PREMABASESiddhānta-kaumudī
Learner edition · Prakaraṇa 45

45. Tiṅanta adādi-prakaraṇa — Verbs of the ad class: roots whose endings meet the root directly

This chapter walks the class of roots that begins with ad "to eat": root 1011 to root 1082 of the Dhātupāṭha. One rule marks the whole class. SK 2423 deletes the vikaraṇa śap, so the ending meets the root with nothing between: ad + ti → atti "he eats". Much of the chapter is therefore consonant sandhi at the join of root and ending: dveṣṭi, dogdhi, leḍhi, īṭṭe, āttha, mārṣṭi. As in chapter 44, Bhaṭṭoji walks the list of roots in order and teaches each rule at the root where it is first needed. After this chapter you will be able to take the roots of this class through the lakāras and explain their special forms. Early in the chapter these are jaghāsa and ādat from ad, hataḥ, jahi and vadhyāt from han, cakhyau from cakṣ, and śerate from śī. Then come yauti, ūrṇoti and stavīti from the u-final roots, and bravīti, āha and avocat from brū. Later they are yanti and adhijage from i, veda and vidāṅkarotu from vid, and staḥ and edhi from as. Last come roditi, jakṣati, jajāgaratuḥ, daridrati and śādhi. The chapter has 66 sūtras, SK 2423 to SK 2488. It closes with the words ity adādayaḥ, "here end the roots beginning with ad".

Before you start

A. ad: luk of śap, ghasḷ, dhi, aṭ — running example: ad + śap + ti → ad + ti → atti

The class opens with root 1011, ad "to eat". Five rules build its forms. SK 2423 deletes śap after ad and after every root that follows it. SK 2424 and SK 2427 replace ad by ghasḷ: optionally in liṭ, always in luṅ and before san. SK 2425 turns the loṭ ending hi into dhi. SK 2426 adds an augment a to an ending of one sound. The running example: ad takes śap before ti; śap is deleted; the d meets t and becomes t. The result is atti "he eats".

SK 2423 · अदिप्रभृतिभ्यः शपः · adiprabhṛtibhyaḥ śapaḥ (A 2.4.72)

अदिप्रभृतिभ्यः शपः
adiprabhṛtibhyaḥ śapaḥ · A 2.4.72
{$ {!1011 अद!} भक्षणे$} । द्वौ परस्मैपदिनौ ॥ लुक्स्यात् । अत्ति । अत्तः । अदन्ति ॥

Rule. After ad and the roots that follow it in the Dhātupāṭha, the vikaraṇa śap undergoes luk. It is deleted and leaves no trace. The word luk is not in the sūtra. Bhaṭṭoji supplies luk. One of his commentators traces it to SK 1276 (ṇyakṣatriyārṣañito yūni luk aṇiñoḥ), a rule taught in chapter 28, from which it is carried forward.

Bhaṭṭoji first gives the root: 1011 ad, "eating" (bhakṣaṇa). He adds that two roots are parasmaipadin: ad and the next root, han (1012). One of his commentators adds that ad is aniṭ; it takes no iṭ in its own right.

Example.

ad + laṭ → the ending tip → ad + ti

→ śap before a sārvadhātuka ending of the agent (SK 2167) → ad + śap + ti

→ this rule: luk of śap → ad + ti

→ cartva: the d becomes t before t → atti "he eats".

In the same way: attaḥ "the two eat", adanti "they eat". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds atsi, atthaḥ, attha, admi, advaḥ, admaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The luk runs through the whole class, to root 1082. So in most forms of this chapter the root meets its ending directly.

Watch out. In adanti there is no śap, yet the a of anti is still heard. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators points out that this is exactly why SK 2169 (jho 'ntaḥ) makes the substitute of jh begin with a: ad + jhi → ad + anti → adanti.

SK 2424 · लिट्यन्यतरस्याम् · liṭy anyatarasyām (A 2.4.40)

लिट्यन्यतरस्याम्
liṭyanyatarasyām · A 2.4.40
अदो घसॢ वा स्याल्लिटि । जघास । गमहन - SK 1263 इत्युपधालोपः । तस्य चर्विधिं प्रति स्थानिवद्भावनिषेधाद्धस्य चर्त्वम् । शासिवसि - SK 2410 इति षत्वम् । जक्षतुः । जक्षुः । घसस्तासावभावात्थलि नित्यमिट् । जघसिथ । आद । आदतुः । इडत्त्यर्ति - SK 2384 इति नित्यमिट् । आदिथ । अत्ता । अत्स्यति ॥

Rule. Before liṭ, ad is optionally replaced by ghasḷ. The words "in place of ad" and "ghasḷ" are carried forward from two later rules. The first is SK 3080 (ado jagdhir lyap ti kiti). The second is SK 2427, taught three rules below. The ḷ of ghasḷ is an it, so what is heard is ghas.

Example. With the substitute, singular:

ad + liṭ → ṇal → this rule → ghas + a

→ doubling and the liṭ rules of chapter 44 → jaghāsa "he ate".

ṇal is not kit, so the penultimate a is not lost.

With the substitute, dual:

ghas + atus → doubling → jaghas + atus

→ atus is kit (SK 2242), so the penultimate a is lost by SK 2363 → jaghs + atus

→ gh becomes k (cartva) → jaks + atus

→ s becomes ṣ by SK 2410 (śāsivasighasīnāṃ ca) → jakṣatuḥ "the two ate".

Plural jakṣuḥ.

In the second person singular, iṭ is obligatory: jaghasitha "you ate".

Without the substitute: āda, ādatuḥ, and āditha, where SK 2384 (iḍ atty-arti-vyayatīnām) makes iṭ obligatory. In luṭ and lṛṭ the root stays ad: attā, atsyati.

Applies when / blocked by. In jaks + atus, why does the gh become k? The lost a would normally count as still there (sthānivadbhāva). But Bhaṭṭoji says that treatment is barred for a rule that brings in a voiceless stop (car). So the gh stands before s and becomes k.

Why is iṭ obligatory in jaghasitha? The restriction that keeps iṭ out of thal covers only roots that are aniṭ before tās, the affix of luṭ. ghas never occurs before tās, since luṭ keeps ad. So that restriction cannot touch it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains this from the Bhāṣya.

Watch out. The s of jakṣatuḥ is not part of an affix and is not a substitute. So the ordinary ṣ rule of SK 212 cannot reach it. That is why Bhaṭṭoji cites SK 2410, which names ghas.

SK 2425 · हुझल्भ्यो हेर्धिः · hujhalbhyo her dhiḥ (A 6.4.101)

हुझल्भ्यो हेर्धिः
hujhalbhyo herdhiḥ · A 6.4.101
होर्झलन्तेभ्यश्च हेर्धिः स्यात् । अद्धिः । अत्तात् । अदानि ॥

Rule. After the root hu, and after an aṅga that ends in a jhal (a non-nasal stop, a sibilant or h), the loṭ ending hi is replaced by dhi. The word jhal describes the aṅga, so it means "an aṅga ending in a jhal". dhi has more than one sound, so it replaces the whole of hi (SK 45).

Example.

ad + loṭ → sip → hi for sip (SK 2201) → ad + śap + hi

→ luk of śap (SK 2423) → ad + hi

→ ad ends in the jhal d: this rule → ad + dhi → addhi "eat!".

Applies when / blocked by. tātaṅ (SK 2197) also claims this hi. tātaṅ is the later rule and wins: attāt. tātaṅ then counts as hi, by the rule that a substitute is treated like what it replaced. Yet dhi does not come back. What is set aside in a conflict stays set aside; both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cite this maxim.

In the first person the augment āṭ comes (SK 2204): adāni "let me eat". The rest of the loṭ: attu, attām, adantu.

Watch out. rudihi "weep!" (from rud, SK 2474) has no dhi, though rud ends in a jhal. Why exactly it escapes this rule is a point scholars discuss.

SK 2426 · अदः सर्वेषाम् · adaḥ sarveṣām (A 7.3.100)

अदः सर्वेषाम्
adaḥ sarveṣām · A 7.3.100
अदः परस्यापृक्तसार्वधातुकस्य अडागमः स्यात्सर्वमतेन । आदत् । आत्ताम् । आदन् । आदः । आत्तम् । आत्त । आदम् । आद्व । आद्म । अद्यात् । अद्याताम् । अद्युः । अद्यास्ताम् । अद्यासुः ॥

Rule. After ad, an apṛkta sārvadhātuka ending takes the augment aṭ, "in the view of all" teachers. An apṛkta ending is one that consists of a single sound, such as the t left of tip in laṅ. The ṭ of aṭ is a marker, so it stands at the front of the ending (SK 36).

Three words are carried forward from rules taught later in this chapter. aṭ comes from SK 2476, sārvadhātuke from SK 2444 and apṛkte from SK 2448. SK 2476 gives its aṭ only "in the view of Gārgya and Gālava", two earlier grammarians. The word sarveṣām "of all" is there to stop those two names being carried along.

Example.

ad + laṅ → tip, luk of śap → ad + ti

→ the i of ti is dropped (SK 2207) → ad + t

→ the augment āṭ of a vowel-initial root in laṅ (SK 2254) → ād + t

→ this rule: aṭ at the front of the one-sound ending → ād + a + t

→ ādat "he ate".

Likewise ādaḥ "you ate", where sip is left as the one sound s.

Applies when / blocked by. Only a one-sound ending takes this aṭ. So there is none in āttām, ādan, āttam, ātta, ādam, ādva, ādma. In ādam "I ate" the ending is am, which has two sounds: ād + am.

In the vidhiliṅ (liṅ of injunction and the like): adyāt, adyātām, adyuḥ. After luk of śap the stem does not end in a. So SK 2212 (ato yeyaḥ) does not apply, and yā stays. The āśīrliṅ also gives adyāt, then adyāstām, adyāsuḥ.

Watch out. This aṭ is added to the ending. It is not the aṭ of SK 2206, which goes before the aṅga in laṅ.

SK 2427 · लुङ्सनोर्घसॢ · luṅsanor ghasḷ (A 2.4.37)

लुङ्सनोर्घसॢ
luṅsanorghasḷ · A 2.4.37
अदो घसॢ स्याल्लुङि सनि च । लृदित्त्वादङ् । अघसत् ।{$ {!1012 हन!} हिंसागत्योः$} । प्रणिहन्ति ॥

Rule. In luṅ and before the affix san, ad is replaced by ghasḷ. "In place of ad" is carried forward from SK 3080.

Example.

ad + luṅ → this rule → ghasḷ + luṅ

→ ghasḷ is marked with ḷ, so aṅ replaces cli (SK 2343) → a + ghas + a + t

→ aghasat "he ate".

Before san, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives jighatsati "he wants to eat".

Bhaṭṭoji then gives the next root: 1012 han, "striking" (hiṃsā) and "going" (gati). His first form is praṇihanti "he strikes down". śap is deleted, and the n of ni becomes ṇ by SK 2285 (ner gada…).

Watch out. The marker ḷ is the reason for aṅ. Bhaṭṭoji says so himself: "because it is ḷ-marked, aṅ".

B. han: loss of the nasal, ṇ, the velar, ja and vadha — running example: han + tas → hataḥ; han + hi → ja + hi → jahi; vadha + yās + t → vadhyāt

The root han "to strike" needs six rules and a heading. SK 2428 drops its n before a consonant-initial kit or ṅit ending: hataḥ. SK 2429 lets its n become ṇ after pra: prahaṇmi. SK 2430 turns its h into gh after the abhyāsa: jaghanitha. SK 2431 replaces it by ja before hi: jahi. SK 2432 opens a heading for substitutes before an ārdhadhātuka. Under it SK 2433–2434 give vadha in the āśīrliṅ and luṅ: vadhyāt, avadhīt. The group closes with the root dviṣ "to hate".

SK 2428 · अनुदात्तोपदेशवनतितनोत्यादीनामनुनासिकलोपो झलि क्ङिति · anudāttopadeśavanatitanotyādīnām anunāsikalopo jhali kṅiti (A 6.4.37)

अनुदात्तोपदेशवनतितनोत्यादीनामनुनासिक लोपो झलि क्ङिति
anudāttopadeśavanatitanotyādīnāmanunāsika lopo jhali kṅiti · A 6.4.37
अनुनासिक-इति लुप्तषष्ठीकं वनतीतरेषां विशेषणम् । अनुनासिकान्तानामेषां वनतेश्च लोपः स्याज्झलादौ क्ङिति परे । यमिरमिनमिगमिहनिमन्यतयोऽनुदात्तोपदेशाः । तनुक्षणुक्षिणुऋणुतृणुघृणुवनुमनुतोनोत्यादयः । हतः । घ्नन्ति ॥

Rule. Certain roots lose their final sound before a kit or ṅit affix that begins with a jhal. The final is meant, by SK 42. The roots are:

The word anunāsika "nasal" has lost its sixth-case ending in the sūtra (luptaṣaṣṭhīka). So it describes the roots, "ending in a nasal", and it is not the thing lost. It describes the first two groups only. van always ends in a nasal, so describing it would add nothing.

Bhaṭṭoji lists the roots. The nasal-final anudāttopadeśa roots are six: yam, ram, nam, gam, han and man (manyati). The nasal-final tanādi roots are eight: tanu, kṣaṇu, kṣiṇu, ṛṇu, tṛṇu, ghṛṇu, vanu and manu.

Example.

han + tas (laṭ, prathama dual) → luk of śap → han + tas

→ tas is not pit, so it counts as ṅit (SK 2234); it begins with the jhal t

→ this rule: the final n is lost → ha + tas

→ hataḥ "the two strike".

So also hathaḥ, hatha.

Applies when / blocked by. ghnanti "they strike" does not take this rule. Its ending anti begins with a vowel, not a jhal. Instead SK 2363 drops the penultimate a, and SK 358 (ho hanteḥ) turns the h into gh:

han + anti → SK 2363 → hn + anti → SK 358 → ghnanti.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators tests each condition. Not nasal-final: śaktaḥ, ruddhaḥ, no loss. Not jhal-initial: gamyate, namyate. Not kit or ṅit: gantā, mantā.

Watch out. Why not read the sūtra as "loss of the nasal of these roots"? Then a nasal anywhere in the root would go. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that forms like mataḥ and nataḥ would then fail. Only the final is lost.

SK 2429 · वमोर्वा · vamor vā (A 8.4.23)

वमोर्वा
vamorvā · A 8.4.23
उपसर्गस्थान्निमित्तात्परस्य हन्तेर्नस्य णो वा स्याद्वमयोः परयोः । प्रहण्मि-प्रहन्मि । प्रहण्वः-प्रहन्वः । हो हन्तेः -SK 358 इति कुत्वम् । जघान । जघ्नतुः । जघ्नुः ॥

Rule. The n of han optionally becomes ṇ before v or m, when an r or ṣ standing in an upasarga precedes it. Three things are carried forward: "of han" from SK 359, "in an upasarga" from SK 2287, and "ṇ for n after r or ṣ" from SK 235.

Example.

pra + han + mi (laṭ, uttama singular) → luk of śap → pra + hanmi

→ this rule, optionally → prahaṇmi or prahanmi "I strike".

Likewise prahaṇvaḥ or prahanvaḥ "we two strike".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then gives the liṭ of han. Here SK 358 (ho hanter ñṇinneṣu) supplies the velar: the h of han becomes gh before a ñit or ṇit affix, or before n.

han + ṇal → doubling and the liṭ rules of chapter 44 → jahāna

→ SK 358: gh for h before the ṇit ṇal → jaghāna "he struck".

jahan + atus → SK 2363 drops the a before the kit atus → jahn + atus

→ SK 358: gh before n → jaghnatuḥ. Plural jaghnuḥ.

Watch out. The next rule, SK 2430, would also give the velar here. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say that SK 358 is cited because it is inner (antaraṅga).

SK 2430 · अभ्यासाच्च · abhyāsāc ca (A 7.3.55)

अभ्यासाच्च
abhyāsācca · A 7.3.55
अभ्यासात्परस्य हन्तेर्हस्य कुत्वं स्यात् । जघनिथ-जघन्थ । हन्ता । ऋद्धनोः - SK 2366 इतीट् । हनिष्यति । हन्तु । हतात् । घ्नन्तु ॥

Rule. After an abhyāsa, too, the h of han becomes a velar (kutva). "The h of han" is carried forward from SK 358. "Velar" (ku) is carried from SK 2863 (cajoḥ ku ghiṇṇyatoḥ).

