PREMABASESiddhānta-kaumudī
Learner edition · Prakaraṇa 48

48. Tiṅanta svādi-prakaraṇa — Verbs: the su class and its class-sign śnu

This chapter takes the class of the Dhātupāṭha whose roots begin with su "to press". It is called the svādi class, "su and the rest". It has 34 roots and 11 sūtras, SK 2523 to SK 2533. Every root of the class takes the class-sign śnu (heard as nu) where the bhū class takes śap: sunoti "he presses", stṛṇoti "he covers", āpnoti "he reaches". After this chapter you will be able to build the present of any root of the class and to handle the u of nu before vowels, before m and v, and before the imperative ending hi. You will also be able to explain a set of special forms the class throws up. These are visoṣyati with s kept, cikāya beside cicāya, stariṣīṣṭa beside stṛṣīṣṭa, vavaritha, variṣīṣṭa, prahiṇoti, jighāya, aparedhatuḥ, ānaśe and debhatuḥ. As in the earlier verb chapters, Bhaṭṭoji walks down the root list. He teaches each rule at the first root where it is needed, so the rules come from different parts of the Aṣṭādhyāyī. The class ends with a short list of Vedic roots.

Before you start

A. su: śnu for śap — running example: su + ti → su + śnu + ti → su-no-ti → sunoti; sunu + anti → sunvanti

This group sets up the class. One rule, SK 2523, puts śnu where śap would come. Bhaṭṭoji then runs the first root, su "to press", through its forms. The running example is sunoti "he presses". The root takes no guṇa before nu, while nu itself takes guṇa before the ending ti. Before a vowel the u of nu becomes v: sunvanti "they press".

SK 2523 · स्वादिभ्यः श्नुः · svādibhyaḥ śnuḥ (A 3.1.73)

स्वादिभ्यः श्नुः
svādibhyaḥ śnuḥ · A 3.1.73
{$ {!1247 षुञ्!} अङिषवे$} । अभिषवः स्नपनं पीडनं स्नानं सुरासंधानं च । तत्र स्नानेऽकर्मकः ॥ सुनोति । सुनुतः । हुश्नुवोः - SK 2387 इति यण् । सुन्वन्ति । सुन्वः । सुनुवः । सुन्वहे । सुनुवहे । सुषाव । सुषुवे । सोता । सुनु । सुनवानि । सुनवै । सुनुयात् । सूयात् । स्तुसुधूञ्भ्यः - SK 2385 इतीट् । असावीत् । असोष्ट । अभिषुणोति । अभ्यषुणोत् । अभिसुषाव ॥

Rule. After su and the roots that follow it in the Dhātupāṭha, the affix śnu comes. It comes before a sārvadhātuka affix that denotes the agent. It is an apavāda of śap: an exception that takes śap's place.

"Denoting the agent" is carried forward from kartari śap (SK 2167). "Before a sārvadhātuka" is carried forward from sārvadhātuke yak (SK 2756), taught later. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supply both words.

The root. The first root is (1247) ṣuñ, in the sense abhiṣava. That word covers four meanings: bathing someone, pressing, bathing oneself, and distilling liquor. In the sense "bathing oneself" the root is akarmaka: it takes no object. The root is stated with an initial ṣ, which becomes s, so it is su. Its marker ñ makes it take both sets of endings. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that the roots from here up to dhuñ (1255) are ñ-marked too, and so take both sets. The root is aniṭ.

Example.

su + laṭ → su + tip

→ śnu comes before the sārvadhātuka tip (this rule): su + śnu + ti

→ the ś is it: su + nu + ti

→ nu is śit, so it is sārvadhātuka; it is not pit, so it is ṅit (SK 2234); the root's u takes no guṇa before it

→ tip is pit, so nu takes guṇa before it: su + no + ti

→ sunoti "he presses".

Before tas, the ending is ṅit, so nu takes no guṇa: sunutaḥ "they two press".

Before a vowel:

sunu + anti → uvaṅ (uv for u) would be expected before a vowel

→ yaṇ comes instead, by SK 2387: v for u

→ sunvanti "they press".

Before m and v the u may be lost, by SK 2333:

sunu + vas → sunvaḥ or sunuvaḥ "we two press".

In the ātmanepada: sunvahe or sunuvahe.

Other forms. Bhaṭṭoji lists them bare.

With an upasarga.

