Prakaraṇa 41 · SK 1974–2050
तद्धिताधिकारे प्रागिवीयप्रकरणम्
taddhitādhikāre prāgivīyaprakaraṇam · 77 sūtras
SK 1974 · A 5.3.27V
दिक्शब्देभ्यः सप्तमीपञ्चमीप्रथमाभ्यो दिग्देशकालेष्वस्तातिः ॥ १९७४ ॥
dikśabdebhyaḥ saptamīpañcamīprathamābhyo digdeśakāleṣvastātiḥ
dikśabdebhyaḥ saptamīpañcamīprathamābhyo digdeśakāleṣv astātiḥ — After words for direction (dikśabda) [i.e., words conventionally established (rūḍha) in the sense of direction] that are seventh-, fifth- or first-case words (saptamyanta, pañcamyanta, prathamānta), when they denote a direction, a place or a time, the affix astāti [comes, in the sense of the base itself (svārthe)].
Rule. After a word for a direction, astāti comes in the word's own sense. Three conditions hold. The word must be conventionally used (rūḍha) for a direction. It must stand in the seventh, fifth or first case. And it must denote a direction, a place or a time. Astāti is heard as -astāt: one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says its i is only for pronunciation.
Example.
pūrvasyāṃ / pūrvasyāḥ / pūrvā dik "in the east / from the east / the east" → pūrvā + astāt
→ pur replaces pūrvā (SK 1976) → pur + astāt
→ purastāt.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the three uses: purastād vasati "he lives in the east", purastād āgataḥ "he has come from the east", purastād ramaṇīyam "the east is pleasant".
Applies when / blocked by. Any of the three cases goes with any of the three senses. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say there is no yathāsaṃkhya here, on different grounds. One rests on the received interpretation. The other says the rule is not marked svarita.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "conventionally used" from the word śabda "word" in the sūtra. He adds that this whole rule, without astāti itself, runs on as far as SK 1988. So every direction affix of SK 1975–1987 inherits its three conditions.
Watch out. Our text of Bhaṭṭoji's paraphrase has two slips: didgeśa- for digdeśa- "direction, place", and astīti for astāti. The 1915 printed edition reads digdeśa- and astāti, and this chapter follows the print. Bhaṭṭoji tests the three conditions with counter-examples under SK 1977.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
सप्तम्याद्यन्तेभ्यो दिशिरूढेभ्यो दिद्गेशकालवृत्तिभ्यः स्वार्थेऽस्तीतिः प्रत्ययः स्यात् ॥
After seventh-case, fifth-case or first-case words (saptamyādyanta) that are conventionally
established (rūḍha) in [the sense of] direction (diś), [and that are here] functioning to denote a
direction, a place or a time, the affix astāti occurs in the sense of the base itself (svārthe).
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 320दिग्देशकालेष्विति । यथासंख्यमत्र नेष्यते अस्वरितत्वात् ॥—पुरः पुरस्तादिति । कथं तर्हि ‘पश्यामि तामित इतः पुरतश्च पश्चात्’ इति भवभूतिः, ‘स्यात्पुरः पुरतोऽग्रतः’ इत्यमरः, ‘पुरतः प्रथमे चाग्रे’ इति विश्वश्च । समानकालीनं पूर्वकालीनमित्यादिवत्प्रामादिकमेवेति बहवः ॥ केचित्तु ‘दक्षिणोत्तराभ्यां तसुज्विधिनैवेष्टसिद्धौ अतसुच्’ इत्यकारोच्चारणमन्यतोऽपि विधानार्थं । तेन पुरत इति सिध्यति । ‘पुर अग्रगमने’ क्विपि पुर् ‘वोः’ इति दीर्घस्तु न भवति भत्वात् । न चातसुचश्चित्त्वेऽप्यकारोच्चारणं पक्षे आद्युदात्तत्वार्थमिति वाच्यम् । बहूनां प्रयोगानुरोधेनान्यतो विधानार्थमिति कल्पनस्यैव न्याय्यत्वादित्याहुः ॥ यथासंख्यत्वानाश्रयणात् पुरस्ताद्वसति पुरस्तादागतः पुरस्ताद्रमणीयम् । अधस्ताद्वसति अधस्तादागत इत्यादि सिध्यति
Bālamanoramā
दिक्शब्देभ्यः सप्तमीपञ्चमीप्रथमाभ्यो दिग्देशकालेष्वस्तातिः - अथ प्रागिवीयप्रकरणमारभ्यते — दिक्छब्देभ्यः । सप्तम्याद्यन्तेभ्य इति । सप्तमीपञ्चमीप्रथमान्तेभ्य इत्यर्थः । रूढेभ्य इति । शब्दग्रहणलभ्यमिदम् । अस्तातिप्रत्यये इकार उच्चारणार्थः । तकारान्तः प्रत्ययः ।सङ्ख्याया विधार्थे धे॑ति सूत्रपर्यन्तमिदं सूत्रमस्तातिवर्जनमनुवर्तते । अत्र विभक्तीनां दिगादीनां च न यथासङ्ख्यं, व्याख्यानात् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'saptamyādyantebhyaḥ' means 'after words ending in the seventh, fifth or first case'; the qualification 'rūḍhebhyaḥ' (conventionally established) is obtained from the word 'śabda' in the sūtra; there is no one-to-one pairing (yathāsaṅkhya) of the case-endings with direction etc., on the strength of the explanation (vyākhyāna). Followed for 'conventionally established (rūḍha)' in sutra_en and k1; the rejection of yathāsaṅkhya is recorded (it is not in the kaumudī's wording).
- BM: the i of astāti is for pronunciation only; the affix ends in t. This sūtra, minus astāti, is carried forward (anuvartate) as far as 'saṅkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā' (SK 1988). Recorded (the range of the anuvṛtti is not part of the kaumudī's wording).
- TB (sk.1974.t1; NSP p. 320, printed 310): on 'digdeśakāleṣu' — yathāsaṅkhya is not intended here, because [the rule] is not marked svarita (the OCR is garbled; the scan reads asvaritatvāt); since yathāsaṅkhya is not resorted to, purastād vasati, purastād āgataḥ, purastād ramaṇīyam, adhastād vasati, adhastād āgataḥ etc. are established. Recorded (the rejection of yathāsaṅkhya is not in the kaumudī's wording).
- translator BM and TB reach the same conclusion (no yathāsaṅkhya) on different grounds: BM on vyākhyāna, TB on the absence of svarita.
- textual The digital source reads 'didgeśakālavṛttibhyaḥ' and 'svārthe 'stītiḥ'; NSP p. 320 (printed 310) reads 'digdeśakālavṛttibhyaḥ' and 'svārthe 'stātiḥ' (scan confirms). Both are digitization errors (a transposed conjunct and a wrong vowel sign); the English follows the print. Mūla correction for Ajai.
SK 1975 · A 5.3.39V
पूर्वाधरावराणामसि पुरधवश्चैषाम् ॥ १९७५ ॥
pūrvādharāvarāṇāmasi puradhavaścaiṣām
pūrvādharāvarāṇām asi puradhavaś caiṣām — After pūrva, adhara and avara [in the sense of astāti, i.e. when they are dik-words in the seventh, fifth or first case (saptamyanta, pañcamyanta, prathamānta) denoting direction, place or time — 'dikśabdebhyaḥ …' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1974], asi [comes]; and pur, adh and av [are substituted] for these [respectively].
Rule. After pūrva, adhara and avara, the affix asi comes in the sense of astāti. With it, pur, adh and av replace them respectively. Asi is heard as -as. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains "the sense of astāti": the three words must denote a direction, a place or a time, as in SK 1974.
Example.
pūrvā + asi → pur replaces pūrvā → pur + as → puraḥ.
Likewise adhara + asi → adh → adhaḥ; avara + asi → av → avaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps. Bhaṭṭoji himself lists the forms under SK 1976.
Watch out. This rule is A 5.3.39, taken out of Pāṇini's order. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why Bhaṭṭoji sets it here. It shows that its words run on into the next rule, astāti ca.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
एभ्योऽस्तात्यर्थेऽसिप्रत्ययः स्यात्तद्योगे चैषां क्रमात्पुर्, अध्, अव्, इत्यादेशाः स्युः ॥
After these [three words], the affix (pratyaya) asi comes in the sense of astāti; and in
connection with it (tadyoge), pur, adh and av are the substitutes (ādeśa) of these,
respectively.
Bālamanoramā
पूर्वाधरावराणामसि पुरधवश्चैषाम् - पूर्वाधरावराणाम् ।असी॑ति लुप्तप्रथमाकम् । पुर अध्, अव्-एषां द्वन्द्वात्प्रथमाबहुवचनम् । अस्तात्यर्थे इति । दिग्देशकालवृत्तिभ्य इत्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'asi' in the sūtra is a word whose first-case ending has been elided (luptaprathamāka); 'puradhavaḥ' is the first-case plural of the dvandva of pur, adh and av. On 'astātyarthe': it means 'after these when they occur in [the sense of] direction, place or time (digdeśakālavṛttibhyaḥ)'. BM on SK 1974 (sk.1974.b1) states that 'dikśabdebhyaḥ saptamīpañcamīprathamābhyo digdeśakāleṣu', minus astāti, is carried forward up to 'saṃkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā' (SK 1988), and that the cases and the senses are not matched respectively (na yathāsaṃkhyam). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for construing 'astātyarthe' with the conditions of SK 1974.
- BM on SK 1976, printed under sk.1976.b1: although in the order of the Aṣṭādhyāyī 'pūrvādhara…' (5.3.39) should be cited [just before] 'astāti ca', Bhaṭṭoji cites it here as well, to show the anuvṛtti [of 'pūrvādharāvarāṇām' and 'puradhavaḥ'] into 'astāti ca'. BM there gives the forms of this rule: puraḥ (pūrvā with asi, the base replaced by pur), adhaḥ (adhara with asi, adh), avaḥ (avara with asi, av). Recorded; the kaumudī here gives no forms.
- textual No Tattvabodhinī comment on this sūtra: TB filed under sk.1974.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.1973.t1) passes from SK 1974 ('digdeśakāleṣv iti': respective matching is not wanted) straight to SK 1976 ('puraḥ purastād iti'), and the next TB block is sk.1980.t1. The kaumudī agrees with NSP p. 320 (printed 310).
- translator The bracketed '[respectively]' in sutra_en is from the kaumudī's 'kramāt'. The kaumudī gives the sūtra out of Aṣṭādhyāyī order (5.3.39 after 5.3.27); the examples come under SK 1976.
SK 1976 · A 5.3.40V
अस्ताति च ॥ १९७६ ॥
astāti ca
astāti ca — And when astāti follows, [pur, adh and av replace pūrva, adhara and avara respectively — 'pūrvādharāvarāṇām' and 'puradhavaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1975].
Rule. Pur, adh and av also replace pūrva, adhara and avara when astāti follows. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the words of SK 1975 are carried forward.
Example.
pūrvasyāṃ / pūrvasyāḥ / pūrvā dik → pūrvā + astāt → pur for pūrvā → purastāt.
Bhaṭṭoji pairs each asi form with its astāti form: puraḥ, purastāt; adhaḥ, adhastāt; avaḥ, avastāt.
Watch out. These rules do not make purataḥ, though Amara's lexicon and the poet Bhavabhūti use it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports two views. Many call it a slip. Some say the first a of atasuc (SK 1978) lets that affix come after other words too; scholars discuss this.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अस्तातौ परे पूर्वादीनां पुरादयः स्युः । पूर्वस्यां पूर्वस्याः पूर्वा वा दिक् पुरः । पुरस्तात् । अधः । अधस्तात् । अवः । अवस्तात् ॥
When astāti follows, pur and the rest replace pūrva and the rest [i.e. pur, adh and av
replace pūrva, adhara and avara, as carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1975]. The eastern
quarter as the place in which, as the place from which, or as the quarter itself (pūrvasyām,
pūrvasyāḥ, pūrvā vā dik): puraḥ; purastāt. [Likewise from adhara:] adhaḥ; adhastāt. [From
avara:] avaḥ; avastāt.
Bālamanoramā
अस्ताति च - अस्ताति च ।अस्ताती॑ति लुप्तसप्तमीकम्, अस्तातीति तकारान्तात्सप्तम्येकवचनं वा ।पूर्वाधरावराणा॑मिति 'पुरधव' इति चानुवर्तते । तदाह — अस्ताताविति । यद्यपि सूत्रक्रमेपूर्वाधरे॑तिअस्ताति चे॑ति सूत्रमुपन्यसनीयम् । तत्रानुवृत्तिप्रदर्शनायपूर्वाधरे॑त्यपि सूत्रमिहैवोपन्यस्तम् । पुर इति । पूर्वाशब्दादसिप्रत्ययः प्रकृतेः 'पुर्' आदेशः । पुरस्तादिति । पूर्वाशब्दादस्तातिप्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेः 'पुर्' आदेशः । अधः, अधस्तादिति । अधरशब्दादसिप्रत्यये अस्तातिप्रत्यये च प्रकृतेः 'अध्' आदेशे रूपम् । अव इति । अवरशब्दादसिप्रत्ययेप्रकृतेः 'अव्' आदेशे रूपम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'astāti' in the sūtra is a seventh-case word whose seventh-case ending has been elided (luptasaptamīka), or else it is the seventh-case singular of the t-final [affix] astāt; 'pūrvādharāvarāṇām' and 'puradhavaḥ' are carried forward (anuvṛtti) [from SK 1975], which is why the kaumudī says 'astātau pare'. Although, following the order of the sūtras, 'pūrvādhara…' (SK 1975) and 'astāti ca' would have to be presented [in their own place], 'pūrvādhara…' too has been presented here, to show the anuvṛtti. Followed for the bracketed substitutes and their substituends in sutra_en and k1.
- BM: puraḥ is pūrvā with the affix asi [of SK 1975] and pur substituted for the base; purastāt is pūrvā with astāti and pur; adhaḥ and adhastāt are adhara with asi and with astāti respectively and adh substituted; avaḥ is avara with asi and av substituted. Followed: the list mixes the asi-forms of SK 1975 with the astāti-forms of this rule, and the English keeps the forms in pairs as the source gives them.
- TB, printed under sk.1974.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.1973.t1): in 'digdeśakāleṣu' [SK 1974] a one-to-one correspondence (yathāsaṃkhya) [of the three case-endings with the three senses] is not desired (the OCR's 'astratilāt' is corrupt at this point); since yathāsaṃkhya is not adopted, purastād vasati, purastād āgataḥ, purastād ramaṇīyam, adhastād vasati, adhastād āgataḥ etc. are established. On 'puraḥ purastāt': how then do Bhavabhūti ('paśyāmi tām ita itaḥ purataś ca paścāt'), Amara ('syāt puraḥ purato 'grataḥ') and Viśva ('purataḥ prathame cāgre') use purataḥ? Many say it is simply an error, like samānakālīna and pūrvakālīna; some say the a of atasuc [SK 1978] is pronounced so that the affix may also be prescribed after other words, so that purataḥ is established, and they reject the view that the a serves only to give initial acute accent in the alternative. Followed for rendering the three case-forms of the analysis as alternatives each valid for every form listed.
- translator The words 'the place in which / from which / the quarter itself' render the seventh-, fifth- and first-case forms pūrvasyām, pūrvasyāḥ, pūrvā of the analytic phrase, reflecting the three case-endings of SK 1974. Only the eastern quarter is analysed in the source; the bracketed 'Likewise from adhara' and 'From avara' are supplied from the order of SK 1975.
SK 1977 · A 5.3.41V
विभाषावरस्य ॥ १९७७ ॥
vibhāṣāvarasya
vibhāṣāvarasya — For avara, [av, the substitute taught in SK 1975,] optionally [comes, before astāti — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1976].
Rule. For avara, av is only optional before astāti. The sūtra's word vibhāṣā means "optionally". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says astāti is carried forward from SK 1976.
Example.
avara + astāt → with av → avastāt;
without av → avarastāt.
Bhaṭṭoji adds: "Likewise for place and time."
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji now tests the three conditions of SK 1974, one counter-example each. In none of them does astāti come.
- Not a word conventionally used for a direction:
aindryāṃ vasati "he lives in Indra's [quarter]". - Not in the seventh, fifth or first case:
pūrvaṃ grāmaṃ gataḥ "he went to the eastern village". - Not denoting a direction, place or time:
pūrvasmin gurau vasati "he lives with his former teacher".
Bhaṭṭoji then draws a jñāpaka. Asi is a special rule for pūrva, adhara and avara; astāti is the general rule. Would asi block astāti after these three words? No: astāti ca (SK 1976) gives pur before astāti, so astāti must still come after them. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators sets out this objection and answer.
Watch out. Our text adds a stray pair of sentences: "Why 'after seventh-case words and the rest'? aindryāṃ vasati." The 1915 printed edition does not have this pair, and this chapter leaves it out. In the print the counter-example aindryāṃ vasati answers only "why 'conventionally used for a direction'?", and pūrvaṃ grāmaṃ gataḥ answers the question about the cases.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अवरस्यास्तातौ परेव् स्याद्वा । अवस्तात् । अवरस्तात् । एवं देशे काले च । दिशिरूढेभ्यः किम् । ऐन्द्र्यां वसति । सप्तम्याद्यन्तेभ्यः किम् । ऐन्द्र्यां वसति । सप्तम्याद्यन्तेभ्यः किम् । पूर्वं ग्रामं गतः । दिगादिवृत्तिभ्यः किम् । पूर्वस्मिन् गुरौ वसति । अस्ताति च SK 1976 इति ज्ञापकादसिरस्तातिं न बाधते ॥
For avara, av is optionally substituted when astāti follows [— 'astāti' carried forward
(anuvṛtti) from SK 1976]: avastāt, avarastāt. Likewise [in reference to] place (deśa) and time
(kāla).
Why [does SK 1974 say] 'conventionally used (rūḍha) for a direction (diś)'? [Not here:]
aindryāṃ vasati, 'he dwells in the [quarter] of Indra'.
Why 'after seventh-case words (saptamyanta) and the rest'? [Not here:] pūrvaṃ grāmaṃ gataḥ,
'he went to the eastern village'.
Why 'occurring in the sense of direction and the rest'? [Not here:] pūrvasmin gurau vasati, 'he
lives with his former teacher'.
From the indication (jñāpaka) of 'astāti ca' (SK 1976), asi [(SK 1975), though specially
enjoined,] does not block astāti [(SK 1974), enjoined generally].
Bālamanoramā
विभाषाऽवरस्य - विभाषाऽवरस्य ।अस्ताति चे॑ति पूर्वसूत्रादस्तातीत्यनुवर्तते । तदाह — अवरस्येति । एवमिति । पूर्वस्मिन्पूर्वस्मात्पूर्वो वा देशः, कालो वा — पुरः पुरस्तादित्यादि । पूर्वस्मिन्गुराविति । पूर्वकालिकाध्यापनकर्तरीत्यर्थः । ननु 'दिक्छब्देभ्यः' इति सामान्यविहितस्य परादिशब्देषु सावकाशस्य अस्तातेः पूर्वाधरावरशब्देषु असिना विशेषविहितेन बाधः स्यादित्यत आह — अस्ताति चेतीत्यादि ।
translator notes
- BM: from the preceding sūtra 'astāti ca' (SK 1976) 'astāti' is carried forward (anuvartate); hence the kaumudī's 'avarasya astātau'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1.
- BM on 'evam': a place or time that is pūrva, in the sense pūrvasmin, pūrvasmāt or pūrvaḥ, gives puraḥ, purastāt and so on. On 'pūrvasmin gurau': the one who did the teaching at an earlier time. On the jñāpaka: the objection is that astāti, enjoined in general by 'dikśabdebhyaḥ …' (SK 1974) and having scope in para and the like, would be blocked in pūrva, adhara and avara by asi, which is specially enjoined; to answer this he says 'astāti ca …'. Followed for 'former teacher' and for the bracketed general/special contrast in the last sentence of k1.
- textual The digital source reads 'aindryāṃ vasati | saptamyādyantebhyaḥ kim | aindryāṃ vasati | saptamyādyantebhyaḥ kim | pūrvaṃ grāmaṃ gataḥ': the words 'saptamyādyantebhyaḥ kim | aindryāṃ vasati' stand twice. NSP p. 320 (printed 310, scan) has them once: 'diśi rūḍhebhyaḥ kim | aindryāṃ vasati | saptamyādyantebhyaḥ kim | pūrvaṃ grāmaṃ gataḥ' (the OCR's 'prāptaṃ' for 'grāmaṃ' is an OCR error; the scan reads 'grāmaṃ'). The Wikisource SK+BM print (sources/wikisource-bm/bm_by_sk.json, SK 1977) also has them once. The English renders the sentence once.
- translator There is no Tattvabodhinī on this sūtra. TB on SK 1974–1976, filed under sk.1974.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.1973.t1; NSP p. 320, scan), goes from 'puraḥ purastāt' straight to 'prācyāṃ prācyāḥ' of SK 1980, which is filed under sk.1980.t1. The three counter-examples test the conditions of SK 1974 ('diśi rūḍhebhyaḥ', 'saptamyādyantebhyaḥ', 'digdeśakālavṛttibhyaḥ' in the kaumudī there). The bracketed '[SK 1974]' in the first question is the translator's.
SK 1978 · A 5.3.28V
दक्षिणोत्तराभ्यामतसुच् ॥ १९७८ ॥
dakṣiṇottarābhyāmatasuc
dakṣiṇottarābhyām atasuc — After dakṣiṇa and uttara [functioning to denote a direction, a place or a time, as seventh-, fifth- or first-case words — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1974], the affix atasuc [comes].
Rule. After dakṣiṇa "southern" and uttara "northern", the affix atasuc comes, under the conditions of SK 1974. Bhaṭṭoji calls it an apavāda of astāti. Atasuc is heard as -atas.
Example.
uttara + atas → uttarataḥ.
dakṣiṇa + atas → dakṣiṇataḥ.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators discusses the first a of atasuc. A plain tasuc would give the same forms, so the a is only for clarity. That is why the Bhāṣya sets it aside. The question of purataḥ (SK 1976) turns on this a.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अस्तातेरपवादः । दक्षिणतः । उत्तरतः ॥
[This affix, after dakṣiṇa and uttara functioning to denote a direction, a place or a time,] is
an exception (apavāda) to astāti (SK 1974). dakṣiṇataḥ. uttarataḥ.
Bālamanoramā
दक्षिणोत्तराभ्यामतसुच् - दक्षिणोत्तराभ्यां ।दिग्देशकालवृत्तिभ्या॑मिति शेषः । दक्षिणत उत्तरत इति । नच तसुजेव प्रत्ययोऽस्तु, दिग्वर्तित्वे तुसर्वनाम्नो वृत्तिमात्रे॑ इति पुंवत्वेनैव 'दक्षिणतः' इत्यादि सिद्धमिति वाच्यं, स्पष्टार्थत्वात् । अत एव भाष्ये अकारः प्रत्याख्यातः । केचित्तु — अकारोच्चारणमन्यतो विधानार्थं, तेन पुरत इति सिद्धमित्याहुःसमानकालीन॑मित्यादिवत् 'पुरत' इति प्रामादिकमेवेति बहवः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'digdeśakālavṛttibhyām' (functioning to denote a direction, place or time) is to be supplied (iti śeṣaḥ). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1; the case condition is carried with it per BM on SK 1974 (the whole of SK 1974 minus astāti runs on to SK 1988).
- BM on 'dakṣiṇata uttarataḥ': Objection: let the affix be simply tasuc, since in the sense of direction dakṣiṇataḥ etc. would follow from masculine treatment by 'sarvanāmno vṛttimātre [puṃvadbhāvaḥ]'. Response: [the a is] for clarity (spaṣṭārtha); that is why the Bhāṣya rejects (pratyākhyāta) the a. Some say the a is uttered so that the affix may be enjoined after other words too, which establishes 'purataḥ'; many say 'purataḥ' is simply an error (prāmādika), like 'samānakālīna'. Recorded.
- TB, printed under sk.1974.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.1973.t1; NSP p. 320, printed 310), on 'puraḥ purastāt' (SK 1976): how then 'purataḥ' in Bhavabhūti, Amara and Viśva? Many say it is an error, like samānakālīna and pūrvakālīna. Some say: since the desired forms after dakṣiṇa and uttara would follow from enjoining tasuc, the a of atasuc is uttered so that it may be enjoined after other words too, which establishes 'purataḥ'; it is not to be objected that, atasuc being c-marked, the a serves for initial acute accent in the alternative, since positing enjoinment after other words is more reasonable in view of many usages. Recorded; the English of k1 is unaffected.
SK 1979 · A 5.3.29V
विभाषा परावराभ्याम् ॥ १९७९ ॥
vibhāṣā parāvarābhyām
vibhāṣā parāvarābhyām — Optionally after para and avara [(words for direction, place or time, as in SK 1974), atasuc — supplied (śeṣa) from SK 1978; in the alternative, astāti (SK 1974)].
Rule. After para and avara, atasuc comes optionally. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies atasuc from SK 1978. In the other option astāti comes.
Example.
para + atas → parataḥ; or para + astāt → parastāt.
avara + atas → avarataḥ; or avara + astāt → avarastāt.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
परतः । अवरतः । परस्तात् । अवरस्तात् ॥
parataḥ, avarataḥ [with atasuc]; parastāt, avarastāt [in the alternative, with astāti].
Bālamanoramā
विभाषा परावराभ्याम् - विभाषा ।अतसु॑जिति शेषः । पक्षे अस्तातिः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'atasuc' is supplied (śeṣa); in the alternative, astāti. Followed for the bracketed atasuc and astāti in sutra_en and k1.
- BM, printed under sk.1974.b1: this sūtra (SK 1974), without astāti, is carried forward (anuvartate) up to the sūtra 'saṃkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā' (SK 1988). Followed for the bracketed reference to the words of SK 1974 in sutra_en.
- translator BM names only 'atasuc'; that it is the atasuc of 'dakṣiṇottarābhyām atasuc' (SK 1978), and that the astāti of the alternative is that of SK 1974, is the translator's identification.
SK 1980 · A 5.3.30V
अञ्चेर्लुक् ॥ १९८० ॥
añcerluk
añcer luk — After [a word for direction (dikśabda) ending in the root] añc, [there is] luk [of astāti — as the kaumudī's paraphrase states].
