into the abhyāsa: the anusvāra written as nuk (cañcūryate, jañjapyate, yaṃyamyate), nīk (vanīvacyate) and rīk (varīvṛtyate, calīkḷpyate). You will meet the roots that change before yaṅ: jegilyate, soṣupyate, vāvaśyate, cekīyate, jeghrīyate, śāśayyate, jeghnīyate. And you will see two changes that are blocked: nisesicyate, kokūyate. The chapter has twenty-one sūtras, SK 2629 to SK 2649.
bhū + yaṅ (kriyāsamabhihāra) → bobhūyate; vraj + yaṅ (crookedness only) → vāvrajyate; lup + yaṅ (censure only) → lolupyateThree sūtras say when yaṅ comes. SK 2629 is the main rule: after a root of one vowel that begins with a consonant, when the action is repeated or intense. SK 2634 restricts motion roots: with them yaṅ means only crookedness. SK 2635 restricts eight more roots: with them yaṅ means only that the action is censured. The running examples are bobhūyate "it becomes again and again", vāvrajyate "he goes crookedly" and lolupyate "he cuts in a censurable way". In the Kaumudī, SK 2634 and SK 2635 come after the first rules of the stem. They are taken here, with SK 2629, so that all of "when" stands together.
Rule. The affix yaṅ comes after a dhātu that has a single vowel (ekāc) and begins with a consonant (halādi). It comes when kriyāsamabhihāra is to be made manifest. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "kriyāsamabhihāra is repetition (paunaḥpunya) and the sense of intensity (bhṛśa); when that is to be made manifest, let yaṅ come".
In yaṅ, the ṅ is a marker (it). What is added is ya.
The word is "made manifest" (dyotya), not "denoted" (vācya). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. What an affix denotes is the principal meaning, the thing qualified (viśeṣya). Desire is that in a desiderative. If yaṅ denoted the repetition, the repetition would become the principal meaning. So yaṅ only makes it manifest.
Example.
bhū "to become" has one vowel, ū, and begins with the consonant bh. "It becomes again and again, or intensely":
bhū + yaṅ (this rule); ṅ is a marker → bhū ya
→ yaṅ is marked with ṅ, so the root's ū takes no guṇa (SK 2217)
→ bhūya ends in yaṅ, so it is a dhātu (SK 2304)
→ the form ending in yaṅ is doubled (SK 2395) → bhū bhū ya
→ the abhyāsa's vowel is shortened (SK 2180) → bhu bhū ya
→ bh in the abhyāsa becomes b (SK 2182) → bu bhū ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa's u (SK 2630) → bo bhū ya
→ laṭ; the ātmanepada ending ta, because the stem ends in a ṅ-marked affix (SK 2157) → bobhūya + ta
→ śap (SK 2167) → bobhūya + a + ta
→ a + a → a (pararūpa, SK 191) → bobhūyata
→ the final a of the ending becomes e (SK 2233) → bobhūyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji tests each word of the rule under the next sūtra, SK 2630.
punaḥ punar jāgarti "he wakes again and again".bhṛśam īkṣate "he looks intensely".Can yaṅ come where a word like bhṛśam "intensely" already says the same? Yes, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. Yaṅ only makes the sense manifest, and what is already expressed can still be made manifest.
But Bhaṭṭoji reports a limit from the Bhāṣya. With ruc "to shine" and śubh "to be beautiful", yaṅ does not come in the sense of intensity. So bhṛśaṃ rocate, bhṛśaṃ śobhate. In repetition it does come: rorucyate, śośubhyate. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the ground: the intensity is simply not expressed this way (anabhidhāna), as the Bhāṣya makes clear.
Vārttika. sūcisūtrimūtryaṭyartyaśūrṇotibhyo yaṅ vācyaḥ: "yaṅ should be stated after sūci, sūtri, mūtri, aṭ, ṛ, aśū and ūrṇu". These roots fail the sūtra's tests, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains.
Their forms are taught under SK 2630–2633.
Watch out. Yaṅ adds no new meaning that becomes the main one. "He becomes" is still about becoming; yaṅ only colours it as repeated or intense. Contrast the desiderative of chapter 55, where the wish is the main meaning.
Rule. After a root meaning motion (gati), yaṅ comes only when crookedness (kauṭilya) is meant. It does not come in the sense of kriyāsamabhihāra. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "after [a root] meaning motion, let yaṅ come only [when] crookedness [is to be made manifest], and not in kriyāsamabhihāra".
"Yaṅ" is carried forward from SK 2629. The word nityam "invariably" here means eva "only", one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. It is to be read with kauṭilye: "only in crookedness". Bhaṭṭoji's "not in kriyāsamabhihāra" states what "only" shuts out.
Example.
vraj "to go"; "he goes crookedly":
vraj + yaṅ (SK 2629, limited by this rule) → vraj ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → vraj vraj ya
→ only the first consonant stays in the abhyāsa (SK 2179) → va vraj ya
→ the abhyāsa has no k-marked augment, so its vowel is lengthened (SK 2632) → vā vraj ya
→ laṭ, as for bobhūyate (SK 2157, 2167, 191, 2233) → vāvrajyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Does yaṅ never come after a motion root for "again and again"? Bhaṭṭoji says it does not. One of his commentators reports that the Śabdenduśekhara argues at length that it does; scholars discuss this. In this book, follow Bhaṭṭoji.
Watch out. With a motion root, vāvrajyate does not mean "he goes again and again". It means "he goes crookedly".
Rule. After lup "to cut", sad, car "to go about", jap "to mutter", jabh, dah, daś and gṝ "to swallow", yaṅ comes only when the action is censured (bhāvagarhā). Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "after these, let yaṅ come only when the meaning of the dhātu is censured".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the carried words. "Yaṅ" comes from SK 2629. "Nityam", meaning "only", comes from SK 2634. Bhāva here is the meaning of the dhātu, the action itself.
Example.
lup "to cut"; "he cuts in a censurable way":
lup + yaṅ (SK 2629, limited by this rule) → lup ya
→ yaṅ is marked with ṅ, so the root's light u takes no guṇa (SK 2217)
→ doubling (SK 2395) → lup lup ya
→ only the first consonant stays in the abhyāsa (SK 2179) → lu lup ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa's u (SK 2630) → lo lup ya
→ laṭ, as for bobhūyate → lolupyate.