Watch out. In sunavāni two rules compete. The first person takes the augment āṭ (SK 2204), and āṭ is pit. So the ending is not ṅit, and nu is due for guṇa. But the ending begins with a vowel, so SK 2387 is due to give yaṇ. Guṇa wins because it is the later rule (paratva). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so.

sunu + āni → guṇa: suno + āni → av for o: sunavāni "let me press".

Not sunvāni.

B. su keeps its s before sya and san; then ṣiñ, śiñ, ḍumiñ, ciñ — running example: vi + so + sya + ti → visoṣyati (not viṣoṣyati); mi + ṇal → mā + ṇal → mamau

The s of su becomes ṣ after an upasarga such as vi or abhi (SK 2270). This group's one rule, SK 2524, stops that before the future affix sya and before the desiderative affix san. So visoṣyati "he will press" keeps the s of the root. Bhaṭṭoji then lists four more roots. One of them, mi "to cast", replaces its i with ā in some forms: mamau "he cast".

SK 2524 · सुनोतेः स्यसनोः · sunoteḥ syasanoḥ (A 8.3.117)

सुनोतेः स्यसनोः
sunoteḥ syasanoḥ · A 8.3.117
स्ये सनि च परे सुञः षो न स्यात् । विसोष्यति ।{$ {!1248 षिञ्!} बन्धने$} । सिनोति । विसिनोति । सिषाय । सिष्ये ।{$ {!1249 शिञ्!} निशाने$} । तालव्यादिः । शेता ।{$ {!1250 डुमिञ्!} प्रक्षेपणे$} । मीनातिमिनोति - SK 2508 इत्यात्वम् । ममौ । ममिथ । ममाथ । मिम्ये । माता । मीयात् । मासीष्ट । अमासीत् । अमासिष्टाम् । अमास्त ।{$ {!1251 चिञ्!} चयने$} । प्रणिचिनोति ॥

Rule. When sya or san follows, ṣ does not replace the s of su.

The rule stands under the heading apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ (SK 210), which governs the rules that give ṣ. The word "not" is carried forward from SK 3168, taught later. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give both.

Example.

vi + su + sya + ti (lṛṭ) → guṇa of the root: vi + so + sya + ti

→ SK 2270 would give ṣ for the s of the root after vi

→ this rule forbids it before sya; only the root's s stays

→ the s of the affix sya follows o, so it still becomes ṣ (SK 212)

→ visoṣyati "he will press".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives no example with san. His commentators give abhisusūḥ, a noun made from the desiderative stem. They add that susūṣati is no example. There the ṣ is already barred by the restriction in SK 2627.

The roots after this rule.

Example (ḍumiñ).

mi + ṇal → ā replaces the i (SK 2508): mā + ṇal

→ doubling, and the abhyāsa is shortened (SK 2180): ma mā a

→ after the ā, au replaces ṇal (SK 2371)

→ mamau "he cast".

Second person singular mamitha or mamātha. Luṭ mātā. Āśīrliṅ ātmanepada māsīṣṭa. Luṅ amāsīt, dual amāsiṣṭām, ātmanepada amāsta.

Watch out. Not every form of mi has ā. Liṭ ātmanepada mimye and āśīrliṅ mīyāt do not take ā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the reason: there the ending is kit. In mīyāt the i is lengthened (SK 2298).

C. ci: an optional velar after the abhyāsa in liṭ and san; then stṛñ — running example: praṇi + ci-ci + ṇal → praṇi-ci-kāy-a → praṇicikāya / cicāya

When ci "to pile" is doubled, its second c may become the velar k. This happens in liṭ and in the desiderative with san. So the liṭ is cikāya or cicāya "he piled". After this rule Bhaṭṭoji takes up stṛ "to cover".

SK 2525 · विभाषा चेः · vibhāṣā ceḥ (A 7.3.58)

विभाषा चेः
vibhāṣā ceḥ · A 7.3.58
अभ्यासात्परस्य चिञः कुत्वं वा स्यात्सनि लिटि च । प्रणिचिकाय । चिचाय । चिक्ये । चिच्ये । अचैषीत् । अचेष्ट ।{$ {!1252 स्तृञ्!} आच्छादने$} । स्तृणोति । स्तृणुते । गुणोर्ति - SK 2380 इति गुणः । स्तर्यात् ॥

Rule. Take ci after an abhyāsa, before san or liṭ. A velar (ku, one of k kh g gh ṅ) optionally replaces its c.