Example. The second person singular of liṭ:

han + thal → doubling → jahan + tha

→ thal is neither ñit nor ṇit, and no n follows the h: SK 358 cannot apply

→ this rule: the h after the abhyāsa becomes gh → jaghan + tha

→ iṭ optional (the Bhāradvāja restriction of chapter 44) → jaghanitha or jaghantha "you struck".

Applies when / blocked by. The other lakāras of han:

SK 2431 · हन्तेर्जः · hanter jaḥ (A 6.4.36)

हन्तेर्जः
hanterjaḥ · A 6.4.36
हौ परे । आभीयतया जस्यासिद्धत्वाद्धेर्न लुक् । जहि । हनानि । हनाव । हनाम । अहन् । अहताम् । अघ्नन् । अहनम् ॥

Rule. han is replaced by ja before hi. "Before hi" is carried forward from SK 2487 (śā hau), taught at the end of this chapter.

Example.

han + hi (loṭ, madhyama singular)

→ this rule → ja + hi

→ SK 2202 (ato heḥ) deletes hi after a short a; but ja is an ābhīya operation, so for SK 2202 it has not taken effect (SK 2183)

→ hi stays → jahi "strike!".

Applies when / blocked by. In the first person, āṭ is pit. So the ending is not ṅit, and SK 2363 does not drop the a: hanāni, hanāva, hanāma.

The laṅ: ahan, ahatām, aghnan, ahanam. The vidhiliṅ: hanyāt.

Watch out. ja counts as not there only because it and SK 2202 both belong to the ābhīya zone. Outside that zone the a of ja would be seen, and hi would be deleted.

SK 2432 · आर्धधातुके · ārdhadhātuke (A 2.4.35)

आर्धधातुके
ārdhadhātuke · A 2.4.35
इत्यधिकृत्य ॥

Rule. A heading (adhikāra): "when an ārdhadhātuka is in question". Bhaṭṭoji says only "taking this as the heading". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators completes it: the substitutes for roots that follow are taught under it.

In this chapter the heading governs vadha for han (SK 2433–2434), khyāñ for cakṣ (SK 2436–2437) and vac for brū (SK 2453). Later in the chapter it also governs gā for i and bhū for as. Bhaṭṭoji calls it back at the end of SK 2435 and SK 2452.

Example. The heading gives no form by itself. Its first use: han → vadha in the āśīrliṅ, vadhyāt (SK 2433).

Watch out. "When an ārdhadhātuka is in question" is a viṣayasaptamī, a seventh case of domain. The substitute comes as soon as an ārdhadhātuka is intended, before the affix is actually added. SK 2434 shows why this matters.

SK 2433 · हनो वध लिङि · hano vadha liṅi (A 2.4.42)

हनो वध लिङि
hano vadha liṅi · A 2.4.42

Rule. han is replaced by vadha in liṅ, when that liṅ is ārdhadhātuka. That is the āśīrliṅ, the liṅ of blessing, whose endings are ārdhadhātuka (chapter 44). The word vadha has lost its first-case ending in the sūtra. Bhaṭṭoji gives no gloss here. He explains this rule and the next together, under SK 2434.

Example.

han + āśīrliṅ → this rule → vadha + yās + t

→ the a of vadha is lost before the ārdhadhātuka, by SK 2308 (ato lopaḥ) → vadh + yās + t

→ as in bhūyāt (chapter 44) → vadhyāt "may he strike".

Dual vadhyāstām.

SK 2434 · लुङि च · luṅi ca (A 2.4.43)

लुङि च
luṅi ca · A 2.4.43
वधादेशोऽदन्तः । आर्धधातुके SK 2300 इति विषयसप्तमी । तेनार्धधातुकोपदेशेऽकारान्तत्वात् अतो लोपः SK 2308 । वध्यात् । वध्यास्ताम् । आर्धधातुके किम् । विध्यादौ हन्यात् । हन्तेः SK 359 इति णत्वम् । प्रहण्यात् । अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वात् अतो हलादेः SK 2284 इति न वृद्धिः । अवधीत् ॥ अथ चत्वारः स्वरितेतः ॥{$ {!1013 द्विष!} अप्रीतौ$} । द्वेष्टि-द्विष्टे । द्वेष्टा । द्वेक्ष्यति-द्वेक्ष्यते । द्वेष्टु-द्विष्टात् । द्विड्ढि । द्वेषाणि । द्वेषै । द्वेषावहै । अद्वेट् ॥

Rule. vadha also replaces han in luṅ. Bhaṭṭoji adds that the substitute vadha ends in a.

That final a works through the heading. "When an ārdhadhātuka is in question" is a seventh case of domain. So vadha stands in place before the ārdhadhātuka affix arrives. When the affix is then taught, vadha ends in a, and SK 2308 removes the a: vadhyāt. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators sets out this reasoning.

Example.

han + luṅ → this rule → vadha + cli + t

→ sic for cli (SK 2222), aṭ (SK 2206) → a + vadha + s + t

→ vadha has more than one vowel as taught, so sic takes iṭ; īṭ comes (SK 2225) → a + vadha + i + s + ī + t

→ the a of vadha is lost (SK 2308) → a + vadh + i + s + ī + t

→ sic is lost after iṭ (SK 2266) → avadhīt "he struck".

Applies when / blocked by. Why the heading "ārdhadhātuka"? The vidhiliṅ is sārvadhātuka, so it keeps han: hanyāt "he should strike". With pra: prahaṇyāt, where SK 359 (hanter atpūrvasya) gives the ṇ.

Watch out. In avadhīt the a before dh is light. SK 2284 (ato halādeḥ laghoḥ) would then give it vṛddhi (ā) before an iṭ-initial sic. But the lost a of vadha counts as still there (sthānivat). So there is no vṛddhi: avadhīt, with short a. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say that vadha was made a-final for just this purpose.

After the rule, Bhaṭṭoji begins a new run of roots: "Now four roots marked with a svarita vowel." One of his commentators adds that these take both padas. The first is 1013 dviṣ, "not being pleased" (aprīti), that is, "to hate". The same commentator adds that dviṣ is aniṭ. Bhaṭṭoji gives these forms:

C. dviṣ, the h-final roots duh/dih/lih, and cakṣiṅ → khyāñ — running example: duh + ti → doh-ti → dogh-ti → dogh-dhi → dogdhi; cakṣ + liṭ → cakhyau / cakśau / cacakṣe

This group finishes dviṣ and adds four more roots. SK 2435 gives dviṣ an optional jus in laṅ: adviṣuḥ. Under that rule Bhaṭṭoji also works through the h-final roots duh "to milk", dih "to grow" and lih "to lick". Their h meets the ending directly, and the sandhi rules of the last part of the Aṣṭādhyāyī do the work. The running example is dogdhi "he milks": guṇa, then gh for h, then dh for t, then g for gh. Last comes cakṣ "to speak". Before an ārdhadhātuka it is replaced by khyāñ, optionally in liṭ (SK 2436–2437): cakhyau, cakśau or cacakṣe "he spoke". SK 2438 gives it aṅ in luṅ: akhyat.

SK 2435 · द्विषश्च · dviṣaś ca (A 3.4.112)

द्विषश्च
dviṣaśca · A 3.4.112
लङो झेर्जुस्वा स्यात् । अद्विषुः । अद्विषन् । अद्वेषम् । द्विषीत । द्विक्षीष्ट । अद्विक्षत् ।{$ {!1014 दुह!} प्रपूरणे$} । दोग्धि । दुग्धः । धोक्षि । दुग्धे । धुक्षे । धुग्ध्वे । दोग्धु । धुग्धि । दोहानि । धुक्ष्व । धुग्ध्वम् । दोहै । अधोक् । अदोहम् । अधुग्ध्वम् । अधुक्षत् । अधुक्षत । लुग्वा दुह SK 2365 इति लुक्पक्षे तथास्ध्वंवहिषु लङ्वदपि ।{$ {!1015 दिह!} उपचये$} । उपचयो वृद्धिः । प्रणिदेग्धि ।{$ {!1016 लिह!} आस्वादने$} । लेढि । लीढः । लिहन्ति । लेक्षि-लीढे । लिक्षे । लीढ्वे । लेढु । लीढाम् । लेहानि । अलेट् । अलिक्षत । अलिक्षताम् । अलीढ । अलिक्षावहि ।{$ {!1017 चक्षिङ्!} व्यक्तायां वाचि$} । अयं दर्शनेऽपि । इकारोऽनुदात्तो युजर्थः । विचक्षणः प्रथयन् । नुम्तु न । अन्तेदितः इति व्याख्यानात् । ङकारस्तु [(परिभाषा - ) अनुदात्तेत्त्वप्रयुक्तमात्मनेपदमनित्यम्] इति ज्ञापनार्थः । तेन स्फायन्निर्मोकसन्धीत्यादि सिध्यति । चष्टे । चक्षाते । आर्धधातुके SK 2377 इत्यधिकृत्य ॥

Rule. After dviṣ, jus optionally replaces the jhi of laṅ. "jus for jhi" is carried forward from SK 2213. "Of laṅ, optionally" is carried from SK 2463 (laṅaḥ śākaṭāyanasyaiva), taught later in this chapter.

Example.

a + dviṣ + jhi (laṅ, prathama plural)

→ this rule: jus for jhi → a + dviṣ + us → adviṣuḥ "they hated"

→ or, without it, anti for jhi → adviṣan.

Applies when / blocked by. The other forms of dviṣ that Bhaṭṭoji gives:

Bhaṭṭoji then gives 1014 duh, in the sense prapūraṇa. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take this as "drawing out": drawing milk from the udder, that is, milking.

The derivation of dogdhi "he milks":

duh + ti (luk of śap)

→ guṇa, since tip is pit → doh + ti

→ the h of a root beginning with d becomes gh (SK 325, dāder dhātor ghaḥ) → dogh + ti

→ t after a voiced aspirate becomes dh (SK 2280, jhaṣas tathor dho 'dhaḥ) → dogh + dhi

→ gh becomes g (jaśtva) → dogdhi.

Dual dugdhaḥ, with no guṇa before the ṅit tas.

The second person dhokṣi "you milk":

duh + si → guṇa → doh + si

→ h becomes gh (SK 325) → dogh + si

→ the initial d becomes the aspirate dh (bhaṣ) → dhogh + si

→ gh becomes k (cartva), and s becomes ṣ → dhokṣi.

The rest of duh that Bhaṭṭoji gives:

By SK 2365 (lugvā duhadihaliha…), ksa may be deleted before ta, thās, dhvam and vahi. The luṅ forms then look like laṅ forms: adugdha, adugdhāḥ, adhugdhvam, aduhvahi.

Next comes 1015 dih, in the sense upacaya, "growth". It goes like duh: praṇidegdhi, with ṇ for the n of ni by SK 2285.

Then 1016 lih, "tasting". The derivation of leḍhi "he licks":

lih + ti → guṇa → leh + ti

→ h becomes ḍh (SK 324, ho ḍhaḥ) → leḍh + ti

→ t becomes dh (SK 2280) → leḍh + dhi

→ ṣṭutva: dh becomes ḍh → leḍh + ḍhi

→ the first ḍh is lost before ḍh (SK 2335, ḍho ḍhe lopaḥ) → leḍhi.

Dual līḍhaḥ, where the vowel before the lost ḍh is lengthened. Plural lihanti.

The rest of lih that Bhaṭṭoji gives:

Last comes 1017 cakṣiṅ, "clear speech" (vyaktā vāc); it is also used for "seeing".

Bhaṭṭoji closes the block by calling back the heading ārdhadhātuke (SK 2432).

Watch out. In dugdhi the root keeps d. In dhokṣi and dhugdhve it becomes dh. The difference is what follows: s or dhv brings the aspirate, and so does the end of the word (adhok); the dh of dhi does not.

SK 2436 · चक्षिङः ख्याञ् · cakṣiṅaḥ khyāñ (A 2.4.54)

चक्षिङः ख्याञ्
cakṣiṅaḥ khyāñ · A 2.4.54

Rule. cakṣ (cakṣiṅ) is replaced by khyāñ before an ārdhadhātuka. The condition comes from the heading SK 2432, called back at the end of SK 2435. The ñ of khyāñ is a marker. Bhaṭṭoji gives no gloss here. Under the next rule he records from the Bhāṣya that the substitute really begins with khś.

Example.

cakṣ + luṭ → this rule → khyā + tā

→ khyātā "he will tell".

The other forms are given under SK 2437.

SK 2437 · वा लिटि · vā liṭi (A 2.4.55)

वा लिटि
vā liṭi · A 2.4.55
अत्र भाष्ये खशादिरयमादेशः । असिद्धाकाण्डे ।
शस्य यो वा इति स्थितम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ञित्त्वात्पदद्वयम् । चख्यौ-चख्ये-चक्शौ-चक्शे ॥चयो द्वितीया - SK 5023 इति तु न । चर्त्वस्यासिद्धत्वात् । चचक्षे । ख्याता-क्शाता । ख्यास्यति-ख्यास्यते । क्शास्यति-क्शास्यते । अचष्ट । चक्षीत । ख्यायात्-ख्येयात् । क्शायात्-क्शेयात् ॥

Rule. In liṭ, the substitution of SK 2436 is optional.

Bhaṭṭoji then records two points from the Bhāṣya. First, the substitute is khśāñ: it begins with khś. Second, a vārttika, śasya yo vā, lets y optionally replace its ś. This vārttika stands in the section of rules that count as not having taken effect (the asiddha section). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators places it after the rules for ṇ. So the substitute is heard as khyā or as kśā.

The substitute is ñit, so it takes both padas.

Example.

cakṣ + ṇal → this rule, optionally → khśā + a

→ y for ś (the vārttika) → khyā + a

→ doubling, and au for ṇal after ā (SK 2371) → cakhyau "he spoke".

Ātmanepada cakhye.

Keeping ś: the kh becomes k before ś (cartva) → cakśau, cakśe.

Without the substitute: cacakṣe.

Applies when / blocked by. Outside liṭ the substitute is obligatory (SK 2436). So each form comes with y or with ś:

The sārvadhātuka forms are of cakṣ itself: laṅ acaṣṭa, vidhiliṅ cakṣīta.

Watch out. In cakśau the k stays k. A vārttika (cayo dvitīyāḥ…) would turn a stop before ś into its aspirate. But the k was made by cartva, which counts as not having taken effect for that vārttika. So there is no kh.

The y of khyā is itself asiddha to the earlier rules. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators trace its effect in words like puṃkhyāna, where no ru comes by SK 139 (pumaḥ khayy ampare).

SK 2438 · अस्यतिवक्तिख्यातिभ्योऽङ् · asyativaktikhyātibhyo 'ṅ (A 3.1.52)

अस्यतिवक्तिख्यातिभ्योऽङ्
asyativaktikhyātibhyo'ṅ · A 3.1.52
एभ्यश्च्लेरङ् । अख्यत् । अख्यत । अक्शासीत् । अक्शास्त ।
वर्जने ख्शाञ् नेष्टः
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ समचक्षिष्टेत्यादि ॥ अथ पृच्यन्ता अनुदात्तेतः- ॥{$ {!1018 ईर!} गतौ कम्पने च$} ॥ ईर्ते । ईरांचक्रे । ईरीता । ईरिष्यते । ईर्ताम् । ईर्ष्व । ईर्ध्वम् । ऐरिष्ट ।{$ {!1019 ईड!} स्तुतौ$} । ईट्टे ॥

Rule. After as "to throw", vac "to speak" and khyā, the affix aṅ replaces cli in luṅ. "cli" is carried forward from SK 2222. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the names. "vakti" covers both the vac that replaces brū (SK 2453) and the root vac itself. "khyāti" is the substitute in its y-form.

Example.

cakṣ + luṅ → khyā for cakṣ (SK 2436) → a + khyā + cli + t

→ this rule: aṅ for cli → a + khyā + a + t

→ the ā of the root is lost before aṅ → akhyat "he told".

Ātmanepada akhyata.

Applies when / blocked by. The ś-form takes no aṅ, since the rule names khyāti. It takes sic: akśāsīt, ātmanepada akśāsta.

A vārttika: khśāñ is not wanted in the sense "avoiding" (varjana). So cakṣ keeps its own form there: samacakṣiṣṭa "he avoided", a luṅ with iṭ.

Bhaṭṭoji then says: "Now the roots up to pṛc, which are anudāttet." These take the ātmanepada.

Watch out. The two forms of the substitute part ways in luṅ. Only the y-form is khyāti. So akhyat has aṅ, but akśāsīt has sic.