Likewise from sad: sāsadyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Several of these roots need more than the plain frame. car takes an anusvāra and u (SK 2636, 2637). jap, jabh, dah and daś take an anusvāra (SK 2638). gṝ takes l for r (SK 2639).
Watch out. lolupyate does not mean "he cuts again and again". With these eight roots, yaṅ carries censure only.
bhū + yaṅ → bhū-bhū-ya → bo-bhū-ya → bobhūyate; aṭ-ya → a-ṭya-ṭya → aṭaṭya → aṭāṭyate; sosūcya + ām → sosūcām → sosūcāṃcakreThree rules shape the stem. SK 2630 gives guṇa to the vowel of the abhyāsa. SK 2632 lengthens the vowel of the abhyāsa, unless the abhyāsa has a k-marked augment. Between them, SK 2631 deletes the cluster ya after a consonant when a further ārdhadhātuka affix follows. The running examples are bobhūyate, aṭāṭyate and sosūcāṃcakre, a perfect.
Rule. Guṇa replaces the ik vowel of the abhyāsa when yaṅ follows, and when there is luk of yaṅ. Luk is deletion of an affix; yaṅluk is the intensive whose yaṅ has been deleted, taught in chapter 57. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let guṇa replace the abhyāsa when yaṅ follows and when there is yaṅluk".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the details. Yaṅlukoḥ is "when yaṅ or luk", and luk means luk of yaṅ, since yaṅ is in context. "Of the abhyāsa" is carried from SK 2620. Since guṇa replaces an ik (SK 34), the abhyāsa must end in i, u, ṛ or ḷ.
Example.
bhū + yaṅ (SK 2629) → bhū ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → bhū bhū ya
→ shortening (SK 2180) and b for bh (SK 2182) in the abhyāsa → bu bhū ya
→ this rule: guṇa of the abhyāsa's u → bo bhū ya
→ the root's ū stays, because yaṅ is marked with ṅ (SK 2217)
→ laṭ: ātmanepada (SK 2157), śap (SK 2167), pararūpa (SK 191), e (SK 2233) → bobhūyate.
Bhaṭṭoji explains the endings. The form ending in yaṅ is a dhātu by sanādyantā dhātavaḥ (SK 2304), so laṭ and the other lakāras follow. It ends in a ṅ-marked affix, so it takes the ātmanepada. He gives two more forms: bobhūyāṃcakre (liṭ) and abobhūyiṣṭa (luṅ).
Is the form doubled again, for "again and again"? No, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. Yaṅ already conveys the repetition.
The vārttika roots. Bhaṭṭoji adds that sūci, sūtri and mūtri are roots of the curādi class ending in a. The curādi class is the tenth class of roots, headed by cur.
sūci + yaṅ (vārttika under SK 2629) → sūc i ya
→ ṇi is deleted before an ārdhadhātuka without iṭ (SK 2313) → sūc ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → sūc sūc ya
→ only the first consonant stays (SK 2179), the vowel is shortened (SK 2180) → su sūc ya
→ this rule: guṇa → so sūc ya
→ laṭ → sosūcyate.
Likewise sosūtryate and momūtryate.
Why does the second s of sosūcyate not become ṣ? Bhaṭṭoji answers: these roots have more than one vowel (anekāc), so they are not taught with ṣ (aṣopadeśa). One of his commentators spells out the point. If sūc were taught with ṣ, its s would be a substitute by SK 2264. A substitute s after the abhyāsa's vowel would become ṣ.
Applies when / blocked by. Here Bhaṭṭoji answers "why 'after a dhātu' in SK 2629?" So that yaṅ may be ārdhadhātuka. Then bruvo vaciḥ (SK 2453) and the like apply before it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the forms: vāvacyate from brū "to speak", and cākhyāyate.
brū + yaṅ → yaṅ is ārdhadhātuka, so vac replaces brū (SK 2453) → vac ya
→ doubling, first consonant only (SK 2395, 2179) → va vac ya
→ lengthening (SK 2632) → vā vac ya → laṭ → vāvacyate.
Watch out. Guṇa falls on the abhyāsa, not on the root. In bobhūyate the first syllable has o, the second keeps ū.
Rule. The cluster ya is deleted (lopa) after a consonant, when an ārdhadhātuka affix follows. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "'yasya' takes the cluster (saṃghāta). Let there be deletion of the item ya that follows a hal, when an ārdhadhātuka follows".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the carried words. "Deletion" comes from ato lopaḥ (SK 2308). "When an ārdhadhātuka follows" is the heading of SK 2307. Halaḥ "after a consonant" is in the fifth case.
How does a deletion of the cluster work? Bhaṭṭoji cites two rules.
Example.
liṭ of sosūcya (SK 2630). The stem has many vowels, so liṭ is formed with ām (SK 2306), as in chapter 44:
sosūcya + ām
→ ām is an ārdhadhātuka affix; ya follows the consonant c
→ this rule: y deleted (SK 44) → sosūca + ām
→ the a deleted (SK 2308) → sosūc + ām → sosūcām
→ with liṭ of kṛ after it → sosūcāṃcakre.
Likewise, in luṭ with iṭ: sosūcitā, sosūtritā, momūtritā.
Applies when / blocked by. Why take the cluster ya, and not y alone? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer with īrṣyitā, from īrṣy "to envy". There the y follows a consonant, ṣ, but no a follows the y. So the y is kept. One of the commentators adds that taking a cluster brings in the maxim that only a meaningful item (arthavat) is meant. So the ya of putrakāmyā is not deleted.
Why "after a consonant"? The same commentator gives lolūyitā and popūyitā. There ya follows a vowel, ū, and stays.
Watch out. This rule needs a further ārdhadhātuka affix after the yaṅ-stem. In laṭ the affix is śap, a sārvadhātuka, so sosūcyate keeps its ya.
Rule. A long vowel replaces the vowel of an abhyāsa that has no k-marked augment (akit). This happens when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let a long vowel replace an abhyāsa that is not k-marked, when yaṅ follows and when there is yaṅluk".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the carried words: "of the abhyāsa" from SK 2620, and "when yaṅ or yaṅluk" from SK 2630.