Three words are carried forward. "A velar" comes from SK 2863, taught later. "After an abhyāsa" comes from SK 2430. "Before san and liṭ" comes from sanliṭor jeḥ (SK 2331). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give all three.

Example.

praṇi + ci + ṇal → doubling: praṇi + ci ci + a

→ vṛddhi of the second i before ṇal, ai, which becomes āy before the a: praṇi + ci cāy a

→ this rule: the c after the abhyāsa becomes k, or stays

→ praṇicikāya or praṇicicāya "he piled".

Ātmanepada: cikye or cicye.

Applies when / blocked by. With no abhyāsa the c stays. Luṅ acaiṣīt, ātmanepada aceṣṭa. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the san forms: cikīṣati or cicīṣati "he wishes to pile".

The next root. (1252) stṛñ "to cover": stṛṇoti, stṛṇute. Here, before the kit yāsuṭ of the parasmaipada āśīrliṅ, SK 2380 gives guṇa anyway: staryāt.

stṛ + yāt → guṇa by SK 2380: star + yāt → staryāt "may he cover".

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add the liṭ: tastāra, and tastaratuḥ with guṇa by SK 2379, a liṭ rule.

D. stṛ: an optional iṭ in liṅ and sic before taṅ; then kṛñ — running example: stṛ + iṭ + sīṣṭa → star-i-ṣīṣṭa → stariṣīṣṭa / stṛ + sīṣṭa → stṛṣīṣṭa; a-stṛ-iṭ-s-ta → astariṣṭa / a-stṛ-s-ta → astṛta

The root stṛ begins with a cluster (st) and ends in ṛ. This group's rule, SK 2526, lets such a root take iṭ or not in two places. One is the liṅ, the other is the sic of the luṅ, and both only before ātmanepada endings. So each form has two versions: āśīrliṅ stariṣīṣṭa or stṛṣīṣṭa "may he cover", and luṅ astariṣṭa or astṛta "he covered". In the Aṣṭādhyāyī this rule follows SK 2528 and borrows its words. Bhaṭṭoji takes it first because stṛ is the root at hand. The group closes with kṛ "to injure", which shows the same endings without iṭ.

SK 2526 · ऋतश्च संयोगादेः · ṛtaśca saṃyogādeḥ (A 7.2.43)

ऋतश्च संयोगादेः
ṛtaśca saṃyogādeḥ · A 7.2.43
ऋदन्तात्संयोगादेः परयोर्लिङ्सिचोरिड्वा स्यात्तङि । स्तरिषीष्ट । स्तृषीष्ट । अस्तरिष्ट । अस्तृत ।{$ {!1253 कृञ्!} हिंसायाम्$} । कृणोति । कृणुते । चकार । चकर्थ । चक्रे । क्रियात् । कृषीष्ट । अकार्षीत् । अकृत ।{$ {!1254 वृञ्!} वरणे$} ॥

Rule. Take a root that ends in ṛ and begins with a cluster. After it, the liṅ and the sic optionally take iṭ, when a taṅ (ātmanepada) ending follows.

"Optionally iṭ" is carried forward from iṭ sani vā (SK 2625), taught later. "Liṅ and sic before ātmanepada endings" comes from SK 2528, two rules on in this chapter. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give both.

Example (āśīrliṅ).

With iṭ:

stṛ + iṭ + sīṣṭa → the root takes guṇa: star + i + sīṣṭa

→ ṣ for s after the i

→ stariṣīṣṭa "may he cover".

Without iṭ:

stṛ + sīṣṭa → the ending is kit by uś ca (SK 2368), so no guṇa

→ stṛṣīṣṭa.

Example (luṅ).

With iṭ:

a + stṛ + iṭ + s + ta → the root takes guṇa: a + star + i + s + ta

→ astariṣṭa "he covered".

Without iṭ:

a + stṛ + s + ta → sic is lost after the short vowel, by hrasvād aṅgāt (SK 2369)

→ astṛta.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "before a taṅ ending"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the parasmaipada luṅ astārṣīt, which has no iṭ.

Watch out. In astariṣṭa the guṇa is the ordinary guṇa of a final ṛ before an ārdhadhātuka affix. uś ca makes the affix kit only when it begins with a jhal consonant. With iṭ in front, the affix begins with a vowel, so it is not kit. Do not credit the guṇa to SK 2379: that rule works only in liṭ.