D. iṭ before se and dhve; ās … ṣūṅ; guṇa and ruṭ for śīṅ — running example: īḍ + se → īḍ-i-se → īḍiṣe; śī + ate → śe + r + ate → śerate

Two pairs of rules and a run of ātmanepada roots. SK 2439–2440 give iṭ to the endings se and dhve after īś "to rule", īḍ "to praise" and jan "to be born": īḍiṣe "you praise". Under them Bhaṭṭoji works through roots 1020 to 1032, from īś to śī "to lie down". SK 2441–2442 give śī guṇa before every sārvadhātuka ending, and the augment r before the at of the third plural: śerate "they lie".

SK 2439 · ईशः से · īśaḥ se (A 7.2.77)

ईशः से
īśaḥ se · A 7.2.77

Rule. After īś, the sārvadhātuka ending se takes the augment iṭ. "iṭ" is carried forward from SK 2384 (iḍ atty-arti-vyayatīnām). "Sārvadhātuka" is carried from SK 2474, taught later in this chapter. Bhaṭṭoji gives no gloss here. He explains this rule and the next together, under SK 2440.

Example.

īś + se (laṭ, madhyama singular)

→ this rule: iṭ → īś + i + se

→ ṣ for the s after i (SK 212) → īśiṣe "you rule".

SK 2440 · ईडजनोर्ध्वे च · īḍajanor dhve ca (A 7.2.78)

ईडजनोर्ध्वे च
īḍajanordhve ca · A 7.2.78
ईशीड्जनां से ध्वे शब्दयोः सार्वधातुकयोरिट् स्यात् । योगविभागोवैचित्र्यार्थः । ईडिषे । ईडिध्वे ॥ [(परिभाषा - ) एकदेशविकृतस्यानन्यत्वात्] । ईडिष्व । ईडिध्वम् । विकृतिग्रहणेन प्रकृतेरग्रहणात् । ऐड्ढ्वम् ।{$ {!1020 ईश!} ऐश्वर्ये$} । ईष्टे । ईशिषे । ईशिध्वे ।{$ {!1021 आस!} उपवेशने$} । आस्ते । दयायासश्च SK 2325 । आसांचक्रे । आस्स्व । आध्वम् । आसिष्ट ।{$ {!1022 आङः!} शासु इच्छायाम्$} । आशास्ते । आशासाते । आङ्पूर्वत्वं । प्रायिकम् । तेन नमोवाकं प्रशास्महे इति सिद्धम् ।{$ {!1023 वस!} आच्छादने$} । वस्ते । वस्से । वध्वे । ववसे । वसिता ।{$ {!1024 कसि!} गतिशासनयोः$} । कंस्ते । कंसाते । कंसते । अयमनिदित्येके । कस्ते । तालव्यान्तोऽप्यनिदित् । कष्टे । कशाते । कक्षे । कड्ढ्वे ।{$ {!1025 णिसि!} चुम्बने$} । निंस्ते । दन्त्यान्तोऽयम् । आभरणकारस्तु तालव्यान्त इति बभ्राम ।{$ {!1026 णिजि!} शुद्धौ$} । निङ्क्ते । निङ्क्षे । निञ्जिता ।{$ {!1027 शिजि!} अव्यक्ते शब्दे$} । शिङ्क्ते ।{$ {!1028 पिजि!} वर्णे$} । संपर्चन इत्येके । उभयत्रेत्यन्ये । अवयवे इत्यपरे । अव्यक्ते शब्दे इतीतरे । पिङ्क्ते । पृजीत्येके । पृङ्क्त ।{$ {!1029 वृजी!} वर्जने$} । दन्त्योष्ठ्यादिः । ईदित् । वृक्ते । वृजाते । वृक्षे । इदित् इत्यन्ये । वृङ्क्ते ।{$ {!1030 पृची!} संपर्चने$} । पृक्ते । {$ {!1031 षूङ्!} प्राणिगर्भविमोचने$} । सूते । सुषुवे । सुषुविषे । सोता । सविता । भूसुवोः-SK 2224 इति गुणनिषेधः सुवै । सविषीष्ट । सोषीष्ट । असविष्ट । असोष्ट ।{$ {!1032 शीङ्!} स्वप्ने$} ॥

Rule. Bhaṭṭoji reads this rule with the last one: after īś, īḍ and jan, the sārvadhātuka endings se and dhve take iṭ. He says the one statement is split in two "for variety". se runs forward from SK 2439 into this rule. dhve is drawn back from this rule into SK 2439. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain it this way.

Example.

īḍ + se → this rule: iṭ → īḍ + i + se → īḍiṣe "you praise".

īḍ + dhve → iṭ → īḍidhve "you all praise".

Applies when / blocked by. The loṭ endings sva and dhvam also take iṭ: īḍiṣva, īḍidhvam. They are se and dhve changed in one part. A thing changed in one part is not a different thing (ekadeśavikṛtam ananyavat).

Watch out. The reverse does not hold. Naming a changed form does not take in the original. The sūtra's dhve is itself dhvam changed: its end was replaced by e (SK 2233). So the laṅ ending dhvam, which is unchanged, gets no iṭ: aiḍḍhvam "you all praised". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives a comparison. "Bring the man" brings him, blind or not. "Bring the blind one" brings only a blind man.

Bhaṭṭoji then goes through roots 1020 to 1032, all ātmanepada.

SK 2441 · शीङः सार्वधातुके गुणः · śīṅaḥ sārvadhātuke guṇaḥ (A 7.4.21)

शीङः सार्वधातुके गुणः
śīṅaḥ sārvadhātuke guṇaḥ · A 7.4.21
क्ङिति च- SK 2217 इत्यस्यापवादः । शेते । शयाते ॥

Rule. śī takes guṇa before a sārvadhātuka ending. Guṇa before a sārvadhātuka is already given by SK 2168. Bhaṭṭoji says this rule is an exception (apavāda) to SK 2217 (kṅiti ca). So guṇa comes even before a ṅit ending.

Example.

śī + te → luk of śap → this rule: guṇa → śe + te → śete "he lies".

śī + āte (dual; ṅit) → this rule: guṇa all the same → śe + āte

→ e becomes ay before a vowel (SK 61) → śayāte "the two lie".

Watch out. Before te guṇa would come anyway. The rule is needed for the ṅit endings, such as āte, where SK 2217 would block it.

SK 2442 · शीङो रुट् · śīṅo ruṭ (A 7.1.6)

शीङो रुट्
śīṅo ruṭ · A 7.1.6
शीङः परस्य झादेशस्यातो रुडागमः स्यात् । शेरते । शेषे । शेध्वे । शये । शेवहे । शिश्ये । शयिता । अशयिष्ट ॥ अथ स्तौत्यन्ताः परस्मैपदिनः । ऊर्णुस्तूभयपदी ।{$ {!1033 यु!} मिश्रणेऽमिश्रणे च$} ॥

Rule. After śī, the at that replaces jh takes the augment ruṭ. The ṭ is a marker, so ruṭ goes at the front (SK 36); its u is for pronunciation. What is added is r. "jh" is carried forward from SK 2169. "at" is carried from SK 2479 (adabhyastāt) and read in the sixth case: "of the at".

Example.

śī + jha (laṭ, prathama plural, ātmanepada)

→ at for jh (chapter 44) → śī + ate

→ guṇa (SK 2441) → śe + ate

→ this rule: r before at → śe + r + ate

→ śerate "they lie".

Applies when / blocked by. The other forms Bhaṭṭoji gives:

In śedhve the dh stays dh: the rule that makes it ḍh names only ṣīdhvam, luṅ and liṭ.

Watch out. Why carry forward at and not just add ruṭ to jh? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. If ruṭ were added to jha itself, at could no longer replace the jh.

After the rule, Bhaṭṭoji begins a new run of roots: "Now the parasmaipada roots up to stu." The run ends just before stu (ṣṭuñ, 1043), which is ñit and takes both padas. ūrṇu also takes both padas. The first root is 1033 yu, "mixing and separating".

E. The u-final roots and ūrṇu: vṛddhi, īṭ, guṇa, the doubling nu — running example: yu + ti → yauti; ru + ti → ravīti / rauti; ūrṇu + ti → ūrṇauti / ūrṇoti

Roots 1033 to 1043 mostly end in u. With śap deleted, their u stands right before the ending. SK 2443 gives it vṛddhi before a consonant-initial pit ending: yauti "he mixes". SK 2444 lets ru, stu and a few others take the augment ī instead: ravīti or rauti "he cries". The root ūrṇu "to cover" needs five rules of its own. Its vṛddhi is optional (SK 2445): ūrṇauti or ūrṇoti. Its liṭ doubles nu (SK 2446): ūrṇunāva. An iṭ-initial affix after it may count as ṅit (SK 2447). It takes guṇa before a one-sound ending (SK 2448): aurṇot. In luṅ its vṛddhi is optional (SK 2449): aurṇāvīt or aurṇavīt. The group ends with stu "to praise": stauti or stavīti.

SK 2443 · उतो वृद्धिर्लुकि हलि · uto vṛddhir luki hali (A 7.3.89)

उतो वृद्धिर्लुकि हलि
uto vṛddhirluki hali · A 7.3.89
लुग्विषये उकारस्य वृद्धिः स्यात्पिति हलादौ सार्वधातुके न त्वभ्यस्तस्य । यौति । युतः । युवन्ति । युयाव । यविता । युयात् । इह उतो वृद्धिर्न । भाष्ये पिच्च ङिन्न ङिच्च पिन्न इति व्याख्यानात् । विशेषविहितेन ङित्त्वेन पित्त्वस्य बाधात् । यूयात् । अयावीत् ।{$ {!1034 रु!} शब्दे$} ॥

Rule. Where the vikaraṇa has undergone luk, the u of the root takes vṛddhi before a pit sārvadhātuka ending that begins with a consonant. The u of a doubled root (abhyasta) is excluded. "Pit", "sārvadhātuka" and "not of an abhyasta" are carried forward from SK 2503 (nābhyastasyāci piti sārvadhātuke), without its word "before a vowel".

Bhaṭṭoji glosses luki as "in the domain of luk" (lugviṣaye), a seventh case of domain. One of his commentators explains why: a deleted affix is not heard, so it cannot literally "follow".

Example.

yu + ti (laṭ, prathama singular) → luk of śap → yu + ti

→ ti is pit and begins with a consonant: this rule → yau + ti

→ yauti "he mixes".

Applies when / blocked by. yutaḥ "the two mix" has no vṛddhi: tas is not pit. yuvanti has none either. Its ending is not pit, and it is ṅit, so it blocks guṇa as well; u becomes uv (uvaṅ). Liṭ yuyāva, luṭ yavitā.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators tests each condition:

The vidhiliṅ is yuyāt, with no vṛddhi. The Bhāṣya lays down "what is ṅit is not pit" (ṅic ca pin na). The ending (tip with yāsuṭ) is pit. But the ṅit status specially given to yāsuṭ (SK 2209) overrides that. The same ṅit status still blocks guṇa. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators spells this out.

The āśīrliṅ is yūyāt. Its ending is ārdhadhātuka, so the u is lengthened by SK 2298 (akṛtsārvadhātukayor dīrghaḥ). Luṅ ayāvīt.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives 1034 ru, "sounding".

Watch out. Vṛddhi here overrides the ordinary guṇa. So it is yauti, not yoti. Only the pit endings ti, si, mi and the like show it.

SK 2444 · तुरुस्तुशम्यमः सार्वधातुके · turustuśamyamaḥ sārvadhātuke (A 7.3.95)

तुरुस्तुशम्यमः सार्वधातुके
turustuśamyamaḥ sārvadhātuke · A 7.3.95
एभ्यः परस्य सार्वधातुकस्य हलादेस्तिङ ईड्वा स्यात् । नाभ्यस्तस्य -SK 2403 इत्यतोऽनुवृत्तिसंभवे पुनः सार्वधातुकग्रहणमपिदर्थम् । रवीति । रौति । रुवीतः । रुतः । हलादेः किम् । रुवन्ति । तिङः किम् । शाम्यति । सार्वधातुके किम् । आशिषि रूयात् । विध्यादौ तु रुयात् । रूवीयात् । अरावीत् । अरविष्यत् । तु इति सौत्रो धातुर्गतिवृद्धिहिंसासु । अयं च लुग्विकरण इति स्मरन्ति । तवीति । तौति । तुवीतः । तुतः । तोता । तोष्यति ।{$ {!1035 णु!} स्तुतौ$} । नौति । नविता ।{$ {!1036 टुक्षु!} शब्दे$} । क्षौति क्षविता ।{$ {!1037 क्ष्णु!} तेजने$} । क्ष्णौति । क्ष्णविता ।{$ {!1038 ष्णु!} प्रस्रवणे$} । स्नौति । सुष्णाव । स्नविता । स्नुयात् । स्नूयात् ।{$ {!1039 ऊर्णुञ्!} आच्छादने$} ॥

Rule. After tu, ru, stu, śam and am, a sārvadhātuka tiṅ ending that begins with a consonant optionally takes the augment īṭ. Four words are carried forward. "Beginning with a consonant" comes from SK 2443. "Tiṅ" comes from SK 2224. "īṭ" comes from SK 2452, and "optionally" from SK 2651, both taught later. The word "sārvadhātuka" could have been carried forward too. Bhaṭṭoji says it is repeated so that "pit" is not carried with it. So the īṭ comes before non-pit endings as well.

Example.

ru + ti → this rule: īṭ → ru + ī + ti

→ guṇa of u, and av for o → ravīti "he cries".

Without īṭ: vṛddhi by SK 2443 → rauti.

Dual: ruvītaḥ or rutaḥ. The non-pit tas also takes īṭ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji tests the conditions:

In the vidhiliṅ the option holds: ruyāt or ruvīyāt. Luṅ arāvīt, lṛṅ araviṣyat.

tu is a root found only in the sūtras (sautra), meaning "going, growing, harming". Tradition remembers it as a root whose vikaraṇa takes luk. So tavīti or tauti, tuvītaḥ or tutaḥ, luṭ totā, lṛṭ toṣyati. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say that śam and am take this rule only in the Veda.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives roots 1035 to 1039. They go like yu.

Watch out. With īṭ the ending no longer begins with a consonant. So ravīti has guṇa, not the vṛddhi of SK 2443.

SK 2445 · ऊर्णोतेर्विभाषा · ūrṇoter vibhāṣā (A 7.3.90)

ऊर्णोतेर्विभाषा
ūrṇotervibhāṣā · A 7.3.90
वा वृद्धिः स्याद्धलादौ पिति सार्वधातुके । ऊर्णौति । ऊर्णोति । ऊर्णुतः । ऊर्णुवन्ति । ऊर्णुते । उर्णुवाते । ऊर्णुवते ।
ऊर्णोतेराम्नेति वाच्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥

Rule. For ūrṇu, the vṛddhi of SK 2443 is optional before a pit sārvadhātuka ending that begins with a consonant. "Vṛddhi" and "consonant" are carried from SK 2443. "Pit sārvadhātuka" is carried from SK 2503.

Example.

ūrṇu + ti → luk of śap

→ this rule: vṛddhi → ūrṇauti "he covers"

→ or guṇa → ūrṇoti.

Dual ūrṇutaḥ, plural ūrṇuvanti. The root takes both padas. Ātmanepada ūrṇute, ūrṇuvāte, ūrṇuvate; those endings are not pit, so this rule has no scope there.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika follows: ām is not used after ūrṇu. Without it, ām would be due in liṭ. SK 2237 gives ām to a heavy root that begins with a vowel other than a. A vārttika at SK 2306 gives it to a root with more than one vowel. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that the later rule treating ūrṇu like nu gives the same result.

Watch out. This option only exists where SK 2443 would give vṛddhi. Before a vowel (ūrṇavāni) or a non-pit ending (ūrṇutaḥ) there is no vṛddhi at all.

SK 2446 · न न्द्राः संयोगादयः · na ndrāḥ saṃyogādayaḥ (A 6.1.3)

न न्द्राः संयोगादयः
na ndrāḥ saṃyogādayaḥ · A 6.1.3
अचः पराः संयोगादयो नदरा द्विर्न भवन्ति । नुशब्दस्य द्वित्वम् । णत्वस्यासिद्धत्वात् । [(परिभाषा - ) पूर्वत्रासिद्धीयमद्विर्वचने] इति त्वनित्यम् । उभौ साभ्यासस्य SK 2606 इति लिङ्गात् । ऊर्णुनाव । ऊर्णुनुवतुः । ऊर्णुनुवुः ॥

Rule. An n, d or r that follows a vowel and is the first sound of a consonant cluster is not doubled. "Doubled" is carried forward from SK 2175. The word ajādeḥ is carried forward from SK 2176, the rule that doubles the second syllable of a vowel-initial root. Here Bhaṭṭoji reads it as "after a vowel" (acaḥ parāḥ).