Example.
aṭ "to go", a root of the vārttika under SK 2629:
aṭ + yaṅ → aṭ ya
→ the root begins with a vowel, so the second part, ṭya, is doubled (SK 2395, 2176) → a ṭya ṭya
→ only the first consonant stays in the abhyāsa: the y goes (SK 2179) → a ṭa ṭya
→ this rule: the abhyāsa's a is lengthened → a ṭā ṭya
→ laṭ → aṭāṭyate.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both note that ṭya, with the y of the affix, is what is doubled. Chapter 44 used this form to show that sanyaṅoḥ speaks of the whole form ending in yaṅ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "with no k-marked augment"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators point ahead to yaṃyamyate and raṃramyate (SK 2643). There the abhyāsa has the augment nuk, marked with k. So it is not lengthened.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators argues further. The word akitaḥ also shows (it is a jñāpaka) that, among operations on the abhyāsa, the special rules do not block the general ones. His example is ḍoḍhaukyate (SK 2649): there the lengthening, being the later rule, would otherwise block the shortening of the abhyāsa.
Watch out. An a in the abhyāsa becomes ā: vāvrajyate, aṭāṭyate.
ṛ + yaṅ → ar-ya (guṇa, 2633) → 'rya' doubled → a-ra-rya → (lengthening, 2632) arāryateBefore yaṅ, a root's own vowel normally takes no guṇa: yaṅ is marked with ṅ, and that blocks guṇa (SK 2217). Three rules change the root's vowel all the same. SK 2633 gives guṇa to the ṛ of ṛ "to go" and of a root beginning with a consonant cluster. SK 2648 gives ī to ghrā "to smell" and dhmā "to blow". SK 2649 gives ay to śī "to lie down". The running example is arāryate, from ṛ, which is also the Bhāṣya's example. In the Kaumudī, SK 2648 and SK 2649 close the section; they are taken here, with SK 2633.
Rule. Guṇa replaces the ṛ of ṛ (arti) and of a root beginning with a consonant cluster (saṃyogādi), when yaṅ follows. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let guṇa replace the ṛ of ṛ and of [a root] beginning with a conjunct, when yaṅ follows".
The whole of the preceding Aṣṭādhyāyī rule, guṇo 'rtisaṃyogādyoḥ (SK 2380), is carried forward; Bhaṭṭoji's commentators agree on this. "Of ṛ" (ṛtaḥ) comes from rīṅ ṛtaḥ (SK 1234), one of them adds. Why is this rule needed? Because yaṅ is marked with ṅ, guṇa would otherwise be barred.
Example.
ṛ "to go", a root of the vārttika under SK 2629:
ṛ + yaṅ → ṛ ya
→ this rule: guṇa, a for ṛ, with r after it (raparatva) → ar ya
→ the root begins with a vowel, so the second part, rya, is doubled (SK 2395, 2176) → a rya rya
→ only the first consonant stays in the abhyāsa (SK 2179) → a ra rya
→ the abhyāsa has no k-marked augment: its a is lengthened (SK 2632) → a rā rya
→ laṭ (SK 2157, 2167, 191, 2233) → arāryate.
Why is the r doubled, when na ndrāḥ (SK 2446) forbids doubling an r that begins a cluster? Bhaṭṭoji answers: for an r followed by y there is no such ban. His ground is that arāryate is the Bhāṣya's own example. One of his commentators places that example in the Bhāṣya on SK 2629. He also shows what the ban would give: ya alone would be doubled, and the wrong form *\aryāyate would result. How widely the Bhāṣya's example should be extended, scholars discuss this.
More forms. Bhaṭṭoji gives these.
arāritā (luṭ): arārya + i + tā → ya follows the consonant r and an ārdhadhātuka follows, so ya is deleted (SK 2631) → arāritā.aśāśitā, from aś, a root of the vārttika: aś + yaṅ → śya doubled (SK 2176) → a śya śya → y of the abhyāsa goes (SK 2179) → a śa śya → lengthening (SK 2632) → a śā śya → luṭ, ya deleted (SK 2631) → aśāśitā.ūrṇonūyate, from ūrṇu: by na ndrāḥ (SK 2446) the r is not doubled, and nu is doubled instead. Bhaṭṭoji gives the finished form without the remaining steps.bebhidyate, from bhid "to split": bhid ya → doubling → bhid bhid ya → first consonant only (SK 2179) → bhi bhid ya → b for bh (SK 2182) → bi bhid ya → guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → be bhid ya → laṭ → bebhidyate.Applies when / blocked by. In luṭ, bebhidya + i + tā: the ya is deleted (SK 2631). Now the light i of bhid is the penultimate before the affix. Should it take guṇa (SK 2189)? Bhaṭṭoji says no: "because the deletion of a is treated as the original (sthānivat), there is no guṇa of the penultimate". The deleted a still counts as standing there. So bebhiditā.
The conjunct-initial case of this rule, smṛ → sāsmaryate, is recalled by Bhaṭṭoji under SK 2639.
Watch out. This rule does not touch every ṛ. Only ṛ itself and a ṛ-root beginning with a cluster take guṇa. For kṛ, Bhaṭṭoji gives cekrīyate (SK 2639).
Rule. ī replaces the final of ghrā "to smell" and dhmā "to blow", when yaṅ follows. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the forms. One of his commentators says yaṅi "when yaṅ follows" is carried from SK 2633. The ī replaces the final ā, by SK 42.
Example.
ghrā + yaṅ → ghrā ya
→ this rule: ī for the final ā → ghrī ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → ghrī ghrī ya
→ first consonant only, the vowel shortened (SK 2179, 2180) → ghi ghrī ya
→ gh becomes a ca-series sound, jh (SK 2245), and then j (SK 2182) → ji ghrī ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → je ghrī ya
→ laṭ → jeghrīyate.
Likewise from dhmā: dhmī ya → di dhmī ya → de dhmī ya → dedhmīyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Why a long ī? A short i would be lengthened anyway before y (SK 2298). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give different purposes for the long vowel. One points to asya cvau (SK 2118), which carries the ī from here. The other points first to the form with yaṅluk, jeghrītaḥ. Scholars discuss this.