Rule. After a direction-word ending in the root añc, astāti undergoes luk. Bhaṭṭoji names astāti in his own paraphrase.
Example.
prācyāṃ / prācyāḥ / prācī [dik] "in / from / the eastern [quarter]" → prācī + astāt
→ luk of astāti → the feminine affix goes too (SK 1408)
→ prāk.
Bhaṭṭoji cites SK 1408 here. One of his commentators gives the uses: prāg vasati "he lives in the east", prāg āgataḥ "he has come from the east". Likewise udak, from the northern quarter. Bhaṭṭoji adds: "Likewise for place and time."
Applies when / blocked by. The rule names añc. How does it cover the feminine prācī? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers with the liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā: a stem named in a rule covers its gender-marked form too.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अञ्चत्यन्ताद्दिक्शब्दादस्तातेर्लुक् स्यात् ॥लुक्तद्धितलुकि SK 1408 ॥ प्राच्यां प्राच्याः प्राची वा दिक् प्राक् । उदक् । एवं देशे काले च ॥
After a word for direction (dikśabda) ending in añcati [i.e., in the root añc], there is luk of
astāti. [By] 'luk taddhitaluki' (SK 1408) [the feminine affix too undergoes luk when the
taddhita undergoes luk]. The direction (dik) that is prācyām ('in the east'), prācyāḥ ('from the
east') or prācī ('the east') [— astāti, coming after the feminine prācī, undergoes luk, since by
the paribhāṣā that a base, when mentioned, includes its gender-marked forms
(liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā), 'añceḥ' includes the feminine]: prāk [e.g. prāg vasati, 'lives in the east'; prāg āgataḥ, 'has come from the east'].
udak. Likewise with regard to place and time.
Tattvabodhinī
alignment inferredNSP p. 320–321—प्राच्यां प्राच्या इति । प्राच्यां दिशि वसति प्राच्या इति । प्राच्या दिशः आगतः प्रागागत इत्यादि योज्यम् ॥—पञ्चम्यन्तं विनेति । नेह उत्तरादागतः । अधरादागतः ॥—उत्तरेणेत्यादि । वसति रमणीयं वा ॥—पक्षे यथास्वमिति । दक्षिणतः । उत्तरतः । अधः । अधस्तात् । उत्तरात् । अधरात् । दक्षिणात्
Bālamanoramā
अञ्चेर्लुक् - अञ्चेर्लुक् । प्राच्यामिति । लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषयाऽस्तातेर्लुक् ।
Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)
NSP p. 321 दक्षिणादाच्—चकार आजाहीत्येव विशेषणार्थः । तेन वाक्यसरणयोरङिदाकारस्य व्यावृत्तिरिति भाष्यम् ।
translator notes
- BM on 'prācyām': the luk of astāti [after the feminine prācī] is by the liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā. Followed for the bracket on the liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā.
- TB on 'prācyāṃ prācyāḥ': prācyām — 'lives in the eastern direction'; prācyāḥ — 'has come from the eastern direction', prāg āgataḥ; and so on is to be construed. Followed for the bracketed examples prāg vasati, prāg āgataḥ.
- translator The kaumudī only cites 'luk taddhitaluki' (SK 1408); the bracket states the content of that sūtra as it bears here (the loss of the feminine affix of prācī along with the luk of astāti). Neither BM nor TB spells this out; the remaining steps to prāk are implicit in the kaumudī.
- translator 'of astāti' in sutra_en comes from the kaumudī's own 'astāter luk'. It is not labelled anuvṛtti, because BM on SK 1974 (sk.1974.b1) says that sūtra continues up to SK 1988 without astāti (astātivarjanam).
SK 1981 · A 5.3.31V
उपर्युपरिष्टात् ॥ १९८१ ॥
uparyupariṣṭāt
upary upariṣṭāt — [In the domain of astāti (SK 1974), for ūrdhva ('upper'): upa is substituted, with the affixes ril and riṣṭātil, giving] the forms upari and upariṣṭāt.
Rule. In the domain of astāti, upa replaces ūrdhva "upper". The affix is ril or riṣṭātil, heard as -ri and -riṣṭāt.
Example.
ūrdhva + ril → upa for ūrdhva → upa + ri → upari.
ūrdhva + riṣṭātil → upa + riṣṭāt → upariṣṭāt.
Bhaṭṭoji gives upari or upariṣṭād vasati, āgataḥ, ramaṇīyaṃ vā. One of his commentators says the three show the three cases in order: "he lives above", "he has come from above", "what is above is pleasant".
Watch out. Ūrdhva is the word that gets replaced. It is not a meaning in which the affix comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says Bhaṭṭoji's wording repeats a sentence of the Bhāṣya.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अस्तातेर्विषये ऊर्ध्वशब्दस्योपादेशः स्याद्रिल्रिष्टातिलौ च प्रत्ययौ ॥ उपरि उपरिष्टाद्वा वसति आगतो रमणीयं वा ॥
In the domain of astāti, the substitute upa occurs in place of the word ūrdhva ('upper'), and
the two affixes ril and riṣṭātil. upari or upariṣṭād vasati ['lives above' — seventh-case sense],
āgataḥ ['has come from above' — fifth-case sense] or ramaṇīyam ['(what is) above is pleasant' —
first-case sense].
Bālamanoramā
उपर्युपरिष्टात् - उपर्युपरिष्टात् ।ऊर्ध्वस्य उपभावो रिल्प्रत्ययो रिष्टातिल्प्रत्ययश्चे॑ति भाष्यम् । तदाह — अस्तातेर्विषये इत्यादिना । वसति, आगतो, रमणीयं वेति — विभक्तित्रयस्य यथासङ्ख्यमुदाहरणम् । पश्चात् ।अपरस्य पश्चभावः, आतिश्च प्रत्ययः॑ इति भाष्यवाक्यमिदम् । प्रत्यये इकार उच्चारणार्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: the Bhāṣya reads 'ūrdhvasya upabhāvo, ril pratyayo, riṣṭātil pratyayaś ca'; that is what the kaumudī states with 'astāter viṣaye' etc. 'vasati, āgataḥ, ramaṇīyaṃ vā' illustrate the three case-endings in order (yathāsaṅkhya). Followed for the bracketed case-senses in k1.
- textual The tail of sk.1981.b1 ('paścāt. aparasya paścabhāvaḥ, ātiś ca pratyayaḥ … the i of the affix is for pronunciation') is BM on SK 1982 (paścāt), which has no BM block of its own; it is misfiled under this unit. No TB is printed on this sūtra: TB passes from SK 1980 to SK 1984 (printed under sk.1980.t1; NSP p. 321, printed 311).
SK 1982 · A 5.3.32V
पश्चात् ॥ १९८२ ॥
paścāt
paścāt — paścāt [is formed: in the domain of astāti, paśca is substituted for apara, and the affix āti comes].
Rule. In the domain of astāti, paśca replaces apara "western", and the affix āti comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says Bhaṭṭoji's wording repeats a sentence of the Bhāṣya, as at SK 1981. He adds that the i of āti is for pronunciation, so it is heard as -āt.
Example.
apara + āti → paśca for apara → paśca + āt → paścāt.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अपरस्य पश्चभाव आतिश्च प्रत्ययोऽस्तातेर्विषये ॥
In the domain of astāti (SK 1974), paśca is substituted for apara, and the affix āti [comes].
translator notes
- BM, printed under sk.1981.b1: 'aparasya paścabhāvaḥ, ātiś ca pratyayaḥ' is a sentence of the Bhāṣya; the i in the affix [āti] is for pronunciation (uccāraṇārtha). Followed for the rendering of k1 (the affix is āt; hence paścāt).
- textual No BM is filed under this unit; the BM on 'paścāt' stands at the end of the BM on SK 1981 (sk.1981.b1).
SK 1983 · A 5.3.34V
उत्तराधरदक्षिणादातिः ॥ १९८३ ॥
uttarādharadakṣiṇādātiḥ
uttarādharadakṣiṇād ātiḥ — After uttara, adhara and dakṣiṇa [— words for direction ending in the seventh, fifth or first case and denoting a direction, place or time, 'dikśabdebhyaḥ saptamīpañcamīprathamābhyo digdeśakāleṣu' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1974 —] the affix āti [comes, in the domain of astāti, of which it is an apavāda].
Rule. After uttara, adhara and dakṣiṇa, the affix āti comes, heard as -āt. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it an apavāda of astāti.
Example.
uttara + āt → uttarāt.
Likewise adharāt, dakṣiṇāt.
Each form carries the three case-senses and the three senses of SK 1974.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
उत्तरात् । अधरात् । दक्षिणात् ॥
uttarāt; adharāt; dakṣiṇāt.
Bālamanoramā
उत्तराधरदक्षिणादातिः - उत्तराधर । आतिप्रत्यये इकार उच्चारणार्थः । अस्तातेरपवादः ।
translator notes
- BM on SK 1974 (sk.1974.b1): the sūtra 'dikśabdebhyaḥ saptamīpañcamīprathamābhyo digdeśakāleṣv astātiḥ', minus astāti, is carried forward (anuvṛtti) as far as 'saṃkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā' (SK 1988). BM on this sūtra (sk.1983.b1): in the affix āti the i is for pronunciation only (uccāraṇārtha); the rule is an apavāda of astāti. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and for 'in the domain of astāti' in sutra_en; the i being merely for pronunciation accounts for the forms in -āt.
- textual No TB comment on this sūtra is printed: TB's comment on SK 1980 (sk.1980.t1) runs straight on to SK 1984 ('pañcamyantaṃ vinā', 'uttareṇa', 'pakṣe yathāsvam') and then to SK 1988 (NSP p. 321, OCR). Under SK 1984 TB lists uttarāt, adharāt, dakṣiṇāt among the alternates that stand when enap does not apply.
- translator The kaumudī gives the three forms bare, without an analysis; each carries the senses of the three cases and of direction, place or time inherited from SK 1974 (so the kaumudī on SK 1976–1977 and 1980 for the parallel forms). No gloss is supplied in the block.
SK 1984 · A 5.3.35V
एनबन्यतरस्यामदूरेऽपञ्चम्याः ॥ १९८४ ॥
enabanyatarasyāmadūre'pañcamyāḥ
enab anyatarasyām adūre 'pañcamyāḥ — enap [comes] optionally [after uttara, adhara and dakṣiṇa — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1983 — in the senses of direction, place and time, as carried forward from SK 1974] when [the sense is] 'not far', but not after a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta).
Rule. After uttara, adhara and dakṣiṇa, the affix enap comes optionally, heard as -ena. Two conditions hold. The sense is "not far" (adūre). And the word is not in the fifth case. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the three words are carried forward from SK 1983.
Bhaṭṭoji explains "not far". The limit (avadhi) and what is placed with respect to it (avadhimat) are close to each other.
Example.
uttara + ena → uttareṇa "not far to the north".
Likewise adhareṇa, dakṣiṇena.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators construes these with vasati "he lives" or ramaṇīyam "is pleasant".
In the fifth case there is no enap: uttarād āgataḥ "he has come from the north".
Applies when / blocked by. In the other option each word takes its own affixes. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators list them differently. One names astāti, asi and āti. The other gives dakṣiṇataḥ, uttarataḥ, adhaḥ, adhastāt, uttarāt and the like.
Bhaṭṭoji reports that some do not carry uttara and the rest forward. They give enap after any direction-word: pūrveṇa grāmam "close east of the village", apareṇa grāmam "close west of the village".
Watch out. "Not in the fifth case" reaches beyond this rule. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites the Bhāṣya: it holds up to asi, A 5.3.39 in Pāṇini's order. So it covers SK 1985–1987 as well.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
उत्तरादिभ्य एनब्वा स्यादवध्यवधिमतोः सामीप्ये पञ्चम्यन्तं विना । उत्तरेण । अधरेण । दक्षिणेन । पक्षे यथास्वं प्रत्ययाः । इह केचिदुत्तरादीनननुवर्त्य दिक्शब्दमात्रादेनपमाहुः । पूर्वेण ग्रामम् ॥ अपरेण ग्रामम् ॥
enap comes optionally after uttara and the rest [i.e. uttara, adhara and dakṣiṇa, carried
forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1983] when there is proximity between the limit (avadhi) and what
has the limit (avadhimat), except after a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta): uttareṇa ('not far
to the north'), adhareṇa, dakṣiṇena. In the alternative, the affixes proper to each [word
come]. Here some, not carrying forward uttara and the rest, state enap after any word for a
direction (dikśabda) whatever: pūrveṇa grāmam ('[close] east of the village'), apareṇa
grāmam ('[close] west of the village').
Bālamanoramā
एनबन्यतरस्यामदूरेऽपञ्चम्याः - एनबन्यतरस्याम् ।अपञ्चम्या इति प्रागसे॑रिति भाष्यम् । सूत्रक्रमेपूर्वाधरे॑त्यसिं वक्ष्यति ततः प्रागित्यर्थः । उत्तरादिभ्य इति । उत्तराधरदक्षिणादित्यनुवर्तत इति भावः । 'अदूरे' इत्येतद्व्याचष्टे — अवध्यवधिमतोः सामीप्ये इति । पञ्चमीं विनेति । पञ्चम्यन्तान्न भवतीत्यर्थः । यथास्वमिति । एनबभावे पक्षे अस्तातिः असिः आतिश्चेत्यर्थः । दिक्छब्दमात्रादिति । अञ्चत्यन्तात्तु नेदम्, व्यवस्थितविभाषाश्रयणात् । तेन प्राचेन ग्राममित्यादि न भवतीत्याहुः ।
translator notes
- BM: the Bhāṣya says that [the restriction] 'apañcamyāḥ' [holds] 'prāg aseḥ', i.e. up to the asi that he will teach in 'pūrvādhara…' (SK 1975) in the order of the sūtras. 'uttarādibhyaḥ': the idea is that 'uttarādharadakṣiṇāt' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) [from SK 1983]. 'avadhyavadhimatoḥ sāmīpye' explains 'adūre'. 'pañcamyantaṃ vinā' means it does not come after a fifth-case word. 'yathāsvam': in the alternative where enap is absent, astāti, asi and āti. 'dikśabdamātrāt': but not after a word ending in añc, since the option is taken as a fixed (vyavasthita) option, so that prācena grāmam etc. do not occur — so they say. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and for rendering adūre by the proximity of limit and limited.
- TB, printed under sk.1980.t1: on 'pañcamyantaṃ vinā' — not here: uttarād āgataḥ, adharād āgataḥ. On 'uttareṇa' etc.: [to be construed with] vasati or ramaṇīyam [i.e. in the seventh- and first-case senses]. On 'pakṣe yathāsvam': dakṣiṇataḥ, uttarataḥ, adhaḥ, adhastāt, uttarāt, adharāt, dakṣiṇāt. Recorded: TB's list of alternants (atasuc, asi/astāti and āti forms) differs from BM's (astāti, asi, āti), and the English 'the affixes proper to each' stays neutral between them.
- BM on SK 1974 (sk.1974.b1): that sūtra, without astāti, is carried forward (anuvṛtti) up to 'saṃkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā' (SK 1988); there is no one-to-one correspondence (yathāsaṃkhya) of the case-endings with direction, place and time. Followed for the bracketed senses in sutra_en; 'apañcamyāḥ' removes the fifth case from the three carried forward.
- textual NSP p. 321 (printed 311) agrees with the digital kaumudī throughout this unit (OCR; the scan collation records no difference).
SK 1985 · A 5.3.36V
दक्षिणादाच् ॥ १९८५ ॥
dakṣiṇādāc
dakṣiṇād āc — After dakṣiṇa, āc [in the domain of astāti; not after a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta) — 'apañcamyāḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1984].
Rule. After dakṣiṇa, the affix āc comes in the domain of astāti. It is heard as -ā. Bhaṭṭoji says "not after a fifth-case word" holds here too.
Example.
dakṣiṇa + ā → dakṣiṇā vasati "he lives to the south".
In the fifth case, no āc: dakṣiṇād āgataḥ "he has come from the south".
Applies when / blocked by. "Not far" does not carry over. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads this from Bhaṭṭoji's words "in the domain of astāti". He counts three forms: dakṣiṇā (āc), dakṣiṇāt (āti, SK 1983) and dakṣiṇataḥ (atasuc, SK 1978).
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अस्तातेर्विषये । दक्षिणा वसति । अपञ्चम्या इत्येव । दक्षिणादागतः ॥
[āc comes] in the domain (viṣaya) of astāti: dakṣiṇā vasati ('he lives to the south').
'Not after a fifth-case word (apañcamyāḥ)' holds here too (ity eva): [hence] dakṣiṇād
āgataḥ ('[he has] come from the south').
translator notes
- BM on this sūtra, missing from our source, as printed in the Wikisource SK+BM edition (p. 900, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0074.txt): on 'astāter viṣaye': by this [phrase] it is indicated that 'adūre' [of SK 1984] is not carried forward. So there are three forms: with āc, with āti by 'uttarādharadakṣiṇād ātiḥ' (SK 1983), and with atasuc by 'dakṣiṇottarābhyām atasuc' (SK 1978). Followed in not supplying 'adūre' in sutra_en or k1; the three forms (dakṣiṇā, dakṣiṇāt, dakṣiṇataḥ) are Recorded, the kaumudī giving only dakṣiṇā.
- BM on SK 1984, printed under sk.1984.b1: 'apañcamyāḥ' [runs] 'before asi' (prāg aseḥ), says the Bhāṣya, i.e. before 'pūrvādharāvarāṇām asi …' (5.3.39) in the order of the sūtras. Followed: it supports the kaumudī's 'apañcamyā ity eva' here (5.3.36 lies in that range), bracketed in sutra_en as carried forward.
- textual The Bālamanoramā formerly filed under this unit (sk.1985.b1, on 'tadyuktāt', explaining kārmaṇa and 'vācikaṃ śrutvā') is BM on SK 2104, 'tadyuktāt karmaṇo 'ṇ' (5.4.36), and was re-filed to sk.2104.b1 (2026-10-05). BM on dakṣiṇād āc is absent from our source; see the BM note from the Wikisource print.
- textual NSP footnote 1 on this sūtra (p. 321, printed 311), filed under sk.1980.n1, read from the scan: 'dakṣiṇād āc — the c is only for distinguishing [āc] in āj-āhi; thereby the ā that is aṅit in [the senses of] vākya and smaraṇa is excluded — so the Bhāṣya.' The print reads 'vākyasaraṇayor'. Recorded.
- translator In the NSP footnote, 'vākyasaraṇayor' is taken as vākyasmaraṇayor (the aṅit ā of the kārikā on ṅit āṅ), and 'āj-āhi' as the 'āj-āhi-yukte' of 2.3.29, which governs a fifth-case word. Both identifications are the translator's.
- textual No Tattvabodhinī comment on this sūtra: TB printed under sk.1980.t1 goes from SK 1984 ('pakṣe yathāsvam iti … dakṣiṇāt') to SK 1988 ('saṃkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā'); NSP p. 321 (scan) confirms. The kaumudī agrees with the print.
SK 1986 · A 5.3.37V
आहि च दूरे ॥ १९८६ ॥
āhi ca dūre
āhi ca dūre — And āhi [after dakṣiṇa — supplied (śeṣa), from SK 1985], when [the sense is] far (dūre) [; by 'ca', āc (SK 1985) as well].
Rule. After dakṣiṇa, in the sense "far" (dūre), the affix āhi comes. By ca "and", āc comes as well. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies "after dakṣiṇa".
Example.
dakṣiṇa + āhi → dakṣiṇāhi.
dakṣiṇa + ā → dakṣiṇā.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
दक्षिणाद् दूरे आहि स्यात् चादाच् । दक्षिणाहि । दक्षिणा ॥
After dakṣiṇa, in the sense 'far' (dūre), āhi comes; by 'ca', āc [as well]. dakṣiṇāhi [with āhi], dakṣiṇā [with āc].
Bālamanoramā
आहि च दूरे - आहि च दूरे ।दक्षिणाशब्दा॑दिति शेषः । चादाजिति । तथा दूरे उक्तरूपत्रयेण सह चत्वारि रूपाणीति भावः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'after the word dakṣiṇā' (dakṣiṇāśabdāt) is supplied (śeṣa). On 'cād āc': so, in the sense 'far', there are four forms together with the three forms already stated. Followed for the bracketed dakṣiṇa in sutra_en; the count of four forms is Recorded.
- translator BM writes 'dakṣiṇāśabdāt'; the kaumudī's 'dakṣiṇāt' is the fifth-case (pañcamyanta) word of SK 1985. The English keeps the kaumudī's dakṣiṇa. Which three forms BM counts is not said; the translator takes them to be those of atasuc (SK 1978), āti (SK 1983) and āc (SK 1985), enap (SK 1984) being restricted to 'not far' (adūre).
SK 1987 · A 5.3.38V
उत्तराच्च ॥ १९८७ ॥
uttarācca
uttarāc ca — And after uttara [āc and āhi — supplied (śeṣa), from SK 1985 and SK 1986].
Rule. After uttara too, āc and āhi come. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies the two affixes.
Example.
uttara + āhi → uttarāhi.
uttara + ā → uttarā.
The same commentator counts four forms with atasuc and āti: uttarāhi, uttarā, uttarataḥ and uttarāt. Add uttareṇa for "not far" (SK 1984), and uttara has the five forms of the running example.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
उत्तराहि । उत्तरा ॥
uttarāhi [with āhi], uttarā [with āc].
Bālamanoramā
उत्तराच्च - उत्तराच्च ।आच् आहि चे॑ति शेषः । अतसुचा आतिना च चत्वारि रूपाणि ।
translator notes
- BM: 'āc āhi ca' is supplied (śeṣa). With atasuc and āti there are four forms. Followed for the bracketed āc and āhi in sutra_en and k1; the count of four forms is Recorded.
- translator The four forms BM counts are, on the translator's reading, uttarāhi, uttarā, uttarataḥ (atasuc, SK 1978) and uttarāt (āti, SK 1983).
- textual The raw NSP OCR skips SK 1987–1989; the scan (NSP p. 321) reads 'uttarāhi. uttarā.', agreeing with the digital text.
SK 1988 · A 5.3.42V
संख्याया विधार्थे धा ॥ १९८८ ॥
saṃkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā
saṃkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā — After a number word (saṃkhyā) [occurring] in the meaning of the word vidhā ('mode', prakāra), dhā [comes, in its own sense (svārthe)].
Rule. After a number-word used in the sense of vidhā "mode", the affix dhā comes in the word's own sense. Bhaṭṭoji narrows the mode to a mode of action (kriyāprakāra). Both of his commentators say this narrowing comes from the nature of expression.
Example.
catur "four" + dhā → caturdhā "in four ways".
pañcan "five" + dhā → pañcadhā "in five ways".
On the running example, dvi + dhā → dvidhā "in two ways".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says a verb such as gacchati "goes" is understood: "he goes in four ways".
Watch out. Vidhā can also mean a lump of cooked rice. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that sense is not taken, so no affix comes in ekā govidhā. That is why the sūtra says vidhārthe, "in the meaning of vidhā". It means the sense in which vidhā is well known, "mode".
Siddhānta-kaumudī
क्रियाप्रकारार्थे वर्तमानात्संख्याशब्दात्स्वार्थे धा स्यात् । चतुर्धा । पञ्चधा ॥
After a number word (saṃkhyāśabda) occurring in the sense of a mode of action (kriyāprakāra),
dhā comes in its own sense (svārthe): caturdhā, pañcadhā ('in four ways', 'in five ways').
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 321—संख्याया विधार्थे धा । विधाशब्दस्यार्थो विधार्थः ॥ यद्यप्योदनपिण्डोऽपि विधाशब्देनोच्यते तथापीह न गृह्यते । तेन एका गोविधेत्यादौ न भवति ॥ इह हि ‘विधायाम्’ इति वक्तव्ये अर्थग्रहणस्य प्रयोजनं विधाशब्दो यत्रार्थे प्रसिद्धस्तत्रैव यथा स्यात् । तादृशश्चार्थः प्रकार एव, स च क्रियाविषयक एव गृह्यते अभिधानस्वभावात्तदाह—क्रियाप्रकारे वर्तमानादिति । कथं तर्हि ‘नवधा द्रव्यं, बहुधा गुणः’ इत्यादि ॥ अत्रापि ह्यश्रुता क्रिया प्रतीयते, ‘उपदिश्यते इति वा, भवति इति वा’ इति हरदत्तः
Bālamanoramā
संख्याया विधाऽर्थे धा - सङ्ख्याया विधार्थे धा । विधाशब्दस्याऽर्थः प्रकारो विधार्थः ।विधा विधौ प्रकारो विधार्थः ।विधा विधौ प्रकारे चे॑त्यमरः । सामान्यस्य भेदको विशेषः-प्रकारः । स चाभिधानस्वभावात् क्रियाविषयक एव गृह्यते । तदाह — क्रियाप्रकारेति । चतुर्धापञ्चधेति ।गच्छती॑त्यादि क्रियापदमध्याहार्यम् । चतुष्प्रकारा गमनादिक्रियेति बोधः ।नवधा द्रव्य॑मित्यादावपिभवती॑त्यादि क्रियापदमध्याहार्यम् ।
translator notes
- BM: vidhārtha is the meaning of the word vidhā, i.e. prakāra ('mode'; Amara: 'vidhā vidhau prakāre ca'). A prakāra is a specific that distinguishes a general, and by the nature of expression (abhidhānasvabhāva) only a mode relating to action is taken here, hence the kaumudī's 'kriyāprakāra'. Followed for 'the meaning of the word vidhā' in sutra_en and 'mode of action' in k1.
- BM on caturdhā, pañcadhā: a verb such as 'gacchati' must be supplied, and the cognition is 'the action of going etc. is of four kinds'. In 'navadhā dravyam' too a verb such as 'bhavati' is supplied. Followed for glossing the forms as modes of an action ('in four ways'); no verb is supplied in the English.
- TB: vidhārtha is the meaning of the word vidhā. vidhā can also denote a lump of cooked rice (odanapiṇḍa), but that sense is not taken here, so the affix does not come in 'ekā govidhā' and the like. The sūtra says 'artha' rather than just 'vidhāyām' so that the affix comes only in the sense in which vidhā is well known, and that sense is prakāra. By the nature of expression, only a mode relating to action is taken, hence 'kriyāprakāre vartamānāt'. For 'navadhā dravyam, bahudhā guṇaḥ' an unstated action ('upadiśyate' or 'bhavati') is understood (Haradatta). Followed for sutra_en and k1.