In ūrṇu the second syllable would be rṇu. This rule keeps the r out of the doubling. So the syllable nu is doubled.

Why nu and not ṇu? The Dhātupāṭha cites ūrṇu with ṇ already in place. But that ṇ comes from SK 235, a rule that counts as not having taken effect when doubling is done. A maxim says this asiddhatva does not hold for doubling (pūrvatrāsiddhīyam advirvacane). Bhaṭṭoji says the maxim is not invariable (anitya). The proof is SK 2606 (ubhau sābhyāsasya). It makes both n's of the root an and its abhyāsa take ṇ (prāṇiṇat). If the maxim always held, that would happen anyway, and SK 2606 would be needless.

Example.

ūrṇu + ṇal → the ṇ counts as n for doubling → ūrnu + a

→ this rule: r is not doubled; nu is → ūr nu nu + a

→ vṛddhi of the final u before the ṇit ṇal (SK 254), and āv (SK 61) → ūrnunāva

→ ṇ for the first n after r (SK 235) → ūrṇunāva "he covered".

Dual ūrṇunuvatuḥ, plural ūrṇunuvuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives forms with the affix san, where the same rule works: undidiṣati from und, arciciṣati from arc.

Watch out. Without this rule the r would be doubled with the rest, and a wrong form would result. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators shows it: ūrunāva.

SK 2447 · विभाषोर्णोः · vibhāṣorṇoḥ (A 1.2.3)

विभाषोर्णोः
vibhāṣorṇoḥ · A 1.2.3
इडादिप्रत्ययो वा ङित्स्यात् । ऊर्णुनुविथ । ऊर्णुनविथ । ऊर्णुविता । ऊर्णविता । ऊर्णौतु । ऊर्णोतु । ऊर्णवानि । ऊर्णवै ॥

Rule. After ūrṇu, an affix that begins with iṭ is optionally ṅit. "iṭ" is carried forward from SK 2536 (vija iṭ). "ṅit" is carried from SK 2461. Both are taught later.

Example. The second person singular of liṭ:

ūrṇunu + i + tha

→ as ṅit: no guṇa; uv for u → ūrṇunuvitha "you covered"

→ not ṅit: guṇa, and av → ūrṇunavitha.

Luṭ: ūrṇuvitā or ūrṇavitā.

Applies when / blocked by. Loṭ ūrṇautu or ūrṇotu, by SK 2445. First person loṭ ūrṇavāni, ātmanepada ūrṇavai. Here āṭ is pit and a vowel. So neither this rule (not iṭ-initial) nor SK 2445 (not consonant-initial) reaches it, and plain guṇa comes.

SK 2448 · गुणोऽपृक्ते · guṇo 'pṛkte (A 7.3.91)

गुणोऽपृक्ते
guṇo'pṛkte · A 7.3.91
ऊर्णोतेर्गुणः स्यादपृक्ते हलादौ पिति सार्वधातुके । वृद्ध्यपवादः । और्णोत् । और्णोः । ऊर्णुयात् । ऊर्णुयाः । इह वृद्धिर्न । ङिच्च पिन्न इति भाष्यात् । ऊर्णूयात् । ऊर्णविषीष्ट । ऊर्णुविषीष्ट । और्णवीत् । और्णुविष्टाम् ॥

Rule. ūrṇu takes guṇa before an apṛkta (one-sound) pit sārvadhātuka ending that begins with a consonant. It is an exception to the optional vṛddhi of SK 2445. "ūrṇu" is carried from SK 2445, "pit sārvadhātuka" from SK 2503, and "consonant" from SK 2443.

Example.

ūrṇu + laṅ + tip → the i of ti is dropped (SK 2207) → ūrṇu + t

→ āṭ (SK 2254), merging with ū into au → aurṇu + t

→ the one-sound t: this rule, guṇa → aurṇo + t

→ aurṇot "he covered".

Likewise aurṇoḥ "you covered".

Applies when / blocked by. Vidhiliṅ ūrṇuyāt, ūrṇuyāḥ: no vṛddhi, by the Bhāṣya's "what is ṅit is not pit". Āśīrliṅ ūrṇūyāt; ātmanepada ūrṇaviṣīṣṭa or ūrṇuviṣīṣṭa, by SK 2447. Bhaṭṭoji ends with luṅ forms, aurṇavīt and aurṇuviṣṭām. Which reading of the first form is right here is a point scholars discuss.

Watch out. Only a one-sound ending triggers this guṇa. Before ti the choice of SK 2445 stays open.

SK 2449 · ऊर्णोतेर्विभाषा · ūrṇoter vibhāṣā (A 7.2.6)

ऊर्णोतेर्विभाषा
ūrṇotervibhāṣā · A 7.2.6
इडादौ सिचि परस्मैपदे परे वा वृद्धिः स्यात् । पक्षे गुणः । और्णावीत् । और्रणविष्टाम् । और्णाविषुः । और्णवीत् ।{$ {!1040 द्यु!} अभिगमने$} । द्यौति । द्योता ।{$ {!1041 षु!} प्रसवैश्वर्ययोः$} । प्रसवोऽभ्यनुज्ञानम् । सोता । असौषीत् ।{$ {!1042 कु!} शब्दे$} । कोता ।{$ {!1043 ष्टुञ्!} स्तुतौ$} । स्तौति । स्तवीति । स्तुतः । स्तुवीतः । स्तुते । स्तुवीते । स्तुसुधूञ्भ्यः - SK 2385 इतीट् । अस्तावीत् । प्राक्सितात् - SK 2276 इति षत्वम् । अभ्यष्टौत् । सिवादीनां वा SK 2359 । पर्यष्टौत् । प्रयस्तौत् ।{$ {!1044 ब्रूञ्!} व्याक्तायां वाचि$} ॥

Rule. For ūrṇu, vṛddhi before a sic that begins with iṭ, in parasmaipada, is optional. In the other option there is guṇa. The vṛddhi before sic in parasmaipada is carried from SK 2297 (sici vṛddhiḥ parasmaipadeṣu). "Beginning with iṭ" is carried from SK 2268 (neṭi).

Example.

ūrṇu + luṅ → sic, āṭ, īṭ → aurṇu + s + ī + t

→ iṭ → aurṇu + i + s + ī + t

→ this rule: vṛddhi, and āv → aurṇāv + i + s + ī + t

→ sic lost after iṭ (SK 2266) → aurṇāvīt "he covered".

Dual aurṇāviṣṭām, plural aurṇāviṣuḥ.

With guṇa: aurṇavīt.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then gives roots 1040 to 1044.

Watch out. This rule works only in parasmaipada. The ātmanepada luṅ has no vṛddhi: aurṇaviṣṭa or aurṇuviṣṭa.

F. brū: āha, āttha, īṭ, vac, um — running example: brū + tip → āh + ṇal → āha; brū + sip → āh + thal → āth + tha → āttha; brū + ti → brū + ī + ti → bravīti

The root brū "to speak" has three sets of forms. In laṭ it may borrow liṭ endings and become āh (SK 2450): āha "he says". Before tha the h of āh becomes th (SK 2451): āttha "you say". Its ordinary sārvadhātuka forms take the augment ī (SK 2452): bravīti. Before an ārdhadhātuka it is replaced by vac (SK 2453): uvāca "he said". In luṅ vac takes aṅ and the augment u (SK 2454): avocat. The group ends with the root i "to go", which opens the next part of the chapter.

SK 2450 · ब्रुवः पञ्चानामादित आहो ब्रुवः · bruvaḥ pañcānām ādita āho bruvaḥ (A 3.4.84)

ब्रुवः पञ्चानामादित आहो ब्रुवः
bruvaḥ pañcānāmādita āho bruvaḥ · A 3.4.84
ब्रुवो लटः परस्मैपदानामादितः पञ्चानां णलादयः पञ्च वा स्युर्ब्रुवश्चाहादेशः । आकार उच्चारणार्थः । आह । आहतुः । आहुः ॥

Rule. After brū, the first five parasmaipada endings of laṭ are optionally replaced by the five liṭ endings that begin with ṇal. At the same time brū is replaced by āha. "Of laṭ, optionally" is carried forward from SK 2464 (vido laṭo vā), taught later in this chapter.

The first five endings are tip, tas, jhi, sip, thas. Their replacements are ṇal, atus, us, thal, athus (SK 2173). The word bruvaḥ appears twice. The first is fifth case, "after brū". The second is sixth case, "in place of brū". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators points this out.

Bhaṭṭoji adds that the final a of āha is for pronunciation. The substitute is really āh.

Example.

brū + tip → this rule: ṇal for tip, āh for brū → āh + a

→ āha "he says".

Dual āhatuḥ, plural āhuḥ.

Without the option: bravīti (SK 2452).

Watch out. Only these five endings are replaced, and only in parasmaipada. So there is no āh in brūmaḥ "we say", nor in the ātmanepada brūte.

SK 2451 · आहस्थः · āhas thaḥ (A 8.2.35)

आहस्थः
āhasthaḥ · A 8.2.35
झलि परे । चर्त्वम् । आत्थ । आहथुः ॥

Rule. The final h of āh is replaced by th before a jhal. "Before a jhal" is carried forward from SK 2281 (jhalo jhali).

Example.

brū + sip → thal for sip, āh for brū (SK 2450) → āh + tha

→ this rule: th for h before the jhal th → āth + tha

→ cartva: the first th becomes t (SK 121) → āttha "you say".

Applies when / blocked by. The dual āhathuḥ keeps its h. Its ending athus begins with a vowel, not a jhal.

Watch out. Now the reason for the final a of āha is clear. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators shows it. If the substitute were āha, this rule would replace its last sound, the a. The h would then become ḍh by SK 324, and the wrong form āṭttha would result. Another commentator remarks that "āhas taḥ" would have been a simpler wording.

SK 2452 · ब्रुव ईट् · bruva īṭ (A 7.3.93)

ब्रुव ईट्
bruva īṭ · A 7.3.93
ब्रुवः परस्य हलादेः पित ईट् स्यात् । आत्थ इत्यत्र स्थानिवद्भावात्प्राप्तोऽयं झलीति थत्वविधानान्न भवति । ब्रवीति । ब्रूतः । ब्रुवन्ति । ब्रूते । आर्धधातुकाधिकारे ॥

Rule. After brū, a pit sārvadhātuka ending that begins with a consonant takes the augment īṭ. "Pit" and "sārvadhātuka" are carried forward from SK 2503. "Consonant" is carried from SK 2443.

Example.

brū + ti → luk of śap → this rule: īṭ → brū + ī + ti

→ guṇa of ū, and av for o → bravīti "he says".

The non-pit endings take no īṭ: brūtaḥ, bruvanti, ātmanepada brūte.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators tests the conditions. Not consonant-initial: bravāṇi. Not pit: brūtaḥ.

Watch out. What about āttha? There āh stands for brū and counts as brū (SK 49). So īṭ would seem due before tha. But SK 2451 gives th only before a jhal. With īṭ no jhal would follow, and SK 2451 would have nothing to do. So āttha takes no īṭ.

After the rule, Bhaṭṭoji closes by calling back the heading ārdhadhātuke (SK 2432).

SK 2453 · ब्रुवो वचिः · bruvo vaciḥ (A 2.4.53)

ब्रुवो वचिः
bruvo vaciḥ · A 2.4.53
उवाच । ऊचतुः । ऊचुः । उवचिथ । उवक्थ । ऊचे । वक्ता । ब्रवीतु । ब्रूयात् । ङिच्च पिन्न इत्यपित्त्वादीण्न । ब्रवाणि । ब्रवै । ब्रूयात् । उच्यात् । अस्यतिवक्ति SK 2438इत्यङ् ॥

Rule. brū is replaced by vac before an ārdhadhātuka. The condition is the heading SK 2432, called back at the end of SK 2452. The i of vaci is for pronunciation.

Example.

brū + liṭ → ṇal → this rule → vac + a

→ doubling → va vac + a

→ saṃprasāraṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2408) → u vac + a

→ the liṭ rules of chapter 44 → uvāca "he said".

vac + atus (kit) → saṃprasāraṇa before doubling (SK 2409) → uc + atus

→ doubling, the abhyāsa reduced → u uc + atus

→ the like vowels merge → ūcatuḥ "the two said".

Plural ūcuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. More forms with vac:

The sārvadhātuka forms are of brū itself: loṭ bravītu and brūtāt. tātaṅ is ṅit, and so, by "what is ṅit is not pit", it takes no īṭ from SK 2452. Loṭ first person bravāṇi, ātmanepada bravai. Vidhiliṅ brūyāt.

Watch out. uvaktha has no īṭ, though brū stands behind vac. The ending tha of liṭ is not sārvadhātuka, and SK 2452 applies only to sārvadhātuka endings. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.

SK 2454 · वच उम् · vaca um (A 7.4.20)

वच उम्
vaca um · A 7.4.20
अङि परे । अवोचत् । अवोचत ॥ अथ शास्यान्ताः परस्मैपदिनः । इङ् त्वात्मनेपदी ।{$ {!1045 इण्!} गतौ$} । एति । इतः ॥

Rule. vac takes the augment um when aṅ follows. "When aṅ follows" is carried forward from SK 2406 (ṛdṛśo 'ṅi guṇaḥ). The m of um is a marker. So the augment u goes after the last vowel of the root (SK 37).

Example.

brū + luṅ → vac (SK 2453), aṅ (SK 2438), aṭ → a + vac + a + t

→ this rule: u after the last vowel → a + va u c + a + t

→ a and u merge into o (SK 69) → avocat "he said".

Ātmanepada avocata.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then begins the next run of roots: "the roots up to śās are parasmaipadin; but iṅ is ātmanepadin". The run ends with śās (śāsu, 1075). The first root is 1045 i (iṇ), "going": eti "he goes", with guṇa before the pit tip; itaḥ "the two go", with no guṇa. Its other forms are taught in the next part of the chapter.

G. iṇ, iṅ, ik, vī: yaṇ, the long abhyāsa, the short vowel, gā/gāṅ, ṅit, ī for ā — running example: i + anti → y + anti → yanti; i i atus → ī yatus → īyatuḥ; iṇ + luṅ → a-gā-t → agāt; adhi + iṅ + liṭ → adhi-gāṅ → adhijage

The previous group closed with the root entry iṇ "to go" (1045), with eti "he goes" and itaḥ "the two go". Its ṇ is a marker that tells it apart from the other roots heard as i. This group gives its special rules. Before a vowel its i becomes y: yanti "they go". In liṭ its abhyāsa is lengthened: īyatuḥ. In luṅ it is replaced by gā: agāt "he went". Next come iṅ "to study", always used with adhi, which takes gāṅ in liṭ (adhijage), and ik "to remember", also with adhi. The group closes with the roots vī and yā.

SK 2455 · इणो यण् · iṇo yaṇ (A 6.4.81)

इणो यण्
iṇo yaṇ · A 6.4.81
अजादौ प्रत्यये परे । इयङोऽपवादः । यन्ति । इयाय ॥

Rule. The i of the root iṇ is replaced by yaṇ, a semivowel, before a vowel-initial affix. For i the semivowel is y. "Before a vowel" is carried forward from SK 271.

The rule is an exception (apavāda) to iyaṅ, the substitute iy of SK 271. It is taught exactly where iyaṅ would come.

Example.

i + anti (laṭ, prathama plural; the affix is ṅit, so no guṇa)

→ y for i (this rule) → y + anti

→ yanti "they go".

In liṭ the root is doubled. With ṇal the second part takes vṛddhi and becomes āy. The abhyāsa then takes iyaṅ by SK 2290:

i i + a → i āy + a → iy āy + a → iyāya "he went".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that guṇa and vṛddhi, being later rules, still win over this one. Both give ayanam "going" and āyakaḥ "one who goes".

SK 2456 · दीर्घ इणः किति · dīrgha iṇaḥ kiti (A 7.4.69)

दीर्घ इणः किति
dīrgha iṇaḥ kiti · A 7.4.69
इणोऽभ्यासस्य दीर्घः स्यात्किति लिटि । ईयतुः । ईयुः । इययिथ । इयेथ । एता । इतात् । इहि । अयानि । ऐत् । ऐताम् । आयन् । इयात् । ईयात् ॥

Rule. The abhyāsa of iṇ is lengthened before a kit ending of liṭ. "Abhyāsa" is carried forward from SK 2620, and "in liṭ" from SK 2353.

Example.

i + atus → doubling; atus is kit, so no guṇa → i i + atus

→ y for the second i (SK 2455) → i y + atus

→ the abhyāsa is lengthened (this rule) → ī y + atus

→ īyatuḥ "the two went". Likewise īyuḥ "they went".