Watch out. The ī comes before doubling, so both copies have it: ghrī, then ghi after shortening.
Rule. ay replaces the final of śī (śīṅ "to lie down") before an affix that begins with y and is marked with k or ṅ. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let the substitute ayaṅ replace śīṅ when [an affix] beginning with y and marked with k or ṅ follows".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the details. "Of śīṅ" is carried from SK 2441. In ayaṅ, the ṅ is a marker. Being ṅ-marked, the substitute replaces only the final sound (SK 43). Yaṅ begins with y and is marked with ṅ, so it qualifies.
Example.
śī + yaṅ → śī ya
→ this rule: ay for ī → śay ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → śay śay ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → śa śay ya
→ lengthening of the abhyāsa (SK 2632) → śā śay ya
→ laṭ → śāśayyate.
Why does ay come before doubling? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: it is the later rule (para) and the inner one (antaraṅga).
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji ends the section with ḍhauk "to approach" and trauk:
ḍhauk + yaṅ → ḍhauk ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → ḍhauk ḍhauk ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → ḍhau ḍhauk ya
→ the abhyāsa is shortened (SK 2180): the short of au is u → ḍhu ḍhauk ya
→ ḍ for ḍh (SK 2182) → ḍu ḍhauk ya
→ "then guṇa", by SK 2630 → ḍo ḍhauk ya
→ laṭ → ḍoḍhaukyate.
Likewise totraukyate.
Here both the shortening and the guṇa reach the abhyāsa. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators ties this to SK 2632, as you saw there.
The printed text closes here: iti yaṅantaprakriyā, "here ends the working of the yaṅ-final". The next chapter takes up the intensive with luk of yaṅ.
Watch out. ḍoḍhaukyate has o in the abhyāsa, not au. The abhyāsa's au is first shortened to u, and only then takes guṇa.
car + yaṅ → ca-car-ya → caṃ-car-ya (nuk, 2636) → caṃ-cur-ya (u, 2637) → caṃ-cūr-ya (hali ca) → cañcūryate / caṃcūryateThree rules add the augment nuk to an abhyāsa ending in a (SK 2636, 2638, 2643). Nuk is n with the marker k; the u is only for pronouncing it. Bhaṭṭoji says that by nuk the anusvāra is meant. SK 2636 gives nuk to car and phal, and SK 2637 then puts u for the a of the root. SK 2638 gives nuk to six more roots. SK 2643 gives it to every root ending in a nasal. Because nuk is marked with k, the abhyāsa is not lengthened (SK 2632). The running example is cañcūryate "he goes about in a censurable way". In the Aṣṭādhyāyī, SK 2643 (A 7.4.85) stands first, and SK 2636 and SK 2638 carry nuk from it. The Kaumudī teaches it later. It is taken here, at the end of the group.
Rule. For car and phal, nuk is added to the a of the abhyāsa, when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let nuk be added to the a of the abhyāsa of these two, when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the carried words. "nuk to the a" (ataḥ nuk) comes from nug ato 'nunāsikāntasya (SK 2643). That rule precedes this one in the Aṣṭādhyāyī, though the Kaumudī teaches it after. "Of the abhyāsa" comes from SK 2620, and "when yaṅ or yaṅluk" from SK 2630.
Bhaṭṭoji adds: "by nuk the anusvāra is meant (lakṣyate)". One of his commentators traces this to the Bhāṣya on SK 2643's sūtra. Why is it needed? In yaṃyamyate the n of nuk is not pada-final, and the next sound, y, is not a jhal. So SK 123 could give no anusvāra, and a plain n would be heard. Taking nuk to mean the anusvāra gives yaṃyamyate. The same nuk is carried into this rule, so here too it means the anusvāra.
Vārttika. sa ca padāntavad vācyaḥ: "and it [the anusvāra] should be stated to be as if at the end of a pada (padāntavat)". Bhaṭṭoji gives the purpose: "so that vā padāntasya (SK 125) may apply". The homorganic nasal of SK 124 then becomes optional. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that this vārttika belongs to SK 2643's sūtra and is carried here.
Example.
car "to go about", with censure (SK 2635):
car + yaṅ → car ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → car car ya
→ first consonant only in the abhyāsa (SK 2179) → ca car ya
→ this rule: nuk, that is the anusvāra, after the a of the abhyāsa → caṃ car ya
→ u for the a of the root (SK 2637) → caṃ cur ya
→ u lengthened by hali ca (SK 354) → caṃ cūr ya
→ the abhyāsa has a k-marked augment, so no lengthening (SK 2632)
→ by the vārttika, vā padāntasya (SK 125): the anusvāra optionally becomes ñ, homorganic with c → cañ cūr ya or caṃ cūr ya
→ laṭ → cañcūryate or caṃcūryate.
Watch out. Nuk goes after the a of the abhyāsa, at its end (SK 36). It is not put into the root.
Rule. u replaces the a of car and phal that comes after the abhyāsa, when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let u replace the a of car and phal that follows the abhyāsa, when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the carried words. "Of the abhyāsa" comes from SK 2620. Because it is joined with para "following", it is recast in the fifth case: "after the abhyāsa". "Of car and phal" comes from SK 2636, and "when yaṅ or yaṅluk" from SK 2630.
Example.
caṃ car ya (SK 2636)
→ this rule: u for the a that follows the abhyāsa → caṃ cur ya
→ Bhaṭṭoji: "lengthening by hali ca (SK 354)": the u is the penult of a root ending in r, before the consonant y → caṃ cūr ya
→ ñ optionally for the anusvāra (SK 125) → cañcūryate, caṃcūryate.
phal: phal ya → doubling, first consonant only (SK 2179) → pha phal ya → p for ph (SK 2182) → pa phal ya
→ the anusvāra (SK 2636) → paṃ phal ya
→ this rule → paṃ phul ya
→ optionally m, homorganic with ph (SK 125) → pamphulyate or paṃphulyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji names hali ca for the lengthening without restriction. But hali ca lengthens only the penult of a root ending in r or v. cur ends in r; phul does not. So pamphulyate keeps a short u, as Bhaṭṭoji's own form shows.