SK 1989 · A 5.3.43V
अधिकरणविचाले च ॥ १९८९ ॥
adhikaraṇavicāle ca
adhikaraṇavicāle ca — And [after a number word (saṃkhyā), dhā comes — both carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1988, as the kaumudī's paraphrase shows —] when a substance (adhikaraṇa) is altered (vicāla) [in number].
Rule. Dhā also comes when a substance (adhikaraṇa) is brought to another number (vicāla). Bhaṭṭoji's paraphrase shows that "after a number-word" and dhā carry over from SK 1988.
Example.
ekaṃ rāśiṃ pañcadhā kuru "make the one heap into five": pañcan + dhā → pañcadhā.
Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the reverse case: anekam ekadhā kuru "make the many into one".
Applies when / blocked by. Why a separate rule? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. Here the mode belongs to the heap, not to an action. SK 1988 covers only a mode of action.
Watch out. Our text reads saṃkhyāntarāpādāne. The 1915 printed edition reads saṃkhyāntarāpādane, "in bringing about another number", and both commentators gloss it that way. This chapter follows the print.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
द्रव्यस्य संख्यान्तरापादाने संख्याया धास्यात् । एकं राशिं पञ्चधा कुरु ॥
When a substance (dravya) is brought to another number (saṃkhyāntarāpādana), dhā comes after a
number word [— 'saṃkhyāyāḥ' and 'dhā' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1988]: ekaṃ rāśiṃ
pañcadhā kuru, 'make the one heap into five'.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 321—अधिकरणविचाले च । अधिकरणं द्रव्यं विचलनं विचालोऽन्यथाकरणम् । णिजन्तादेरच् तच्चेह संख्यासंनिधानात्संख्यान्तरापादनमिति व्याचष्टे—द्रव्यस्येत्यादिना । संख्यान्तरापादनं हि एकस्यानेकीकरणम्, अनेकस्य च एकीकरणम् । तत्राद्ये उदाहरणम्—एकं राशिं पञ्चधेति । पञ्च राशीन् कुर्वित्यर्थः ॥ द्वितीये तु अनेकं एकधा कुर्वित्युदाहर्तव्यम् । इह क्रियाविषयकप्रकारो न गम्यत इति सूत्रारम्भः
Bālamanoramā
अधिकरणविचाले च - अधिकरणविचाले च । अधिकरणं — द्रव्यं, तस्य विचालः=विचालनं, सङ्ख्यान्तरापादनम् । तदाह — द्रव्यस्येति । सङ्ख्यान्तरापादनं च न्यूनसङ्ख्यस्य अधिकसङ्ख्याकरणम्, अधिकसङ्ख्यस्य न्यूनसङ्ख्याकरणं च । आद्ये उदाहरति — एकं राशिंपञ्चधा कुर्विति । द्वितीये तु 'अनेकमेकधा कुर्वि' त्युदाहार्यम् । इह राशिविषयक एव प्रकारो गम्यते नतु क्रियाप्रकार इति सूत्रारम्भः ।
translator notes
- textual The digital source reads 'saṃkhyāntarāpādāne'. NSP p. 321 (printed 311, scan) and the Wikisource SK+BM print (sources/wikisource-bm/bm_by_sk.json, SK 1989) read 'saṃkhyāntarāpādane', 'in bringing about another number'. BM and TB gloss the same way ('saṃkhyāntarāpādanam'). The English follows the print.
- BM: adhikaraṇa is a substance (dravya), and its vicāla (vicālana) is bringing it to another number. That means either making what has a smaller number into a larger one, or making what has a larger number into a smaller one. The kaumudī illustrates the first; for the second the example to give is 'anekam ekadhā kuru'. Here only a mode relating to the heap is understood, not a mode of action, and that is why the sūtra is undertaken (SK 1988 being restricted to modes of action). Followed for 'substance' and 'brought to another number'.
- TB: adhikaraṇa is a substance; vicāla is vicalana, making otherwise (anyathākaraṇa), formed with ac by 'eraj' from the ṇic-form (OCR 'ṇijantāderac'). Because 'saṃkhyā' stands nearby, it here means bringing about another number, i.e. making one into many or many into one. 'ekaṃ rāśiṃ pañcadhā' means 'make five heaps'; for the second case the example to give is 'anekam ekadhā kuru'. Since no mode relating to action is understood here, the sūtra is undertaken. Followed for the gloss 'make the one heap into five'.
- translator Neither BM nor TB states the anuvṛtti of 'saṃkhyāyāḥ' and 'dhā' from SK 1988 ('saṃkhyāyā vidhārthe dhā'); it is the translator's inference from the kaumudī's paraphrase ('saṃkhyāyā dhā syāt'), bracketed in sutra_en and k1.
SK 1990 · A 5.3.44V
एकाद्धो ध्यमुञन्यतरस्याम् ॥ १९९० ॥
ekāddho dhyamuñanyatarasyām
ekād dho dhyamuñ anyatarasyām — After eka, dhyamuñ is optionally substituted for dha, [i.e. for the affix dhā, whether enjoined in the sense vidhā (SK 1988) or of adhikaraṇavicāla (SK 1989)].
Rule. After eka "one", dhyamuñ optionally replaces dhā. Dhyamuñ is heard as -dhyam. Its ñ brings first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1075).
Example.
eka + dhā → dhyamuñ for dhā → eka + dhyam
→ vṛddhi, e → ai → aikadhyam.
In the other option → ekadhā.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators shows both senses: aikadhyaṃ bhuṅkte for a mode of action (SK 1988), aikadhyaṃ rāśiṃ kuru "make [them] one heap" for a change of number (SK 1989).
Watch out. Dhyamuñ is a substitute, not an affix of its own. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. As an affix it would come only in the sense of SK 1989, the nearest rule. The other adds that dhā is named again in the sūtra ("dhaḥ") so that the dhā of both senses is replaced.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
ऐकध्यम् । एकधा ॥
aikadhyam [with dhyamuñ]; ekadhā [with dhā].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 321—एकाद्धो—। शब्दप्रधानत्वात्सर्वनामकार्याभावः । इह प्रकरणादेव सिद्धे पुनर्धाग्रहणं विधार्थे विहितस्यापि यथा स्यात् । ‘अनन्तरस्य— इति न्यायेनाधिकरणविचाले विहितस्यैव हि प्राप्नोतीति वृत्तिपदमञ्जर्योः स्पष्टम् ॥ एतेन ध्यमुञ् स्वतन्त्र एव प्रत्ययोऽस्त्वित्याशङ्का परास्ता ॥—ऐकध्यमिति । विधार्थे ऐकध्यं भुङ्क्ते । अधिकरणविचाले तु ऐकध्यं राशिं कुर्वित्यादि ज्ञेयम् । एवमग्रेऽपि द्वैधमित्यादौ योज्यम्
Bālamanoramā
एकाद्धो ध्यमुञन्यतरस्याम् - एकाद्धो । एकात्-ध इति च्छेदः । धाशब्दस्य 'ध' इति षष्ठ्येकवचनम् । एकशब्दात्परस्य धाप्रत्ययस्य ध्यमुञादेशः स्यादित्यर्थः । ऐकध्यमिति । नच एकशब्दात् ध्यमुञ्प्रत्ययः स्वतन्त्रो विधीयतां नतु धाप्रत्ययस्यादेश इति वाच्यं, तथा सति अधिकरणविचाल एव सन्निहितत्वादापत्तेः ।
translator notes
- BM: the split is 'ekāt dhaḥ'; 'dha' is the sixth-case singular of the word dhā. The sense: dhyamuñ is substituted for the affix dhā that follows the word eka. Objection: let dhyamuñ be enjoined after eka as an independent affix rather than as a substitute for dhā. Reply: not so, for then it would come only in the sense of adhikaraṇavicāla (SK 1989), which is the nearest. Followed: sutra_en renders dhyamuñ as a substitute (ādeśa) for dhā.
- TB: eka is mentioned here as a word (śabdapradhāna), so the pronoun (sarvanāman) operations do not apply [hence 'ekāt']. dhā is already available from the context, and it is stated again ('dhaḥ') so that the substitution applies also to the dhā enjoined in the sense vidhā. Otherwise, by the maxim 'anantarasya …', it would apply only to the dhā enjoined for adhikaraṇavicāla; this is clear in the Vṛtti and the Padamañjarī. This also disposes of the suggestion that dhyamuñ be an independent affix. aikadhyam: in the sense vidhā, 'aikadhyaṃ bhuṅkte'; in adhikaraṇavicāla, 'aikadhyaṃ rāśiṃ kuru'. The same applies to dvaidham etc. ahead (SK 1991). Followed for the bracketed scope in sutra_en. The OCR reads the pratīka as 'ekadhyam'; the scan (NSP p. 321, printed 311) reads 'aikadhyam'.
- translator The bracketed '[with dhyamuñ]' and '[with dhā]' are the translator's, marking the two forms that the option (anyatarasyām) yields.
SK 1991 · A 5.3.45V
द्वित्र्योश्च धमुञ् ॥ १९९१ ॥
dvitryośca dhamuñ
dvitryoś ca dhamuñ — And after dvi and tri, dhamuñ [optionally replaces dhā — 'dhaḥ' and 'anyatarasyām' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1990].
Rule. After dvi "two" and tri "three", dhamuñ optionally replaces dhā. It is heard as -dham, and its ñ brings vṛddhi. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "for dhā" and "optionally" are carried forward from SK 1990.
Example.
dvi + dhā → dhamuñ for dhā → dvi + dham
→ vṛddhi, i → ai → dvaidham.
In the other option → dvidhā.
Likewise traidham, tridhā.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds: after a word ending in dhamuñ, ḍa is seen in the word's own sense. Ḍa is heard as -a; its ḍ deletes the ṭi. Bhaṭṭoji's example is pathi dvaidhāni tṛṇāni "the grasses on the path are twofold".
dvaidham + ḍa → the ṭi am deleted (SK 316) → dvaidha → dvaidhāni.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the ṭi deletion. He says the vārttika's "is seen" (darśana) means it applies only in some places.
Watch out. Dvaidhāni is a declined adjective agreeing with tṛṇāni. It is not an indeclinable. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives two reasons. By its nature the word denotes a thing (sattvavacana). And the Bhāṣya itself uses the form dvaidhāni.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
आभ्यां धा इत्यस्य धमुञ् स्याद्वा । द्वैधम् । द्विधा । त्रैधम् । त्रिधा ।
dhamuñ optionally replaces dhā [coming after] these two [words, dvi and tri]: dvaidham,
dvidhā; traidham, tridhā.
vārttikaधमुञन्तात्स्वार्थे डदर्शनम्
(vārttika) After [a word] ending in dhamuñ, ḍa is seen in its own sense (svārthe).
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पथि द्वैधानि तृणानि ॥
pathi dvaidhāni tṛṇāni ('the grasses on the path [are] twofold (dvaidhāni)').
Bālamanoramā
द्वित्र्योश्च धमुञ् - द्वित्र्योश्च धमुञ् । षष्ठी पञ्चम्यर्थे । 'ध' इतिअन्यतरस्या॑मिति चानुवर्तते । तदाह — आभ्यामिति ।परस्ये॑ति शेषः । धमुञन्तादिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । दृशिग्रहणात्क्वचिदेवायम् । पथि द्वैधानीति ।तृणानी॑ति शेषः ।द्वैध॑मित्यस्माड्डप्रत्यये टिलोपे रूपम् । नचतसिलादयः प्राक् पाशपः॑ इति डप्रत्ययान्तस्याप्यव्ययत्वं शङ्क्यं, स्वभावतः सत्त्ववचनत्वेनाऽव्ययत्वाऽसंभवात्,द्वैधानी॑ति भाष्यप्रयोगाच्च ।
translator notes
- BM: [in 'dvitryoḥ'] the sixth case stands in the sense of the fifth; 'dha' and 'anyatarasyām' are carried forward (anuvṛtti) [from SK 1990], hence the kaumudī's 'ābhyām'; 'parasya' ('[coming] after') is to be supplied. Followed for 'after dvi and tri', for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for '[coming after]' in k1.
- BM: 'dhamuñantāt…' is a vārttika; because of the word 'darśana' ('is seen') it applies only in some places. 'pathi dvaidhāni': 'tṛṇāni' is to be supplied; the form is dvaidha with the affix ḍa and deletion of the ṭi. Nor should one suspect that the ḍa-final is an indeclinable (avyaya) under [the vārttika] 'tasilādayaḥ prāk pāśapaḥ', since by its nature it denotes a substance (sattvavacana) and so cannot be an avyaya, and because of the Bhāṣya's usage 'dvaidhāni'. Followed for labelling k2 as a vārttika and for construing dvaidhāni as a declined form agreeing with tṛṇāni.
- TB, printed under sk.1990.t1, after showing that aikadhyam [SK 1990] occurs both in the sense of mode (vidhārtha, 'aikadhyaṃ bhuṅkte') and in adhikaraṇavicāla ('aikadhyaṃ rāśiṃ kuru'): 'evam agre 'pi dvaidham ityādau yojyam' — the same is to be applied further on to dvaidham etc. Recorded: the English of k1 does not restrict dvaidham, traidham to either sense.
- textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 321 (printed 311) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'dhamuñantāt' (OCR; the scan collation records ours = print, including 'tṛṇāni'). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own example.
- translator BM's instruction to supply 'tṛṇāni' suggests that the kaumudī text before Vāsudeva ended at 'dvaidhāni', as the Wikisource SK text does; our text and the 1915 print both have 'tṛṇāni', and the English translates it without brackets.
SK 1992 · A 5.3.46V
एधाच्च ॥ १९९२ ॥
edhācca
edhāc ca — And edhāc [is substituted for the affix dhā standing after dvi and tri — supplied (BM) from SK 1991, 'dvitryoḥ', and from 'dhaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) there].
Rule. Edhāc also replaces dhā after dvi and tri. It is heard as -edhā.
Example.
dvi + dhā → edhāc for dhā → dvedhā.
Likewise tredhā.
Applies when / blocked by. Why a separate rule, and not "dhamuñ and edhāc" in SK 1991? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: the split (yogavibhāga) rules out yathāsaṃkhya. In one rule, dhamuñ might go with dvi only and edhāc with tri only. As it stands, each comes after both.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the affixes from tasil (SK 1953) up to this edhāc make indeclinables. So purastāt, uttareṇa, dvidhā and dvedhā are indeclinables. The ḍa-form dvaidhāni of SK 1991 is not.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 321—एधाच्च । द्वित्र्योः संबन्धिनो धाप्रत्ययस्य एधाच् स्यात् । योगविभागो यथासंख्यनिरासार्थः
Bālamanoramā
एधाच्च - एधाच्च । द्वित्रिभ्यां परस्य धाप्रत्ययस्यं एधाजित्यादेशः स्यादित्यर्थः ।पञ्चम्यास्तसि॑लित्यारभ्यएधाच्चे॑त्यन्तैर्विहितप्रत्ययान्तानामव्ययत्वम् ।
translator notes
- BM: the substitute edhāc replaces the affix dhā that follows dvi and tri. The affixes prescribed from 'pañcamyās tasil' (SK 1953) up to 'edhāc ca' make words ending in them avyayas. Followed for the substitute-reading in sutra_en; the avyaya range is Recorded.
- TB: edhāc replaces the affix dhā connected with dvi and tri. The sūtra is split off (yogavibhāga) [from 'dvitryoś ca dhamuñ', SK 1991] to rule out respective correlation (yathāsaṃkhya). Followed: sutra_en makes edhāc apply after both dvi and tri.
- translator BM on SK 1991 (sk.1991.b1) states that 'dha' and 'anyatarasyām' are carried forward (anuvartate) into that sūtra; neither commentator says whether 'anyatarasyām' continues into this one, and sutra_en adds no option.
SK 1993 · A 5.3.47V
याप्ये पाशप् ॥ १९९३ ॥
yāpye pāśap
yāpye pāśap — After [a word occurring in the sense] 'contemptible' (yāpya), pāśap [in its own sense (svārthe)].
Rule. After a word used of something contemptible (yāpya), the affix pāśap comes in the word's own sense. It is heard as -pāśa. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses yāpya as kutsita "contemptible", citing Amara's lexicon.
Example.
kutsito bhiṣak "a contemptible physician" → bhiṣaj + pāśa → bhiṣakpāśaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, following the Bhāṣya, limits the rule. The contempt must touch the pravṛttinimitta: here, a physician poor at being a physician. Other contempt takes the ka of SK 2029.
The other commentator explains why pāśap is not taught in SK 2029 itself. There it would come after verb-forms (tiṅanta) too.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
कुत्सितो भिषक् भिषक्पाशः ॥
A contemptible physician (kutsito bhiṣak): bhiṣakpāśaḥ.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 321—याप्ये पाशप् । ‘कुत्सिते’ इत्यत्रैव नायं विहितः । तिङन्तादपि प्रसङ्गात्
Bālamanoramā
याप्ये पाशप् - याप्ये पाशप् । याप्यः=कुत्सितः ।निकृष्टप्रतिकृष्टाऽर्वरेफयाप्याऽवमाऽधमाः॑ इत्यमरः । कुत्सितेविद्यमानात्स्वार्थे पाशप्स्यादित्यर्थः । प्रवृत्तिनिमित्तकुत्सायामिदम् । अप्रवृत्तिनिमित्तकुत्सायामपि कुत्सित इति वक्ष्यमाणं भवतीति भाष्ये, स्पष्टम् ।
translator notes
- BM: yāpya = kutsita ('contemptible'), citing Amara 'nikṛṣṭa-pratikṛṣṭa-arvarepha-yāpya-avama-adhamāḥ'; the sense is: after [a word] occurring in the sense 'contemptible', pāśap comes in its own sense (svārthe). This rule is for contempt concerning the ground of application (pravṛttinimitta) [of the word]; for contempt not concerning it, 'kutsite' (SK 2029), to be stated, applies — as is clear in the Bhāṣya. Followed for the bracketed '[a word occurring in the sense]' and 'svārthe' in sutra_en; the pravṛttinimitta restriction is Recorded (the kaumudī's example, a physician contemptible as a physician, fits it).
- TB: this [pāśap] was not enjoined within 'kutsite' (SK 2029) itself, because [there] it would apply after tiṅ-final words (tiṅanta) too. Recorded.
- translator TB's point presupposes that 'tiṅaś ca' (SK 2002) is carried forward into the ka-section, as the kaumudī states at SK 2026; the connection is the translator's.
- textual The kaumudī agrees with NSP p. 321 (printed 311), scan.
SK 1994 · A 5.3.48V
पूरणाद्भागे तीयादन् ॥ १९९४ ॥
pūraṇādbhāge tīyādan
pūraṇād bhāge tīyād an — After [a word ending in the affix] tīya, which denotes pūraṇa ('completing', i.e. an ordinal), an [comes, in its own sense (svārthe),] when [the word denotes] a part (bhāga).
Rule. After an ordinal in the affix tīya, the affix an comes in the word's own sense, when the word means a part (bhāga). An is heard as -a; its n is a marker.
Example.
dvitīyo bhāgaḥ "the second part" → dvitīya + an → dvitīyaḥ.
Likewise tṛtīyaḥ "the third part".
The shape does not change. Bhaṭṭoji says: "There is a difference in the accent." One of his commentators names the accent rule, A 6.1.197 (SK 3686). An affix marked with ñ or n makes the first vowel of the word udātta.
Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas follow. The first gives īkak, heard as -īka, after tīya in the word's own sense:
dvitīya + īka → dvaitīyīkaḥ, beside dvitīyaḥ;
tṛtīya + īka → tārtīyīkaḥ, beside tṛtīyaḥ.
The second says "not for vidyā", a branch of knowledge. So dvitīyā, tṛtīyā [vidyā] keep their plain form. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says both vārttikas are found in the Bhāṣya on A 4.2.7.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the word pūraṇa "ordinal". Every tīya affix is an ordinal affix, so the word is there for the next rule. In words such as mukhatīya the tīya has no meaning of its own, so no an comes.
Watch out. The same commentator says bhāga is meant in the masculine. The feminine vibhakti "share" means the same, yet it gives only caturthī and pañcamī. It does not give caturthā or pañcamā with the an of SK 1995.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
द्वितीयो भागो द्वितीयः । तृतीयः । स्वरे विशेषः ।
dvitīyo bhāgaḥ, 'the second part': dvitīyaḥ. tṛtīyaḥ. There is a difference in the accent
(svara).
vārttikaतीयादीकक् स्वार्थे वाच्यः
(vārttika) īkak should be stated after tīya, in its own sense (svārthe).
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ द्वैतीयीकः । द्वितीयः । तार्तीयीकः । तृतीयः ।
dvaitīyīkaḥ, dvitīyaḥ; tārtīyīkaḥ, tṛtīyaḥ.
vārttikaन विद्यायाः
(vārttika) Not [when the word denotes] vidyā (a branch of knowledge).
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ द्वितीया । तृतीया । विद्येत्येव ॥
dvitīyā, tṛtīyā. [The prohibition holds] only [where the word denotes] vidyā.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 321—पूरणाद्भागे—। पूरणार्थत्वात्तीयप्रत्ययः पूरणशब्देनोक्तः । पूरणग्रहणं चोत्तरार्थम् । न ह्यपूरणस्तीयप्रत्ययो भवति । मुखतीयः पार्श्वतीय इत्यत्र त्वनर्थकत्वान्नातिप्रसङ्गः ॥ भाग इति पुंस्त्वं विवक्षितम् । तेन समानेऽप्यर्थे विभक्तौ विवक्षितायां चतुर्थी पञ्चमीत्येव भवति । ‘प्रागेकादशभ्यः—’ इत्यनि सति तु टापि चतुर्था पञ्चमेति प्रसज्येत
Bālamanoramā
पूरणाद्भागे तीयादन् - पूरणाद्भागे । पूरणार्थकतीयप्रत्ययान्ताद्भागे विद्यमानात्स्वार्थे अन्स्यादित्यर्थः । अन्विधेः प्रयोजनमाह — स्वरे विशेष इति ।ञ्नित्यादिर्नित्य॑मिति स्वरे इत्यर्थः । तीयादीकगिति । वार्तिकमिदंदृष्टं सामे॑ति सूत्रभाष्ये स्थितम् । न विद्याया इति । वार्तिकमिदमपि तत्रैव स्थितम् । विद्यावृत्तेस्तीयप्रत्ययान्तादीकक् नेत्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: an comes in its own sense after a word ending in the affix tīya that has the sense of pūraṇa, when that word occurs in the sense of a part (bhāga). Followed for sutra_en.
- TB: the affix tīya is called 'pūraṇa' because it has the sense of pūraṇa. The word pūraṇa is stated for the sake of the following rule (SK 1995), since no tīya affix fails to be a pūraṇa. In mukhatīya and pārśvatīya the tīya has no meaning of its own (anarthaka), so the rule does not overextend to them. The masculine gender of 'bhāge' is intended. So when a share is meant with the feminine word vibhakti, although the sense is the same, only caturthī and pañcamī result; were an to come by 'prāg ekādaśabhyaḥ' (SK 1995), then with ṭāp *caturthā and *pañcamā would result. Followed for construing 'pūraṇāt' with tīya in sutra_en. The gender restriction is Recorded: sutra_en keeps 'a part (bhāga)' without adding it.
- BM: 'svare viśeṣaḥ' states the purpose of enjoining an. The difference lies in the accent given by 'ñnityādir nityam' (A 6.1.197), i.e. the initial vowel is udātta when the affix has ñ or n as it. Followed for 'accent (svara)'.
- BM: 'tīyād īkak' is a vārttika found in the Bhāṣya on the sūtra 'dṛṣṭaṃ sāma' (A 4.2.7), and 'na vidyāyāḥ' is also a vārttika found there. The latter means that īkak does not come after a word ending in tīya that denotes vidyā. Followed for labelling k2 and k4 as vārttikas and for '[when the word denotes] vidyā' in k4.
- textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2. NSP p. 321 (printed 311) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'tīyād īkak' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
- textual The digital source opens k5 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k4. NSP p. 321 (printed 311) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'na vidyāyāḥ' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k5 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
- translator The kaumudī's 'vidyety eva' is terse, and no commentator explains it. The English takes it as the usual 'only where X' restriction: dvitīyā and tṛtīyā keep their plain form when they qualify vidyā, and elsewhere īkak comes (no counter-example is given). The phrase could also mean that the two examples are to be understood with 'vidyā' ('the second / third [branch of] knowledge'). Either way, the forms are dvitīyā and tṛtīyā without īkak.
SK 1995 · A 5.3.49V
प्रागेकादशभ्योऽच्छन्दसि ॥ १९९५ ॥
prāgekādaśabhyo'cchandasi
prāg ekādaśabhyo 'cchandasi — [After a word ending in a pūraṇa affix and denoting a part (bhāga), an — supplied from SK 1994 (śeṣapūraṇa)], from [the pūraṇa words of the numbers] before ekādaśa ('eleven'), outside the Veda (acchandasi).
Rule. After the ordinals of the numbers below eleven, an comes in the sense of a part, outside the Veda. Bhaṭṭoji fills in the rest from SK 1994 (śeṣapūraṇa, "completing what remains"): "after a word ending in an ordinal affix, an in the sense of a part".
Example.
caturtho bhāgaḥ "the fourth part" → caturtha + an → caturthaḥ.
Likewise pañcamaḥ "the fifth part".
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators fixes the domain. Dvitīya and tṛtīya already take an by SK 1994. So this rule covers caturtha up to daśama "tenth". Why then SK 1994? So that it applies in the Veda too.
Watch out. Our text gives the second example as aṣṭamaḥ. The 1915 printed edition reads pañcamaḥ, and this chapter follows the print. Aṣṭama has its own rule next.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
पूरणप्रत्ययान्ताद्भागेऽन् । चतुर्थः । अष्टमः ॥
After a word ending in a pūraṇa affix (pūraṇapratyayānta), an comes in the sense of a part
(bhāga): caturthaḥ ['a fourth part'], pañcamaḥ ['a fifth part'].