With thal, which is not kit, there is no lengthening. iṭ is optional there: iyayitha or iyetha "you went".

Bhaṭṭoji then gives the other lakāras of iṇ:

In ait, the root's i takes guṇa, e, and merges with the augment into ai. In īyāt the i is lengthened by SK 2298.

Watch out. How does āyan get ā? Start from i + an. SK 2455 gives y + an. That y is ābhīya, so for other ābhīya rules it counts as not done. The root still counts as vowel-initial, and so takes the augment āṭ by SK 2254: āyan "they went". iyāya shows why "kit" is named: its ṇal is not kit, so no lengthening. Scholars discuss whether the word is strictly needed.

SK 2457 · एतेर्लिङि · eter liṅi (A 7.4.24)

एतेर्लिङि
eterliṅi · A 7.4.24
उपसर्गात्परस्य इणोऽणो ह्रस्वः स्यादार्धधातुके किति लिङि । निरियात् । उभयत आश्रयणे नान्तादिवत् । अभीयात् । अणः किम् । समेयात् । समीयादिति प्रयोगस्तु भौवादिकस्य ॥

Rule. After an upasarga, the aṇ vowel of iṇ is shortened before a kit liṅ. Here aṇ means a, i, u. "After an upasarga, short" is carried forward from SK 2702; "aṇ" from SK 834; "kit" from SK 2649.

Bhaṭṭoji's gloss adds the word "ārdhadhātuka". Scholars discuss whether it belongs there. Either way, the kit liṅ meant is the āśīrliṅ.

Example.

nis + iṇ, āśīrliṅ → nis + īyāt (the i lengthened by SK 2298)

→ i for ī (this rule) → nis + iyāt

→ r for the s of nis before the vowel → niriyāt "may he go out".

Applies when / blocked by. In abhi + īyāt, the i of abhi and the ī merge into one ī. Is that ī the end of abhi, or the start of the root? A single substitute is not treated as both at once (na antādivat). Taken as the end of abhi, no root iṇ remains. Taken as the root, abh is no upasarga. So nothing is shortened: abhīyāt.

Why "aṇ"? In sam + ā + iyāt the ā and i merge into e. That e is not an aṇ vowel, so it stays: sameyāt.

Watch out. The attested form samīyāt is not from iṇ. It belongs to a root i of the bhvādi class.

SK 2458 · इणो गा लुङि · iṇo gā luṅi (A 2.4.45)

इणो गा लुङि
iṇo gā luṅi · A 2.4.45
गातिस्था SK 2223 इति सिचो लुक् । अगात् । अगाताम् । अगुः ।{$ {!1046 इङ्!} अध्ययने$} । नित्यमधिपूर्वः । अधीते । अधीयाते । अधीयते ॥

Rule. In luṅ, gā replaces the root iṇ. The rule stands under the heading ārdhadhātuke (SK 2432).

Example.

iṇ + luṅ → gā for iṇ (this rule) → a + gā + s + t

→ sic is deleted by SK 2223 → agāt "he went".

Likewise agātām, aguḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives the root iṅ "to study" (1046). The Dhātupāṭha adds: "it is always preceded by adhi". Before an apit ending the affix is ṅit by SK 2234, so no guṇa. The two i's merge:

adhi + i + te → adhīte "he studies".

Before a vowel iyaṅ comes: adhīyāte, adhīyate.

SK 2459 · गाङ् लिटि · gāṅ liṭi (A 2.4.49)

गाङ् लिटि
gāṅ liṭi · A 2.4.49
इङो गाङ् स्याल्लिटि लावस्थायां विवक्षते वा । अधिजगे । अधिजगाते । अधिजगिरे । अध्येता । अध्येष्यते । अध्ययै । गुणायादेशयोः कृतयोरुपसर्गस्य यण् । पूर्वं धातुरुपर्गेणेति- दर्शनेन् तरङ्गत्वाद्गुणात्पूर्वं सवर्णदीर्घः प्राप्तः । णेरध्ययने वृत्तम् SK 3066 इति निर्देशान्न भवति । अध्यैत । परत्वादियङ् । तत आट् । वृद्धिः । अध्यैयाताम् । अध्यैयत । अध्यैयि । अध्यैवहि । अधीयीत । अधीयीयाताम् । अधीयीध्वम् । अधीयीय । अध्येषीष्ट ॥

Rule. In liṭ, gāṅ replaces iṅ "to study". "iṅ" is carried forward from SK 2616, taught later.

When does gāṅ come? Bhaṭṭoji gives two views. On one view it comes at the stage when the l of the lakāra stands. On the other it comes as soon as liṭ is intended. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators assign the first to a vārttika and the second to the Bhāṣya.

Example.

adhi + iṅ + liṭ → gāṅ for iṅ (this rule) → adhi + gā + e → doubling → adhi + jagā + e

→ the ā is dropped before the ending (āto lopa iṭi ca, SK 2372; a rule from an earlier chapter, not spelled out in this unit's sources)

→ adhijage "he studied". Likewise adhijagāte, adhijagire.

The other lakāras keep i. luṭ adhyetā, lṛṭ adhyeṣyate.

In loṭ, uttama singular:

adhi + i + ai → guṇa, then ay → adhi + ay + ai

→ y for the i of adhi → adhyayai "let me study".

Applies when / blocked by. Some hold that a root is first joined with its upasarga. Then the merging of adhi and i into adhī would come before guṇa. It is the inner (antaraṅga) operation. It does not happen, because Pāṇini's own wording ṇer adhyayane vṛttam (SK 3066) uses the form adhyayana.

In laṅ, the dual: in adhi + i + ātām, iyaṅ comes before āṭ, being the later rule. Then āṭ, vṛddhi and y follow:

adhi + iy + ātām → adhi + ā iy + ātām → adhi + aiy + ātām → adhyaiyātām.

Otherwise the form would be adhyaitām. The laṅ also has adhyaita, adhyaiyata, adhyaiyi, adhyaivahi.

The vidhiliṅ is adhīyīta, adhīyīyātām, adhīyīdhvam, adhīyīya. The āśīrliṅ is adhyeṣīṣṭa.

SK 2460 · विभाषा लुङ्लृङोः · vibhāṣā luṅlṛṅoḥ (A 2.4.50)

विभाषा लुङ्लृङोः
vibhāṣā luṅlṛṅoḥ · A 2.4.50
इङो गाङ् वा स्यात् ॥

Rule. In luṅ and lṛṅ, gāṅ replaces iṅ optionally. "iṅ" is carried forward from SK 2616, and "gāṅ" from SK 2459.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the forms under SK 2462:

luṅ: adhyagīṣṭa (with gāṅ) or adhyaiṣṭa (without);

lṛṅ: adhyagīṣyata or adhyaiṣyata.

SK 2461 · गाङ्कुटादिभ्योऽञ्णिन्ङित् · gāṅkuṭādibhyo 'ñṇin ṅit (A 1.2.1)

गाङ्कुटादिभ्योऽञ्णिन्ङित्
gāṅkuṭādibhyo'ñṇinṅit · A 1.2.1
गाङादेशात्कुटादिभ्यश्च परेऽञ्णितः प्रत्यया ङितः स्युः ॥

Rule. An affix after the substitute gāṅ, or after kuṭ and the roots that follow it, is ṅit. This holds if the affix itself is not marked with ñ or ṇ (añṇit). The kuṭādi, "kuṭ and the rest", are a subgroup of the tudādi class.

Example.

adhi + a + gā + s + ta (luṅ, with gāṅ)

→ sic is ṅit (this rule)

→ so SK 2462 can act on it → adhyagīṣṭa.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "the substitute gāṅ"? The gā of SK 2458 has no ṅ, so it is not meant. The root gāṅ "to go" is not meant either. Its ṅ already does work: it brings ātmanepada endings. The substitute's ṅ has no such work, since iṅ is ātmanepada anyway. So its ṅ is there for this rule. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so.

An affix marked ñ or ṇ is not made ṅit. One commentator gives koṭaḥ with ghañ, and cukoṭa with ṇal.

SK 2462 · घुमास्थागापाजहातिसां हलि · ghumāsthāgāpājahātisāṃ hali (A 6.4.66)

घुमास्थागापाजहातिसां हलि
ghumāsthāgāpājahātisāṃ hali · A 6.4.66
एषामात ईत्स्याद्धलादौ क्ङित्यार्धधातुके । अध्यगीष्ट-अध्यैष्ट । अध्यगीष्यत- अध्यैष्यत ।{$ {!1047 इक्!} स्मरणे$} । अयमप्यधिपर्वः । अधीगर्थदयेशाम्-SK 613 इति लिङ्गात् । अन्यथा हीगर्थेत्येव ब्रूयात् ॥
इण्वदिक इति वक्तव्यम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अधियन्ति । अध्यगात् । केचित्तु आर्धधातुकाधिकारोक्तस्यैवातिदेशमाहुः । तन्मते यण्न । तथाच भट्टिः-ससीतयो राघवयोरधीयन्इति ।{$ {!1048 वी!} गतिव्याप्तिप्रजनकान्त्यसनखादनेषु$} । प्रजनं गर्भग्रहणम् । असनं क्षेपणम् । वेति । वीतः । वियन्ति । वेषि । वेमि । वीहि । अवेत् । अवीताम् । अवियन् । अडागमे सत्वनेकाच्त्वाद्यणिति केचित् । अव्यन् । अत्रेकारोऽपि धात्वन्तरं प्रश्लिष्यत । एति । ईतः । इयन्ति । ईयात् । ऐषीत् ।{$ {!1049 या!} प्रापणे$} । प्रापणमिह गतिः । प्रणियाति । यातः । यान्ति ॥

Rule. For the ghu roots and for mā, sthā, gā, pā, hā and sā, ī replaces the ā. This happens before a consonant-initial ārdhadhātuka that is kit or ṅit. "ā" is carried forward from SK 2372, and "ī" from SK 2843. The heading ārdhadhātuke is in force. The commentators name different sources for "kit or ṅit"; scholars discuss this.

Example.

adhi + a + gā + s + ta → sic is ṅit (SK 2461)

→ ī for ā (this rule) → adhi + a + gī + s + ta

→ y for the i of adhi, ṣ for s, ṭ for t

→ adhyagīṣṭa "he studied".

Without gāṅ:

adhi + ā + i + s + ta → guṇa, vṛddhi with the augment, y, ṣ, ṭ

→ adhyaiṣṭa.

In lṛṅ, sya is ṅit by SK 2461: adhyagīṣyata or adhyaiṣyata.

Applies when / blocked by. sic is not deleted here by SK 2223. That rule works only before parasmaipada endings. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators tests each condition:

Bhaṭṭoji then gives three roots.

ik "to remember" (1047) is also always used with adhi. The evidence is SK 613, adhīgarthadayeśāṃ karmaṇi. If ik could stand alone, Pāṇini would have said just "igartha". A vārttika says ik is treated like iṇ. So adhiyanti "they remember" (with y, SK 2455) and adhyagāt (with gā, SK 2458). Some hold that only the rules under the heading ārdhadhātuke are extended. For them there is no y. Bhaṭṭi's poem accordingly has adhīyan "remembering".

vī "to go, pervade, conceive, shine, throw, eat" (1048) has veti, vītaḥ, viyanti, veṣi, vemi, vīhi. In laṅ: avet, avītām, aviyan. Some say that with the augment a the stem has more than one vowel, so y comes: avyan. Bhaṭṭoji reports this only as "some say"; scholars discuss this.

Inside the entry vī a separate root ī is embedded (praśliṣṭa). Its forms are eti, ītaḥ, iyanti, īyāt, aiṣīt.

yā "to reach" (1049) here means "to go". Its forms are praṇiyāti, yātaḥ, yānti.

H. jus after the ā-final roots; yā … vac — running example: a-yā + jhi → a-yā + us → ayuḥ / ayān

One rule gives an option to the roots that end in ā. In laṅ, their third-person plural may take jus instead of the usual ant: ayuḥ or ayān "they went". Bhaṭṭoji then walks through the ā-final roots from vā to mā, and the root vac "to speak". The group ends with the root entry for vid "to know".

SK 2463 · लङः शाकटायनस्यैव · laṅaḥ śākaṭāyanasyaiva (A 3.4.111)

लङः शाकटायनस्यैव
laṅaḥ śākaṭāyanasyaiva · A 3.4.111
आदन्तात्परस्य लङो झेर्जुस् वा स्यात् । अयुः-अयान् । यायात् । यायाताम् । यायास्ताम् ।{$ {!1050 वा!} गतिगन्धनयोः$} । गन्धनं सूचनम् ।{$ {!1051 भा!} दीप्तौ$} ।{$ {!1052 ष्णा!} शौचे$} ।{$ {!1053 श्रा!} पाके $}।{$ {!1054 द्रा!} कुत्सायां गतौ$} ।{$ {!1055 प्सा!} भक्षणे $}।{$ {!1056 पा!} रक्षणे$} । पायास्ताम् । अपासीत् ।{$ {!1057 रा!} दाने$} ।{$ {!1058 ला!} आदाने$} । द्वावपि दाने इति चन्द्रः ।{$ {!1059 दाप्!} लवने$} । प्रणिदाति-प्रनिदाति । दायास्ताम् । अदासीत् ।{$ {!1060 ख्या!} प्रकथने$} । अयं सार्वधातुकमात्रविषयः ॥
सस्थानत्वं नमः ख्यात्रे इति वार्तिकम्
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ तद्भाष्यं चेह लिङ्गम् । सस्थानो जिह्वामूलीयः । स नेति ख्शाञादेशस्य ख्शादित्वे प्रयोजनमित्यर्थः । संपूर्वस्य ख्यातेः प्रयोगो नेति न्यासकारः ।{$ {!1061 प्रा!} पूरणे$} ।{$ {!1062 मा!} माने$} । अकर्मकः । तनौ ममुस्तत्र न कैटभद्विष इति माघः । उपसर्गवशेनार्थान्तरे सकर्मकः । उदरं परिमाति मुष्टिना । नेर्गद-SK 2285 इत्यत्र नास्य ग्रहणम् । प्रणिमाति- प्रनिमाति ।{$ {!1063 वच!} परिभाषणे$} । वक्ति । वक्तः । अयमन्तिपरो न प्रयुज्यते । बहुवचनपर इत्यन्ये ॥ झिपर इत्यपरे । वग्धि । वच्यात् । उच्यात् । अवोचत् ।{$ {!1064 विद!} ज्ञाने$} ॥

Rule. After a root ending in ā, jus replaces the jhi of laṅ, in the view of Śākaṭāyana. Naming one grammarian makes the rule optional. "jhi → jus" is carried forward from SK 2213, and "after ā" from SK 2227.

Example.

a + yā + jhi → jus for jhi (this rule) → a + yā + us

→ the ā merges into the u (usy apadāntāt, SK 2214) → a + y + us

→ ayuḥ "they went".

In the other option, jhi becomes ant → ayān.

In both liṅs the singular is yāyāt. The duals differ: vidhiliṅ yāyātām, āśīrliṅ yāyāstām.

Applies when / blocked by. The word eva "only" is there for the rules that follow. The rule does not reach loṭ through SK 2198, which makes loṭ like laṅ. laṅ is named here precisely to prevent that. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives both points.

One commentator notes that the option does not reach daridrā either. Its ā is already lost there (see SK 2483).

Bhaṭṭoji then lists the ā-final roots from 1050 to 1063.

Last comes the root entry vid "to know" (1064).

Watch out. How do we know khyā is sārvadhātuka only? The evidence is a vārttika, sasthānatvaṃ namaḥ khyātre, with its Bhāṣya. The substitute for cakṣ, khyāñ, is read as khśāñ. The ś keeps a sound called the jihvāmūlīya out of namaḥ khyātre "homage to the teller". The jihvāmūlīya is a sound that visarga can become before k or kh (SK 142). If khyā also took ārdhadhātuka affixes, khyātṛ could come from it. Its y would be a plain y, and the jihvāmūlīya could not be kept out. The author of the Nyāsa adds that khyā is not used with sam.

I. vid: ṇal in laṭ, vidāṅkurvantu, u after kṛ, u for its a, ru for d — running example: vid + tip → vid + ṇal → veda; vid + loṭ → vidām + kṛ-u-tu → vidāṅkarotu; vidāṅkaru + tāt → vidāṅkurutāt

The root vid "to know" has two special forms. In laṭ it may take the endings of liṭ: veda "he knows" beside vetti. In loṭ it may form a phrase with kṛ "to do": vidāṅkarotu "let him know". To build that phrase we need the affix u after kṛ and the change of its a to u: vidāṅkurutāt, vidāṅkuru. A last rule gives vid an optional ru in laṅ: aveḥ or avet "you knew".