The next roots. (1253) kṛñ "to injure": kṛṇoti, kṛṇute. Compare stṛ: Bhaṭṭoji gives kṛ only the forms without iṭ in these places.

(1254) vṛñ "to choose". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that it is seṭ. It leads to the next three rules.

E. vṛ: iṭ before thal outside the Veda; the optional iṭ of liṅ and sic before taṅ, never lengthened in liṅ; then dhuñ — running example: vavṛ + iṭ + tha → vavaritha (Vedic vavartha); vṛ + iṭ + sīṣṭa → variṣīṣṭa (not varīṣīṣṭa) / vṛṣīṣṭa; avariṣṭa / avarīṣṭa / avṛta

Three rules shape the iṭ of vṛ "to choose". SK 2527 settles thal. In the Veda the form is vavartha with no iṭ, but in ordinary language it is vavaritha "you chose". SK 2528 makes the iṭ of liṅ and sic optional before ātmanepada endings. SK 2529 forbids lengthening that iṭ in liṅ. So the āśīrliṅ is variṣīṣṭa or vṛṣīṣṭa, never varīṣīṣṭa. The luṅ has three forms: avariṣṭa, avarīṣṭa and avṛta. The group closes with the roots dhu and dhū "to shake", du "to afflict" and hi "to go".

SK 2527 · बभूथाततन्थजगृम्भववर्थेति निगमे · babhūthātatanthajagṛmbhavavartheti nigame (A 7.2.64)

बभूथाततन्थजगृम्भववर्थेति निगमे
babhūthātatanthajagṛmbhavavartheti nigame · A 7.2.64
एषां वेदे इडभावो निपात्यते । तेन भाषायां थलीट् । ववरिथ । ववृव । ववृवहे । वरिता ॥

Rule. In the Veda (nigama) four forms are established as they stand, without iṭ: babhūtha, ātatantha, jagṛmbha and vavartha. Such a direct statement of finished forms is a nipātana.

Why this teaches ordinary forms. vavartha would already follow without this rule. SK 2293 bars iṭ for vṛ in liṭ, even before thal. So naming vavartha here is a niyama, a restriction. It means: for vṛ, thal goes without iṭ only in the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain it so. Hence in ordinary language (bhāṣā) thal takes iṭ.

Example.

vṛ + thal → doubling: va vṛ + tha

→ in ordinary language iṭ comes before thal (this rule, read as a restriction): va vṛ + i + tha

→ the ṛ takes guṇa: va var i tha

→ vavaritha "you chose".

In the Veda: vavartha.

Applies when / blocked by. The restriction concerns thal alone. Elsewhere in liṭ SK 2293 still bars iṭ: vavṛva "we two chose", ātmanepada vavṛvahe. Luṭ varitā. Whether a second luṭ form varītā, with the long iṭ of SK 2391, belongs here is not settled; scholars discuss this.

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the ordinary forms for the other three Vedic words: babhūvitha, tenitha, jagṛhima.

SK 2528 · लिङ्सिचोरात्मनेपदेषु · liṅsicorātmanepadeṣu (A 7.2.42)

लिङ्सिचोरात्मनेपदेषु
liṅsicorātmanepadeṣu · A 7.2.42
वृङ्वृञ्भ्यामॄदन्ताच्च परयोर्लिङ्सिचोरिड्वा स्यात्तङि ॥

Rule. After vṛṅ, vṛñ and roots ending in ṝ, the liṅ and the sic optionally take iṭ. This holds when an ātmanepada ending follows.

"Optionally iṭ" is carried forward from SK 2625. "After vṛ and roots in ṝ" is carried forward from vṝto vā (SK 2391). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give both.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the forms under the next rule. In brief:

vṛ + iṭ + sīṣṭa → variṣīṣṭa, or without iṭ, vṛṣīṣṭa;

a + vṛ + iṭ + s + ta → avariṣṭa (or avarīṣṭa), or without iṭ, avṛta.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "before ātmanepada endings"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the parasmaipada luṅ: avārīt, avāriṣṭām, avāriṣuḥ. There the rule does not apply. The iṭ is not lengthened either, by SK 2392.