Bālamanoramā
प्रागेकादशभ्योऽच्छन्दसि - प्रागेकदशभ्यः । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे-पूरणप्रत्ययान्ताद्भागेऽनिति । द्वितीयतृतीयशब्दाभ्यां पूर्वसूत्रेण सिद्धत्वाच्चतुर्थादिदशमशब्दपर्यन्तविषयकमिदमित्यभिप्रेत्योदाहरति — चतुर्थ इति । नचानेनैव सिद्धत्वात्पूर्वसूत्रं किमर्थमिति शङ्क्यं, तस्य छन्दस्यापि प्रवृत्त्यर्थत्वात् ।
translator notes
- BM: Bhaṭṭoji explains the sūtra by supplying what remains (śeṣapūraṇa): 'pūraṇapratyayāntād bhāge 'n'. Since for dvitīya and tṛtīya [an] is established by the preceding rule (SK 1994), this rule has as its domain the words from caturtha up to daśama; with that in mind he gives caturtha as example. Objection: since [an] is established by this rule itself, what is the preceding rule for? Not so: it is for its application in the Veda as well. Followed for the bracketed supplement in sutra_en; the domain caturtha–daśama is Recorded.
- TB on SK 1994, printed under sk.1994.t1: in 'bhāge' the masculine gender is intended; hence, though the meaning is the same, when a vibhakti ('division', a feminine word) is meant, only caturthī, pañcamī result; were the an of 'prāg ekādaśabhyaḥ' to apply, then with ṭāp caturthā, pañcamā would wrongly follow. Recorded; no TB block stands for this sūtra itself (TB passes from SK 1994 to SK 1998).
- textual Our source reads the second example as 'aṣṭamaḥ' (caturthaḥ, aṣṭamaḥ). NSP p. 321 (printed 311) prints 'caturthaḥ, pañcamaḥ' — the scan confirms — and the Wikisource SK+BM edition (purva-3-2, p. 901) also reads 'pañcamaḥ'. The English follows the print. Mūla reading for Ajai's check; source.json not changed.
- translator The print's pañcamaḥ agrees with BM's domain (caturtha–daśama); aṣṭama has its own rule next (SK 1996, where an also comes by 'ca'). The glosses 'a fourth part', 'a fifth part' are the translator's; the an-forms coincide in shape with the pūraṇa words, the difference being in the accent (cf. SK 1994 'svare viśeṣaḥ').
SK 1996 · A 5.3.50V
षष्ठाष्टमाभ्यां ञ च ॥ १९९६ ॥
ṣaṣṭhāṣṭamābhyāṃ ña ca
ṣaṣṭhāṣṭamābhyāṃ ña ca — After ṣaṣṭha and aṣṭama, ña [— a first-case word (prathamānta) whose ending is elided (luptaprathamāka) —] and [by 'ca'] an [(SK 1995), in the domain of the preceding sūtra, i.e. in the sense 'part' (bhāga) — supplied (śeṣa)].
Rule. After ṣaṣṭha "sixth" and aṣṭama "eighth", the affix ña comes, and by ca "and", an too. Both come in the domain of SK 1995, the sense "part". Ña is heard as -a, and its ñ brings first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1075).
Example.
ṣaṣṭho bhāgaḥ "the sixth part" → ṣaṣṭha + ña → vṛddhi, a → ā → ṣāṣṭhaḥ;
ṣaṣṭha + an → ṣaṣṭhaḥ.
Likewise āṣṭamaḥ (ña) and aṣṭamaḥ (an).
Applies when / blocked by. Both affixes come after both words. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says there is no yathāsaṃkhya here, on the received interpretation.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
चादन् । षष्ठो भागः । षाष्ठः । षष्ठः । आष्टमः । अष्टमः ॥
By 'ca', an [comes too]. ṣaṣṭho bhāgaḥ, 'the sixth part': ṣāṣṭhaḥ [with ña, which brings initial vṛddhi], ṣaṣṭhaḥ [with an]; āṣṭamaḥ [with ña], aṣṭamaḥ [with an].
Bālamanoramā
षष्ठाष्टमाभ्यां ञ च - षष्ठाष्टमाभ्यां ञ च । 'पूर्वसूत्रविषये' इति शेषः ।ञे॑ति लुप्तप्रथमाकम् । ञे आदिवृद्धिः । चादनिति । इह न यथासङ्ख्यं, व्याख्यानात् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'in the domain of the preceding sūtra' (pūrvasūtraviṣaye) is supplied (śeṣa). 'ña' is a first-case word whose ending is elided (luptaprathamāka). When ña follows, there is initial vṛddhi (ādivṛddhi). There is no respective correlation (yathāsaṃkhya) here, on the authority of the explanation (vyākhyāna). Followed for the bracketed domain and case in sutra_en, for the vṛddhi bracket in k1, and for giving both affixes after both words.
- textual NSP p. 321 (scan) has no daṇḍa after 'bhāgaḥ': 'ṣaṣṭho bhāgaḥ ṣāṣṭhaḥ' is one phrase, as the English takes it.
SK 1997 · A 5.3.51V
मानपश्वङ्गयोः कन्लुकौ च ॥ १९९७ ॥
mānapaśvaṅgayoḥ kanlukau ca
mānapaśvaṅgayoḥ kanlukau ca — [After ṣaṣṭha and aṣṭama (SK 1996), as the kaumudī's paraphrase shows,] kan and luk [come] respectively when a measure (māna) and a part of an animal (paśvaṅga) [are to be expressed]; and [by 'ca', what is otherwise obtained (ña and an) comes too].
Rule. After ṣaṣṭha and aṣṭama, kan comes when a measure (māna) is meant, and luk when a part of an animal (paśvaṅga) is meant. By ca, ña and an come as well. Kan is heard as -ka.
Example.
ṣaṣṭho bhāgaḥ, if it is a measure → ṣaṣṭha + ka → ṣaṣṭhakaḥ.
aṣṭamo bhāgaḥ "an eighth part", if it is part of an animal → aṣṭama + ña or an → luk → aṣṭamaḥ.
By ca, also ṣaṣṭhaḥ, ṣāṣṭhaḥ; aṣṭamaḥ, āṣṭamaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji draws a jñāpaka. The great option would already allow the plain word with no affix. So the statement of luk shows that ña and an in SK 1996 are obligatory. One of his commentators explains: only then does a luk that applies in some cases have a purpose.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
षष्ठाष्टमशब्दाभ्यां क्रमेण कन्लुकौ स्तो माने पश्वङ्गे च वाच्ये । षष्ठको भागः मानं चेत् । अष्टमो भागः पश्वङ्गं चेत् । ञस्य अनो वा लुक् । चकाराद्यथाप्राप्तम् । षष्ठः । षाष्ठः । अष्टमः । आष्टमः । महाविभाषया सिद्धे लुग्वचनं पूर्वत्र ञानौ नित्याविति ज्ञापयति ॥
After the words ṣaṣṭha and aṣṭama, kan and luk come respectively when a measure (māna) and a
part of an animal (paśvaṅga) are to be expressed. ṣaṣṭhako bhāgaḥ, 'a sixth part', if it is a
measure. aṣṭamo bhāgaḥ, 'an eighth part', if it is a part of an animal: [here there is] luk of
ña or of an. By 'ca', what is [otherwise] obtained [comes as well]: ṣaṣṭhaḥ, ṣāṣṭhaḥ; aṣṭamaḥ,
āṣṭamaḥ.
[The absence of an affix] would be established by the great option (mahāvibhāṣā), so the
statement of luk indicates (jñāpayati) that in the preceding rule [SK 1996] ña and an are
obligatory (nitya).
Bālamanoramā
मानपश्वङ्गयोः कन्लुकौ च - मानपश्वङ्गयोः ञस्य अनो वेति । अष्टमशब्दात्पूर्वसूत्रविहितस्य ञप्रत्ययस्य अन्प्रत्ययस्य च अनेन लुगित्यर्थः । चकाराद्यथाप्राप्तमिति । ञप्रत्ययः, अन्प्रत्ययश्चेत्यर्थः । ननुसमर्थाना॑मित्यतो वाग्रहणानुवृत्त्यैव ञाऽनोरभावे । सति पश्वङ्गे अष्टमो भाग इत्यस्य सिद्धेरिह लुग्विधानं व्यर्थमित्याशङ्क्याह — महाविभाषयेति । पूर्वत्रेति ।षष्ठाऽष्टमाभ्यां ञ चे॑ति सूत्रे इत्यर्थः । एवं षष्ठाष्टमाभ्यां शब्दाभ्यां ञाऽनोरिह नित्यं प्राप्तयोः कदाचिल्लुग्विधिरर्थवानित्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'ñasya ano vā' means that by this rule there is luk, after aṣṭama, of the ña affix enjoined by the preceding sūtra or of the an affix (the digital BM reads 'aṣṭaka-'). 'yathāprāptam' means the ña affix and the an affix. Objection: by the anuvṛtti of 'vā' from 'samarthānām …', 'aṣṭamo bhāgaḥ' in the sense of paśvaṅga is already established when ña and an are absent, so the prescription of luk here is useless. Reply: 'mahāvibhāṣayā …'. 'pūrvatra' means in the sūtra 'ṣaṣṭhāṣṭamābhyāṃ ña ca' (SK 1996). Since ña and an would be obligatory after ṣaṣṭha and aṣṭama, a prescription of luk that sometimes applies has a purpose. Followed for '[SK 1996]' and for construing the last sentence as the answer to that objection.
- translator There is no Tattvabodhinī on this sūtra, nor on SK 1995–1996: after its comment on SK 1994 (sk.1994.t1) TB passes directly to 'ekādākinic ca' (SK 1998, sk.1998.t1). NSP p. 321 (printed 311, scan) shows the same sequence. The sense 'part (bhāga)' is not bracketed as anuvṛtti, because no commentator states it for this sūtra. The kaumudī's own examples ('ṣaṣṭhako bhāgaḥ', 'aṣṭamo bhāgaḥ') show it.
SK 1998 · A 5.3.52V
एकादाकिनिच्चासहाये ॥ १९९८ ॥
ekādākiniccāsahāye
ekād ākinic cāsahāye — After eka [in its own sense (svārthe)], when it means 'without a companion' (asahāya), ākinic [comes]; and [by 'ca', kan and luk, drawn in (anukarṣaṇa) from SK 1997].
Rule. After eka meaning "without a companion" (asahāya), the affix ākinic comes in the word's own sense. It is heard as -ākin. By ca, kan and luk come too. They are drawn in from SK 1997 by the "and" (anukarṣaṇa), not carried forward by anuvṛtti.
Example.
eka + ākin → ekākī "alone".
eka + ka → ekakaḥ.
With luk → ekaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the luk is of ākinic or of kan.
Watch out. "Without a companion" rules out the numeral "one". The same commentator draws the result. Two or many people can each be without a companion, so the dual ekākinau and the plural ekākinaḥ are possible. The numeral "one" could not stand in them.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
चात्कन्लुकौ । एकः । एकाकी । एककः ॥
By 'ca', kan and luk [also — drawn in (anukarṣaṇa) from SK 1997; the luk being of ākinic or
of kan]: ekaḥ, ekākī, ekakaḥ ('alone, without a companion').
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 321–322—एकादाकिनिच्च—। असहायवाचिन एकशब्दादाकिनिच् स्यात् ॥—कन्लुकाविति । आकिनिचः कनो वा पक्षे लुक् । तयोरेवानेन सूत्रेण विधानात् ॥ असहायग्रहणं संख्याशब्दनिरासार्थम् । अन्यथा प्रसिद्धत्वात्संख्याप्रकरणाच्च तस्यैव ग्रहणं स्यात् । इष्टापत्तौ तु द्वित्वे बहुत्वे च न स्यादेकाकिनौ एकाकिन इति । न हि द्वयोर्बहुषु वा एकत्वसंख्यास्ति । असहायत्वं तु परस्परातिरिक्तसहायाभावेन द्वयोर्बहूनामपि भवति । इह ‘अकिनिच्’ एवायं वक्तव्यः, सवर्णदीर्घेण सिद्धमिष्टम् । ‘यस्येति च’ इति लोपश्चाकारोच्चारण-सामर्थ्यान्न भवतीत्यादि हरदत्तग्रन्थे स्थितम्
Bālamanoramā
एकादाकिनिच्चासहाये - एकादाकिनिच्चा । असहायवाचकादेकशब्दात्स्वार्थे आकिनिच्यप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः ।
Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)
NSP p. 322 १ उच्चैस्तमस्तरुरिति—उच्चैःशब्दोऽत्रोच्चत्वगुणवत्परः । द्रव्यस्य स्वतःप्रकर्षाभावेऽपि द्रव्यनिष्ठगुणादिप्रकर्षं एव द्रव्यप्रकर्षं इति बोध्यम् । २ द्विवचनेति—नतरामित्यादौ प्रतियोग्यसमानाधिकरणत्वरूपात्यन्तिकत्वे भावगते प्रकर्षे तरप् । प्रवृत्तिनिमित्तगते प्रकर्षे तरवादिरिति तु प्रकृत्यर्थप्रकर्षासंभवविषयम् । एवं द्योत्यार्थप्रकर्षेऽपि द्योतकात्तरप् । यथा, नितरां गच्छतीत्यादौ ।
translator notes
- BM: the meaning is that the affix ākinic comes in its own sense (svārthe) after the word eka when it denotes 'without a companion' (asahāya). Followed for '[in its own sense (svārthe)]' and 'when it means' in sutra_en.
- TB: ākinic comes after eka denoting 'without a companion'. On 'kanlukau': optionally, luk of ākinic or of kan, since only those two [ākinic and kan] are prescribed by this sūtra. 'asahāya' is mentioned to exclude the numeral eka; otherwise, from the familiar [sense] and from the context of number-words, only that would be taken; and if that were accepted, the dual and plural ekākinau, ekākinaḥ would not occur, since there is no number 'one' in two or in many, whereas 'having no companion' — no companion beyond one another — can belong to two or many as well. Haradatta says the affix should rather be stated as 'akinic', the desired form following by lengthening of like vowels, and that deletion by 'yasyeti ca' does not occur because of the force of pronouncing the ā. Followed for the bracket in k1 on what the luk deletes, for the sense 'without a companion' (not the numeral) and for taking ekaḥ as the luk form, ekākī as the ākinic form and ekakaḥ as the kan form.
- textual NSP pp. 321–322 (printed 311–312) agrees with the digital kaumudī ('cāt ka-/nlukau' breaks across the page; OCR; the scan collation records no difference). The NSP editorial footnote filed under this unit (sk.1998.n1, NSP p. 322) does not concern SK 1998: its note 1 is on 'uccaistamas taruḥ' (SK 2004) and its note 2 on 'dvivacana' (SK 2005).
SK 1999 · A 5.3.53V
भूतपूर्वे चरट् ॥ १९९९ ॥
bhūtapūrve caraṭ
bhūtapūrve caraṭ — After [a nominal stem occurring in the sense] 'formerly [such]' (bhūtapūrva), caraṭ [in its own sense (svārthe)].
Rule. After a word meaning "formerly [such]" (bhūtapūrva), the affix caraṭ comes in the word's own sense. It is heard as -cara. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the base is a nominal stem.
Example.
āḍhyo bhūtapūrvaḥ "one who was formerly rich" → āḍhya + cara → āḍhyacaraḥ.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
आढ्यो भूतपूर्वः । आढ्यचरः ॥
āḍhyo bhūtapūrvaḥ ('one who was formerly rich'): āḍhyacaraḥ.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 322—भूतपूर्वे । अत्र वर्तमानाच्चरट् स्यात् ॥ ‘गोष्ठात् खञ्’ इत्यत्रैव नोक्तम् । विशेषविहितेन खञा चरटो बाधा मा भूदिति । संनिधौ हि सामान्यविशेषभावः स्फुटीभवति । यद्यपि दूरस्थस्यापि बाधो न्याय्य एव तथापीह गौरवं स्वीकृत्य दूरे पाठसामर्थ्याद्बाधो नेति भावः
Bālamanoramā
भूतपूर्वे चरट् - भूतपूर्वे चरट् । भूतपूर्वे वर्तमानात्प्रातिपदिकात्स्वार्थे चरट् स्यादित्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: after a nominal stem (prātipadika) occurring in [the sense] 'formerly [such]' (bhūtapūrva), caraṭ comes in its own sense (svārthe). Followed for the bracketed supplements in sutra_en.
- TB: caraṭ comes after [a word] occurring in this [sense]. [Pāṇini] did not state it within 'goṣṭhāt khañ [bhūtapūrve]' itself, lest caraṭ be blocked by khañ, which is specially enjoined [for goṣṭha]; for the relation of general and special rule becomes evident when they stand together. Although the blocking even of a rule placed at a distance would be proper, here [Pāṇini] accepts the extra length, and by the force of reading [the rule] at a distance there is no blocking — that is the idea. Recorded: on TB's account both khañ and caraṭ are available after goṣṭha; the kaumudī says nothing of it. (The OCR's 'khan' is 'khañ' in the scan, NSP p. 322.)
- textual The kaumudī agrees with NSP p. 322 (printed 312), scan.
SK 2000 · A 5.3.54V
षष्ठ्या रूप्य च ॥ २००० ॥
ṣaṣṭhyā rūpya ca
ṣaṣṭhyā rūpya ca — After a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta), rūpya [comes], and [caraṭ] too, [in the sense 'formerly' (bhūtapūrva), 'bhūtapūrve' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1999].
Rule. After a sixth-case word, in the sense "formerly", the affix rūpya comes, and caraṭ too. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says bhūtapūrve is carried forward from SK 1999.
Example.
kṛṣṇasya bhūtapūrvo gauḥ "the cow that formerly was Kṛṣṇa's" → kṛṣṇa + rūpya → kṛṣṇarūpyaḥ;
kṛṣṇa + cara → kṛṣṇacaraḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. What is "former" here? Not Kṛṣṇa. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators attach it elsewhere. One says the relation of belonging is past. The other says the cow, the principal thing, is qualified.
Watch out. A feminine base keeps its feminine form before rūpya: śubhrāyā bhūtapūrvaḥ [gauḥ] → śubhrārūpyaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji gives the reason. Rūpya is not counted among tasil and the affixes listed with it, so there is no puṃvadbhāva. One of his commentators names the list: the vārttika tasilādayaḥ prāk pāśapaḥ, "tasil and the rest, before pāśap", which serves SK 836.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
षष्ठ्यन्ताद्भूतपूर्वेऽर्थे रूप्यः स्याच्चरट् च । कृष्णस्य भूतपूर्वो गौः । कृष्णरूप्यः कृष्णचरः । तसिलादिषु रूप्यस्यापरिगणितत्वान्न पुंवत् । शुभ्राया भूतपूर्वः शुभ्रारूप्यः ॥
After a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta), in the sense 'formerly' (bhūtapūrva), rūpya comes, and
caraṭ too. 'The cow that formerly was Kṛṣṇa's': kṛṣṇarūpyaḥ, kṛṣṇacaraḥ. Since rūpya is not
counted in the enumeration of tasil etc., there is no treatment as masculine (puṃvat):
'[the cow] that formerly was Śubhrā's': śubhrārūpyaḥ.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 322—षष्ठ्या रूप्य च । भूतपूर्व इत्यनुवर्तते । तच्च यद्यपि पूर्वत्र ङ्याप्प्रातिपदिकस्य विशेषणं, तथापीह न तथा, षष्ठ्यन्तार्थस्य विशेषणत्वात्, तदाक्षिप्तस्य संबन्धिनो गवादेः प्रधानत्वात्, प्रधानेतरसंनिधौ च प्रधाने कार्यसंप्रत्ययस्य न्याय्यत्वात्तदेतदाह—भूतपूर्वेऽर्थे रूप्यः स्यादिति
Bālamanoramā
षष्ठ्या रूप्य च - षष्ठ्या रूप्य च ।रूप्ये॑ति लुप्तप्रथमाकम् । 'भूतपूर्वे' इत्यनुवर्तते । षष्ठ्यन्ताद्भूतपूर्वेऽर्थे इति । भूतपूर्वेऽर्थे विद्यमानात्षष्ठ्यन्तादित्यन्वयः । भूतपूर्वे इत्यनुवृत्तं हि श्रुतत्वात्षष्ठ्या विशेषणम् । भूतपूर्वे सम्बन्धे या षष्ठी तदन्तात्स्वार्थे रूप्यः स्यादिति फलति । यथाश्रुते तु स्वार्थिकप्रकरणविरोधः । कृष्णरूप्य इति । भूतपूर्वगत्या कृष्णसंबन्धी गौरित्यर्थः । शुभ्रारूप्यशब्दे 'तसिलादिषु' इति पुंवत्त्वमाशङ्क्यतसिलादयः प्राक्पाशपः॑ इत्यादिवार्तिकपरिगणितेषु रूप्यस्यानन्तर्भावात्तस्मिन्परे पुंवत्त्वं नेत्याह — तसिलादिष्वित्यादि । शुभ्राया भूतपूर्व इति ।गौ॑रिति शेषः । शुभ्रारूप्य इति । भूतपूर्वगत्या शुभ्रासंबन्धी गौरित्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'rūpya' has its first-case ending elided (luptaprathamāka). 'bhūtapūrve' is carried forward [from SK 1999], and, because it is heard [in the sūtra-context], it qualifies the sixth case: the construal is 'after a sixth-case word standing in the sense bhūtapūrva', i.e. rūpya comes in its own sense (svārthe) after a word ending in a sixth-case ending that expresses a former relation (sambandha). Taken as it literally sounds [bhūtapūrva qualifying the base], it would conflict with this being a svārthika section. kṛṣṇarūpyaḥ: a cow related to Kṛṣṇa in the past. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for 'the cow that formerly was Kṛṣṇa's' (the former-ness belonging to the relation, not to Kṛṣṇa).
- TB: 'bhūtapūrve' is carried forward. Although in the preceding rule it qualified the ṅyāp-prātipadika, here it does not, since the meaning of the sixth-case word is [itself] a qualifier and the related thing it implies — the cow etc. — is principal; and where principal and subordinate are both at hand it is proper to understand the operation as bearing on the principal. That is why he says 'in the sense bhūtapūrva'. Followed: the English attaches 'formerly' to the cow's belonging to Kṛṣṇa, which fits both TB (the relatum is principal) and BM (the relation is past).
- BM on 'tasilādiṣu …': in śubhrārūpya one might apprehend treatment as masculine by 'tasilādiṣv ā kṛtvasucaḥ' (SK 836); but since rūpya is not included among the affixes enumerated in the vārttika beginning 'tasilādayaḥ prāk pāśapaḥ', there is no treatment as masculine before it. On 'śubhrāyā bhūtapūrvaḥ': 'gauḥ' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ); śubhrārūpyaḥ is a cow related to Śubhrā in the past. Followed for '[the cow]' and for reading 'enumeration of tasil etc.' as that vārttika's list.
SK 2001 · A 5.3.55V
अतिशायने तमबिष्ठनौ ॥ २००१ ॥
atiśāyane tamabiṣṭhanau
atiśāyane tamabiṣṭhanau — tamap and iṣṭhan [come] in atiśāyana, 'excelling' [which qualifies the base's meaning, not the affix's — after a nominal stem, 'ṅyāpprātipadikāt' being carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 182, to be understood as a sup-ending word (TB, BM)].
Rule. Tamap and iṣṭhan come in the word's own sense after a word whose meaning is qualified by excellence (atiśaya). Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the excellence qualifies the base's meaning. The affix only makes it manifest (dyotaka).
Example.
ayam eṣām atiśayena āḍhyaḥ "this one is rich in excess among these" → āḍhya + tama → āḍhyatamaḥ "the richest".
laghu + tama → laghutamaḥ "the lightest".
laghu + iṣṭha → the ṭi u deleted (SK 1786) → laghiṣṭhaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this last step. The u is deleted, not replaced by its guṇa o.
Applies when / blocked by. This rule is for one of many. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reason by elimination. One of two is given to tarap and īyasun by SK 2005, an apavāda. So tamap and iṣṭhan are left with one singled out from many.
Both commentators take the base to be a subanta, a word with its case-ending. One points to the kept seventh-case ending in pūrvāhṇetamām "very early in the forenoon". Without a subanta base, that form could not be explained.
Watch out. Excellence is not the affix's own meaning. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that reading would make laghutama mean "the excelling of the light". Another point from the other commentator: no second affix of excellence comes after a word that already has one. Usage does not express the sense that way (anabhidhāna). The form śreṣṭhatamāya karmaṇe is Vedic.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अतिशयविशिष्टार्थवृत्तेः स्वार्थे एतौ स्तः । अयमेषामतिशयेनाढ्यः । आढ्यतमः । लघुतमो लघिष्ठः ॥
These two come in [the base's] own sense (svārthe) after [a word] that denotes a meaning
qualified by excellence (atiśaya). 'This one is rich in excess among these [many]':
āḍhyatamaḥ ('the richest'). laghutamaḥ, laghiṣṭhaḥ ('the lightest').