SK 2464 · विदो लटो वा · vido laṭo vā (A 3.4.83)

विदो लटो वा
vido laṭo vā · A 3.4.83
वेत्तेर्लटः परस्मैपदानां णलादयो वा स्युः । वेद । विदतुः । विदुः । वेत्थ । विदथुः । विद । वेद । विद्व । विद्म । पक्षे वेत्ति । वित्तः । इत्यादि । विवेद । विविदतुः । उषविद-SK 2341 इत्याम्पक्षे विदेत्यकारान्तनिपातनान्न लघूपधगुणः । विदांचकार । वेदिता ॥

Rule. After vid of the adādi class, ṇal and the rest optionally replace the parasmaipada endings of laṭ. "ṇal and the rest" is carried forward from SK 2173.

Example.

vid + tip → ṇal for tip (this rule) → vid + a

→ ṇal is not kit, so the light penultimate takes guṇa → veda "he knows".

The full set: veda, vidatuḥ, viduḥ; vettha, vidathuḥ, vida; veda, vidva, vidma.

In the other option: vetti, vittaḥ and so on.

The liṭ itself is viveda, vividatuḥ. liṭ may also take ām by SK 2341. That rule states the stem as vida, ending in a, by nipātana. Nipātana means that a form is given ready-made in a sūtra. So there is no guṇa of the light penultimate: vidāñcakāra. The luṭ is veditā.

Applies when / blocked by. Only the adādi vid is meant. In vindati and vidyati the class-signs śa and śyan stand between root and ending. So there the laṭ does not follow the root directly. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so.

SK 2465 · विदाङ्कुर्वन्त्वित्यन्यतरस्याम् · vidāṅkurvantv ity anyatarasyām (A 3.1.41)

विदाङ्कुर्वन्त्वित्यन्यतरस्याम्
vidāṅkurvantvityanyatarasyām · A 3.1.41
वेत्तेर्लोट्याङ्गुणाभावो लोटो लुक् लोडन्तकरोत्यनुप्रयोगश्च वा निपात्यते । पुरुषवचने न विवक्षिते इति शब्दात् ॥

Rule. For vid in loṭ, four things are given optionally by nipātana:

The sūtra names only vidāṅkurvantu "let them know". The word iti shows that its person and number are not meant. Any person and number of kṛ may follow.

Example.

vid + loṭ → ām, no guṇa, loṭ deleted → vidām

→ kṛ in loṭ follows → vidām + kṛ + tu

→ with the affix u (SK 2466) → vidāṅkarotu "let him know".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports a view that even the parasmaipada is not meant. Then vyatividāṅkurutām is also possible.

SK 2466 · तनादिकृञ्भ्य उः · tanādikṛñbhya uḥ (A 3.1.79)

तनादिकृञ्भ्य उः
tanādikṛñbhya uḥ · A 3.1.79
तनादेः कृञश्च उप्रत्ययः स्यात् । शपोऽपवादः । तनादित्वादेवसिद्धे कृञ्ग्रहणं गणकार्यस्यानित्यत्वे लिङ्गम् । तेन न विश्वसेदविश्वस्तमित्यादि सिद्धम् । विदांकरोतु ॥

Rule. After tan and the rest, and after kṛñ "to do", the affix u comes. It is an exception to śap. So it comes only where śap would: before a sārvadhātuka of the agent. "Sārvadhātuka" is carried forward from SK 2756, and "of the agent" from SK 2167.

Example.

vidām + kṛ + ti → u after kṛ (this rule) → vidām + kṛ + u + ti

→ u for the i of ti (SK 2196) → vidām + kṛ + u + tu

→ guṇa of ṛ, with r, and guṇa of the affix u → vidām + kar + o + tu

→ vidāṅkarotu.

Applies when / blocked by. kṛñ already belongs to the tanādi group. Why name it? Bhaṭṭoji says this shows that group operations (gaṇakārya) are not obligatory (anitya). That accounts for na viśvased aviśvastam "one should not trust the untrusted". There śvas, an adādi root, keeps śap. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that the Bhāṣya rejects the naming of kṛñ. Scholars discuss this.

SK 2467 · अत उत् सार्वधातुके · ata ut sārvadhātuke (A 6.4.110)

अत उत् सार्वधातुके
ata ut sārvadhātuke · A 6.4.110
उप्रत्ययान्तस्य कृञोऽकारस्य उत्स्यात्सार्वधातुके क्ङिति । उदिति तपरसामर्थ्यान्न गुणः । विदांकुरुतात् । विदांकुरुताम् । उतश्च-SK 2334इति हेर्लुक् । आभीयत्वेन लुकोऽसिद्धत्वादूत्त्वम् । विदांकुरु । विदांकरवाणि । अवेत् । अवित्ताम् । सिजभ्यस्त-SK 2226 इति झेर्जुस् । अविदुः ॥

Rule. The a of kṛ, when it ends in the affix u, is replaced by u. This happens before a sārvadhātuka that is kit or ṅit. "kṛ" is carried forward from SK 2548, "ending in the affix u" from SK 2334, and "kit or ṅit" from SK 2363.

The new u is marked with t (ut). Bhaṭṭoji says this mark must have some force (taparakaraṇa-sāmarthya). Its force is to block guṇa of this u. Otherwise the u, now a light penultimate, would take guṇa.

Example.

vidām + kṛ + u + tāt (loṭ with tātaṅ, which is ṅit)

→ guṇa of ṛ → vidām + kar + u + tāt (no guṇa of u: tātaṅ is ṅit)

→ u for the a of kar (this rule) → vidāṅkurutāt. Likewise vidāṅkurutām.

Before hi:

vidāṅkaru + hi → hi is deleted by SK 2334

→ that deletion is ābhīya, so it counts as not done

→ u still comes (this rule) → vidāṅkuru "know!".

In the uttama, vidāṅkaravāṇi keeps a. The augment āṭ is pit, so the ending is not ṅit.

In laṅ, vid gives avet, avittām and aviduḥ. In aviduḥ, jus replaces jhi by SK 2226.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator gives the test for "kit or ṅit": karoti, karoṣi. Their endings are pit, so the a stays.

SK 2468 · दश्च · daś ca (A 8.2.75)

दश्च
daśca · A 8.2.75
धातोर्दस्य पदान्तस्य सिपि परे रुः स्याद्वा । अवेः-अवेत् ।{$ {!1065 अस!} भुवि$} । अस्ति ॥

Rule. The d of a root at the end of a pada optionally becomes ru before sip. "Before sip, of a root, ru optionally" is carried forward from SK 2485, taught later. "End" comes from SK 84, and padasya "of a pada" is the heading.

Example.

a + vid + s (laṅ, madhyama singular) → guṇa → a + ved + s

→ the lone s is dropped (SK 252) → aved, a pada ending in d

→ ru for d (this rule) → aveḥ "you knew";

or, without ru, avet.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "before sip"? Before tip only avet "he knew" is possible. One commentator also defends "at the end of a pada". Without it, the rule would wrongly reach vetsi.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives the root as "to be" (1065): asti "he is".

J. as: loss of a, bhū, e before hi, ṣ after an upasarga — running example: as + tas → s + tas → staḥ; as + hi → e + hi → e + dhi → edhi

The root as "to be" loses its a before a kit or ṅit ending: staḥ "the two are", santi "they are". Before an ārdhadhātuka it is replaced by bhū: babhūva. Before hi it becomes e: edhi "be!". After certain upasargas its s becomes ṣ: niṣyāt.

SK 2469 · श्नसोरल्लोपः · śnasor allopaḥ (A 6.4.111)

श्नसोरल्लोपः
śnasorallopaḥ · A 6.4.111
श्नस्यास्तेश्चाकारस्य लोपः स्यात्सार्वधातुके क्ङिति । स्तः । सन्ति । तासस्त्योः-SK 2191 इति सलोपः । असि । स्थः । स्थ । अस्मि । स्वः । स्मः । आर्धधातुके SK 2432 इत्यधिकृत्य ॥

Rule. The a of the class-sign śna and of the root as is deleted. This happens before a sārvadhātuka that is kit or ṅit. "Sārvadhātuka" is carried forward from SK 2467, and "kit or ṅit" from SK 2363.

Example.

as + tas (tas is apit, so ṅit) → a deleted (this rule) → s + tas

→ staḥ "the two are". Likewise santi "they are".

as + si → the s of as is deleted by SK 2191 → a + si → asi "you are". The ending si is pit, so the a stays.

The rest of the laṭ: sthaḥ, stha; asmi, svaḥ, smaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives śna examples: rundhaḥ, rundhanti. Before a pit ending nothing is lost: ruṇaddhi, asti.

Bhaṭṭoji then takes up the heading ārdhadhātuke (SK 2432) again. The next rule is read under it.

SK 2470 · अस्तेर्भूः · asterbhūḥ (A 2.4.52)

अस्तेर्भूः
asterbhūḥ · A 2.4.52
बभूव । भविता । अस्तु । स्तात् । स्ताम् । सन्तु ॥

Rule. bhū replaces the root as before an ārdhadhātuka affix. The condition comes from the heading ārdhadhātuke (SK 2432).

Example.

as + liṭ → bhū for as (this rule) → babhūva "he was".

as + luṭ → bhavitā.

Applies when / blocked by. The endings of loṭ are sārvadhātuka, so as stays there: astu, stāt, stām, santu.

SK 2471 · घ्वसोरेद्धावभ्यासलोपश्च · ghvasor ed dhāv abhyāsalopaś ca (A 6.4.119)

घ्वसोरेद्धावभ्यासलोपश्च
ghvasoreddhāvabhyāsalopaśca · A 6.4.119
घोरस्तेश्चैत्वं स्याद्धौ परेऽभ्यासलोपश्च । आभीयत्वेनैत्वास्यासिद्धत्वाद्धेर्धिः । श्नसोरल्लोपः-SK 2469इत्यल्लोपः । एधि । तातङ्पक्षे एत्वं न । परेण तातङा बाधात् । [(परिभाषा - ) सकृद्गताविति न्यायात्] । स्तात् । स्तम् । स्त । असानि । असाव । असाम । अस्तिसिच-SK 2225इतीट् । आसीत् । श्नसो-SK 2469 इत्यल्लोपस्याभीयत्वेनासिद्धत्वादाट् । आस्ताम् । आसन् । स्यात् । भूयात् । अभूत् । सिचोऽस्तेश्च विद्यमानत्वेन विशेषणादीण्न ॥

Rule. For a ghu root and for as, e replaces the final sound before hi. Also the abhyāsa is deleted as a whole. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the ghu forms dehi "give!" and dhehi "place!".

Example.

as + hi → e for the final s (this rule) → ae + hi

→ the e is ābhīya, so for SK 2425 it counts as not done; the root still ends in s

→ dhi for hi (SK 2425) → ae + dhi

→ the a is deleted (SK 2469) → edhi "be!".

Applies when / blocked by. With tātaṅ there is no e. tātaṅ is the later rule and sets the e aside. A maxim, sakṛdgati, says: what is once set aside in a conflict stays set aside. So stāt. The other loṭ forms: stam, sta; asāni, asāva, asāma.

In laṅ, īṭ comes by SK 2225: āsīt "he was". In āstām and āsan the augment is āṭ. The a-deletion of SK 2469 is ābhīya, so it counts as not done, and the root still counts as vowel-initial.

The vidhiliṅ is syāt. The āśīrliṅ is bhūyāt and the luṅ abhūt, both from bhū. There is no īṭ in abhūt. SK 2225 wants sic and as to be actually present, and as is gone.

SK 2472 · उपसर्गप्रादुर्भ्यामस्तिर्यच्परः · upasargaprādurbhyām astir yacparaḥ (A 8.3.87)

उपसर्गप्रादुर्भ्यामस्तिर्यच्परः
upasargaprādurbhyāmastiryacparaḥ · A 8.3.87
उसर्गेऽणः प्रादुसश्च परस्यास्तेः सस्य षः स्यारद्यकासेऽचि च परे । निष्यात् । प्रादुःष्यात् । निषन्ति । प्रादुः षन्ति । यच्परः किम् । अभिस्तः ।{$ {!1066 मृजू!} शुद्धौ$} ॥

Rule. The s of as becomes ṣ when y or a vowel follows it. This happens after an iṇ sound standing in an upasarga, or after prādus "manifest". (Here iṇ is the group of sounds met at SK 2247 and SK 2410, not the root iṇ.) "Of s" is carried forward from SK 335. SK 211 (after iṇ) and SK 210 (the retroflex) are headings.

Example.

ni + syāt → ṣ for s (this rule) → niṣyāt "may it exist".

Likewise prāduḥṣyāt; before a vowel niṣanti, prāduḥṣanti.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "when y or a vowel follows"? In abhistaḥ a t follows, so the s stays.

"After" qualifies the s of as, not as itself: the s must itself come right after. In prādur āsīt "it appeared" the ā stands between, so nothing changes. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators make this point. One commentator adds more tests: dadhi syāt (no upasarga) and parisṛjati (not as).

Bhaṭṭoji then gives the root mṛjū "to cleanse" (1066).

K. mṛj; the five rudādi: iṭ, īṭ/aṭ, ṣ in supi, ṇ in an, at for jha — running example: mṛj + ti → mārj-ti → mārṣ-ṭi → mārṣṭi; rud + ti → rud-i-ti → roditi; a-rod + t → arodīt / arodat

mṛj "to cleanse" takes vṛddhi where other roots take guṇa: mārṣṭi. Then come five roots, the rudādi: rud "to weep", svap "to sleep", śvas "to breathe", an "to breathe" and jakṣ "to eat". Before a sārvadhātuka that begins with a val consonant they take iṭ: roditi. In laṅ they take īṭ or aṭ: arodīt or arodat. Along the way come the ṣ of suṣuṣupatuḥ, the ṇ of prāṇiti, and at for the jh of an abhyasta: jakṣati.

SK 2473 · मृजेर्वृद्धिः · mṛjer vṛddhiḥ (A 7.2.114)

मृजेर्वृद्धिः
mṛjervṛddhiḥ · A 7.2.114
मृजेरिको वृद्धिः स्याद्धातुप्रत्यये परे ।
क्ङित्यजादौ वेष्यते
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ व्रश्च SK 294 इति षः । मार्ष्टि । मृष्टः । मृजन्ति-मार्जन्ति । ममार्ज । ममार्जतुः-ममृजतुः । ममार्जिथ । ममार्ष्ठ । मार्जिता-मार्ष्टा । मृड्ढि । अमाटर् । अमार्जम् । अमार्जीत्-अमार्क्षीत् ।{$ {!1067 रुदिर्!} अश्रुविमोचने$} ॥

Rule. The ik vowel of mṛj (ik: the vowels i, u, ṛ, ḷ) takes vṛddhi before an affix added after a root, a dhātupratyaya. It is an exception to guṇa. A vārttika adds: before a vowel-initial kit or ṅit affix, vṛddhi is optional.

Example.

mṛj + ti → vṛddhi of ṛ, with r (this rule) → mārj + ti

→ ṣ for j (SK 294) → mārṣ + ti

→ ṭ for t → mārṣṭi "he cleanses".

mṛṣṭaḥ has no vṛddhi: tas is ṅit. mṛjanti or mārjanti shows the vārttika's option.

The other forms Bhaṭṭoji gives:

The ū of mṛjū makes iṭ optional. So the forms with and without iṭ stand side by side.

In mṛḍḍhi, hi becomes dhi (SK 2425). Then j becomes ṣ, dh becomes ḍh, and ṣ becomes ḍ.

Applies when / blocked by. The affix must be added after the root. In parimṛḍbhyām, a noun form, the affix bhyām follows a noun, not a root. So there is no vṛddhi. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives the root rudir "to shed tears" (1067).

SK 2474 · रुदादिभ्यः सार्वधातुके · rudādibhyaḥ sārvadhātuke (A 7.2.76)

रुदादिभ्यः सार्वधातुके
rudādibhyaḥ sārvadhātuke · A 7.2.76
रुद् स्वप्रन श्वस् अन् जक्ष एभ्यो वलादेः सार्वधातुकस्येट् स्यात् । रोदिति । रुदितः । हौ परत्वादिटि धित्वं न । रुदिहि ॥

Rule. After rud, svap, śvas, an and jakṣ, a sārvadhātuka beginning with a val consonant takes the augment iṭ. "iṭ" and "beginning with val" are carried forward from SK 2184.