SK 2529 · न लिङि · na liṅi (A 7.2.39)

न लिङि
na liṅi · A 7.2.39
वॄतो लिङ इटो दीर्घो न स्यात् । वरिषीष्ट । वृषीष्ट । अवारीत् । अवरिष्ट । अवरीष्ट । अवृत ।{$ {!1255 धुञ्!} कम्पने$} । धुनोति । धुनुते । अधौषीत् । अधोष्यत् । दीर्घान्तोऽप्ययम् । धूनोति । धूनुते । स्वरतिसूति - SK 2279 इति वेट् । दुधविथ । दुधोथ । किति लिटि तु श्र्युकः - SK 2389 इति निषेधं बाधित्वा क्रादिनियमान्नित्यमिट् । दुधुविव । स्तुसुधूञ्भ्यः - SK 2385 इति नित्यमिट् । अधावीत् । अधविष्ट । अधोष्ट ॥ अथ परस्मैपदिनः ॥{$ {!1256 टुदु!} उपतापे$} । दुनोति ।{$ {!1257 हि!} गतौ वृद्धौ च$} ॥

Rule. After vṛ and roots ending in ṝ, the iṭ of a liṅ is not lengthened.

Several words are carried forward. "Lengthening" comes from SK 2562, taught later. "iṭ" comes from SK 2184, recast as "of the iṭ". "After vṛ and roots in ṝ" comes from SK 2391. liṅi "in liṅ" has the seventh case but the sense of the sixth: "of liṅ". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give all of this.

Example.

vṛ + iṭ + sīṣṭa → guṇa: var + i + sīṣṭa

→ SK 2391 would make the iṭ long; this rule forbids it in liṅ

→ variṣīṣṭa "may he choose".

Without iṭ (SK 2528): the ending is kit by uś ca (SK 2368), so no guṇa → vṛṣīṣṭa.

Applies when / blocked by. The bar holds only in liṅ. Bhaṭṭoji sets the luṅ beside it.

Watch out. Three rules decide the iṭ of vṛ in the ātmanepada. SK 2528 decides whether iṭ comes at all. SK 2391 lets it be long. SK 2529 cancels the long iṭ in liṅ only. So liṅ has two forms and luṅ has three.

The next roots.

(1255) dhuñ "to shake". With a short vowel it is aniṭ: dhunoti, dhunute, luṅ adhauṣīt, lṛṅ adhoṣyat.

The root is also read with a long vowel, dhū: dhūnoti, dhūnute. Its forms differ.

"Now the parasmaipada roots," says Bhaṭṭoji.

(1256) ṭudu "to afflict": dunoti.

(1257) hi "to go" and "to grow". With pra it gives prahiṇoti. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note the problem. pra and the verb are separate words, so the ordinary ṇ-rules do not reach the n. The next rule is needed.

F. hi: ṇ after an upasarga, a velar after the abhyāsa; then pṛ … sādha — running example: pra + hi-nu + ti → pra-hi-ṇo-ti → prahiṇoti; hi-hi + ṇal → ji-hāy-a → ji-ghāy-a → jighāya

Two rules finish the root hi "to go". SK 2530 turns the n of nu into ṇ after an upasarga such as pra: prahiṇoti "he goes forth". SK 2531 turns the h after the abhyāsa into the velar gh: jighāya "he went". Bhaṭṭoji then lists the roots up to rādh and sādh. Among them is āp "to reach", whose nu stands after a cluster: āpnuvanti, āpnuhi.

SK 2530 · हिनुमीना · hinumīnā (A 8.4.15)

हिनुमीना
hinumīnā · A 8.4.15
उपसर्गस्थान्निमित्तात्परस्य एतयोर्नस्य णः स्यात् । प्रहिणोति ॥

Rule. ṇ replaces the n of hinu and of mīnā. This happens when the n follows a cause of ṇ (r or ṣ) that stands in an upasarga.

hinu is hi with its class-sign nu. mīnā is mī with the class-sign nā of another class. So the n in question is the n of the class-sign. "ṇ for n after r or ṣ" is carried forward from SK 235. "After an upasarga" comes from SK 2287. In the sūtra, hinumīnā stands for "of hinu and mīnā", with its ending dropped in the sages' way (ārṣa). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give these points.

Example.

pra + hi + śnu + ti → pra + hi + nu + ti

→ guṇa of nu before the pit tip: pra + hi + no + ti

→ the n follows the r of the upasarga pra; this rule gives ṇ

→ prahiṇoti "he goes forth".

For mīnā, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give pramīṇāti.