Watch out. The u replaces the root's a, not the abhyāsa's. The abhyāsa keeps a and its anusvāra: caṃ-, paṃ-.
Rule. For jap, jabh, dah, daś, bhañj and paś, too, nuk is added to the abhyāsa, when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let nuk be added to the abhyāsa of these, when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk". Everything carried into SK 2636 is carried here too, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says.
Example.
jap "to mutter"; "he mutters in a censurable way" (SK 2635):
jap + yaṅ → jap ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → jap jap ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → ja jap ya
→ this rule: the anusvāra after the a of the abhyāsa → jaṃ jap ya
→ k-marked augment, so no lengthening (SK 2632)
→ ñ for the anusvāra, homorganic with j (SK 125) → jañ jap ya
→ laṭ → jañjapyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji ends with "and so on". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators fill in the forms: jañjabhyate, dandahyate, dandaśyate, bambhajyate. In bambhajyate the root appears without its own nasal; compare vanīvacyate under SK 2642, where Bhaṭṭoji names that deletion.
What is the last root? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report two readings. Mādhava takes it as pas, a root found only in the sūtras (sautra), with a dental s, meaning motion. The Kāśikā has it with a palatal ś. One of the commentators gives pampasyate.
Watch out. These roots have no u for their a; that belongs only to car and phal (SK 2637).
Rule. The augment nuk comes to an abhyāsa ending in short a, which belongs to an aṅga ending in a nasal. An aṅga is the base before an affix. This happens when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let nuk come to the abhyāsa ending in a which belongs to an aṅga ending in a nasal".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the details. "Of the aṅga" is the heading. "Of the abhyāsa" comes from SK 2620, and "when yaṅ or yaṅluk" from SK 2630.
Bhaṭṭoji adds: "it has been said that by nuk the anusvāra is meant". He said so under SK 2636. One of his commentators credits the same point to the Bhāṣya, so the words "it has been said" may point to either.
Example.
yam "to restrain":
yam + yaṅ → yam ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → yam yam ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → ya yam ya
→ this rule: the abhyāsa ends in a; the aṅga yam ends in the nasal m → the anusvāra → yaṃ yam ya
→ k-marked augment, so no lengthening (SK 2632)
→ by the vārttika under SK 2636, vā padāntasya (SK 125): the anusvāra optionally becomes a nasalised y → yay̐ yam ya or yaṃ yam ya
→ laṭ → yay̐yamyate or yaṃyamyate.
Applies when / blocked by. The rule says ataḥ, "of short a", with the marker t. By the force (sāmarthya) of this t, nuk does not come even to a short a that was long before (bhūtapūrvadīrgha). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why the t is needed. The abhyāsa is always shortened, so a long vowel could never be there. The t would have no work unless it shut out a short a that stands for an original ā.
bhām "to be angry":
bhām + yaṅ → bhām ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → bhām bhām ya
→ first consonant only, the vowel shortened (SK 2179, 2180) → bha bhām ya
→ this a was long before, so no nuk
→ b for bh (SK 2182) → ba bhām ya
→ no k-marked augment, so the abhyāsa is lengthened (SK 2632) → bā bhām ya
→ laṭ → bābhāmyate.
Bhaṭṭoji recalls ye vibhāṣā (SK 2319): ā optionally replaces the n of jan before y.
jā ya → doubling (SK 2395) → jā jā ya → shortening (SK 2180) → ja jā ya → lengthening (SK 2632) → jā jā ya → laṭ → jājāyate. No nuk comes, because the aṅga jā does not end in a nasal.ja jan ya → this rule → jaṃ jan ya → ñ (SK 125) → jañjanyate.Vārttika. hanter hiṃsāyāṃ yaṅi ghnībhāvo vācyaḥ: "for han in the sense of injuring, ghnī should be stated [as its substitute] when yaṅ follows".
han + yaṅ, in the sense of injuring → by the vārttika, ghnī replaces han → ghnī ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → ghnī ghnī ya
→ first consonant only, the vowel shortened (SK 2179, 2180) → ghi ghnī ya
→ gh becomes jh (SK 2245), then j (SK 2182) → ji ghnī ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → je ghnī ya
→ laṭ → jeghnīyate "he kills again and again, or intensely".
Why does ghnī come before doubling? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads yaṅi as a locative of domain (viṣayasaptamī): "when yaṅ is intended". So ghnī is put in before the doubling, though the doubling is the later rule.
Why "in the sense of injuring"? Bhaṭṭoji gives jaṅghanyate, from han in its other sense, going.
han ya → doubling, first consonant only → ha han ya
→ this rule: the root ends in the nasal n → haṃ han ya
→ the abhyāsa's h becomes jh (SK 2245), then j (SK 2182) → jaṃ han ya
→ after an abhyāsa, the h of han becomes gh (SK 2430) → jaṃ ghan ya
→ ṅ for the anusvāra, homorganic with gh (SK 125) → jaṅghanyate.
Why is the substitute ghnī and not hnī? With hnī, the h would become gh anyway by SK 2430. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say ghnī is stated for lightness of the derivation (prakriyālāghava). One of them also records an opposed view; scholars discuss this.
Watch out. Nuk needs a short a in the abhyāsa that was short from the start. bābhāmyate has none, and jeghnīyate has i, not a.
svap + yaṅ → sup-ya (saṃprasāraṇa, pūrvarūpa) → su-sup-ya → so-ṣup-ya (guṇa of the abhyāsa; ṣ) → soṣupyateThese rules change the root itself before it is doubled. SK 2639 puts l for the r of gṝ "to swallow". Under it Bhaṭṭoji recalls five earlier operations; the first four also act on the root before doubling. SK 2645 gives saṃprasāraṇa to svap "to sleep", syam and vyeñ. SK 2646 refuses it to vaś. SK 2647 puts kī for cāy. The running example is soṣupyate, from svap. In the Kaumudī, SK 2645–2647 come after groups F and G; they are taken here, with SK 2639.