Example.

rud + ti → iṭ (this rule) → rud + i + ti

→ guṇa of the light penultimate → roditi "he weeps".

ruditaḥ "the two weep" has no guṇa: tas is ṅit.

Applies when / blocked by. Before hi, iṭ is the later rule, so it comes first. Then hi no longer follows the consonant d, and SK 2425 gives no dhi: rudihi "weep!".

One commentator tests the conditions. rudanti has no iṭ: anti is vowel-initial. svaptā has none: tās is not sārvadhātuka.

SK 2475 · रुदश्च पञ्चभ्यः · rudaś ca pañcabhyaḥ (A 7.3.98)

रुदश्च पञ्चभ्यः
rudaśca pañcabhyaḥ · A 7.3.98
हलादेः पितः सार्वधातुकस्यापृक्तस्य ईट् स्यात् ॥

Rule. After these five roots, the augment īṭ comes to a sārvadhātuka that is consonant-initial, pit and apṛkta. An apṛkta affix is one of a single sound. "īṭ" is carried forward from SK 2452, "consonant-initial" from SK 2443, "pit sārvadhātuka" from SK 2503, and "apṛkta" from SK 2448.

Example.

a + rud + t (laṅ, prathama singular) → īṭ (this rule) → a + rud + ī + t

→ guṇa → arodīt "he wept". The full set of forms is under SK 2476.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators asks: why "five"? So that the rule does not reach jāgṛ, the next root in the list. Its laṅ is ajāgaḥ, without īṭ.

SK 2476 · अड्गार्ग्यगालवयोः · aḍ gārgyagālavayoḥ (A 7.3.99)

अड्गार्ग्यगालवयोः
aḍgārgyagālavayoḥ · A 7.3.99
अरोदीत्-अरोदत् । अरूदिताम् । अरुदन् । अरोदीः-अरोदः । प्रकृतिप्रत्ययविशेषापेक्षाभ्याममडीड्भ्यामन्तरङ्गत्वाद्यासुट् । रुद्यात् । अरुदत् । अरोदीत् ।{$ {!1068 ञिष्वप्!} शये$} । स्वपिति । स्वपितः । सुष्वाप । सुषुपतुः । सुषुपुः । सुष्वपिथ-सुष्वप्थ ॥

Rule. In the view of the grammarians Gārgya and Gālava, aṭ comes instead of īṭ, under the same conditions. So the forms come in pairs, one with īṭ and one with aṭ.

Example.

a + rud + t → aṭ (this rule) → a + rud + a + t → guṇa → arodat.

So the laṅ is arodīt or arodat, then aruditām, arudan. The madhyama singular is arodīḥ or arodaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. In the liṅ, aṭ and īṭ are later rules and would seem to block yāsuṭ. But yāsuṭ is inner (antaraṅga). aṭ and īṭ depend on a particular root and a particular ending. So yāsuṭ comes: rudyāt.

In luṅ, rudir is ir-marked and may take aṅ: arudat. Otherwise sic comes, with īṭ by SK 2225: arodīt. SK 2475 does not act there, since sic stands between the root and the ending.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives ñiṣvap "to sleep" (1068). With iṭ by SK 2474: svapiti, svapitaḥ. In liṭ: suṣvāpa. Before the kit atus and us, saṃprasāraṇa comes first by SK 2409, then doubling: suṣupatuḥ, suṣupuḥ. In the madhyama iṭ is optional: suṣvapitha or suṣvaptha.

SK 2477 · सुविनिर्दुर्भ्यः सुपिसूतिसमाः · suvinirdurbhyaḥ supisūtisamāḥ (A 8.3.88)

सुविनिर्दुर्भ्यः सुपिसूतिसमाः
suvinirdurbhyaḥ supisūtisamāḥ · A 8.3.88
एभ्यः सुप्यादेः सस्य षः स्यात् । पूर्वं धातुरुपसर्गेण युज्यते । किति लिटि परत्वात्संप्रसारणे षत्वे च कृते द्वित्वम् । [(परिभाषा - ) पूर्वत्रासिद्धीयमद्विर्वचने] । सुषुषुपतुः । सुषुषुपुः । अकिति तु द्वित्वेऽभ्यासस्य संप्रसारणम् । षत्वस्यसिद्धत्वात्ततः पूर्वं हलादिः शेषः SK 2179 । नित्यत्वाच्च् । ततः सुपिरूपाभावान्न षः । सुसुष्वाप । सुस्वप्ता । अस्वपीत् । अस्वपत् । स्वप्यात् । सुप्यात् । सुषुप्यात् । अस्वाप्सीत् ।{$ {!1069 श्वस!} प्राणने$} । श्वसिति । श्वसिता । अश्वसीत्-अश्वसत् । श्वस्याताम् । श्वस्यास्ताम् । ह्म्यन्तक्षण -SK 2299 इति न वृद्धिः । अश्वसीत् ।{$ {!1070 अन!} च$} । अनिति । आन । अनिता । आनीत् । आनत् ॥

Rule. After su, vi, nir and dur, the s becomes ṣ in supi, sūti and sama. supi is svap in its saṃprasāraṇa form, sup. "Of s" is carried forward from SK 335, and SK 210 is the heading. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give suṣuptiḥ, suṣūtiḥ, suṣamaḥ. There is no ṣ in susvapnaḥ, since svap there is not sup.

Example. A root is first joined with its upasarga, and only then with the affix. In a kit liṭ:

su + svap + atus → saṃprasāraṇa (SK 2409), the later rule, before doubling → su + sup + atus

→ ṣ for s (this rule) → su + ṣup + atus

→ doubling, with the ṣ → su + ṣu + ṣup + atus → suṣuṣupatuḥ. Likewise suṣuṣupuḥ.

A maxim allows this: pūrvatrāsiddhīyam advirvacane. Normally a rule of the last three pādas counts as not done for earlier rules (SK 12). This maxim says: except for doubling. So the ṣ is doubled along with the syllable.

In a liṭ that is not kit, doubling comes first:

su + svap + a → doubling → su + svap svap + a

→ saṃprasāraṇa of the abhyāsa (SK 2408) and loss of its extra consonants (SK 2179)

→ su + su + svap + a

→ vṛddhi of the penultimate a before ṇal (SK 2282, from an earlier chapter) → su + su + svāp + a

→ ṣ for the root's s after the u of the abhyāsa, as in suṣvāpa (one commentator: because that s is a substitute) → susuṣvāpa.

Why does SK 2179 come before this rule's ṣ? This rule's ṣ counts as not done for it. SK 2179 is also nitya: it applies whether or not the ṣ has come. Once it has acted, the abhyāsa is just su, with no sup shape. So this rule gives it no ṣ.

Other forms: susvaptā (with su); asvapīt or asvapat, svapyāt; āśīrliṅ supyāt (without su), suṣupyāt (with su, the ṣ by this rule); asvāpsīt.

Applies when / blocked by. A usual maxim says the root meets its affix first and its upasarga afterwards. Here the order is reversed. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the attested forms decide this, since suṣuṣupatuḥ has ṣ in its first part too.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives two roots.

SK 2478 · अनितेः · aniteḥ (A 8.4.19)

अनितेः
aniteḥ · A 8.4.19
उपसर्गस्थान्निमित्तात्परस्यानितेर्नस्य णः स्यात् । प्राणिति ।{$ {!1071 जक्ष!} भक्षहसनयोः$} । जक्षिति । जक्षितः ॥

Rule. The n of an becomes ṇ after a cause that stands in an upasarga. The cause is r or ṣ, as in SK 235. "After an upasarga" is carried forward from SK 2287, and "n → ṇ" from SK 235.

Example.

pra + aniti → prāniti → ṇ for n (this rule, after the r of pra)

→ prāṇiti "he breathes".

Applies when / blocked by. The rule is needed because the r and the n stand in different words. SK 235 alone would not give ṇ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives jakṣ "to eat, to laugh" (1071). It is one of the five, so it takes iṭ by SK 2474: jakṣiti, jakṣitaḥ.

SK 2479 · अदभ्यस्तात् · adabhyastāt (A 7.1.4)

अदभ्यस्तात्
adabhyastāt · A 7.1.4
झस्य अत्स्यात् । अन्तापवादः । जक्षति । सिजभ्यस्त-SK 2226 इति झेर्जुस् । अजक्षुः । अयमन्तः स्थादिरित्युज्ज्वलदत्तो बभ्राम । रुदादयः पञ्च गताः ॥ ।{$ {!1072 जागृ!} निद्राक्षते$} । जागर्ति । जागृतः । जाग्रति । उषविद-SK 2341 इत्याम्वा । जागरांचकार । जजागार ॥

Rule. After an abhyasta, at replaces the jh of an ending. "jh" is carried forward from SK 2169. It is an exception to ant.

An abhyasta is normally a doubled root. SK 428 also names seven roots abhyasta, though they are not doubled: jakṣ, jāgṛ, daridrā, cakās, śās, dīdhī and vevī.

Example.

jakṣ + jhi → at for jh (this rule) → jakṣ + at + i

→ jakṣati "they eat".

Applies when / blocked by. jus is in turn an exception to at. In laṅ, jus replaces jhi by SK 2226: ajakṣuḥ.

Watch out. The root begins with j, not y. Ujjvaladatta held that it began with a semivowel. Bhaṭṭoji says he was mistaken. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cite the Upaniṣad, jakṣan krīḍan ramamāṇaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji then says: "The five, rud and the rest, are finished." Next is jāgṛ "to wake" (1072): jāgarti, jāgṛtaḥ. In the plural, at comes and the ṛ becomes r: jāgrati. In liṭ, ām is optional by SK 2341: jāgarāṃcakāra or jajāgāra.

L. jāgṛ and daridrā: guṇa, and i or loss of ā — running example: jāgṛ + atus → jajāgaratuḥ; a-jāgṛ + us → ajāgaruḥ; daridrā + tas → daridri + tas → daridritaḥ; daridrā + ati → daridr + ati → daridrati

Two abhyasta roots need their own rules. jāgṛ "to wake" takes guṇa even where a kit affix would block it: jajāgaratuḥ. It also takes guṇa before jus: ajāgaruḥ. daridrā "to be poor" changes its ā to i before a consonant-initial kit or ṅit ending, daridritaḥ. Before a vowel it loses the ā: daridrati.

SK 2480 · जाग्रोऽविचिण्णल्ङित्सु · jāgro 'viciṇṇalṅitsu (A 7.3.85)

जाग्रोऽविचिण्णल्ङित्सु
jāgro'viciṇṇalṅitsu · A 7.3.85
जागर्तेर्गुणः स्याद्विचिण्णल्ङिद्भ्योऽन्यस्मिन् वृद्धिविषये प्रतिषेधविषये च । जजागरतुः । अजागः । अजागृताम् । अभ्यस्तत्वाज्जुस् ॥

Rule. jāgṛ takes guṇa before any affix other than vi, ciṇ, ṇal and a ṅit affix. (vi is an affix that forms nouns such as jāgṛviḥ.) "Guṇa" is carried forward from SK 2346. The negation is of the kind called paryudāsa: "before something other than these".

The rule works in two kinds of place. It gives guṇa where vṛddhi would be due, as in jāgarakaḥ "waker". It also gives guṇa where guṇa would be blocked, as before a kit affix.

Example.

jāgṛ + atus → doubling → jajāgṛ + atus

→ guṇa, though atus is kit (this rule) → jajāgar + atus

→ jajāgaratuḥ "the two woke".

In laṅ the singular is ajāgaḥ. The dual ajāgṛtām has no guṇa, because tām is ṅit. In the plural jāgṛ takes jus, being abhyasta (SK 2226).

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators show each exclusion. Before vi: jāgṛviḥ. Before ciṇ: ajāgāri. Before ṇal: jajāgāra. Before a ṅit: jāgṛtaḥ.

SK 2481 · जुसि च · jusi ca (A 7.3.83)

जुसि च
jusi ca · A 7.3.83
अजादौ जुसीगन्ताङ्गस्य गुणः स्यात् । अजागरुः । अजादौ किम् । जागृयुः । आशिषि तु जागर्यात् । जागर्यास्ताम् । जागर्यासुः । लुङि । अजागरीत् । जागृ इस् इत्यत्र यण् प्राप्तः, तं सार्वधातुकगुणो बाधते, तं सिचि वृद्धिः, तां जागर्तिगुणः, तत्र कृते हलन्तालक्षणा प्राप्ता, नेटि SK 2268 इति निषिद्धा, ततः अतो हलादेः- SK 2284 इति बाधित्वा अतो ल्रान्तस्य SK 2330 इति प्राप्ता, ह्म्यन्त-SK 2299 इति निषिध्यते ॥ तदाहुः - गुणो वृद्धिर्गुणो वृद्धिः प्रतिषेधो विकल्पनम् । पुनर्वृद्धिनिषेधोऽतो यण्पूर्वाः प्राप्तयो नवेति । ।{$ {!1073 दरिद्रा!} दुर्गतौ$} । दरिद्राति ॥

Rule. Before a vowel-initial jus, an aṅga ending in an ik vowel (ik: the vowels i, u, ṛ, ḷ) takes guṇa. "Vowel-initial" is carried forward from SK 2337, and "guṇa" from SK 2346.

Example.

a + jāgṛ + us (laṅ plural; us is ṅit, so SK 2480 is silent)

→ guṇa before jus (this rule) → a + jāgar + us

→ ajāgaruḥ "they woke".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "vowel-initial"? In the vidhiliṅ the augment yā stands at the head of the ending. So the ending begins with y, not a vowel, and there is no guṇa: jāgṛyuḥ.

In the āśīrliṅ the augment is kit, not ṅit, so guṇa comes by SK 2480: jāgaryāt, jāgaryāstām, jāgaryāsuḥ.

In the luṅ the form is ajāgarīt. Bhaṭṭoji shows how nine rules become applicable in turn, starting from jāgṛ + i + s:

1. y for ṛ before a vowel is obtained first;

2. the ordinary guṇa before an ārdhadhātuka overrides it;

3. vṛddhi before sic overrides that;

4. the jāgṛ-guṇa of SK 2480 overrides that, giving jāgar;

5. now the aṅga ends in a consonant, and vṛddhi for such an aṅga is obtained;

6. SK 2268 prohibits it, since iṭ follows;

7. SK 2284 would make it optional;

8. SK 2330 overrides that and gives vṛddhi again;

9. SK 2299 prohibits it.

So the a stays short: ajāgarīt. The elders sum it up in a verse: "guṇa, vṛddhi, guṇa, vṛddhi, prohibition, option, vṛddhi again, prohibition: thus, with yaṇ first, the applicabilities are nine".

Bhaṭṭoji then gives daridrā "to become poor" (1073): daridrāti.

SK 2482 · इद्दरिद्रस्य · id daridrasya (A 6.4.114)

इद्दरिद्रस्य
iddaridrasya · A 6.4.114
दरिद्रातेरिकारः स्याद्धलादौ क्ङिति सार्वधातुके । दरिद्रतः ॥

Rule. The final ā of daridrā becomes i before a consonant-initial sārvadhātuka that is kit or ṅit. "Consonant-initial" is carried forward from SK 2497, "kit or ṅit" from SK 2363, and "sārvadhātuka" from SK 2467. It is an exception to the loss of ā in SK 2483.

Example.

daridrā + tas (tas is ṅit) → i for ā (this rule) → daridri + tas

→ daridritaḥ "the two are poor".

SK 2483 · श्नाऽभ्यस्तयोरातः · śnā'bhyastayor ātaḥ (A 6.4.112)

श्नाऽभ्यस्तयोरातः
śnā'bhyastayorātaḥ · A 6.4.112
अनयोरातो लोपः स्यात् क्ङिति सार्वधातुके । दरिद्रति । अनेकाच्त्वादाम् । दरिद्रांचकार । आत औ णलः SK 2371 इत्यत्र ओ इत्येव सिद्ध औकारविधानं दरिद्रातेरालोपे कृते श्रवाणार्थम् । अत एव ज्ञापकादाम्नेत्येके । ददरिद्रौ । ददरिद्रतुरित्यादि । यत्तु णलि ददरिद्रेति तन्निर्मूलमेव ॥
दरिद्रातेरार्धधातुके विवक्षित आलोपो वाच्यः
(वार्तिकम्) ।
लुङि वा
(वार्तिकम्) ।
सनि ण्वलि ल्युटि च न
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दरिद्रिता । अदरिद्रात् । अदरिद्रिताम् । अदरिद्रुः । दरिद्रियात् । दरिद्र्यात् । अदिरिद्रीत् । इट्सकौ । अदरिद्रासीत् ।{$ {!1074 चकासृ!} दीप्तौ$} । चकास्ति । झस्य अत् । चकासति । चकासांचकार । धिच SK 2249 इति सलोपः सिच एवेत्येके । चकाद्धि । चकाधीत्येव भाष्यम् ॥

Rule. The ā of the class-sign śnā, and of an abhyasta, is deleted before a sārvadhātuka that is kit or ṅit. "Deleted" and "kit or ṅit" are carried forward from SK 2363, and "sārvadhātuka" from SK 2467. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives krīṇanti, punanti, dadhati.