Watch out. Without this rule there would be no ṇ. The upasarga and the verb are separate words, and the ordinary rule of ṇ works within one word.

SK 2531 · हेरचङि · heracaṅi (A 7.3.56)

हेरचङि
heracaṅi · A 7.3.56
अभ्यासात्परस्य हिनोर्हस्य कुत्वं स्यान्न तु चङि । जिघाय ।{$ {!1258 पृ!} प्रीतौ$} । पृणोति । पर्ता ।{$ {!1259 स्पृ!} प्रीतिपालनयोः$} । प्रीतिचलनयोरित्यन्ये । चलनं जीवनमिति स्वामी । स्पृणोति । पस्पार । स्मृ इत्येके । स्मृणोति । पृणोत्यादयस्त्रयश्छान्दसा इत्याहुः ।{$ {!1260 आप्लृ!} व्याप्तौ$} । आप्नोति । आप्नुतः । आप्नुवन्ति । आप्नुवः । आप । आप्ता । आप्नुहि । लृदित्त्वादङ् । आपत् ।{$ {!1261 शकॢ!} शक्तौ$} । अशकत् ।{$ {!1262 राध!} {!1263 साध!} संसिद्धौ$} । राध्नोति ॥

Rule. A velar replaces the h of hi when it follows an abhyāsa. But this does not happen before caṅ, the affix of the reduplicated aorist.

"A velar" is carried forward from SK 2863, taught later. "After an abhyāsa" comes from SK 2430. "Of the h" comes from SK 358. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give all three.

Example.

hi + ṇal → doubling: hi hi a

→ the abhyāsa's h becomes the palatal j (SK 2245): ji hi a

→ vṛddhi of the second i before ṇal, ai, then āy: ji hāy a

→ this rule: the h after the abhyāsa becomes the velar gh

→ jighāya "he went".

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add jighyatuḥ, and jighayitha or jighetha.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "not before caṅ"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the causative aorist ajīhayat, with h kept. One of them reads more into the exception. He takes it to show that the velar also reaches hi with the causative affix ṇi, as in jighāpayiṣati. Scholars discuss this. He also gives the intensive jeghīyate.

The next roots.

(1260) āpḷ "to reach" needs more care. A cluster (pn) stands before the u of nu. Three rules of the u fail.

The vowel of rādh is long ā. So SK 2260, which gives e with loss of the abhyāsa, cannot reach it: that rule works on short a. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators point this out. The next rule fills the gap.

G. rādh "injure": e for its vowel and loss of the abhyāsa — running example: apa + rā-rādh + atus → apa + redh + atus → aparedhatuḥ

In the sense "to injure", rādh behaves like the roots of SK 2260 after all. Its vowel becomes e and the abhyāsa is lost. So the liṭ dual is aparedhatuḥ "they two injured", not rarādhatuḥ, the form it has in other senses. The upasarga apa brings out the sense "injure".

SK 2532 · राधो हिंसायाम् · rādho hiṃsāyām (A 6.4.123)

राधो हिंसायाम्
rādho hiṃsāyām · A 6.4.123
एत्वाभ्यासलोपौ स्तः किति लिटि सेटि थलि च । अपरेधतुः । रेधुः । रेधिथ । राद्धा । साध्नोति । साद्धा । असात्सीत् । असाद्धाम् ॥ अथ द्वावनुदात्तेतौ ॥{$ {!1264 अशू!} व्याप्तौ संघाते च$} । अश्नुते ॥

Rule. Take rādh in the sense of injuring. Before a kit liṭ ending, and before thal with iṭ, two things happen. e replaces its vowel, and the abhyāsa is lost.

Much is carried forward here. "e" and "loss of the abhyāsa" come from SK 2471. "Kit" comes from SK 2363. "liṭ" and "the vowel a" come from SK 2260. The whole of SK 2261, "and before thal with iṭ", is carried forward too. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give these. One of them adds a point. The word for "a" names the vowel a as such, short or long. So it covers the long ā of rādh.

Example.

apa + rādh + atus → doubling, the abhyāsa shortened: apa + ra rādh + atus

→ atus is kit; this rule gives e for the ā and drops the abhyāsa: apa + redh + atus

→ aparedhatuḥ "they two injured".

Plural redhuḥ.

Before thal with iṭ: redhitha "you injured". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say that iṭ is obligatory here, by the krādi restriction.