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 322—अतिशायने—। अतिपूर्वाच्छेतेर्ल्युट् । अतिशयनमेवातिशायनम् । अस्मादेव निपातनादीर्घः । न तु सौत्रः । तेन लोकेऽपि दीर्घः साधुः । अवाधकान्यपि निपातनानि भवन्ति । तेन ह्रस्वोऽपि साधुः । यद्यपि केवलः शेतिः स्वप्ने वर्तते तथाप्यतिपूर्वः प्रकर्षे । प्रकर्षश्चात्र नाधिक्यं, किं त्वभिभवः । ‘पूर्वान्महाभागतयातिशेषे’ इति प्रयोगदर्शनात् ॥ न चैवं ‘प्रकर्षे तमबिष्ठनौ’ इत्येव कुतो न सूत्रितमिति शङ्क्यम् । अतिशायनमिति निपातनार्थमेव तथोक्तत्वात् ॥ अतिशयो न प्रत्ययार्थः । तथा हि सति लघोरतिशायनं लघुतममिति स्यात् । प्रत्ययार्थस्य प्राधान्यात् । नापि प्रकृत्यर्थः । तथा हि सति प्रकर्षातिशयातिशयनादिभ्य एव स्यात्, न त्वाढ्यादिभ्यः किं तु प्रकृत्यर्थविशेषणम् । प्रत्ययस्तु द्योतकस्तदेतदाह—अतिशयविशिष्टेत्यादि ॥—अयमेषामिति । द्व्यवयवे समुदाये यदा एकस्यातिशयो विवक्ष्यते तदा तरवीयसुनावपवादौ वक्ष्येते । तथा च परिशेषाद्बहूनां मध्ये यदा एकदेशस्य निर्धारणं सोऽस्य विषय इति भावः ॥—आढ्यतम इति । सुबन्तात्तमप् । ‘सुपो धातु—’ इति लुक् । यद्यपि ‘ङ्याप्प्रातिपदिकात्’ इत्येवानुवर्तते । तथापि सुवन्तपरतयैव व्याख्येयम् । अन्यथा हि पूर्वाह्णेतरां पूर्वाह्णेतमामित्यादौ ‘घकालतनेषु कालनाम्नः’ इति सप्तम्या अलुग्विधानं कथमुपपद्यताम्
Bālamanoramā
अतिशायने तमबिष्ठनौ - अतिशायने । अतिपूर्वकः शीङ्धातुरुपसर्गवसादुत्कर्षे वर्तते । उत्कर्षश्चाधिक्यफलको न्यक्कारः, नत्वाधिक्यमात्रं, तथा सति अकर्मकत्वापातात् । न चेष्टापत्तिः, तथा सतिशुक्लमतिशेते कृष्णतरः॑ इत्यादिभाष्यविरोधात् । अतिशयिता=अतिशायनः बाहुलकः कर्तरि ल्यु॑डिति भाष्यम् । अत एव निपानाद्दीर्घः । 'अतिशायने' इति प्रकृत्यर्थविशेषणम् । अतिशयितरि विद्यमानात्प्रातिपदिकात्स्वार्थे तमप् इष्टन् च स्यादित्यर्थः । फलितमाह — अतिशयविशिष्टार्थवृत्तेरिति । यदि तु अतिशायनशब्दस्य भावल्युडन्तत्वं तर्हि प्रत्ययार्थस्य प्राधान्यापत्तौ शुक्लतरादिशब्दाच्छुक्लादिगतमतिशयनमिति बोधः स्यान्नत्वतिशयितशुक्ल इति । तथा च शुक्लतरः शुक्लतरेति पुंस्त्वं स्त्रीत्वं च न स्यात् ।अतिशायने वर्तमाना॑दित्यर्थे तु अतिशयप्रकर्षादिशब्देभ्य एव स्यान्नतु पट्वादिभ्यः । अतिशयविशिष्टे लक्षणया विद्यमानादित्यर्थे अतिशय्यमानादपि प्रत्ययापत्तिः । अतिशयनकर्तरि लक्षणायां तु भाष्योक्तमेव साधि इत्यास्तां तावत् । अयमेषामिति । द्वयोरेकस्य निर्धारणे तरबीयसुनावपवादौ वक्ष्येते । अतः परिशेषाद्बहूनामेकस्य निर्धारणे अस्य तमपः प्रवृत्तिरिति भावः । अतिशयेनाढ्य इति । द्रव्यस्य जातेर्वा स्वतः प्रकर्षयोगो नास्ति, अन्यथा 'घटतम' इत्याद्यापत्तेः । किंतु गुणद्वारैव द्रव्य.जात्योः प्रकर्षयोगः । तथा च 'आढ्यतम' इत्यत्र उत्कर्षविशिष्ट आढ्यः प्रकृत्यर्थः तमप्तु तद्द्योतकः । तमपि सति 'सुपो धातु' इति सुपो लुक्, 'घकालतनेषु' इति योगेन सुबन्तादेव तद्धितोत्पत्तेरुक्तत्वात् । अत्र आतिशायनिकप्रत्ययान्तादातिशायनिकप्रत्ययोऽनभिधानान्न भवति ।श्रेष्ठतमाय कर्मणे॑ इति तु छान्दसमिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । लघिष्ठ इति । लघुशब्दादिष्ठनि ओर्गुणे प्राप्ते 'इष्ठेमेयस्सु' इत्यनुवृत्तौटे॑रिति टिलोपः ।
translator notes
- BM: ati + śīṅ means superiority (utkarṣa), i.e. an overpowering whose fruit is excess, not mere excess (otherwise the verb would be intransitive, against the Bhāṣya's 'śuklam atiśete kṛṣṇataraḥ'). atiśāyana = atiśayitṛ, 'the one that excels', with lyuṭ in the agent sense by bāhulaka (Bhāṣya), the long ā being by nipātana; 'atiśāyane' qualifies the base's meaning: tamap and iṣṭhan come in their own sense after a nominal stem standing for what excels. Were atiśāyana an action noun (bhāve lyuṭ), the affix's meaning would be principal and śuklatara would mean 'the excellence residing in white', not 'an excelling white one', and the masculine/feminine of śuklataraḥ/śuklatarā would not follow. The affix only makes the excellence manifest (dyotaka). Followed for 'a meaning qualified by excellence' and for the affix being after a sup-ending word (BM: luk of the sup by 'supo dhātuprātipadikayoḥ' (SK 650), taddhitas arising after a subanta per 'ghakālataneṣu' (SK 975)). Followed for sutra_en's bracket that 'atiśāyane' qualifies the base's meaning. BM's agentive analysis of atiśāyana is Recorded; sutra_en keeps the neutral 'excelling'.
- TB: lyuṭ after ati + śī; atiśāyana is just atiśayana, the long ā by this very nipātana (not a Vedic licence), so the long form is correct in ordinary usage too, and the short one as well, since nipātanas may be non-blocking. ati + śī means overpowering (abhibhava), not mere excess ('pūrvān mahābhāgatayātiśeṣe'). Excellence is neither the affix's meaning (then laghutama would mean 'the excelling of light') nor the base's meaning (then the affix would come only after prakarṣa, atiśaya etc.), but a qualifier of the base's meaning, the affix being its manifester (dyotaka): hence 'atiśayaviśiṣṭa'. Though only 'ṅyāpprātipadikāt' is carried forward, it must be explained as a sup-ending word, else the aluk of the seventh case taught by 'ghakālataneṣu kālanāmnaḥ' in pūrvāhṇetarām, pūrvāhṇetamām could not be accounted for. āḍhyatama: tamap after the subanta, luk by 'supo dhātu…'. Followed for sutra_en's bracket. TB's action-noun analysis differs from BM's agent-noun analysis; both agree that excellence qualifies the base's meaning, which the English follows.
- BM on 'ayam eṣām': tarap and īyasun will be taught (SK 2005) as apavādas where one of two is singled out (nirdhāraṇa), so by elimination this tamap applies where one of many is singled out. On āḍhya: a substance or a class has no excellence of its own (else ghaṭatama would follow); only through a quality is excellence connected with them, so in āḍhyatama the base means 'rich, qualified by superiority' and tamap manifests it. No ātiśāyanika affix comes after a word already ending in one (anabhidhāna); 'śreṣṭhatamāya karmaṇe' is Vedic (Bhāṣya). laghiṣṭha: after laghu with iṣṭhan, guṇa of u [by 'orguṇaḥ' (SK 847)] would apply, but with 'iṣṭhemeyassu' carried forward (anuvṛtti) [from SK 2008], the ṭi is deleted by 'ṭeḥ' [SK 1786]. Followed for '[many]' in the block.
- TB on 'ayam eṣām': where the excellence of one in a group of two members is meant, tarap and īyasun will be taught as apavādas; so by elimination this rule's domain is the singling out of one part among many. Agrees with BM; followed for '[many]'.
- translator The kaumudī gives no derivation of laghiṣṭha; the steps are BM's and are recorded only in the note above.
SK 2002 · A 5.3.56V
तिङश्च ॥ २००२ ॥
tiṅaśca
tiṅaś ca — And after a tiṅ-final word (tiṅanta) [tamap comes, when excess (atiśaya) is to be conveyed — supplied by the kaumudī from SK 2001; not iṣṭhan].
Rule. After a tiṅanta, tamap comes when excess is to be shown. Only tamap comes. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say iṣṭhan is kept out by SK 2006.
Example.
pacati "he cooks" + tamap → pacatitama
→ āmu added (SK 2004) → pacatitamām "he cooks exceedingly well".
Bhaṭṭoji gives the form under SK 2004.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why the rule is needed. A verb-form is not a nominal stem, so no taddhita could reach it otherwise.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
तिङन्तादतिशयेर्थे द्योत्ये तमप् स्यात् ॥
After a tiṅ-final word (tiṅanta), tamap comes when the sense of excess (atiśaya) is to be
conveyed (dyotya).
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 322—तिङश्च । अस्मादिष्ठन्न भवति, ‘अजादी गुणवचनादेव’ इति नियमादित्याशयेनाह—तमप् स्यादिति
translator notes
- BM on this sūtra, missing from our source, as printed in the Wikisource SK+BM edition (p. 903, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0077.txt): this is a statement for what was not [otherwise] obtained, [a tiṅanta] not being a nominal stem (aprātipadikāt). On 'tamap syāt': the idea is that iṣṭhan is not carried forward, because of the restriction 'ajādī guṇavacanād eva' (SK 2006). Followed for naming tamap alone and for '[not iṣṭhan]' in sutra_en.
- TB: iṣṭhan does not come after this [tiṅanta], because of the restriction 'ajādī guṇavacanād eva' (SK 2006); with this intent he says 'tamap syāt'. Followed, as with BM. (The OCR's 'asmād iṣṭam bhavati' reads 'asmād iṣṭhan na bhavati' in the scan, NSP p. 322.)
- textual The Bālamanoramā formerly filed under this unit (sk.2002.b1, on 'hrasve': 'after a word occurring in [the sense] qualified by shortness, the affixes as enjoined …; alpatva is the opposite of greatness, hrasvatva of length') is BM on SK 2041, 'hrasve' (5.3.86), and was re-filed to sk.2041.b1 (2026-10-05). BM on tiṅaś ca is absent from our source; see the BM note from the Wikisource print.
- textual The source's 'atiśayerthe' is atiśaye 'rthe with the avagraha unwritten; NSP p. 322 (printed 312) reads the same words (scan). The kaumudī gives no example here; pacatitamām etc. come under SK 2004.
- translator That 'tamap' and 'atiśāyane' come from 'atiśāyane tamabiṣṭhanau' (SK 2001) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'atiśaye … tamap' without saying 'anuvartate', and BM and TB speak only of iṣṭhan not continuing.
SK 2003 · A 1.1.22घसंज्ञा
तरप्तमपौ घः ॥ २००३ ॥
taraptamapau ghaḥ
taraptamapau ghaḥ — tarap and tamap are called gha.
Rule. Tarap and tamap are called gha. This saṃjñā rule belongs to Pāṇini's first book (A 1.1.22). Bhaṭṭoji places it here, just before SK 2004, the rule that uses the name.
Example.
In pacatitama the tama is a gha. So SK 2004 can add āmu: pacatitamām.
Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draw a jñāpaka from the rule's place. Pāṇini could have named the affixes with a shorter rule at the end of this section. Instead he made a separate, heavier sūtra in another section. That reveals a tarap used purely in the word's own sense, with no excellence. An example is alpāctaram "having few vowels". One commentator adds that tarap there does not mean one of two.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
एतौ घसंज्ञौ स्तः ॥
These two [tarap and tamap] have the name (saṃjñā) gha.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 322—तरप्तमपौ घः । अस्मिन्नेवातिशायनिकप्रकरणे ‘तादौ घः’ ‘पितौ घः’ इति वा वक्तव्ये प्रकरणान्तरे गुरुसूत्रकरणमत्यन्तस्वार्थिकमपि तरपं ज्ञापयति । तेन ‘अल्पाच्तरम्’, ‘लोपश्च बलवत्तरः’ इत्यादि सिद्धम् । अल्पाजेव ह्यल्पाच्तरम् न त्वत्र द्वयोरेकस्यातिशयविवक्षायां तरप् । अन्यथा ‘शिवकेशवौ’ इत्यादिसिद्धावपि ‘शङ्खदुन्दुभिवीणाः’ इत्यादि न सिध्येदित्याहुः
Bālamanoramā
तरप्तमपौ घः - तरप्तमपौ घः । प्रथमस्य प्रथमपादे सूत्रमिदम् । आतिशायनिकप्रत्ययप्रकरणान्ते, 'पितौ घः' तादी घः इति वा वक्तव्ये प्रकरणान्तरे पृथग्गुरुसूत्रकरणमत्यन्तस्वार्थिकमपि तरपं ज्ञापयति । तस्य आतिशायनिकप्रकरणबहिर्भूतस्य सत्त्वे तत्संग्रहणार्थं प्रकरणान्तरे सूत्रकरणस्यावश्यकत्वादित्याहुः । तेन 'अल्पाच्तरं' 'लोपस्च बलवत्तरः' इत्यादि सिद्धम् । किमेत्तिङव्यय । 'आमु' इति छेदः । उकार उच्चारणार्थः । किम्, एते, तिङ्, अव्यय — एषां चतुर्णां द्वन्द्वः ।किमेत्तिङव्ययप्रकृतिको घः॑ इति मध्यमपदलोपी समासः । फलितमाह — किम एदन्तादित्यादिना । एभ्य इत्यर्थः । किन्तमामिति अत्यन्तस्वार्थिकोऽयं तमप्, नत्वतिशायने । एषामतिशयेनाढ इतिवदेषामतिशयेन क इति विग्रहस्याऽसंभवात् । जातिगुणक्रियासंज्ञाभि समुदायादेकदेशस्य पृथक्करणं हि निर्धारणम् । प्राह्णे तमामिति । प्राह्ण=पूर्वाह्णः ।प्राह्णाऽपराह्णमध्याह्नाः त्रिसन्ध्य॑मित्यमरः । अतिशयिते पूर्वाह्णे इत्यर्थः । पूर्वावयवगतप्रकर्षादह्नः प्रकर्षो बोध्यः । अत्र अहर्न द्रव्यम्, सूर्योदयादारभ्य सूर्यास्तमयावधिकस्यैव कालस्य अहन्शब्दार्थत्वात् । तस्य च उदयादिक्रियाघटितत्वान्न द्रव्यत्वमिति भावः । पचतितमामिति । अतिशयिता पाकक्रियेत्यर्थः, तिङन्तेषु क्रियाविशेष्यकबोधस्यैवप्रशंसायां रूप॑विति सूत्रभाष्ये प्रपञ्चितत्वात् । अतोऽत्र क्रियाया एवन प्रकर्षो नतु द्रव्यस्येति भावः । उच्चैस्तमामिति ।आशंसती॑त्यध्याहार्यम् । अतिशयेन उच्चैराशंशनादिक्रियेत्यर्थः । अत्रापि क्रियाया एव प्रकर्षो न तु द्रव्यस्य । उच्चैस्तमस्तरुरिति । अतिशयेन उच्चैस्तरुरित्यर्थः । अत्र उच्चैस्त्वप्रकर्षस्य तरौ द्रव्ये भानादाभ्यनेत्यर्थः ।किंतमा॑मित्यादौयस्येति चे॑ति लोपं परत्वाद्बाधित्वा ह्रस्वान्तलक्षणनुटो निवृत्त्यर्थमामु इत्युकारोच्चारणम् । सति तु तस्मिन्निरनुबन्धकग्रहणे न सानुबन्धकस्ये॑ति परिभाषया नुड्विधावस्य न ग्रहणमित्यादि 'आमि सर्वनाम्नः' इति सूत्रभाष्ये प्रपञ्चितम् ।
translator notes
- BM: this is a sūtra of the first pāda of the first [adhyāya]. When 'pitau ghaḥ' or 'tādī ghaḥ' could have been said at the end of the section on the ātiśāyanika affixes, making a separate, heavier sūtra in another section indicates (jñāpayati) tarap even when it is wholly in its own sense (atyantasvārthika), since, for such a tarap lying outside the ātiśāyanika section to exist, the sūtra has to be made in another section to include it; hence 'alpāctaram', 'lopaś ca balavattaraḥ' and the like are established. Recorded; the kaumudī states only the saṃjñā.
- TB gives the same jñāpaka (a heavier sūtra in another section, instead of 'tādau ghaḥ' or 'pitau ghaḥ' within the ātiśāyanika section, indicates a tarap that is wholly svārthika), and adds: 'alpāctaram' means simply 'alpāc' (having few vowels); tarap there is not for the pre-eminence of one of two, for otherwise, although 'śivakeśavau' would be established, 'śaṅkhadundubhivīṇāḥ' and the like would not. Recorded.
- textual sk.2003.b1 carries, after BM on this sūtra, BM's comment on SK 2004 ('kimettiṅavyayaghād …', from 'kimettiṅavyaya. āmu iti chedaḥ' to the end); The BM on the samāsānta rule 'dvitribhyāṃ ṣa mūrdhnaḥ' formerly misfiled as sk.2004.b1 was re-filed to sk.854.b1 (2026-10-05). The TB for this unit (sk.2003.t1) is correctly placed (NSP p. 322, printed 312).
- translator Although a sūtra of A 1.1 (as BM notes), it is placed here, after tamap has been introduced (SK 2001), presumably because the name gha is used by the next rule (SK 2004); tarap itself is introduced only at SK 2005.
SK 2004 · A 5.4.11V
किमेत्तिङव्ययघादाम्वद्रव्यप्रकर्षे ॥ २००४ ॥
kimettiṅavyayaghādāmvadravyaprakarṣe
kimettiṅavyayaghād āmv adravyaprakarṣe — After a gha [tarap or tamap (SK 2003)] that follows kim, a word ending in e, a [word ending in a] tiṅ, or an avyaya, āmu [comes], but not when the excellence (prakarṣa) is of a substance (dravya).
Rule. Āmu comes after a word ending in a gha, when the gha follows kim "what", a word ending in e, a tiṅanta, or an indeclinable. It does not come when the excellence (prakarṣa) is of a substance (dravya). Āmu is heard as -ām.
Example.
kim + tama + ām → kiṃtamām.
prāhṇe "in the forenoon" + tama + ām → prāhṇetamām "very early in the forenoon".
pacati + tama + ām → pacatitamām "he cooks exceedingly well".
uccaiḥ "loudly" + tama + ām → uccaistamām "very loudly".
Excellence of a substance takes no āmu: uccaistamas taruḥ "a very tall tree".
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the examples. In kiṃtamām the tamap is purely in the word's own sense: one cannot say "the most 'who' among these". In prāhṇetamām the day excels through its early part, and a day is not a substance. In pacatitamām it is the action of cooking that excels. In uccaistamas taruḥ the height is seen in the tree, a substance.
Watch out. Why the u of āmu? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. Without the u, the rule that adds the augment nuṭ before ām after a short final would apply. An augment (āgama) is a sound added to an item without replacing anything. It would give the wrong pacatitarāṇām. A paribhāṣā keeps the marked āmu out of that rule: an item named without markers does not include one with markers.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
किम एदन्तात्तिङोऽव्ययाच्च यो घस्तदन्तादामुः स्यान्न तु द्रव्यप्रकर्षे । किंतमाम् । प्राह्णेतमाम् । पचतितमाम् । उच्चैस्तमाम् । द्रव्यप्रकर्षे तु उच्चैस्तमस्तरुः ॥
āmu comes after [a word ending in] a gha [tarap or tamap (SK 2003)] that follows kim, a word
ending in e, a tiṅ[-ending word], or an avyaya; but not when the excellence (prakarṣa) is of a
substance (dravya). kiṃtamām; prāhṇetamām ['very early in the forenoon']; pacatitamām ['he
cooks exceedingly well']; uccaistamām ['very loudly'].
But where the excellence is of a substance: uccaistamas taruḥ, 'a very tall tree'.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 322—किमेत्—। आमोरुकारो यदि त्यज्येत, तर्हि पचतितरामित्यादौ ‘ह्रस्वनद्यापः—’ इति नुटि पचतितराणामिति स्यात् । ‘यस्येति’ लोपस्य परेण नुटा बाधात् । सिद्धान्ते तु ‘निरनुबन्धग्रहणे न सानुवन्धकस्य’ इति परिभाषया नुड्विधौ नास्य ग्रहणम्
translator notes
- textual In the digital source the Bālamanoramā on this sūtra is filed at the tail of sk.2003.b1, from 'kimettiṅavyaya | āmu iti chedaḥ' onward. The block formerly filed as sk.2004.b1 carried, under this sūtra's digital-source label, BM on a different passage (the samāsānta 'dvitribhyāṃ ṣa mūrdhnaḥ' with dvimūrdha, trimūrdha, and the vārttika on netṛ in the sense of a nakṣatra: mṛganetrāḥ, puṣyanetrāḥ); it was re-filed to sk.854.b1 and the label dropped (2026-10-05).
- BM, printed under sk.2003.b1: the split is 'ām-u', with u for pronunciation. kim, et, tiṅ and avyaya form a dvandva of four, and 'kimettiṅavyayaprakṛtiko ghaḥ' is a compound with the middle word elided (madhyamapadalopin). The result is the kaumudī's 'kima edantāt …', i.e. 'after these'. Followed in sutra_en and k1 for 'a gha that follows kim …'.
- BM, printed under sk.2003.b1: in kiṃtamām the tamap is purely svārthika (atyantasvārthika), not in the sense of atiśāyana, since an analysis 'eṣām atiśayena kaḥ' on the model of 'eṣām atiśayena āḍhyaḥ' is impossible; nirdhāraṇa is separating a part from a group by class, quality, action or name. prāhṇa = pūrvāhṇa (Amara), so the sense is 'in the forenoon, in a high degree': the day's excellence is understood from the excellence of its earlier portion. The day is not a substance, because the word ahan denotes the time from sunrise to sunset, which is constituted by the action of rising etc. pacatitamām: the action of cooking excels, since with tiṅ-ending words the cognition has action as its chief qualificand (Bhāṣya on 'praśaṃsāyāṃ rūpap'). uccaistamām: supply 'āśaṃsati'; it is the action of declaring loudly etc. that excels. uccaistamas taruḥ: the excellence of height is seen in the tree, a substance. The u of āmu is pronounced to prevent the nuṭ conditioned by a short final. Being later, that nuṭ would block the deletion by 'yasyeti ca'; with the u present, the paribhāṣā 'niranubandhakagrahaṇe na sānubandhakasya' keeps āmu out of the nuṭ rule (Bhāṣya on 'āmi sarvanāmnaḥ suṭ'). Followed for the bracketed glosses in k1. kiṃtamām is left unglossed.
- TB: if the u of āmu were dropped, then in pacatitarām etc. nuṭ by 'hrasvanadyāpo nuṭ' would give *pacatitarāṇām, because the deletion by 'yasyeti ca' is blocked by the later nuṭ. On the established view, the paribhāṣā 'niranubandhakagrahaṇe na sānubandhakasya' keeps āmu out of the nuṭ rule. Followed for naming the affix āmu (with its u) in sutra_en and k1.
- textual NSP editorial footnote 1, printed under sk.1998.n1 (NSP p. 322, printed 312; marker on 'uccaistamas taruḥ', scan): 'uccaiḥ' here denotes [a thing] possessing the quality of height. A substance has no excellence in itself, but the excellence of the quality etc. residing in the substance is to be understood as the excellence of the substance. Recorded. Footnote 2 of the same note concerns SK 2005.
SK 2005 · A 5.3.57V
द्विवचनविभज्योपपदे तरबीयसुनौ ॥ २००५ ॥
dvivacanavibhajyopapade tarabīyasunau
dvivacanavibhajyopapade tarabīyasunau — tarap and īyasun [come] when the upapada is a dvivacana, [a word] expressing two [things] (BM, TB), or a vibhajya, [a word for that from which something is] to be divided off [— after a nominal stem or a tiṅ-ending word, 'ṅyāpprātipadikāt' (SK 182) and 'tiṅaḥ' (SK 2002) being carried forward (anuvṛtti) (BM), in [the sense of] excelling (atiśāyana, SK 2001)].
Rule. Tarap and īyasun come when a word stated nearby (the upapada) expresses two, or names the group from which something is divided off (vibhajya). Bhaṭṭoji calls this an apavāda of the two rules before, SK 2001–2002. The affixes come after a subanta or a tiṅanta.
Example.
ayam anayor atiśayena laghuḥ "this one is light in excess of these two" → laghu + tara → laghutaraḥ;
laghu + īyas → the ṭi u deleted (SK 1786) → laghīyas → laghīyān "the lighter".
udīcyāḥ prācyebhyaḥ paṭutarāḥ, paṭīyāṃsaḥ "the northerners are cleverer than the easterners".
Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say prācyebhyaḥ is in the fifth case by SK 639. They also give the steps of the first case laghīyān. The augment num comes, because īyasun counts as marked with u. Then come lengthening (SK 317) and two deletions (SK 252, SK 54).
Applies when / blocked by. "Expressing two" does not mean the dual ending. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says a word that conveys two things is enough. Both commentators say there is no yathāsaṃkhya: each affix comes with either kind of upapada. One also reports that some allow these affixes even with no word for two, citing Bhāṣya usages; scholars discuss this.
Watch out. Vibhajya means "what is to be divided off": the group from which one part is set apart. In the second example that group is the easterners, prācyebhyaḥ. The upapada here is simply a word stated nearby in the analysing sentence. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says it is not the technical upapada.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
द्वयोरेकस्यातिशये विभक्तव्ये चोपपदे सुप्तिङन्तादेतौ स्तः । पूर्वयोरपवादः । अयमनयोरतिशयेनलघुर्लघुतरः । लघीयान् । उदीच्याः प्राच्येभ्यः पटुतराः । पटीयांसः ॥
When the excellence of one of two [is meant], and when [a word for that from which something
is] to be divided off (vibhaktavya) is the upapada, these two come after a sup-ending or a tiṅ-ending
word. [This rule is] an apavāda of the preceding two [tamap and iṣṭhan, SK 2001–2002].