Rule. l replaces the r of gṝ (girati) when yaṅ follows. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let l replace the r of gṝ when yaṅ follows". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators agree that "l for r" (ro laḥ) is carried from kṛpo ro laḥ (SK 2350). Graḥ is the sixth case of gṝ, one of them adds.
Example.
gṝ "to swallow"; "he swallows in a censurable way" (SK 2635). Bhaṭṭoji names the root by its present form girati, in which the root appears as gir. The form jegilyate shows the same gir before yaṅ; Bhaṭṭoji does not spell out that step.
gir ya
→ this rule: l for r → gil ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → gil gil ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → gi gil ya
→ g becomes j (SK 2245) → ji gil ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → je gil ya
→ laṭ → jegilyate.
Applies when / blocked by. The rest of Bhaṭṭoji's text under this sūtra recalls earlier rules. The first four act on the root when yaṅ follows, before doubling. The fifth, suṭ, comes only after doubling.
Ghumāsthā… (SK 2462): ī for the ā of the ghu roots (dā and dhā, so named by SK 2373) and the rest, before a consonant-initial k- or ṅ-marked ārdhadhātuka. Yaṅ is one.
dā + yaṅ → this rule: ī for ā → dī ya
→ doubling, shortening (SK 2395, 2180) → di dī ya
→ Bhaṭṭoji: "guṇa" (SK 2630) → de dī ya
→ laṭ → dedīyate.
Likewise pepīyate (pā) and seṣīyate. One commentator's lead-in names sthā, but sthā would not give this form; its root is the sā (so) of that list.
Vibhāṣā śveḥ (SK 2420): optional saṃprasāraṇa for śvi before yaṅ.
śvi + yaṅ → saṃprasāraṇa, v → u, comes first → śui ya
→ pūrvarūpa (SK 330): u + i → u → śu ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → śu śu ya
→ the root's u is lengthened before y (SK 2298) → śu śū ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → śo śū ya
→ laṭ → śośūyate.
Why does saṃprasāraṇa come before doubling? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites the maxim saṃprasāraṇaṃ tadāśrayaṃ ca kāryaṃ balavat: saṃprasāraṇa, and what depends on it, is the stronger. Without saṃprasāraṇa, the other form is śeśvīyate.
Yaṅi ca (SK 2633): guṇa for a ṛ-root beginning with a cluster.
smṛ + yaṅ → smṛ ya
→ smṛ begins with the cluster sm. Guṇa by SK 2633 competes with rī by SK 1234. SK 2633 is the later rule (para), so it wins → smar ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → smar smar ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → sa smar ya
→ lengthening (SK 2632) → sā smar ya
→ laṭ → sāsmaryate.
Rīṅ ṛtaḥ (SK 1234): rī for a final ṛ before y.
kṛ + yaṅ → kṛ ya
→ kṛ does not begin with a cluster, so SK 2633 does not apply
→ rī for ṛ, before doubling, because it is the later rule → krī ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → krī krī ya
→ first consonant only, shortening (SK 2179, 2180) → ki krī ya
→ c for k (SK 2245) → ci krī ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → ce krī ya
→ laṭ → cekrīyate.
With sam, Bhaṭṭoji adds "suṭ": saṃceskrīyate. The augment suṭ (s) comes before the k of kṛ by SK 2550–2551, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. It comes only after rī and doubling are done: sam + ce + s + krī ya. The other commentator defends this order at length. If suṭ came first, skṛ would begin with a cluster, guṇa by SK 2633 would win, and rī would be lost. He rests the order on a vārttika: aḍabhyāsavyavāye 'pi suṭ kāt pūrvaḥ, "suṭ comes before the k even when the augment aṭ or the abhyāsa stands between". He discusses how this fits the Bhāṣya's treatment of saṃcaskaratuḥ; scholars discuss this.
Watch out. The first four recalled operations happen to the root before doubling, so both copies show the change: dī/di, śū/śu, smar/sa, krī/ki. suṭ alone comes after doubling.
Rule. Saṃprasāraṇa takes place in svap "to sleep", syam and vyeñ, when yaṅ follows. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let saṃprasāraṇa take place when yaṅ follows". The word saṃprasāraṇa is carried forward from SK 1003, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says.
Example.
svap + yaṅ → svap ya
→ this rule: saṃprasāraṇa, v → u → suap ya
→ pūrvarūpa (SK 330): u + a → u → sup ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → sup sup ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → su sup ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → so sup ya
→ ṣ for the s of the second part (SK 212) → so ṣup ya
→ laṭ → soṣupyate.
These steps are as one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives them.
syam + yaṅ → saṃprasāraṇa, y → i, and pūrvarūpa → sim ya
→ doubling, first consonant only → si sim ya
→ guṇa → se sim ya
→ no ṣ, since syam is not taught with ṣ (it is not ṣopadeśa) → sesimyate.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give this reason.
vyeñ + yaṅ → saṃprasāraṇa, y → i, and pūrvarūpa → vi ya
→ the i is lengthened → vī ya
→ doubling, first consonant only, shortening → vi vī ya
→ guṇa → ve vī ya
→ laṭ → vevīyate.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the lengthening is by halaḥ (SK 2559) or by SK 2298.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "when yaṅ follows"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives svapnak, where svap keeps its v.
Watch out. svap and syam both begin with s, but only svap is taught with ṣ. So only soṣupyate has ṣ. Compare sosūcyate (SK 2630).
Rule. Saṃprasāraṇa does not take place in vaś, when yaṅ follows. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the form, vāvaśyate.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies the context. With yaṅ after vaś, saṃprasāraṇa would come by SK 2412, since yaṅ is marked with ṅ. Bhaṭṭoji recalls its prohibition with this sūtra. "Saṃprasāraṇa" and "when yaṅ follows" also run on from SK 2645.
Example.
vaś + yaṅ → vaś ya
→ SK 2412 would give saṃprasāraṇa of the v; this rule forbids it
→ doubling (SK 2395) → vaś vaś ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → va vaś ya
→ lengthening (SK 2632) → vā vaś ya
→ laṭ → vāvaśyate.
Applies when / blocked by. vaś is called a Vedic root only "for the most part" (prāyika), as one commentator notes.