Applies when / blocked by. The rule needs the sense "injure". In that sense the upasarga carries it. Elsewhere the form is rarādhatuḥ, as Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note.

Outside liṭ nothing changes: luṭ rāddhā. The t after dh becomes dh, by SK 2280, and the root's dh then becomes d.

sādh "to accomplish" has sādhnoti, luṭ sāddhā, luṅ asātsīt, dual asāddhām.

The next root. "Now two anudāttet roots," says Bhaṭṭoji. Such roots take ātmanepada endings. (1264) aśū "to pervade" and "to accumulate": aśnute. It leads to the last rule.

H. aś: nuṭ after the long abhyāsa; dambh by vārttika; the Vedic tail — running example: aś-aś + e → a-aś-e → ā-aś-e → ā-n-aś-e → ānaśe; da-dambh + atus → da-dabh-atus → debh-atus → debhatuḥ

The root aś "to pervade" begins with a. In liṭ its abhyāsa is a, lengthened to ā. SK 2533 then adds the augment nuṭ (n) after that ā: ānaśe "he pervaded". A vārttika then extends SK 2260 to dambh "to deceive": debhatuḥ "they two deceived". The class ends with a short list of Vedic roots.

SK 2533 · अश्नोतेश्च · aśnoteśca (A 7.4.72)

अश्नोतेश्च
aśnoteśca · A 7.4.72
दीर्घादभ्यासावर्णात्परस्य नुट् स्यात् । आनशे । अशिता । अष्टा । अशिष्यते । अक्ष्यते । अश्नुवीत । अक्षीष्ट । अशिषीष्ट । आशिष्ट । आष्ट । आक्षाताम् ।{$ {!1265 ष्टिघ!} आस्कन्दने$} । स्तिघ्नुते । तिष्टिघे । स्तेघिता ॥ अथ आगणन्तात्परस्मैपदिनः ॥{$ {!1266 तिक!} {!1267 तिग!} गतौ च$} । चादास्कन्दने । तिक्नोति । तिग्नोति ।{$ {!1268 षघ!} हिंसायाम्$} । सघ्नोति ।{$ {!1269 ञिधृषा!} प्रागल्भ्ये$} । धृष्णोति । दधर्ष । धर्षिता ।{$ {!1270 दम्भु!} दम्भने$} । दम्भनं दम्भः । दभ्नोति । ददम्भ । श्रन्थिग्रन्थिदम्भिस्वञ्जीनां लिटः कित्त्वं वेति व्याकरणान्तरमिहाप्याश्रीयत इत्युक्तम् । अनिदिताम् - SK 415 इति नलोपः । तस्याभीयत्वेनासिद्धत्वादेत्वाभ्यासलोपयोरप्राप्तौ ।
दम्भेश्च एत्वाभ्यासलोपौ वक्तव्यौ
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ देभतुः । ददम्भतुः । इदं कित्त्वं पिदपिद्विषयकमिति सुधाकरादयः । तन्मते तिप्सिप्मिप्सु । देभ । देभिथ । देभेति रूपान्तरं बोध्यम् । ददम्भ । ददम्भिथ । ददम्भेत्येव । दभ्यात् ।{$ {!1271 ऋधु!} वृद्धौ$} । तृप प्रीणन इत्येके ॥ क्षुभ्नादित्वाण्णत्वं न । तृप्नोति । (गणसूत्रम् -) छन्दसि । आगणन्तादधिकारोऽयम् ।{$ {!1272 अह!} व्याप्तौ$} । अह्नोति ।{$ {!1273 दघ!} घातने पालने च$} । दघ्नोति ।{$ {!1274 चमु!} भक्षणे$} । चम्नोति ।{$ {!1275 रि!} {!1276 क्षि!} {!1277 चिरि!} {!1278 जिरि!} {!1279 दाश!} {!1280 दृ!} हिंसायाम्$} । रिणोति । क्षिणोति । अयं भाषायामपीत्येके । नतद्यशः शस्त्रभृतां क्षिणोति । ऋक्षीत्येक एवाजादिरित्यन्ये । ऋक्षिणोति । चिरिणोति । जिरिणोति । दाश्नोति । वृत् ॥

Rule. For aś of this class (aśnoti), the augment nuṭ comes after the long a of the abhyāsa.