'This one is light in excess of these two': laghutaraḥ, laghīyān ('the lighter'). 'The
northerners are cleverer than the easterners (prācyebhyaḥ)': paṭutarāḥ, paṭīyāṃsaḥ.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 322–323—द्विवचनविभज्योपपदे—। द्वयोरर्थयोर्वचनं द्विवचनम् । करणे ल्युट् । कर्मणि षष्ठ्या समासः । येन पदेन द्वावर्थानुच्येते तद्विवचनम् । विभक्तव्यं विभज्यम् । ‘ऋहलोः—’ इति ण्यति प्राप्ते तदपवादो यत् निपात्यते । ण्यति तु ‘चजोः’ इति कुत्वेन विभाज्यमिति स्यात् । विभाज्यशब्दस्य स्मृतिषु प्रयुक्तस्य साधुत्वं चिन्त्यमिति हरदत्तोक्तिश्चिन्त्या । ण्यन्तात् ‘अचो यत्’ इति विभाज्यमिति रूपसिद्धेः । न चात्रार्थभेदः शङ्क्यः ‘निवृत्तप्रेषणात् धातोः प्राकृतेऽर्थे णिच्’ इति ‘णेरणौ’ इति सूत्रे व्युत्पादनादिति दिक् ॥ द्विवचनं च विभज्यं चेति द्वन्द्वः ॥ तस्य उपपदेन कर्मधारयः । तथा च द्वार्थवाचके विभजनीये चोपपदे सतीत्यक्षरार्थः । द्विवचनान्ते उपपदे इति व्याख्यायां तु दन्तोष्ठस्य दन्ताः स्निग्धतरा इत्यादि न सिध्यति । न च द्वयोर्वचनं द्विवचनमिति पक्षेऽपि नेदं सिद्ध्यति समाहारस्यैकत्वात् । गुणभूतवर्तिपदार्थाश्रयणे तु द्वात्रिंशदन्ताः द्वावोष्ठाविति तेषां बहुत्वात्सुतरां न सिद्ध्येदिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । वृत्तावभेदैकत्वसंख्यामुपाददति वर्तिपदानि । ततश्च भेदस्य परित्यागादभेदैकत्वं संख्यायाश्चोपादानादन्तोष्ठलक्षणार्थद्वयं दन्तोष्ठशब्देनोच्यत इति नास्ति ‘द्वयोर्वचनं द्विवचनमित्येतदर्थकद्विवचनोपपदे’ इति पक्षे दोष इति ॥ विस्तरस्त्वाकरग्रन्थेभ्योऽवगन्तव्यः । अन्वर्थं चोपपदम् उपोच्चारितं पदमिति, न तु कृत्रिमम् । तद्धितविधौ तस्यासंभवात् । तच्च विग्रहवाक्य एव प्रयुज्यते । वृत्तौ तु गतार्थत्वान्नावश्यकम् ॥ एवं स्थिते उपपदग्रहणं स्पष्टार्थम् ॥ इह द्वे उपपदे द्वे च सुबन्ततिङन्तरूपे प्रकृती द्वौ च प्रत्ययौ तथापि यथासंख्यं नेष्यते ॥ द्विवचनोपपदमुदाहरति—अनयोरिति ॥—लघीयानिति । ‘टेः’ इति लोपः । उगित्त्वानुम् । ‘सान्तमहतः’—इति दीर्घः । हल्ङ्यादिसंयोगान्तलोपौ ॥ विभज्योपपदमुदाहरति—प्राच्येभ्य इति । ‘पञ्चमी विभक्ते’ इति पञ्चमी ॥ कथं तर्हि ‘पटुङ्गवान् पटुरासीत्, ऐषमस्तु पटुतरः’ इति । अत्राहुः । एकस्यापि धर्मिणस्तत्कालस्थलादिरूपधर्मभेदेन भेदाध्यारोपात्प्रतियोग्यपेक्षस्तत्कालस्थप्रकर्षस्तदाश्रयश्चेह तरप्प्रत्यय इति ॥ व्यपदिशन्ति च—‘अन्य एवासि संवृत्तः’, ‘कच्चित्स एवासि धनंजयस्त्वम्’ इति
Bālamanoramā
द्विवचनविभज्योपपदे तरबीयसुनौ - द्विवचन । उच्यतेऽनेनेति वचनम् । द्वयोरर्थयोर्वचनं द्विवचनम् । द्व्यर्थप्रतिपादकमिति यावत् । न द्विवचनसंज्ञकमिह गृह्रते, व्याख्यानात् विभक्तव्यं — विभज्यम् ।ऋहलो॑रिति ण्यतं बाधित्वा निपातनाद्यत् । द्विवचनं च विभज्यं चेति समाहारद्वन्द्वः । द्विवचनविभज्यं च तदुपपदं चेति कर्मधारयः । द्व्यर्थप्रतिपादके विभक्तव्यविषयके च उपपदे सतीति फलितम् । प्रातिपदिकादिति, तिङ इति चानुवर्तते । सुबन्तात्तद्धितोत्पत्तिरिति सिद्धान्तात्सुबन्तत्वं प्रातिपदिकविशेषणं लभ्यते । फलितमाह — द्वयोरेकस्येत्यादिना । द्वयोर्मध्ये अन्यतरापेक्षया अतिशयविशिष्टस्वार्थवृत्तेः, विभागप्रयोजकीभूतधर्मवाचकाच्च शब्दात्स्वार्थे तरबीयसुनौ स्त इति यावत् । यद्यप्यत्र द्वे सुबन्ततिङन्ते प्रकृती, द्वौ च प्रत्ययौ, तथापि न यथासङ्ख्यम्, व्याख्यानात्, अथ द्विवचनोपपदे उदाहरति — अयमनयोरिति । अत्र उपोच्चारितं पदमुपपदम्, नतु कृत्रमं, तद्धितविधौ तदसंभवात्, धात्वधिकार एव तत्प्रवृत्तेरुक्तत्वात् । तच्चोपपदं विग्रहवाक्येऽवश्यं प्रयुज्यते । तद्धितवृत्तौ तु गतार्थत्वान्नावश्यकम् । लघीयानिति । ईयसुनि नकार इत्, उकार उच्चारणार्थः, उगित्त्वान्नुम्,सान्ते॑ति दीर्घः, हल्ङ्यादिसंयोगान्तलोपौ ।अथ विभज्योपपदे उदाहरति — उदीच्याः प्राच्येभ्य इति । 'पञ्चमी विभक्ते' इति पञ्चमी । द्विवचनसंज्ञकग्रहणे तु दन्ताः स्निग्धतराः॑ इति न सिध्येत् ।बहुषु पुत्रेषु एतदुपपन्नं भवति अयं मे ज्येष्ठोऽयं मे मध्यमः, अयं मे कनीया॑निति आद्यन्तवत्सूत्रस्थभाष्यप्रयोगात्,नैर्देशिकानां वार्ततरका॑ इति 'तस्मिन्' इति सूत्रभाष्यप्रयोगाच्च अद्वयर्थोपपदेऽपि तरबीयसुनावित्याहुः ।
translator notes
- BM: vacana is 'that by which something is said'; dvivacana is the saying of two things, i.e. a word that conveys two things; the technical dual (dvivacana-saṃjñā) is not meant here, on the authority of the explanation (vyākhyāna) (else 'dantāḥ snigdhatarāḥ' would fail). vibhajya = vibhaktavya, with yat by nipātana, blocking ṇyat by 'ṛhalor ṇyat' (SK 2872). dvivacana and vibhajya form a samāhāra-dvandva, then a karmadhāraya with upapada: 'when there is an upapada that conveys two things or concerns what is to be divided off'. 'prātipadikāt' and 'tiṅaḥ' are carried forward (anuvṛtti); sup-endingness qualifies the stem by the settled view that taddhitas arise after a subanta. Though there are two bases, two upapadas and two affixes, there is no respective correspondence (yathāsaṃkhya), by the explanation. Followed for 'a word expressing two' in sutra_en, for the anuvṛtti in brackets, and for the two affixes both applying in each example.
- BM: upapada here is the literal 'word uttered nearby', not the technical upapada, which is impossible in a taddhita rule (it operates only under the dhātu-adhikāra); it is necessarily used in the analytic sentence but not needed in the taddhita derivative, its sense being conveyed. laghīyān: in īyasun the n is it and the u is for pronunciation; num by its being ugit, lengthening by 'sānta mahataḥ [saṃyogasya]' (SK 317), and deletion by 'hal-ṅyādi' (SK 252) and of the final of the cluster (SK 54). prācyebhyaḥ: the fifth case by 'pañcamī vibhakte' (SK 639). Some hold, from Bhāṣya usages ('ayaṃ me jyeṣṭho 'yaṃ me madhyamo 'yaṃ me kanīyān' among many sons; 'nairdeśikānāṃ vārtatarakāḥ'), that tarap and īyasun also come with an upapada not expressing two. Followed for 'than the easterners' (fifth-case word, pañcamyanta, as the vibhajya upapada); the last view is Recorded.
- TB: dvivacana is the word by which two things are said (lyuṭ in the instrument sense; compound with the sixth case in the object sense). vibhajya: yat by nipātana as apavāda of ṇyat, which would give vibhājya with kutva by 'cajoḥ'; TB disputes Haradatta's doubt about smṛti vibhājya, deriving it from the causative with 'aco yat'. On the reading 'when the upapada ends in a dual', dantoṣṭhasya dantāḥ snigdhatarāḥ would fail; TB answers the objection that the samāhāra is singular. upapada is literal and appears only in the analytic sentence, so its mention is for clarity. No yathāsaṃkhya. laghīyān: deletion by 'ṭeḥ', num by ugit, lengthening by 'sāntamahataḥ', deletion by hal-ṅyādi and saṃyogānta. prācyebhyaḥ: fifth case by 'pañcamī vibhakte'. 'paṭur āsīt, aiṣamas tu paṭutaraḥ': one substrate is treated as different by its differing times and places, so the excellence of it at one time relative to another takes tarap. Agrees with BM; followed as BM.
- textual NSP editorial footnote 2, printed under sk.1998.n1 (NSP p. 322, printed 312; the scan shows the footnote numeral 2 above 'dvivacana' in the sūtra heading of SK 2005): in natarām etc., tarap comes for an excellence located in the bhāva, in the form of utmostness (ātyantikatva) consisting in not being co-referent with a counterpart; the statement that tarap etc. come for an excellence located in the ground of application (pravṛttinimitta) applies where excellence of the base's meaning is impossible. Likewise tarap comes after a manifesting particle (dyotaka) for excellence of the meaning it manifests, as in nitarāṃ gacchati. Recorded.
- translator The kaumudī's 'dvayor ekasyātiśaye' renders the sūtra's dvivacana-upapada as the commentators read it; the examples illustrate the dvivacana upapada (anayoḥ) and the vibhajya upapada (prācyebhyaḥ) respectively. The kaumudī gives no derivation of laghīyān or paṭīyāṃsaḥ; BM's and TB's steps are recorded only in the notes.
SK 2006 · A 5.3.58V
अजादी गुणवचनादेव ॥ २००६ ॥
ajādī guṇavacanādeva
ajādī guṇavacanād eva — The two vowel-initial (ajādi) [affixes, iṣṭhan and īyasun, of the four taught in SK 2001 and SK 2005,] come only after a quality-denoting word (guṇavacana).
Rule. The two vowel-initial affixes, iṣṭhan and īyasun, come only after a quality-word (guṇavacana).
Example.
Laghu "light" is a quality-word, so it takes all four affixes (SK 2001, 2005).
Pācaka "cook" is not: pācaka + tara → pācakataraḥ; pācaka + tama → pācakatamaḥ. No iṣṭhan or īyasun.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls pācaka an action-word (kriyāśabda).
Applies when / blocked by. The eva "only" restricts the affix, not the base (pratyayaniyama). Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so. Without eva, the rule could be read the other way: "after a quality-word, only the vowel-initial affixes". Then paṭutaraḥ and paṭutamaḥ would be lost. This rule is also why a tiṅanta takes no iṣṭhan (SK 2002).
Watch out. The word ajādī, "the two vowel-initial ones", runs on through the next group. Here it is a first-case word. From SK 2009 on, both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say it is carried forward and recast in the seventh case: "before iṣṭhan and īyasun". There the two affixes mark where a stem is replaced, as praśasya by śra. Wherever group F says "before iṣṭhan and īyasun", that is this word at work.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
इष्ठन्नीयसुनौ गुणवचनादेव स्तः । नेह । पाचकतरः । पाचकतमः ॥
iṣṭhan and īyasun come only after a quality-denoting word (guṇavacana). Not here [i.e. not
after pācaka 'cook']: pācakataraḥ, pācakatamaḥ [only tarap and tamap].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 323—अजादी गुणवचनादेव । इष्टतोऽवधारणार्थं एवकारः । तेन प्रत्ययनियमोऽयम् । एवकाराभावे तु गुणवचनादजादिप्रत्ययावेवेति प्रकृतिनियमोऽपि संभाव्येत । तथा च पटुतरः, पटुतम इत्यादि न सिद्ध्येत्
Bālamanoramā
अजादी गुणवचनादेव - अजादी । तरप्तमुपौ इष्ठन्नीयसुनौ चेति चत्वारः प्रत्यया अनुक्रान्ताः । तेषां मध्ये यौ अजादी इष्ठन्नीयसुनौ तावित्यर्थः । तदाह — इष्ठन्नीयसुनाविति । पाचकतरः, पाचकतम इति । क्रियाशब्दत्वादाभ्यामिष्ठन्नीयसुनौ नेति भावः ।गुणवचनादजादी एवे॑ति विपरीतनियमव्यावृत्त्यर्थ एवकारः । तेन पटुतरः पटुतम इत्यादि सिद्धम् ।
translator notes
- BM: four affixes have been introduced — tarap and tamap, iṣṭhan and īyasun; the sūtra means those two among them that begin with a vowel, iṣṭhan and īyasun. pācakataraḥ, pācakatamaḥ: since these are action-words (kriyāśabda), iṣṭhan and īyasun do not come after them. 'eva' is there to exclude the reverse restriction 'after a guṇavacana only the vowel-initial ones', so that paṭutaraḥ, paṭutamaḥ etc. are established. Followed for '[affixes, iṣṭhan and īyasun]', for the bracketed gloss of k1, and for placing 'only' on the base (a restriction of the affix, not of the base).
- TB: 'eva' is for restriction in the desired direction (iṣṭato 'vadhāraṇa); hence this is a restriction on the affix (pratyayaniyama). Without 'eva' a restriction on the base (prakṛtiniyama), 'after a guṇavacana only the vowel-initial affixes', would also be possible, and then paṭutaraḥ, paṭutamaḥ etc. would not be established. TB, printed under sk.2002.t1, applies the rule: iṣṭhan does not come after a tiṅ-final word because of the restriction 'ajādī guṇavacanād eva'. Followed; agrees with BM.
- textual NSP p. 323 (printed 313) agrees with the digital kaumudī (OCR; the scan collation records no difference).
SK 2007 · A 5.3.59V
तुश्छन्दसि ॥ २००७ ॥
tuśchandasi
tuś chandasi — In the Veda (chandasi), after [a word ending in] tṛ [i.e., tṛn or tṛc], [the two vowel-initial affixes (ajādī), iṣṭhan and īyasun — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006 — occur].
Rule. In the Veda (chandas), iṣṭhan and īyasun come after a word ending in tṛ. Bhaṭṭoji glosses tṛ as the affixes tṛn and tṛc, which make words like kartṛ "doer". Such a word is no quality-word, yet it takes the pair.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the form under the next rule.
atiśayena kartā "a doer in a high degree" → kartṛ + iṣṭhan
→ the tṛ deleted (SK 2008) → kariṣṭhaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. SK 2006 shut iṣṭhan and īyasun out after any word that is not a quality-word. This rule lets them back in after a tṛ-final word. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators call it a pratiprasava: a rule that re-admits what a restriction had shut out. It is not a new rule of its own. The word ajādī is carried forward from SK 2006.
Watch out. Why does a Vedic rule stand among the rules of ordinary speech? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give different reasons. One says the place shows that it is a pratiprasava of SK 2006. The other says a later extension, ṇāv iṣṭhavat, uses it in ordinary speech too. That extension treats a base before the verb-forming affix ṇi as if it stood before iṣṭha. His example is kartāram ācaṣṭe "he calls him a doer" → kārayati.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
तृन्तृजन्तादिष्ठन्नीयसुनौ स्तः ॥
After [a word] ending in tṛn or tṛc, [the two vowel-initial affixes (ajādī),] iṣṭhan and
īyasun, occur [even though it is not a guṇavacana].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 323—तुश्छन्दसि । पूर्वेण नियमेन व्यावर्तितयोः प्रतिप्रसवोऽयम्, न त्वपूर्वो विधिः तेन उपाधिसंकरो न
Bālamanoramā
तुश्छन्दसि - तुश्छन्दसि । 'तृ' इत्यस्य तु॑रिति पञ्चम्येकवचनम् । 'तृ' इत्यनेन तृन्तृचोः सामान्येन ग्रहणम् । प्रत्ययत्वात्तदन्तग्रहणम् । अजादी इत्यनुवर्तते । तदाह — तृन्तृजन्तादिति । अगुणवचनादपि तृप्रत्ययान्तात्प्राप्त्यर्थमारम्भः । एवंच पूर्वेण नियमेव व्यावर्तितयोः प्रतिप्रसवोऽयं नत्वपूर्वो विधिरिति सूचयितुं छान्दसमप्यत्रोपन्यस्तम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'tuḥ' is the fifth-case singular of 'tṛ'; 'tṛ' takes in tṛn and tṛc alike; being affixes, they denote words ending in them (tadantagrahaṇa); 'ajādī' is carried forward (anuvartate). Followed for '[i.e., tṛn or tṛc]' and the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1.
- BM: the rule is begun so that the two affixes come even after a tṛ-final word that is not a guṇavacana; it is thus a counter-exception (pratiprasava) reinstating the two affixes excluded by the preceding restriction (niyama, SK 2006), not a new injunction (apūrvo vidhiḥ), and the Vedic rule is placed here to indicate this. Followed for '[even though it is not a guṇavacana]'.
- TB: this is a pratiprasava of the two excluded by the preceding niyama, not a new injunction; hence there is no mixing of conditions (upādhisaṃkara). TB, printed under sk.2008.t1, adds that the Vedic 'tuḥ' (and 'turiṣṭhemeyassu') is presented here because through the extension 'ṇāv iṣṭhavat' it will be used in ordinary language too, as in kārayati ('he calls [one] a doer'). Recorded; BM gives a different reason for the placement.
- translator The kaumudī's gloss does not restate 'chandasi' from the sūtra; the Vedic restriction stands in sutra_en only.
SK 2008 · A 6.4.154V
तुरिष्ठेमेयस्सु ॥ २००८ ॥
turiṣṭhemeyassu
turiṣṭhemeyassu — [The whole of] tṛ is deleted (lopa) when iṣṭha, iman or īyas follow.
Rule. Before iṣṭha, iman and īyas, the element tṛ is deleted. The whole of tṛ goes, not just its last sound.
Example.
atiśayena kartā "a doer in a high degree" → kartṛ + iṣṭha
→ the whole tṛ deleted → kar + iṣṭha
→ kariṣṭhaḥ.
iyam anayor atiśayena dogdhrī "this one of the two is the better milker" → dohīyasī dhenuḥ "the better-milking cow". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the steps.
dogdhrī → first treated as masculine (puṃvadbhāva), so the feminine ī goes → dogdhṛ + īyas
→ the whole tṛ deleted → the gh and g made for h go back, their cause being gone → doh + īyas
→ the feminine ṅīp, since īyasun is marked with u → dohīyasī.
The o of doh stays. One commentator says the deleted affix still counts for that guṇa.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators argues for "the whole". The deletion of the ṭi ṛ before iṣṭha is already taught by ṭeḥ (SK 1786). A rule that did only that would be pointless. So this rule must delete the whole tṛ.
Watch out. This is a sixth-book rule, set here beside SK 2007 because it builds that rule's forms. Its word iṣṭhemeyassu "before iṣṭha, iman and īyas" is carried forward into SK 2010 and SK 2015–2018. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
तृशब्दस्य लोपः स्यादिष्ठेमेयः सु परेषु । अतिशयेन कर्ता करिष्ठः । दोहीयसी धेनुः ॥
Deletion (lopa) of the element tṛ takes place when iṣṭha, iman or īyas follow. atiśayena kartā,
'a doer in a high degree': kariṣṭhaḥ. dohīyasī dhenuḥ, 'a cow that is the better milker [of the
two]'.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 323—तुरिष्ठे—। ‘टेः’ इत्यनेनान्त्यलोपे सिद्धेऽभ्यारम्भसामर्थ्यात्सर्वस्य तृशब्दस्य लोपस्तदाह—करिष्ठ इति ॥—दोहीयसीति । इयमनयोरतिशयेन दोग्ध्री ‘भस्याढे तद्धिते सिद्धश्च प्रत्ययविधौ’ इति वचनात् तद्धिते कर्तव्ये प्रागेव पुंवद्भाव इति ङीपि निवृत्ते दोग्धृशब्दात्प्रत्ययः, ततस्तृचि निवृत्ते निमित्ताभावाद् घत्वजश्त्वयोरपि निवृत्तिः ॥ अलौकिकविग्रहवाक्ये प्रागेव तयोरप्रवृत्तिः ‘अकृतव्यूह’—परिभाषयेति तु तत्त्वम् ॥ गुणस्तु प्रवर्तते । लुप्तेऽपि तृचि प्रत्ययलक्षणध्रौव्यात् छान्दसमपि ‘तुः’—इति सूत्रम्, इति ‘तुरिष्ठेमेयःसु’ इति च ‘णाविष्ठवत्’ इत्यतिदेशेन लोकेऽपि कर्तारमाचष्टे कारयतीत्यादावुपयोक्ष्यमाणत्वादिहोपन्यस्तम्
Bālamanoramā
तथाच अगुणवचनादपि कर्तृशब्दादिष्ठन्प्रत्यये 'कर्तृ-इष्ठ' इति स्थिते 'इष्ठेमेयस्सु' इति विहिते टिलोपे प्राप्ते — तुरिष्ठेयमेयःसु । 'तृ' इत्यस्यतु॑रिति षष्ठएकवचनम् । एष्विति । इष्ठन्, इमन्, इयस् इत्येतिष्वित्यर्थः । अयं लोपः सामर्थ्यात्सर्वादेशः, अन्त्यस्य ऋकारस्यटे॑रित्येव सिद्धेः । करिष्ठ इति । अयमनयोरति शयेन कर्तेत्यर्थः । दोहीयसी धेनुरिति । इयमनयोरतिशयेन दोग्ध्रीत्यर्थः । इष्ठनि 'भस्याढे' इति पुंवत्त्वे ङीपो निवृत्तौ तृप्रत्ययस्य लोपे परनिमित्ताऽभावात्दादे॑रिति घत्वस्य निवृत्तौ उगित्त्वात् ङीपिदोहियसी॑ति रूपम् ।पुगन्ते॑ति गुणस्तु न निवर्तते, लुप्तेऽपि तृचि प्रत्ययलक्षणेन तत्सत्त्वात् ।
translator notes
- TB: deletion of the final [ṛ] would already be established by 'ṭeḥ', so the rule would have no purpose unless it deletes the whole tṛ (ārambhasāmarthya); hence kariṣṭhaḥ. Followed for '[The whole of]' in sutra_en.
- TB on dohīyasī: 'iyam anayor atiśayena dogdhrī'. By 'bhasyāḍhe taddhite' together with 'siddhaś ca pratyayavidhau', treatment as masculine (puṃvadbhāva) takes place first when a taddhita is to be made. So ṅīp is withdrawn and the affix comes after dogdhṛ. When tṛc is then deleted, the gh-substitution and the jaś-substitution are withdrawn, their cause being gone. The true view (tattvam), however, is that by the paribhāṣā 'akṛtavyūha …' these two never apply in the technical analysis (alaukika-vigraha) in the first place. Guṇa does apply, since the deleted tṛc still counts by pratyayalakṣaṇa. 'tuḥ [chandasi]' (SK 2007), though Vedic, and 'turiṣṭhemeyaḥsu' are placed here because the extension 'ṇāv iṣṭhavat' will use them in the ordinary language too, as in 'kartāram ācaṣṭe: kārayati'. Followed for the gloss of dohīyasī. k1 adds no derivation, since the kaumudī gives none.
- BM (now also in the digital source as sk.2008.b1, re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.3543.b1; summarised here from the Wikisource SK+BM p. 905, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0079.txt): at the end of its comment on SK 2007 it sets up the case, where from kartṛ, although not a quality word, iṣṭhan gives 'kartṛ iṣṭha' and deletion of the ṭi is due by 'iṣṭhemeyassu'. On this sūtra: 'tuḥ' is the sixth-case singular of tṛ; 'eṣu' means iṣṭhan, iman and īyas. By force of the rule, the deletion is a substitute [for the whole tṛ], since deletion of the final ṛ alone would follow from 'ṭeḥ' (the Wikisource text reads 'antādeśaḥ' here, which does not fit that reason). kariṣṭhaḥ: 'ayam anayor atiśayena kartā'. dohīyasī dhenuḥ: 'iyam anayor atiśayena dogdhrī'. Before iṣṭhan etc., puṃvadbhāva by 'bhasyāḍhe' removes ṅīp; the tṛ affix is deleted; its following cause being absent, the gh-substitution by 'dādeḥ' is withdrawn (the text reads 'dhatva-'); and because the affix has u as it (ugit), ṅīp gives dohīyasī. Guṇa by 'pugantalaghūpadhasya', however, is not withdrawn. Followed for the whole-tṛ deletion and for the gloss of dohīyasī, in agreement with TB.
- translator The Bālamanoramā on this sūtra (from 'tathā ca aguṇavacanād api'), formerly filed under sk.3543.b1 (p70), is now filed here as sk.2008.b1 (re-filed 2026-10-05); sk.2007.b1 ends with its comment on SK 2007, and sk.2009.b1 begins with 'praśasyasya śraḥ'. The BM used in the commentary note is taken from the Wikisource print and has not yet been collated with sk.2008.b1. Both the digital kaumudī and NSP p. 323 (printed 313, scan) read 'iṣṭhemeyaḥsu pareṣu'. The Wikisource print reads 'eṣu pareṣu'.
SK 2009 · A 5.3.60V
प्रशस्यस्य श्रः ॥ २००९ ॥
praśasyasya śraḥ
praśasyasya śraḥ — śra replaces praśasya [before the two vowel-initial (ajādi) affixes iṣṭhan and īyasun — 'ajādī' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006 and turned into the seventh case].
Rule. Before iṣṭhan and īyasun, śra replaces praśasya "praiseworthy". Bhaṭṭoji writes "before the two vowel-initial ones".