Watch out. This is a prohibition, not a new operation. Without it, vaś would follow the grah group of SK 2412.
Rule. kī replaces cāy when yaṅ follows. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the form, cekīyate. "When yaṅ follows" is carried from SK 2645, one of his commentators says. The root is cāyṛ "to honour, to perceive".
Example.
cāy + yaṅ → this rule: kī replaces the whole base → kī ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → kī kī ya
→ shortening (SK 2180) → ki kī ya
→ c for k (SK 2245) → ci kī ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → ce kī ya
→ laṭ → cekīyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Why a long ī? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says it is for the intensive with yaṅluk, where kī also comes: cekītaḥ.
Watch out. kī has more than one sound, so it replaces the whole of cāy (SK 45), not just its last sound.
ni + sic + yaṅ → ni-se-sic-ya → nisesicyate (neither s → ṣ); ku(ṅ) + yaṅ → ko-kū-ya → kokūyate (k kept)Two prohibitions keep a sound unchanged. SK 2640 stops ṣ from replacing the s of sic "to sprinkle" before yaṅ. SK 2641 stops the palatal from replacing the k in the abhyāsa of kavati. The running examples are nisesicyate, with the prefix ni, and kokūyate.
Rule. ṣ does not replace the s of sic when yaṅ follows. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let ṣ not replace the s of sic when yaṅ follows".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the sources. "Of s" (saḥ, a sixth case) is carried from saheḥ sāḍaḥ saḥ (SK 335). "Not" (na) is carried from na raparasṛpi… (SK 3168), taught later. The ṣ itself is not carried: it comes from the heading "a retroflex" (mūrdhanyaḥ), under which these rules stand.
Example.
ni + sic + yaṅ → ni sic ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → ni sic sic ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → ni si sic ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → ni se sic ya
→ two ṣ would now be due. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name them:
→ this rule blocks both → ni se sic ya
→ laṭ → nisesicyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "when yaṅ follows"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the desiderative abhiṣiṣikṣati. There san follows, and the ṣ does come.
Watch out. The rule blocks ṣ in both places, the abhyāsa and the root. nisesicyate has no ṣ at all.
Rule. The palatal substitute (cutva) does not replace the velar of the abhyāsa of kavati, when yaṅ follows. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let the palatal substitution not take place in the abhyāsa of kavati, when yaṅ follows".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the carried words. "The palatal" (cuḥ) comes from kuhoś cuḥ (SK 2245). "Of the abhyāsa" comes from SK 2620.
Kavati is not a root "kav". It is the root kuṅ "to sound" of the bhvādi class, named by its form with śap: kav-a-ti.
Example.
ku + yaṅ → the root's u is lengthened before y (SK 2298) → kū ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → kū kū ya
→ shortening (SK 2180) → ku kū ya
→ kuhoś cuḥ (SK 2245) would give c for k; this rule blocks it → ku kū ya
→ guṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2630) → ko kū ya
→ laṭ → kokūyate.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "but for kauti and kuvati, cokūyate". These are two other roots ku: one of the adādi class (kauti) and one of the tudādi class (kuvati). For them the palatal comes: ku kū ya → cu kū ya → co kū ya → cokūyate.
Why name the root with śap at all, when "of ku" might do? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators agree that the naming picks out the bhvādi root. Which of the other two it chiefly serves to exclude, scholars discuss this. One commentator appeals to the maxim that a root whose class-sign is lost (luk-vikaraṇa) is not taken when another could be.
Watch out. Only the bhvādi root is protected. The same sounds from another class give cokūyate.
vañc + yaṅ → va-vañc-ya → vanī-vañc-ya (nīk; k-marked, so no lengthening) → vanī-vac-ya (n deleted) → vanīvacyate; vṛt → va-vṛt-ya → varī-vṛt-ya → varīvṛtyateTwo rules add a whole syllable to the abhyāsa. SK 2642 gives the augment nīk (nī) to eight roots, among them vañc. SK 2644 gives the augment rīk (rī) to a root whose penultimate is ṛ, such as vṛt "to exist"; a vārttika widens it to any root containing ṛ. Both augments are marked with k, so the abhyāsa is not lengthened (SK 2632). The running examples are vanīvacyate and varīvṛtyate. In the Kaumudī, SK 2643 stands between these two; it was taken in group D.
Rule. The augment nīk comes to the abhyāsa of vañc, sraṃs, dhvaṃs, bhraṃs, kas, pat, pad and skand, when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let the augment nīk come to the abhyāsa of these, when yaṅ or yaṅluk follows".
"Of the abhyāsa" comes from SK 2620, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. "When yaṅ or yaṅluk" is the phrase of SK 2630. The same commentator names that rule as its source under SK 2643 and SK 2644, though not here.
Example.
vañc + yaṅ → vañc ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → vañc vañc ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → va vañc ya
→ this rule: nīk, marked with k, goes at the end of the abhyāsa (SK 36) → va nī vañc ya
→ Bhaṭṭoji: "because [SK 2632] says akitaḥ, there is no lengthening"
→ Bhaṭṭoji: "deletion of n": the root's penultimate nasal goes before the ṅ-marked yaṅ (SK 415) → va nī vac ya
→ laṭ → vanīvacyate.
Likewise sanīsrasyate, from sraṃs.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds a point on timing. The lengthening would be due before the augment has come. Still the k-marking blocks it, though the augment is yet to come.
For "and so on", Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give danīdhvasyate, banībhrasyate, canīkasyate, panīpatyate, panīpadyate, and from skand canīskadyate (so one commentator spells it; the other's text keeps the n). In canīkasyate, note c for k in the abhyāsa (SK 2245): ka- becomes ca-. canīskadyate is given as the commentators print it. One of the commentators adds forms with yaṅluk, such as vanīvañcīti.
Watch out. The vowel of the abhyāsa stays short a: va-, sa-, not vā-. The k of nīk sees to that.
Rule. The augment rīk comes to the abhyāsa of a dhātu whose penultimate (upadhā) is ṛ, when yaṅ follows or there is yaṅluk. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "let the augment rīk come to the abhyāsa of a dhātu whose penultimate is ṛ, when yaṅ or yaṅluk follows". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the carried words: "of the abhyāsa" from SK 2620, and "when yaṅ or yaṅluk" from SK 2630.