"Of the abhyāsa" is carried forward from SK 2620, taught later. "nuṭ after that" comes from tasmān nuḍ dvihalaḥ (SK 2288). "That" means the a already lengthened by ata ādeḥ (SK 2248). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give these.

Example.

aś + e (liṭ ātmanepada) → doubling: a aś e

→ the a of the abhyāsa is lengthened (SK 2248): ā aś e

→ this rule: nuṭ after the ā: ā n aś e

→ ānaśe "he pervaded".

Applies when / blocked by. Why name the root with its class-sign, aśnoti? So that the rule does not reach aś "to eat" of another class. That root has āśa, āśatuḥ, with no n. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give this.

Other forms of aś. The root is ūdit (marked with ū), so iṭ is optional.

The roots after this rule.

(1265) ṣṭigh "to attack": stighnute, liṭ tiṣṭighe, luṭ steghitā.

"Now parasmaipada roots, to the end of the class," says Bhaṭṭoji.

Bhaṭṭoji recalls a view adopted under the bhū class. It comes from another grammar. The liṭ is optionally kit for four roots: śranth, granth, dambh and svañj.

In the kit option, the n of dambh is lost by SK 415: da dabh atus.

Watch out (dambh). In da dabh atus, dabh has one consonant on each side of its a. So SK 2260 should give e and loss of the abhyāsa.

But it does not. The loss of n and SK 2260 both belong to the ābhīya section (SK 2183). Inside that section, an operation counts as not yet done (asiddha) for another. So for SK 2260 the n is still there.

Vārttika. dambheś ca "and for dambh": e and loss of the abhyāsa are to be stated. A vārttika is a supplementary statement that completes a sūtra.

da dambh + atus → kit option: n lost: da dabh atus

→ by the vārttika, e and loss of the abhyāsa: debh atus

→ debhatuḥ "they two deceived".

In the other option: dadambhatuḥ.

Before the pit endings of the singular (tip, sip, mip) there are two views. Sudhākara and others let the kit status reach pit endings too. They give debha, debhitha, debha. The Nyāsakāra and others limit it to endings that are not pit. They give only dadambha, dadambhitha, dadambha.

Āśīrliṅ dabhyāt, with the n lost by SK 415.

(1271) ṛdhu "to grow". Some read tṛpa "to please": tṛpnoti. It has no ṇ, because it belongs to the list of kṣubhnā and the rest (kṣubhnādi, SK 792), which bars ṇ.

Then comes a gaṇasūtra, a rule within the root list: chandasi "in the Veda". It is a heading to the end of the class. So the remaining roots are Vedic.

Some say kṣi is used in ordinary language too, and cite na tad yaśaḥ śastrabhṛtāṃ kṣiṇoti "that does not injure the fame of those who bear arms". Others take ṛkṣi as one root beginning with a vowel: ṛkṣiṇoti. Then the six roots become five, as one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators counts.

The list closes with vṛt, "it ends here". Here end the svādi roots.

Terms used in this chapter

Summary

SKwhat it doesexample
2523śnu for śap after su and the rest, before a sārvadhātuka of the agentsu + śnu + ti → sunoti; sunvanti, sunu, sunavāni
2524no ṣ for the s of su before sya and sanvisoṣyati (not viṣoṣyati)
2525optional velar for the c of ci after the abhyāsa, in liṭ and sancikāya / cicāya
2526optional iṭ in liṅ and sic before taṅ, for a cluster-initial ṛ-rootstariṣīṣṭa / stṛṣīṣṭa; astariṣṭa / astṛta
2527Vedic forms without iṭ; so in ordinary language vṛ takes iṭ before thalvavaritha (Vedic vavartha)
2528optional iṭ in liṅ and sic before taṅ, after vṛ and ṝ-rootsvariṣīṣṭa / vṛṣīṣṭa
2529no lengthening of that iṭ in liṅvariṣīṣṭa (not varīṣīṣṭa); luṅ avariṣṭa / avarīṣṭa / avṛta
2530ṇ for the n of hinu and mīnā after an upasargaprahiṇoti
2531velar for the h of hi after the abhyāsa, not before caṅjighāya; but ajīhayat
2532e and loss of the abhyāsa for rādh "injure", in kit liṭ and thal with iṭaparedhatuḥ, redhitha
2533nuṭ after the long abhyāsa of aś (śnu class)ānaśe
2533 vārttikae and loss of the abhyāsa for dambh toodebhatuḥ / dadambhatuḥ

Points to revise:

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