Example.
praśasya + iṣṭhan → śra for praśasya → śra + iṣṭha.
praśasya + īyasun → śra + īyas.
Bhaṭṭoji gives the finished forms under SK 2010: śreṣṭhaḥ, śreyān.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators asks why the rule says "before the vowel-initial ones". So that śra does not come before tarap and tamap: praśasyataraḥ, praśasyatamaḥ.
Watch out. Praśasya is not a quality-word, so SK 2006 would keep the pair away from it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it an action-word. This rule is a jñāpaka: by giving a substitute before iṣṭhan and īyasun, it shows that praśasya does take them.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अस्य श्रादेशः स्यादजाद्योः ॥
śra is substituted for this [word, praśasya] before the two vowel-initial [affixes, iṣṭhan
and īyasun — 'ajādī' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 323—प्रशस्यस्य श्रः । ‘अजादी’ इत्यनुवृत्तं सप्तम्या विपरिणम्यत इत्याह—अजाद्योरिति । अजाद्योः किम् । प्रशस्यतरः । प्रशस्यतमः ॥—श्रेष्ठ इति । प्रकृतिभावादिह ‘टेः’ इति लोपो ‘यस्येति’ लोपश्च न भवति ॥—ज्यादात्—। ज्यादुत्तरस्य ईयसुन आकारादेशः स्यात्
Bālamanoramā
प्रशस्यस्य श्रः - प्रशस्यस्य श्रः । अजाद्योरिति । इष्ठन्नीयसुनोरित्यर्थः । 'अजादी' इत्यनुवृत्तं सप्तम्या विपरिणम्यत इति भावः । प्रशस्यशब्दस्य क्रियाशब्दतया गुणवचनत्वाऽभावेऽपि अत एव ज्ञापकादिष्ठन्नीयसुनौ । श्र-इष्ठ, श्र-ईयस् इति स्थिते इष्ठेमेयःसु विहितटिलोपे प्राप्ते — ।
translator notes
- BM: 'ajādyoḥ' means before iṣṭhan and īyasun; the idea is that 'ajādī', carried forward, is transformed (vipariṇāma) into the seventh case. Although praśasya, being an action-word (kriyāśabda), is not a quality-denoting word (guṇavacana), iṣṭhan and īyasun come after it by this very indication (jñāpaka) [against SK 2006]. With śra + iṣṭha and śra + īyas standing, deletion of the ṭi taught before iṣṭha, iman and īyas is due — [continued under SK 2010]. Followed for the bracketed gloss and anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1.
- TB: 'ajādī', carried forward, is transformed into the seventh case, hence 'ajādyoḥ'. Why 'before the vowel-initial ones'? [So that it does not apply in] praśasyataraḥ, praśasyatamaḥ. Followed; agrees with BM on the vipariṇāma. (TB's next remark, 'śreṣṭha iti', belongs to SK 2010.)
- translator The kaumudī gives no example under this rule; the forms śreṣṭhaḥ and śreyān follow under SK 2010, after 'prakṛtyaikāc' has blocked the ṭi-deletion.
- textual NSP p. 323 (printed 313) agrees with the digital kaumudī (OCR 'ajādhoḥ' for 'ajādyoḥ'; the scan collation records no difference).
SK 2010 · A 6.4.163V
प्रकृत्यैकाच् ॥ २०१० ॥
prakṛtyaikāc
prakṛtyaikāc — [Before iṣṭha, iman and īyas — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'turiṣṭhemeyassu', SK 2008,] a [base] having a single ac (ekāc) remains in its original form (prakṛtyā).
Rule. Before iṣṭha, iman and īyas, a base with a single vowel (ekāc) stays as it is (prakṛtyā). So its ṭi is not deleted.
Example.
śra + iṣṭha → the ṭi a would be deleted by ṭeḥ (SK 1786)
→ śra has one vowel, so it stays as it is → śreṣṭhaḥ "most praiseworthy".
śra + īyas → śreyān "more praiseworthy".
Applies when / blocked by. "Before iṣṭha and the rest" is carried forward from SK 2008. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this "staying as it is" (prakṛtibhāva) bars every deletion of the section. He names four deletions of a bha stem:
- allopo 'naḥ (SK 234): the a of an is deleted;
- nas taddhite (SK 679): the ṭi of an n-final stem is deleted before a taddhita;
- yasyeti ca (SK 311): a final a/ā or i/ī is deleted before a taddhita;
- ṭeḥ (SK 1786): the ṭi is deleted before iṣṭha, iman and īyas.
The other commentator says that in śreṣṭhaḥ neither ṭeḥ nor yasyeti ca applies.
Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads iṣṭhātiṣu in Bhaṭṭoji's gloss. The 1915 printed edition reads iṣṭhādiṣu "before iṣṭha and the rest", and so do Bhaṭṭoji's commentators. We follow the print.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
इष्ठातिष्वेकाच् प्रकृत्या स्यात् । श्रेष्ठः । श्रेयान् ॥
Before iṣṭha and the rest [i.e. iṣṭha, iman, īyas — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2008],
a [base] having a single ac (ekāc) remains in its original form (prakṛtyā): śreṣṭhaḥ
['most praiseworthy'], śreyān ['more praiseworthy'].
Bālamanoramā
प्रकृत्यैकाच् - प्रकृत्यैकाच् । एकोऽच् यस्येति बहुव्रीहिः । इष्ठादिष्विति । 'तुरि,ठेमेयःसु' इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । 'अल्लोपोऽनः,'नस्तद्धिते॒॑यस्येति च,॑टे॑रित्यादेरेतत्प्रकरणस्थलोपस्यायं प्रकृतिभाव इति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । श्रेष्ठः । श्रेयानिति । अयमनयोरतिशयेन प्रशस्त इत्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: ekāc is a bahuvrīhi, 'that which has one ac'. On 'iṣṭhādiṣu': because that is carried forward from 'turiṣṭhemeyassu' (SK 2008). This retention of the original form (prakṛtibhāva) is [a bar] to the deletions (lopa) that fall within this section — 'allopo 'naḥ', 'nas taddhite', 'yasyeti ca', 'ṭeḥ' and so on — as is clear in the Bhāṣya. On śreṣṭhaḥ, śreyān: 'this one is excellently praiseworthy among these two'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1.
- BM on SK 2009, printed under sk.2009.b1, sets up this rule: [praśasya being replaced by śra,] with śra + iṣṭha and śra + īyas standing, the deletion of the ṭi enjoined before iṣṭha, iman and īyas ('ṭeḥ') is obtained — [and is barred here]. Recorded: the kaumudī gives only the forms.
- TB, printed under sk.2009.t1, on 'śreṣṭha': because of the retention of the original form (prakṛtibhāva), here neither the deletion by 'ṭeḥ' nor the deletion by 'yasyeti ca' takes place. Recorded; agrees with BM.
- textual Our source reads 'iṣṭhātiṣv ekāc'. NSP p. 323 (printed 313) prints 'iṣṭhādiṣv ekāc' (scan confirms); BM's lemma 'iṣṭhādiṣv iti' and the Wikisource SK+BM edition (p. 906) read the same. The English follows 'iṣṭhādiṣu'. Mūla reading for Ajai's check; source.json not changed.
SK 2011 · A 5.3.61V
ज्य च ॥ २०११ ॥
jya ca
jya ca — And jya [— a first-case word (prathamānta) whose ending is elided (luptaprathamāka) — is substituted for praśasya ('praśasyasya', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2009) when an affix beginning with a vowel follows ('ajādī', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006, recast in the seventh case), i.e. iṣṭhan or īyasun].
Rule. Jya also replaces praśasya before iṣṭhan and īyasun. The word praśasya is carried forward from SK 2009.
Example.
praśasya + iṣṭhan → jya for praśasya → jya + iṣṭha
→ jya has one vowel, so its ṭi stays (SK 2010) → jyeṣṭhaḥ "most praiseworthy".
Watch out. Before īyasun the same steps would give jyeyān. That is wrong. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators points this out, and the next rule mends it.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
प्रशस्यस्य ज्यादेशः स्यादिष्ठेयसोः । ज्येष्ठः ॥
jya is substituted for praśasya when iṣṭha[n] or īyas[un] follows. jyeṣṭhaḥ ['most praiseworthy': jya + iṣṭha, the ṭi not being elided, because the base stays as it is (prakṛtibhāva) by 'prakṛtyaikāc' (SK 2010)].
Bālamanoramā
ज्य च - ज्य च ।ज्ये॑ति लुप्तप्रथमाकम् । प्रशस्यस्येति, अजादी इति चानुवर्तते । तदाह — प्रशस्यस्येति । ज्येष्ठ इति ।प्रकृत्यैका॑जिति प्रकृतिभावान्न टिलोपः । ईयसुनि ज्यादेशेज्येया॑निति प्राप्ते — ।
translator notes
- BM: 'jya' is a first-case word whose ending is elided (luptaprathamāka). 'praśasyasya' and 'ajādī' are carried forward (anuvartate). In jyeṣṭhaḥ the ṭi is not elided, because of the prakṛtibhāva taught by 'prakṛtyaikāc'. When jya is substituted before īyasun, 'jyeyān' would result; [the next sūtra, SK 2012, addresses this]. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for the prakṛtibhāva bracket in k1.
- TB, printed under sk.2009.t1 (on SK 2009): the 'ajādī' that is carried forward is recast (vipariṇamyate) in the seventh case, hence the kaumudī's 'ajādyoḥ'. Followed for 'recast in the seventh case' in sutra_en. TB has no remark of its own on 'jya ca'.
- translator That 'ajādī' comes from 'ajādī guṇavacanād eva' (SK 2006) and 'praśasyasya' from 'praśasyasya śraḥ' (SK 2009) is the translator's identification; the commentators only say the words are carried forward.
SK 2012 · A 6.4.160V
ज्यादादीयसः ॥ २०१२ ॥
jyādādīyasaḥ
jyād ād īyasaḥ — After jya, ā [is substituted] for [the initial sound of] īyas[un].
Rule. After jya, ā replaces the first sound of īyas.
Example.
praśasya + īyasun → jya (SK 2011) → jya + īyas
→ ā for the ī of the affix → jya + āyas
→ jyāyān "more praiseworthy".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji cites ādeḥ parasya (SK 44): a substitute taught for what follows replaces its first sound. One of his commentators explains why the citation is needed. Without it, the ā would replace the last sound of īyas.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
आदेः परस्य SK 44 । ज्यायान् ॥
[The substitute replaces the initial sound of what follows, by] 'ādeḥ parasya' (SK 44). jyāyān ['more praiseworthy'].
Bālamanoramā
ज्यादादीयसः - ज्यादादीयसः । ज्यात् — आदितिच्छेदः । ज्यात् परस्य ईयस आकारः स्यादित्यर्थः । अन्तादेशत्वे प्राप्ते आह — आदेः परस्येति ।
translator notes
- BM: the split is 'jyāt āt'. The sense is: ā is substituted for īyas standing after jya. Since [the ā] would otherwise replace the final sound [of īyas, by 'alo 'ntyasya', SK 42], he says 'ādeḥ parasya'. Followed for 'the initial sound' in sutra_en and k1.
- TB, printed under sk.2009.t1: the substitute ā replaces īyasun standing after jya. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
- BM, printed under sk.2011.b1, introduces this sūtra: when jya is substituted before īyasun, 'jyeyān' would result. Recorded.
- translator BM does not name 'alo 'ntyasya'; that the replacement of the final sound it mentions is by that rule is the translator's identification.
SK 2013 · A 5.3.62V
वृद्धस्य च ॥ २०१३ ॥
vṛddhasya ca
vṛddhasya ca — And in place of vṛddha [the word itself, not the technical term vṛddha], [the substitute jya — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2011 — when the two vowel-initial affixes (ajādī), iṣṭhan and īyasun, follow — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006 and turned into the seventh case].
Rule. Jya also replaces vṛddha "old" before iṣṭhan and īyasun. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the plain word vṛddha is meant. It is not vṛddha, the technical name for a word whose first vowel is a vṛddhi vowel (SK 1335).
Example.
ayam anayor atiśayena vṛddhaḥ "this one of the two is exceedingly old" → vṛddha + īyasun
→ jya → jya + āyas (SK 2012) → jyāyān "elder".
vṛddha + iṣṭhan → jyeṣṭhaḥ "eldest".
Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra itself says only "and of vṛddha". Bhaṭṭoji supplies the rest: "the substitute jya before the two vowel-initial ones". One of his commentators calls this śeṣapūraṇa.
Watch out. Vṛddha has a second substitute, varṣi, by SK 2016. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says it is one option beside jya. So "eldest" is also varṣiṣṭhaḥ.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
ज्यादेशः स्यादजाद्योः । ज्येष्ठः । ज्यायान् ॥
[In place of vṛddha] the substitute jya occurs when the two vowel-initial [affixes] (ajādī)
[— iṣṭhan and īyasun —] follow. jyeṣṭhaḥ ['most aged']. jyāyān ['more aged'].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 323—वृद्धस्य च । स्वरूपस्येह ग्रहणं, न तु ‘वृद्धिर्यस्याचामादिः’ इति पारिभाषिकस्य, व्याख्यानात् । अस्य ‘प्रियस्थिर’—इत्यादिना वर्षादेशोऽपि पक्षे भवति । न च तस्येमनिचि सावकाशता शङ्क्या । वृद्धशब्दादिमनिचोऽभावात् । यदि तु ‘वृद्धस्य वर्षिश्च’ इति सूत्रमिहैव क्रियेत तदा द्विर्वृद्धग्रहणं न कर्तव्यमिति लाघवं भवतीत्याहुः
Bālamanoramā
वृद्धस्य च - वृद्धस्य च । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — ज्यादेशः स्यादजाद्योरिति । इष्ठन्नीयसुनोरित्यर्थः । ज्येष्ठ इति । अयमनयोरति शयेन वृद्ध इत्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: the kaumudī explains the sūtra by supplying what is left unsaid (śeṣapūraṇa): 'jyādeśaḥ syād ajādyoḥ', i.e., when iṣṭhan and īyasun follow; jyeṣṭhaḥ means 'this one of these two is exceedingly vṛddha' (ayam anayor atiśayena vṛddhaḥ). Followed for the bracketed affix names; BM's paraphrase with 'of these two' is Recorded.
- TB: the word vṛddha itself is meant here, not the technical vṛddha of 'vṛddhir yasyācām ādiḥ' (SK 1335), on the strength of the explanation (vyākhyāna). Followed for '[the word itself, not the technical term vṛddha]'.
- TB: this word also optionally takes the substitute varṣi by 'priyasthira…' (SK 2016); it cannot be objected that varṣi has its scope with imanic, since imanic does not come after vṛddha. If 'vṛddhasya varṣiś ca' were made here, vṛddha would not have to be mentioned twice — a saving (lāghava), they say. Recorded.
- translator No commentator states an anuvṛtti on this sūtra: BM says the kaumudī's 'jyādeśaḥ syād ajādyoḥ' supplies what is left unsaid (śeṣapūraṇa). Taking 'jya' from 'jya ca' (SK 2011) and 'ajādī' from 'ajādī guṇavacanād eva' (SK 2006), recast in the seventh case as BM states at SK 2009, is the translator's identification.
SK 2014 · A 5.3.63V
अन्तिकबाढयोर्नेदसाधौ ॥ २०१४ ॥
antikabāḍhayornedasādhau
antikabāḍhayor nedasādhau — In place of antika ('near') and bāḍha ('intense'), neda and sādha [respectively, when the two vowel-initial affixes (ajādī), iṣṭhan and īyasun, follow — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006 and turned into the seventh case].
Rule. Before iṣṭhan and īyasun, neda replaces antika "near", and sādha replaces bāḍha "intense". Bhaṭṭoji supplies "before the two vowel-initial ones" (śeṣapūraṇa).
Example.
antika + iṣṭhan → neda → nediṣṭhaḥ "nearest".
antika + īyasun → nedīyān "nearer".
bāḍha + iṣṭhan → sādha → sādhiṣṭhaḥ "most intense".
bāḍha + īyasun → sādhīyān "more intense".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses bāḍha as "intense", citing the lexicon of Amara.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अजाद्योः । नेदिष्ठः । नेदीयान् । साधिष्ठः । साधीयान् ॥
When the two vowel-initial [affixes] (ajādī) [— iṣṭhan and īyasun — follow]. nediṣṭhaḥ
['nearest']. nedīyān ['nearer']. sādhiṣṭhaḥ ['most intense']. sādhīyān ['more intense'].
Bālamanoramā
अन्तिकबाढयोर्नेदसाधौ - अन्तिकबाढयोः अजाद्योरिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । अन्तिक, बाढ अनयोरिष्ठेयसुनोः परतः 'नेद' 'साध' एतावादेशौ स्त इत्यर्थः । नेदिष्ठः नेदीयानिति । अयमनयोरतिशयेनान्तिक इत्यर्थः । साधिष्ठः साधीयानिति । अयमनयोरतिशयेन बाढ इत्यर्थः । बाढो — भृशः ।भृशप्रतिज्ञयोर्बाढ॑मित्यमरः ।अतिवेलभृशाऽत्यर्थातिमात्रोद्गाढनिर्भर॑मिति च ।
translator notes
- BM: 'ajādyoḥ' supplies what is left unsaid (śeṣapūraṇa): neda and sādha are the substitutes of antika and bāḍha when iṣṭhan and īyasun follow; nedīyān etc. means 'this one of these two is exceedingly near', sādhīyān etc. 'exceedingly bāḍha'; bāḍha means intense (bhṛśa), citing Amara 'bhṛśapratijñayor bāḍham' and 'ativelabhṛśātyarthātimātrodgāḍhanirbharam'. Followed for the bracketed affix names and the gloss 'intense'.
- translator No TB is printed on this sūtra: TB passes from SK 2013 (sk.2013.t1) to SK 2015 (sk.2015.t1); NSP p. 323 (printed 313) confirms. '[respectively]' in sutra_en is the translator's, following the order of BM's paraphrase.
- translator BM calls 'ajādyoḥ' here śeṣapūraṇa and states no anuvṛtti on this sūtra; taking 'ajādī' from 'ajādī guṇavacanād eva' (SK 2006), recast in the seventh case, follows BM's statements at SK 2009, 2019 and 2020 and is the translator's identification for this sūtra.
SK 2015 · A 6.4.156V
स्थूलदूरयुवह्रस्वक्षिप्रक्षुद्राणां यणादिपरं पूर्वस्य च गुणः ॥ २०१५ ॥
sthūladūrayuvahrasvakṣiprakṣudrāṇāṃ yaṇādiparaṃ pūrvasya ca guṇaḥ
sthūladūrayuvahrasvakṣiprakṣudrāṇāṃ yaṇādiparaṃ pūrvasya ca guṇaḥ — Of sthūla, dūra, yuvan, hrasva, kṣipra and kṣudra, the later part that begins with a yaṇ [is deleted — 'lopa' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'al lopo 'naḥ', SK 234, and taken as 'that which is deleted'], and guṇa replaces the preceding [vowel], [before iṣṭha, iman and īyas — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'tur iṣṭhemeyaḥsu', SK 2008].
Rule. The rule names six words: sthūla "stout", dūra "far", yuvan "young", hrasva "short", kṣipra "quick" and kṣudra "small". Before iṣṭha, iman and īyas, their later part that begins with a yaṇ is deleted. Yaṇ is the short name for the semivowels y, v, r, l. The vowel before that part takes guṇa.
Example.
sthūla + iṣṭha → the later part la deleted → sthū + iṣṭha
→ guṇa of ū → stho + iṣṭha → sthav + iṣṭha → sthaviṣṭhaḥ "stoutest".
yuvan + iṣṭha → van deleted → yu → guṇa → yaviṣṭhaḥ "youngest".
Likewise daviṣṭhaḥ (from dūra), hrasiṣṭhaḥ (from hrasva), kṣepiṣṭhaḥ (from kṣipra), kṣodiṣṭhaḥ (from kṣudra).
Bhaṭṭoji says "likewise before īyas". One of his commentators lists sthavīyān, davīyān, yavīyān, hrasīyān, kṣepīyān, kṣodīyān.
Hrasva, kṣipra and kṣudra are in the list of pṛthu, so they also take iman (SK 1784): hrasimā, kṣepimā, kṣodimā.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "the later" (param) part? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. In yuvan the whole word also begins with a yaṇ, y. In hrasva there is an earlier part that begins with r. Without param, those earlier parts would be deleted.
Why does the rule name guṇa at all? There is a separate guṇa rule for a bha stem in u, or guṇaḥ (SK 847). Both commentators say it cannot do the work here. The deletion counts as not yet made (asiddha) for that rule. One adds that for kṣipra and kṣudra that rule would give no guṇa at all.
Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads evam īyam "likewise īyam". The 1915 printed edition reads evam īyas "likewise īyas", and one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators quotes the words so. We follow the print.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
एषां यणादिपरं लुप्यते पूर्वस्य च गुण इष्ठादिषु । स्थविष्ठः । दविष्ठः । यविष्ठः । ह्रसिष्ठः । क्षेपिष्ठः । क्षोदिष्ठः । एवमीयम् । ह्रस्वक्षिप्रक्षुद्राणां पृथ्वादित्वात् ह्रसिमा । क्षेपिमा । क्षोदिमा ॥
Of these, the later part that begins with a yaṇ is deleted, and guṇa replaces the
preceding [vowel], before iṣṭha etc.: sthaviṣṭhaḥ [from sthūla], daviṣṭhaḥ [from dūra],
yaviṣṭhaḥ [from yuvan], hrasiṣṭhaḥ [from hrasva], kṣepiṣṭhaḥ [from kṣipra], kṣodiṣṭhaḥ [from
kṣudra]. Likewise [before] īyas. Since hrasva, kṣipra and kṣudra belong to the pṛthu group
(pṛthvādi) [and so take iman, SK 1784]: hrasimā, kṣepimā, kṣodimā.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 323–324—स्थूलदूर—। परग्रहणं यविष्ठो ह्रसिष्ठ इत्यत्र पूर्वयणादेर्लोपो माभूदिति । पूर्वग्रहणं तु स्पष्टार्थम् । परस्मिन् लुप्ते सामर्थ्यात्पूर्वस्यैव गुणलाभात् ॥—स्थविष्ठ इति । न चात्र ‘ओर्गुण’ इत्येव सिद्धे गुणग्रहणं व्यर्थमिति वाच्यम् । परयणादिलोपस्याभीयत्वेनासिद्धत्वात् क्षिप्रक्षुद्रयोर्गुणस्य प्राप्त्यभावात् । क्षेपिष्ठः क्षोदिष्ठ इत्यसिद्धिप्रसङ्गाच्च ॥—एवमिति । प्रेयान् । स्थेयान् । स्फेयान् । वरीयानित्यादि ॥—इमेयसोर्लोप इति । स च ‘आदेः परस्य’ इत्यादेरेव भवति
Bālamanoramā
स्थूलदूरयुवह्रस्वक्षिप्रक्षुद्राणां यणादिपरं पूर्वस्य च गुणः - स्थूलदूर । एषामिति । स्थूल, दूर, युवन् ह्रस्व, क्षिप्र, क्षुद्र इत्येतेषामित्यर्थः । यणादीति । यण् — आदिर्यस्येति विग्रहः ।पर॑मितियणादी॑त्यस्य विशेषणम् । परभूतंयणादीत्यर्थः । लुप्यत इति । 'अल्लोपोऽनः' इत्यतोऽनुवृत्तं लोपपदमिह कर्मणि घञन्तमाश्रीयत इत्यर्थः । भावसाधनत्वे परमित्यनेन सामानाधिकरण्याऽसंभवात् । पूर्वस्येति । पूर्वत्वं यणपेक्षया बोध्यम् । इष्ठादिष्विति । 'तुरिष्ठेमेयस्सु' इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति । भावः । स्थविष्ठ इति । स्थूलशब्दादिष्ठनि ल इत्यस्य लोपे ऊकारस्य गुण ओकारः । अवादेश इति भावः । ओर्गुणस्तु न प्रवर्तते, यणादिलोपस्याऽऽभीयत्वेनासिद्धत्वात् । एवमग्रेऽपि । दविष्ठ इति । दूरशब्दादिष्ठनि र इत्यस्य लोपे ऊकारस्य गुणे अवादेशः । यविष्ठ इति । युवन्शब्दादिष्ठनिव॑न्नित्यस्य लोपे गुणे अवादेशः ।पर॑मित्यनुक्तौ 'यु' इत्यस्यापि यणादेर्लोपः स्यात् । ह्रसिष्ठ इति । ह्रस्वशब्दादिष्ठनि 'व' इत्यस्य लोपः ।पर॑मित्यनुक्तावत्र रादेर्लोपः स्यात् । क्षेपिष्ठ इति । क्षिप्रशब्दादिष्ठनि र इत्यस्य लोपः, उकारस्य गुणः । एवमीयसिति । स्थवीयान्, दवीयान्, यवीयान्, ह्रसीयान्, क्षेपीयान्, क्षोदीयान् । इमनिजनुवृत्तेः प्रयोजनमाह — ह्रस्वक्षिप्रेति ।
Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)
NSP p. 324 ईषदसमाप्ताविति—स्वार्थकानां प्रकृतितो लिङ्गवचनाङ्गीकाराद्बहुगुडो द्राक्षा, वृषभकल्प इयं गौरित्यादि सिद्धम् । बहुगुडा द्राक्षा इति तु क्वचित्प्रकृतितो लिङ्गवचनातिक्रमात्सिद्धम् । तत्र च ‘णचः स्त्रियाम्—’ इत्यत्र स्त्रीग्रहणं लिङ्गम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'eṣām' = of sthūla, dūra, yuvan, hrasva, kṣipra, kṣudra. 'yaṇādi' is a bahuvrīhi (that of which a yaṇ is the beginning); 'param' qualifies it: the yaṇ-initial part that stands later. On 'lupyate': the word 'lopa' carried forward from 'al lopo 'naḥ' (SK 234) is here taken as a ghañ-derivative in the object sense ('that which is deleted'), since as an action noun it could not be coreferential with 'param'. 'pūrvasya': 'prior' is relative to the yaṇ. 'iṣṭhādiṣu': because that is carried forward from 'tur iṣṭhemeyaḥsu' (SK 2008). Followed for both bracketed anuvṛttis in sutra_en and for 'the later part … is deleted' and 'the preceding [vowel]'.