The ṛ must be short. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the counter-example cekīrtyate, from kṝt.
Example.
vṛt "to exist":
vṛt + yaṅ → vṛt ya
→ doubling (SK 2395) → vṛt vṛt ya
→ a for the abhyāsa's ṛ, with r after it (SK 2244) → vart vṛt ya
→ first consonant only (SK 2179) → va vṛt ya
→ this rule: rīk at the end of the abhyāsa (SK 36) → va rī vṛt ya
→ k-marked augment, so no lengthening (SK 2632)
→ laṭ → varīvṛtyate.
These steps are as one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives them.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji adds three forms.
narīnṛtyate, from nṛt "to dance". After the r of rīk, the n of the root might become ṇ (SK 235). Bhaṭṭoji: "because it is in the kṣubhnādi list, there is no ṇ" (SK 792).jarīgṛhyate, from grah "to seize". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the order: saṃprasāraṇa by SK 2412 first, grah → gṛh; then doubling, a for ṛ (SK 2244), first consonant only, and rīk. The g of the abhyāsa becomes j (SK 2245).calīkḷpyate, from kṛp "to be able". Bhaṭṭoji: "l in both places", by kṛpo ro laḥ (SK 2350). One of his commentators explains the two places. The r of rīk becomes l. The ṛ of the root becomes ḷ.kṛp ya → doubling → a + r for the abhyāsa's ṛ (SK 2244) → first consonant only → ka kṛp ya
→ c for k (SK 2245) → ca kṛp ya
→ rīk → ca rī kṛp ya
→ l for the r of rīk, ḷ for the root's ṛ (SK 2350) → ca lī kḷp ya
→ laṭ → calīkḷpyate.
Vārttika. rīg ṛtvata iti vaktavyam: "it should be stated: rīk [comes to the abhyāsa of a dhātu] containing ṛ (ṛtvat)". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. In vraśc, after saṃprasāraṇa, the ṛ is not the penultimate: ś is. So the sūtra's "whose penultimate is ṛ" would fail. The vārttika replaces it with "containing ṛ". He adds that ṛtvat is a bha, not a pada, so its t takes no jaś.
Bhaṭṭoji's forms:
varīvṛścyate, from vraśc "to cut": saṃprasāraṇa (SK 2412) → vṛśc; doubling, a for ṛ, first consonant only, rīk.parīpṛcchyate, from pracch "to ask": saṃprasāraṇa (SK 2412) → pṛcch; then the same steps.Watch out. rīk goes on the abhyāsa, which by then has a, not ṛ: va- + rī → varī-. The ṛ stays in the second copy: varīvṛtyate.
sosūcāṃcakre.sosūcitā.bebhiditā).bābhāmyate.saṃceskrīyate.| SK | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|
| 2629 | yaṅ after a one-vowelled, consonant-initial root, for repetition or intensity; vārttika: also after sūci, sūtri, mūtri, aṭ, ṛ, aśū, ūrṇu | bobhūyate; not with ruc, śubh for intensity (Bhāṣya) |
| 2634 | after a motion root, yaṅ only for crookedness | vāvrajyate |
| 2635 | after lup, sad, car, jap, jabh, dah, daś, gṝ, yaṅ only for censure | lolupyate, sāsadyate |
| 2630 | guṇa of the abhyāsa before yaṅ or in yaṅluk | bobhūyate, sosūcyate, vāvacyate |
| 2631 | the cluster ya deleted after a consonant before an ārdhadhātuka | sosūcāṃcakre, sosūcitā; but īrṣyitā, lolūyitā |
| 2632 | the abhyāsa lengthened, unless it has a k-marked augment | aṭāṭyate; but yaṃyamyate |
| 2633 | guṇa for the ṛ of ṛ and of a cluster-initial root before yaṅ | arāryate, arāritā, aśāśitā, bebhidyate, bebhiditā |
| 2648 | ī for the final of ghrā, dhmā before yaṅ | jeghrīyate, dedhmīyate |
| 2649 | ay for the final of śī before a y-initial k/ṅ-marked affix; ḍhauk: shortening, then guṇa | śāśayyate; ḍoḍhaukyate, totraukyate |
| 2636 | nuk (the anusvāra) to the a of the abhyāsa of car, phal; vārttika: it is padāntavat | caṃ-car-ya |
| 2637 | u for the a of car, phal after the abhyāsa | cañcūryate / caṃcūryate, pamphulyate / paṃphulyate |
| 2638 | nuk for jap, jabh, dah, daś, bhañj, paś | jañjapyate, dandahyate, bambhajyate |
| 2643 | nuk to a short-a abhyāsa of a nasal-final root; not to a formerly long a; vārttika: ghnī for han "injure" | yay̐yamyate / yaṃyamyate, bābhāmyate, jājāyate / jañjanyate; jeghnīyate, jaṅghanyate |
| 2639 | l for the r of gṝ before yaṅ; recalls SK 2462, 2420, 2633, 1234 | jegilyate; dedīyate, śośūyate / śeśvīyate, sāsmaryate, cekrīyate, saṃceskrīyate |
| 2645 | saṃprasāraṇa for svap, syam, vyeñ before yaṅ | soṣupyate, sesimyate, vevīyate |
| 2646 | no saṃprasāraṇa for vaś | vāvaśyate |
| 2647 | kī for cāy before yaṅ | cekīyate |
| 2640 | no ṣ for the s of sic before yaṅ | nisesicyate; but abhiṣiṣikṣati |
| 2641 | no palatal in the abhyāsa of bhvādi kuṅ (kavati) before yaṅ | kokūyate; but cokūyate (kauti, kuvati) |
| 2642 | nīk to the abhyāsa of vañc, sraṃs, dhvaṃs, bhraṃs, kas, pat, pad, skand; no lengthening | vanīvacyate, sanīsrasyate, panīpatyate |
| 2644 | rīk to the abhyāsa of a root with penultimate short ṛ; vārttika: of any root containing ṛ | varīvṛtyate, narīnṛtyate, jarīgṛhyate, calīkḷpyate; varīvṛścyate, parīpṛcchyate |