Example.

daridrā + jhi → at for jh (SK 2479) → daridrā + ati

→ ā deleted (this rule) → daridr + ati

→ daridrati "they are poor".

In liṭ, the stem has more than one vowel, so ām comes: daridrāṃcakāra.

Applies when / blocked by. Some say daridrā takes no ām in liṭ. Their evidence is SK 2371, which turns ṇal into au after an ā-final root. o alone would have given the right forms. So au must be taught for daridrā, to be heard after its ā is lost. On this view the forms are dadaridrau, dadaridratuḥ and so on. But Bhaṭṭoji calls a form dadaridra for ṇal baseless.

Three vārttikas follow.

1. The ā of daridrā is lost as soon as an ārdhadhātuka is intended. So the noun daridra comes out, not daridrāya.

2. In luṅ this loss is optional.

3. It does not happen before san, ṇvul and lyuṭ: didaridrāsati, daridrāyakaḥ, daridrāṇam.

The other forms:

In adaridruḥ the option of SK 2463 does not apply. The ā is already gone, so the root no longer ends in ā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives cakāsṛ "to shine" (1074): cakāsti; with at for jh, cakāsati; in liṭ, cakāsāṃcakāra. In the loṭ, some say dhi ca (SK 2249) deletes only the s of sic, giving cakāddhi. The Bhāṣya has only cakādhi.

M. cakās, śās, the Vedic dīdhī … vaś, hnuṅ: d/ru for s, i and śā for śās, loss of the final of dīdhī — running example: a-cakās-t → a-cakās → acakāt / acakād; śās + tas → śiṣ + ṭas → śiṣṭaḥ; śās + hi → śā + dhi → śādhi

When the one-sound endings t and s of laṅ are lost, a root-final s ends the word. Before tip it becomes d, and before sip it may become ru: acakāt, acakāḥ. śās "to instruct" changes its ā to i before a consonant-initial kit or ṅit: śiṣṭaḥ. Before hi the whole root becomes śā: śādhi. Then come five roots that Bhaṭṭoji calls Vedic, dīdhī to vaś. The last root of the class is hnu.

SK 2484 · तिप्यनस्तेः · tipy anasteḥ (A 8.2.73)

तिप्यनस्तेः
tipyanasteḥ · A 8.2.73
पदान्तस्य सस्य दः स्यात्तिपि न त्वस्तेः । अचकात्-अचकाद् । अचकासुः ॥

Rule. An s at the end of a pada becomes d when tip follows. This does not apply to the s of as "to be". "s" is carried forward from SK 162, "end" from SK 84, and "d" from SK 334. padasya "of a pada" is the heading.

Example.

a + cakās + t (laṅ) → the lone t is dropped (SK 252) → acakās

→ d for s (this rule) → acakād, or acakāt at a pause.

The plural takes jus: acakāsuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators tests each condition:

SK 2485 · सिपि धातो रुर्वा · sipi dhāto rur vā (A 8.2.74)

सिपि धातो रुर्वा
sipi dhāto rurvā · A 8.2.74
पदान्तस्य धातोः सस्य रूः स्याद्वा । पक्षे जश्त्वेन दः । अचकाः । अचकात् ।{$ {!1075 शासु!} अनुशिष्टौ$} । शास्ति ॥

Rule. Before sip, a root's s at the end of a pada optionally becomes ru. In the other option it becomes d by jaśtva. "s" is carried forward from SK 162 and "end" from SK 84. The word "root" is there for SK 2468.

Example.

a + cakās + s (laṅ, madhyama) → the lone s is dropped → acakās

→ ru (this rule) → acakāḥ "you shone";

or d, then t at a pause → acakāt.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives śāsu "to instruct" (1075): śāsti.

SK 2486 · शास इदङ्हलोः · śāsa id aṅhaloḥ (A 6.4.34)

शास इदङ्हलोः
śāsa idaṅhaloḥ · A 6.4.34
शास उपधाया इत्स्यादङि हलादौ क्ङिति च । शासिवसि-SK 2410 इति षः । शिष्टः । शासति । शशासतुः । शास्तु-शिष्टात् । शिष्टाम् । शासतुः ॥

Rule. The penultimate ā of śās becomes i before aṅ, and before a consonant-initial kit or ṅit. "Penultimate" and "kit or ṅit" are carried forward from SK 415.

Example.

śās + tas → i for ā (this rule) → śis + tas

→ ṣ for s (SK 2410) → śiṣ + tas → ṭ for t

→ śiṣṭaḥ "the two instruct".

Before a vowel nothing changes. śās is abhyasta, so at comes: śāsati. In liṭ: śaśāsatuḥ. In loṭ: śāstu or śiṣṭāt, śiṣṭām, śāsatu.

Applies when / blocked by. Only the parasmaipada śās, the one that can take aṅ, is meant. The ātmanepada āśāste keeps its ā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so. But one commentator reports others who allow the i in the ātmanepada too (vyatiśiṣṭe).

SK 2487 · शा हौ · śā hau (A 6.4.35)

शा हौ
śā hau · A 6.4.35
शास्तेः शादेशः स्याद्धौ परे । तस्याभीयत्वेनासिद्धत्वाद्धेर्धिः । शाधि । अशात् । अशिष्टाम् । अशासुः । अशाः । अशात् । शिष्यात् । सर्तिशास्ति-SK 2382 इत्यङ् । अशिषत् । अशासिष्यत् ॥ ।{$ {!1076 दीधीङ्!} दीप्तिदेवनयोः $}। एतदादयः पञ्चधातवश्छान्दसाः दीधीते । एरनेकाचः-SK 272 इति यण् । दीध्याते ॥

Rule. Before hi, śā replaces the whole root śās. "śās" is carried forward from SK 2486. It is an exception to the i of that rule.

Example.

śās + hi → śā for śās (this rule) → śā + hi

→ śā is ābhīya, so for SK 2425 it counts as not done; the root still ends in s

→ dhi for hi (SK 2425) → śādhi "instruct!".

Applies when / blocked by. Why teach śā at all? dhi ca (SK 2249) could delete the s and give śādhi too. But that deletion counts as not done, so the i of SK 2486 would still come. śā is taught to prevent this. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both report this reasoning.

The other forms:

Bhaṭṭoji then gives dīdhīṅ "to shine, to play" (1076). He says it and the four roots after it are Vedic (chāndasa). One of his commentators later qualifies this. Its forms are dīdhīte and, with y by SK 272, dīdhyāte.

SK 2488 · यीवर्णयोर्दीधीवेव्योः · yīvarṇayor dīdhīvevyoḥ (A 7.4.53)

यीवर्णयोर्दीधीवेव्योः
yīvarṇayordīdhīvevyoḥ · A 7.4.53
एतयोरन्त्यस्य लोपः स्याद्यकार इवर्णे च परे । इति लोपं बाधित्वा नित्यात्वाट्टेरेत्वम् । दीध्ये । दीधीवैवीटाम् SK 2190 इति गुणनिषेधः । दीध्यांचक्रे । दीधिता । दीधिष्यते ।{$ {!1077 वेवीङ्!} वेतिना तुल्ये$} । वीगतीत्यनेन तुल्येऽर्थे वर्तत इत्यर्थः ॥ अथ त्रयः परस्मैपदिनः ॥{$ {!1078 षस!} {!1079 षस्ति!} स्वप्ने$} । सस्ति । सस्तः । ससन्ति । ससास । सेसतुः । सस्तु । सधि । पूर्वत्रासिद्धम् SK 12 इति सलेपस्यासिद्धत्वात् अतो हेः SK 2202 इति लुक् न । असत् । असस्ताम् । असः । असत् । सस्यात् । असासीत् । अससीत् । सन्ति । इदित्वान्नुमि कृते संस्तः इति स्थिते स्कोः-SK 380 इति सलोपे झरो झरि सवर्णे SK 71 इति तकारस्य वा लोपः । सन्तः । संस्तन्ति । बहूनां समवाये द्वयोः संयोगसंज्ञा नेत्याश्रित्य स्कोः-SK 380 इति लोपाभावात् । संस्ति । संस्तः इत्येके ।{$ {!1080 वश!} कान्तौ$} । कान्तिरिच्छा । वष्टि । उष्टः । उशन्ति । वक्षि । उष्टः । उवाश । ऊशतुः । वशिता । वष्टु । उष्टात् । उड्ढि । अवट् । अवड् । औष्टाम् । औशन् । अवशम् । उश्याताम् । उश्यास्ताम् ।{$ {!1081 चर्करीतं!} च (गणसूत्रम् -) $}॥ यङ्लुगन्तमदादौ बोध्यम् ॥{$ {!1082 ह्नुङ्!} अपनयने$} । ह्नुते । जुह्नुवे । ह्नुवीत । ह्नोषीष्ट । अह्नोष्ट । इत्यदादयः ॥

Rule. The final vowel of dīdhī and vevī is deleted before y or an i-vowel. "Deleted" is carried forward from SK 2191.

Example.

dīdhī + i (laṭ, uttama singular) → this rule would delete the ī

→ but the e for the ending's ṭi (SK 2233) is nitya, so it comes first → dīdhī + e

→ no i follows now; y for ī (SK 272) → dīdhye "I shine".

Before iṭ the rule does act: dīdhitā, dīdhiṣyate. In liṭ, SK 2190 bars guṇa: dīdhyāṃcakre. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add ādīdhya gataḥ, with the loss before y.

Watch out. In dīdhye the deletion is the later rule. It still loses, because the e is nitya. Once e has come, no i follows, and the deletion has nothing to act on.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives the rest of the Vedic roots and closes the class.

A line of the Dhātupāṭha, a gaṇasūtra, follows: carkarītaṃ ca "and the carkarīta". Carkarīta is the earlier teachers' name for a root formed with yaṅ whose yaṅ is deleted (yaṅ-luk). Such a root belongs to the adādi class. So its śap is deleted too.

Last comes hnuṅ "to remove" (1082): hnute, juhnuve, hnuvīta, hnoṣīṣṭa, ahnoṣṭa. Bhaṭṭoji closes: "Here end the adādi roots."

With hnuṅ the adādi, the second class of roots, is complete. Its mark was the deletion of śap (SK 2423), which lets the ending meet the root directly. That is why so much of this chapter was sandhi between a root-final consonant and an ending: mārṣṭi, śiṣṭaḥ, vaṣṭi. The third class follows in chapter 46. It is the juhotyādi, "hu and the rest". It opens with the rule juhotyādibhyaḥ śluḥ (SK 2489) and the root hu.

Terms used in this chapter

Summary

SKwhat it doesexample
2423luk of śap after ad and the roots that follow itad + ti → atti
2424ghasḷ for ad in liṭ, optionallyjaghāsa, jakṣatuḥ / āda
2425dhi for hi after hu and a jhal-final aṅgaaddhi
2426augment aṭ to a one-sound sārvadhātuka ending after adādat
2427ghasḷ for ad in luṅ and before sanaghasat
2428final nasal of han, gam, tan … lost before a jhal-initial kit/ṅithataḥ
2429ṇ for the n of han before v, m, after pra etc., optionallyprahaṇmi / prahanmi
2430velar for the h of han after the abhyāsajaghanitha
2431ja for han before hijahi
2432heading: "when an ārdhadhātuka is in question"—
2433vadha for han in the āśīrliṅvadhyāt
2434vadha for han in luṅ; vadha ends in aavadhīt
2435jus for laṅ's jhi after dviṣ, optionallyadviṣuḥ / adviṣan; forms given under this rule: dogdhi, leḍhi
2436khyāñ for cakṣ before an ārdhadhātukakhyātā
2437in liṭ, khyāñ only optionally; khśāñ, y for ścakhyau / cakśau / cacakṣe
2438aṅ for cli after as, vac, khyāakhyat
2439iṭ to the ending se after īśīśiṣe
2440iṭ to se and dhve after īś, īḍ, janīḍiṣe, īḍidhve; aiḍḍhvam
2441guṇa for śī before every sārvadhātukaśete, śayāte
2442augment ruṭ to the at for jh after śīśerate
2443vṛddhi of u before a consonant-initial pit ending, with lukyauti
2444optional īṭ after tu, ru, stu, śam, amravīti / rauti
2445the vṛddhi of SK 2443 optional for ūrṇuūrṇauti / ūrṇoti
2446n, d, r heading a cluster not doubledūrṇunāva
2447an iṭ-initial affix after ūrṇu optionally ṅitūrṇunuvitha / ūrṇunavitha
2448guṇa for ūrṇu before a one-sound pit endingaurṇot
2449vṛddhi of ūrṇu before an iṭ-initial sic optionalaurṇāvīt / aurṇavīt
2450ṇal etc. for the first five laṭ endings after brū, and āh for brū, optionallyāha, āhuḥ
2451th for the h of āh before a jhalāttha
2452īṭ to a consonant-initial pit ending after brūbravīti
2453vac for brū before an ārdhadhātukauvāca, ūcatuḥ
2454augment um to vac before aṅavocat
2455The i of iṇ → y before a vowel-initial affixyanti; iyāya
2456The abhyāsa of iṇ is long before a kit liṭ endingīyatuḥ, īyuḥ
2457After an upasarga, the aṇ of iṇ is short before a kit liṅniriyāt; but abhīyāt, sameyāt
2458gā for iṇ in luṅagāt, aguḥ
2459gāṅ for iṅ in liṭadhijage
2460gāṅ for iṅ optionally in luṅ, lṛṅadhyagīṣṭa / adhyaiṣṭa
2461After the substitute gāṅ and the kuṭādi, a non-ñ, non-ṇ affix is ṅitṅit sic in adhyagīṣṭa
2462ī for the ā of ghu, mā, sthā, gā, pā, hā, sā before a consonant-initial kit/ṅit ārdhadhātukaadhyagīṣṭa
2463After an ā-final root, jus for laṅ jhi optionallyayuḥ / ayān
2464After vid, ṇal etc. optionally for laṭ parasmaipada endingsveda / vetti
2465vidāṅkurvantu: ām, no guṇa, loṭ deleted, kṛ in loṭ, optionallyvidāṅkarotu
2466Affix u after the tanādi and kṛñ, in place of śapvidāṅkarotu
2467The a of kṛ + u → u before a kit/ṅit sārvadhātukavidāṅkurutāt, vidāṅkuru
2468A pada-final d of a root → ru optionally before sipaveḥ / avet
2469The a of śna and as is lost before a kit/ṅit sārvadhātukastaḥ, santi
2470bhū for as before an ārdhadhātukababhūva, bhavitā
2471e for the final of ghu roots and as before hi; abhyāsa lostedhi, dehi
2472The s of as → ṣ after an upasarga or prādus, before y or a vowelniṣyāt, prāduḥṣanti; but abhistaḥ
2473Vṛddhi of mṛj before an affix after a rootmārṣṭi; mṛjanti / mārjanti
2474iṭ for a val-initial sārvadhātuka after the five rudādiroditi, rudihi
2475īṭ for a consonant-initial pit apṛkta sārvadhātuka after the fivearodīt
2476Or aṭ, in the view of Gārgya and Gālavaarodat
2477ṣ for the s of supi, sūti, sama after su, vi, nir, dursuṣuṣupatuḥ; but susuṣvāpa
2478The n of an → ṇ after a cause in an upasargaprāṇiti
2479at for jh after an abhyastajakṣati, jāgrati
2480Guṇa for jāgṛ except before vi, ciṇ, ṇal, a ṅitjajāgaratuḥ
2481Guṇa of an ik-final aṅga before vowel-initial jusajāgaruḥ; but jāgṛyuḥ
2482i for the ā of daridrā before a consonant-initial kit/ṅit sārvadhātukadaridritaḥ
2483The ā of śnā and of an abhyasta is lost before a kit/ṅit sārvadhātukadaridrati
2484A pada-final s → d before tip, except in asacakāt / acakād
2485A root's pada-final s → ru optionally before sipacakāḥ / acakāt
2486i for the penultimate ā of śās before aṅ and a consonant-initial kit/ṅitśiṣṭaḥ, aśiṣat
2487śā for śās before hiśādhi
2488The final of dīdhī, vevī is lost before y or an i-voweldīdhitā; but dīdhye
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