- BM's derivations: sthaviṣṭhaḥ — sthūla + iṣṭhan, deletion of 'la', guṇa o of ū, then av; 'or guṇaḥ' (SK 847) does not apply, since the deletion of the yaṇ-initial part is ābhīya and so asiddha; so too below. daviṣṭhaḥ — dūra + iṣṭhan, deletion of 'ra', guṇa of ū, av. yaviṣṭhaḥ — yuvan + iṣṭhan, deletion of 'van', guṇa, av; without 'param' the yaṇ-initial 'yu' would also be deleted. hrasiṣṭhaḥ — hrasva + iṣṭhan, deletion of 'va'; without 'param' the part beginning with r would be deleted here. kṣepiṣṭhaḥ — kṣipra + iṣṭhan, deletion of 'ra' and guṇa [of the i; BM's text reads 'ukārasya']. On 'evam īyas': sthavīyān, davīyān, yavīyān, hrasīyān, kṣepīyān, kṣodīyān. 'hrasvakṣipra…' states the purpose of carrying iman forward. Followed for the bracketed bases in k1; the derivations themselves are not in the kaumudī and are Recorded here.
- TB: 'para' is stated so that in yaviṣṭha and hrasiṣṭha the earlier yaṇ-initial part is not deleted; 'pūrva' is for clarity only, since once the later part is deleted, guṇa of the preceding is obtained by implication. On 'sthaviṣṭhaḥ': mentioning guṇa is not redundant beside 'or guṇaḥ', since deletion of the later yaṇ-initial part is ābhīya and so asiddha, and for kṣipra and kṣudra guṇa [by 'or guṇaḥ'] would not be obtained at all, so kṣepiṣṭhaḥ, kṣodiṣṭhaḥ would fail. Followed for 'the later part'.
- textual The digital source reads 'evam īyam'; NSP p. 323 (printed 313) reads 'evam īyas' (scan confirms), and BM's comment has the pratīka 'evam īyas iti'. The English translates 'īyas'.
- textual The NSP footnote filed under sk.2015.n1 (NSP p. 324, printed 314), on 'īṣadasamāptau', concerns SK 2022–2023 (gender and number of svārthika affixes), not this sūtra. TB's 'evam iti. preyān, stheyān, spheyān, varīyān ity ādi' at the end of sk.2015.t1 gives the īyasun forms of SK 2016, and its 'imeyasor lopa iti' belongs to SK 2017.
SK 2016 · A 6.4.157V
प्रियस्थिरस्फिरोरुबहुलगुरुवृद्धतृप्रदीर्घवृन्दारकाणां प्रस्थस्फवर्बंहिगर्वर्षित्रब्द्राघिवृन्दाः ॥ २०१६ ॥
priyasthirasphirorubahulaguruvṛddhatṛpradīrghavṛndārakāṇāṃ prasthasphavarbaṃhigarvarṣitrabdrāghivṛndāḥ
priyasthirasphirorubahulaguruvṛddhatṛpradīrghavṛndārakāṇāṃ prasthasphavarbaṃhigarvarṣitrabdrāghivṛndāḥ — In place of priya, sthira, sphira, uru, bahula, guru, vṛddha, tṛpra, dīrgha and vṛndāraka come, respectively, pra, stha, spha, var, baṃhi, gar, varṣi, trap, drāghi and vṛnda, [before iṣṭha, iman and īyas — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'tur iṣṭhemeyaḥsu', SK 2008].
Rule. Before iṣṭha, iman and īyas, ten words are replaced by ten substitutes, in order:
priya → pra, sthira → stha, sphira → spha, uru → var, bahula → baṃhi,
guru → gar, vṛddha → varṣi, tṛpra → trap, dīrgha → drāghi, vṛndāraka → vṛnda.
Example.
priya + iṣṭha → pra for priya → preṣṭhaḥ "dearest".
Bhaṭṭoji lists the rest: stheṣṭhaḥ, spheṣṭhaḥ, variṣṭhaḥ, baṃhiṣṭhaḥ, gariṣṭhaḥ, varṣiṣṭhaḥ, trapiṣṭhaḥ, drāghiṣṭhaḥ, vṛndiṣṭhaḥ.
Likewise before īyas: preyān. One of his commentators continues: stheyān, spheyān, varīyān, and so on.
Priya, uru, bahula, guru and dīrgha are in the list of pṛthu, so they also take iman: premā. One commentator adds varimā, baṃhimā, garimā, drāghimā.
Applies when / blocked by. "Before iṣṭha and the rest" is carried forward from SK 2008. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why stheṣṭhaḥ keeps its a. Stha has one vowel, so it stays as it is (SK 2010).
Watch out. Three small points of text. First, our text of the Kaumudī repeats a word, preṣṭhādiṣu, before preṣṭhaḥ. The 1915 printed edition does not have it, and we leave it out. Second, our text reads pṛtvādi. The print reads pṛthvādi "the list of pṛthu", as in SK 2015, and we follow the print. Third, the sūtra in the heading writes trab, the p voiced before d. The substitute is trap either way.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
प्रियादीनां क्रमात्प्रादयः स्युरिष्ठादिषु । प्रेष्ठादिषु । प्रेष्ठः । स्थेष्ठः । स्फेष्ठः । वरिष्ठः । बंहिष्ठः । गरिष्ठः । वर्षिष्ठः । त्रपिष्ठः । द्राघिष्ठः । वृन्दिष्ठः । एवमीयसुन् । प्रेयान् । प्रियोरुबहुलगुरुदीर्घाणां पृत्वादित्वादिमनिच् । प्रेमेत्यादि ॥
In place of priya etc., pra etc. come respectively, before iṣṭha etc.: preṣṭhaḥ, stheṣṭhaḥ,
spheṣṭhaḥ, variṣṭhaḥ, baṃhiṣṭhaḥ, gariṣṭhaḥ, varṣiṣṭhaḥ, trapiṣṭhaḥ, drāghiṣṭhaḥ, vṛndiṣṭhaḥ.
Likewise [before] īyasun: preyān. Since priya, uru, bahula, guru and dīrgha belong to the pṛthu
group (pṛthvādi), imanic [comes after them, SK 1784]: premā, etc.
Bālamanoramā
प्रियस्थिरस्फिरोरुबहुलगुरुवृद्धतृप्रदीर्घ- वृन्दारकाणां प्रस्थस्फवर्बंहिगर्वर्षित्रब्द्राघिवृन्दाः - प्रियस्थिर । प्रियादीनामिति । प्रिय, स्थिर, स्फिर, उरु, बहुल, गुरु, वृद्ध, तृप्र, दीर्घ,बृन्दारक एषां दशानामित्यर्थः । प्रादय इति । प्र, स्थ, स्फ, वर्, बंहि, गर्, वर्षि, त्रप्, द्राघि, बृन्द एते दशेत्यर्थः । इष्ठादिष्विति । इष्ठेमेयस्स्वित्यर्थः । 'तुरिष्ठेमेयः सु' इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । प्रेष्ठ इति । प्रियशब्दादिष्ठनि प्रकृतेः प्रादेशः । आभीयत्वेनाऽसिद्धत्वादकारोच्चारणसामर्थ्याच्च न टिलोपः । स्थेष्ठ इति । स्थिरशब्दादिष्ठनि प्रकृतेः स्थादेशः । प्रकृतिभावान्न टिलोपः । स्फेष्ठ इति । स्फिरशब्दस्य इष्ठनि स्फादेशः । वरिष्ठ इति । उरुशब्दादिष्ठनि 'वर्' आदेशः । बंहिष्ठ इति । बहुलशब्दस्य 'बंहि' इत्यादेशः । इकार उच्चारणार्थः । अन्यथा आभीयत्वेनाऽसिद्धत्वादुच्चारणसामर्थ्याद्वा इकारस्य लोपो न स्यात् । गरिष्ठ इति । गुरुशब्दस्य इष्ठनि 'गर्' आदेशः । वर्षिष्ठ इति । वृद्धशब्दस्य इष्ठनि वर्षिरादेशः । बंहिवदिकार उच्चारणार्थः । त्रपिष्ठ इति । तृप्रशब्दस्य इष्ठनि 'त्रप्' आदेशोऽदुपधः । तृपधातोस्तृप्त्यर्थकादौणादिके रकि तृप्रशब्दः । द्राघिष्ठ इति । दीर्घशब्दस्य इष्ठनि 'त्रप्' आदेशोऽदुपधः । तृपधातोस्तृप्त्यर्थकादौणादिके रकि तृप्रशब्दः । द्राघिष्ठ इति । दीर्घशब्दस्य इष्ठनि द्राघिरादेशः । बंहिवदिकार उच्चारणार्थः । वृन्दिष्ठ इति । वृन्दारकशब्दस्य इष्ठनि बृन्द आदेशः । अकार उच्चारणार्थः । एवमीयसुन्निति ।प्रेयान्, स्थेयान्, स्फेयान्, वरीयान्, बंहीयान्, गरीयान्, वर्षीयान्, त्रपीयान्, द्राधीयान्, वृन्दीयान् । अत्र इमनिजनुवृत्तेः प्रयोजनमाह — प्रियोरुबहुलेति । इत्यादीति । वरिमा, बंहिमा, गरिमा, द्राघिमा ।
translator notes
- BM: 'priyādīnām' = of these ten: priya, sthira, sphira, uru, bahula, guru, vṛddha, tṛpra, dīrgha, vṛndāraka; 'prādayaḥ' = these ten: pra, stha, spha, var, baṃhi, gar, varṣi, trap, drāghi, vṛnda. 'iṣṭhādiṣu' = before iṣṭha, iman and īyas, because that is carried forward from 'tur iṣṭhemeyaḥsu' (SK 2008). Followed for the list in sutra_en and the bracketed anuvṛtti.
- BM's derivations: preṣṭhaḥ — priya + iṣṭhan, pra substituted for the base; there is no ṭi-deletion, since [the substitution] is ābhīya and so asiddha, and by force of the a being pronounced. stheṣṭhaḥ — stha for sthira; no ṭi-deletion by prakṛtibhāva [SK 2010]. spheṣṭhaḥ — spha for sphira. variṣṭhaḥ — var for uru. baṃhiṣṭhaḥ — baṃhi for bahula; the i is for pronunciation, since otherwise its deletion would not take place (being ābhīya and asiddha, or by force of its pronunciation). gariṣṭhaḥ — gar for guru. varṣiṣṭhaḥ — varṣi for vṛddha, the i for pronunciation as in baṃhi. trapiṣṭhaḥ — trap, with a as penultimate, for tṛpra (tṛpra is from √tṛp 'be satisfied' with the uṇādi affix rak). drāghiṣṭhaḥ — drāghi for dīrgha, the i for pronunciation. vṛndiṣṭhaḥ — vṛnda for vṛndāraka, the a for pronunciation. On 'evam īyasun': preyān, stheyān, spheyān, varīyān, baṃhīyān, garīyān, varṣīyān, trapīyān, drāghīyān, vṛndīyān. 'priyoru…' states the purpose of carrying iman forward; 'ity ādi' = varimā, baṃhimā, garimā, drāghimā. Recorded: the kaumudī gives only the final forms, which the English keeps.
- TB, printed under sk.2015.t1 (NSP p. 323–324, printed 313–314), without a separate pratīka for this sūtra: 'evam iti. preyān, stheyān, spheyān, varīyān ity ādi' — the īyasun forms of this rule. Followed: 'Likewise [before] īyasun' covers the whole list, not preyān alone.
- TB, printed under sk.2013.t1 (on 'vṛddhasya ca', SK 2013): by 'priyasthira…' the substitute varṣi also comes for vṛddha, as one option [beside jya]; it cannot be said to have scope with iman, since vṛddha does not take iman. Recorded: varṣiṣṭhaḥ here alternates with jyeṣṭhaḥ of SK 2013.
- textual The digital source reads 'syur iṣṭhādiṣu. preṣṭhādiṣu. preṣṭhaḥ'; NSP p. 324 (printed 314) reads 'syur iṣṭhādiṣu. preṣṭhaḥ' (scan confirms), and Wikisource likewise lacks the extra 'preṣṭhādiṣu', which looks like a dittography. The English omits it.
- textual The digital source reads 'pṛtvāditvād imanic'; NSP p. 324 (printed 314) reads 'pṛthvāditvād imanic' (scan confirms), as in SK 2015. The English translates 'pṛthvādi'.
- textual The digital sūtra reads '…varṣitrabdrāghivṛndāḥ' (trab by voicing before d); NSP p. 324 (printed 314) prints '…varṣitrapdrāghivṛndāḥ' (scan). The substitute is trap on either reading (BM: 'trap ādeśaḥ'); the pratīka in sutra_en keeps the digital reading.
SK 2017 · A 6.4.158V
बहोर्लोपो भू च बहोः ॥ २०१७ ॥
bahorlopo bhū ca bahoḥ
bahor lopo bhū ca bahoḥ — After bahu, lopa [of the following ima and īyas — 'iṣṭhemeyassu' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2008, iṣṭha excluded — the lopa falling on their initial by 'ādeḥ parasya' (SK 44)], and bhū in place of bahu.
Rule. After bahu "much", the first sound of iman and of īyas is deleted. And bhū replaces bahu.
Example.
bahu + iman → bhū for bahu, the i of the affix deleted → bhū + man → bhūmā "muchness".
ayam anayor atiśayena bahuḥ → bahu + īyas → bhū + yas → bhūyān "more".
Applies when / blocked by. The word iṣṭhemeyassu is carried forward from SK 2008, but iṣṭha is left out here. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why. The next rule gives iṣṭha an operation of its own. So Bhaṭṭoji writes "of iman and īyas following bahu". The deletion falls on the first sound by ādeḥ parasya (SK 44).
Siddhānta-kaumudī
बहोः परयोरिमेयसोर्लोपः स्याद्बहोश्च भूरादेशः । भूमा । भूयान् ॥
Of ima and īyas following bahu there is lopa [of their initial i — by 'ādeḥ parasya' (SK 44)],
and bhū is the substitute for bahu. bhūmā ['muchness']. bhūyān ['more'].
Bālamanoramā
बहोर्लोपो भू च बहोः - बहोर्लोपः । 'भू' इति लुप्तप्रथमाकम् । इष्ठेमेयस्स्वित्यनुवृत्तम् । तत्र इष्ठन उत्तरसूत्रे कार्यान्तरविधानादिह तस्य न संबन्धः । तदाह — बहोः परयोरिति ।आदेः परस्ये॑ति प्रत्ययोरादिलोपः । भूमेति । बहुत्वमित्यर्थः । बहुशब्दात्पृथ्वादिमनिचि प्रकृतेर्भूभावः, प्रत्ययादेरिकारस्य लोपश्च भूयानिति । अयमनयोरतिशयेन बहुरित्यर्थः । वैपुल्यवाचकाद्बहुशब्दादीयसुनि प्रकृतेर्भूभावः, प्रत्ययादेरिकारस्य लोपश्च । भूभावस्याभीयत्वेनासिद्धत्वादोर्गुणो न भवति ।
translator notes
- BM: 'bhū' has its first-case ending elided (luptaprathamāka); 'iṣṭhemeyassu' is carried forward (anuvṛtta), but iṣṭhan is not connected here, since the next sūtra (SK 2018) enjoins a different operation for it; hence the kaumudī says 'bahoḥ parayoḥ' [imeyasoḥ]; by 'ādeḥ parasya' (SK 44) the lopa is of the initial of the two affixes. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and the bracket on the initial.
- BM: bhūmā means bahutva ('muchness'): from bahu with the pṛthvādi imanic, the base becomes bhū and the initial i of the affix is elided; bhūyān means 'this one of these two is exceedingly bahu': from bahu in the sense of abundance (vaipulya) with īyasun, likewise bhū and lopa of the initial i. Because the replacement by bhū is ābhīya and so treated as not effected (asiddha), 'or guṇaḥ' (SK 847) does not apply. Followed for the glosses; the derivation itself is BM's and is not in the kaumudī.
- TB, printed under sk.2015.t1 (NSP p. 324, printed 314), on 'imeyasor lopaḥ': that lopa takes place only on the initial, by 'ādeḥ parasya'. Followed for '[of their initial i]'.
SK 2018 · A 6.4.159V
इष्ठस्य यिट् च ॥ २०१८ ॥
iṣṭhasya yiṭ ca
iṣṭhasya yiṭ ca — [After bahu — the whole preceding sūtra carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2017: lopa, and bhū in place of bahu —] of iṣṭha [there is lopa], and the augment yiṭ.
Rule. After bahu, the first sound of iṣṭha is deleted too, and the augment yiṭ is added. Bhū replaces bahu, as in SK 2017.
Example.
bahu + iṣṭha → bhū for bahu (SK 2017) → the i of iṣṭha deleted → bhū + ṣṭha
→ the augment yiṭ (heard as yi) at the start of the affix → bhū + yi + ṣṭha
→ bhūyiṣṭhaḥ "most".
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the whole preceding sūtra is carried forward. That is why bhū comes here too. The ṭ of yiṭ is an it. An augment marked with ṭ stands at the start of what it is taught for.
Watch out. The Bhāṣya allows a second account. There the augment is y, taking the place of the deletion; the i of yiṭ is only for pronunciation. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says both views rest on the Bhāṣya. Bhaṭṭoji's own words follow the first. The form is the same.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
बहोः परस्य इष्ठस्य लोपः स्यात् यिडागमश्च । भूयिष्ठः ॥
Of iṣṭha following bahu there is lopa [of its initial i — by 'ādeḥ parasya' (SK 44)], and the
augment yiṭ [is added, as the initial part of the affix, being marked with ṭ]; [bahu is replaced
by bhū by the preceding sūtra, SK 2017]. bhūyiṣṭhaḥ ['most'].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 324—इष्ठस्य यिट् च । पूर्वसूत्रं संपूर्णमनुवर्तते तदाह—बहोरित्यादि । भूरादेशश्चेत्यपि ज्ञातव्यम् ॥—भूयिष्ठ इति । अत्र इष्ठस्यादिलोपे कृते यिशब्द आगमः ॥ यद्वा लोपापवादो यकार आगमः, इकारस्तूच्चारणार्थः । पक्षद्वयमपीदं भाष्यारूढम्
Bālamanoramā
इष्ठस्य यिट् च - इष्ठस्य यिट् च । लोपः स्यादिति ।आदेः परस्ये॑ति बोध्यम् । यिटि टकार इत् । इष्ठस्यादिलोपे कृते यिडागमः । ट इत् । टित्त्वात्प्रत्ययस्याद्यवयवः । बहोर्भूभावस्तु पूर्वसूत्रेण सिद्ध एव । यदि तु लोप इति निवृत्तं तदा यकार आगम इति भाष्यम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'lopaḥ syāt' is to be understood by 'ādeḥ parasya'; the ṭ of yiṭ is an it; after the lopa of the initial of iṣṭha, the augment yiṭ comes, and being ṭ-marked it is the initial part of the affix; the replacement of bahu by bhū is already established by the preceding sūtra. But if 'lopa' ceases [to be carried forward], then the augment is y — so the Bhāṣya. Followed for the brackets; the Bhāṣya alternative is Recorded.
- TB: the whole preceding sūtra is carried forward (anuvartate), hence the kaumudī says 'bahoḥ' etc.; the substitute bhū is also to be understood. In bhūyiṣṭha, after the lopa of the initial of iṣṭha, 'yi' is the augment; or else, the augment is y as an exception (apavāda) to lopa, its i being for pronunciation only. Both views rest on the Bhāṣya. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1; the kaumudī's wording follows the first view, and the second is Recorded.
SK 2019 · A 5.3.64V
युवाल्पयोः कनन्यतरस्याम् ॥ २०१९ ॥
yuvālpayoḥ kananyatarasyām
yuvālpayoḥ kan anyatarasyām — kan optionally replaces yuvan ('young') and alpa ('small') [before iṣṭhan and īyasun — 'ajādī' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006 and turned into the seventh case].
Rule. Before iṣṭhan and īyasun, kan optionally replaces yuvan "young" and alpa "small".
Example.
yuvan + iṣṭhan → kan for yuvan → kaniṣṭhaḥ "youngest".
alpa + īyasun → kan for alpa → kanīyān "smaller".
In the other option: yaviṣṭhaḥ (by SK 2015) and alpiṣṭhaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds yavīyān, alpīyān.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says yuvan here is the plain word "young". It is not the technical yuvan, a kind of descendant. The pairing with alpa shows this. He also says the substitute comes only before iṣṭhan and īyasun, never before tarap and tamap.
Watch out. This kan is a substitute for the base, not the affix kan. It takes the place of yuvan or alpa, and iṣṭha or īyas is added to it. Also, our text of the Kaumudī prints the form as kaṃnīyān, with a stray nasal dot. The 1915 printed edition reads kanīyān, and we follow the print.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
एतयोः कनादेशो वा स्यादिष्ठेयसोः । कनिष्ठः । कंनीयान् । पक्षे यविष्ठः । अल्पिष्ठः । इत्यादि ॥
kan is optionally substituted for these two before iṣṭha[n] and īyas[un] ['ajādī' carried
forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006]: kaniṣṭhaḥ, kanīyān ['exceedingly young' or 'exceedingly
small']. In the alternative: yaviṣṭhaḥ, alpiṣṭhaḥ, and so on.
Tattvabodhinī
alignment inferredNSP p. 324—युवाल्पयोः—। युवेति स्वरूपग्रहणम्, न तु युवापत्यस्य, अल्पसाहचर्याद्व्याख्यानाच्च । ‘अजादी’ इत्यनुवर्तनादजाद्योरेव परयोर्न तु तरप्तमपोरित्याशयेन व्याचष्टे—इष्ठेयसोरिति
Bālamanoramā
युवाल्पयोः कनन्यतरस्याम् - युवाल्पयोः । इष्ठेयसोरिति । 'अजादी' इत्यनुवृत्तस्य सप्तम्या विपरिणामादिति भावः । कनिष्ठः कनीयानिति । अयमनयोरतिशयेन युवा अल्पो वेत्यर्थः । पक्षे यविष्ठ इति । युवन्शब्दादिष्ठनिस्थूलदूरे॑ति वनो लोपे उकारस्य गुणेऽवादेशे रूपम् । अल्पिष्ठ इति । अल्पशब्दादिष्ठनि टिलोपः । इत्यादीति । यवीयान्, अल्पीयानिति रूपद्वयमादिपदग्राह्यम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'iṣṭheyasoḥ' because 'ajādī', carried forward, is transformed (vipariṇāma) into the seventh case. kaniṣṭhaḥ, kanīyān mean 'this one of these two is exceedingly young or small'. yaviṣṭhaḥ: yuvan + iṣṭhan → deletion of van by 'sthūladūra…' (SK 2015) → guṇa of u → substitution of av → yaviṣṭha. alpiṣṭhaḥ: alpa + iṣṭhan with deletion of the ṭi. 'ityādi' takes in the two forms yavīyān, alpīyān. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and for the gloss of kaniṣṭhaḥ, kanīyān.
- TB: 'yuvan' here means the word itself [in its ordinary sense 'young'], not the [technical] yuvan, a descendant (yuvāpatya), by its association with alpa and by explanation (vyākhyāna). Because 'ajādī' is carried forward, [kan comes] only when the vowel-initial [affixes] follow, not tarap and tamap; with this in mind he glosses 'iṣṭheyasoḥ'. Followed for 'yuvan (young)' in sutra_en and for the bracketed anuvṛtti; agrees with BM.
- textual The digital kaumudī reads 'kaṃnīyān' with a stray anusvāra; NSP p. 324 (printed 314) reads 'kanīyān' (scan), as does Wikisource. The English follows the print.
SK 2020 · A 5.3.65V
विन्मतोर्लुक् ॥ २०२० ॥
vinmatorluk
vinmator luk — luk of vin and of matup [before iṣṭhan and īyasun — 'ajādī' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2006 and turned into the seventh case].
Rule. Before iṣṭhan and īyasun, there is luk of the possessive affixes vin and matup.
Example.
atiśayena sragvī "garlanded in a high degree" → sragvin + iṣṭhan
→ luk of vin → sraj + iṣṭha → srajiṣṭhaḥ; likewise srajīyān.
atiśayena tvagvān "possessed of skin in a high degree" → tvagvat + iṣṭhan
→ luk of matup → tvac + iṣṭha → tvaciṣṭhaḥ; likewise tvacīyān.
Applies when / blocked by. Why sraj and not srag? In sragvin the j of sraj became the velar g because it stood at the end of a pada, a finished word. Replacing a palatal by a velar is called kutva. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that with vin gone, that pada status is gone too, and so is the g. The other says the stem is now bha before the vowel-initial affix, so no pada rule applies.
Watch out. Words in vin and matup are not quality-words. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read this rule as a jñāpaka. By giving their luk before iṣṭhan and īyasun, it shows that they do take the pair.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
विनो मतुपश्च लुक् स्यादिष्ठेयसोः । अतिशयेन स्रग्वी स्रजिष्ठः । स्रजीयान् । अतिशयेन त्वग्वान् त्वचिष्ठः । त्वचीयान् ॥
There is luk of vin and of matup before iṣṭha[n] and īyas[un] ['ajādī' carried forward
(anuvṛtti) from SK 2006]. Garlanded (sragvin) in a high degree: srajiṣṭhaḥ; srajīyān.
Possessed of skin (tvagvat) in a high degree: tvaciṣṭhaḥ; tvacīyān.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 324—विन्मतोर्लुक् ॥—स्रजिष्ठ इति । विनो लुकि कृते भत्वात्पदकार्याभावः । अस्मादेव ज्ञापकादगुणवचनत्वेऽपि विन्मतोरजादी भवतः
Bālamanoramā
विन्मतोर्लुक् - विन्मतोर्लुक् । इष्ठेयसोरिति । 'अजादी' इत्यनुवृत्तस्य सप्तम्या विपरिणामादिति भावः । स्रजिष्ठ इति । स्रग्विन्शब्दादिष्ठनि विनो लुकि तन्निमित्तपदत्वभङ्गात्कुत्वनिवृत्तिरिति भावः । एवं स्रजीयानिति । त्वचिष्ठ इति । त्वग्वच्छब्दादिष्ठिनि मतुपो लुकि तन्निमित्तपदत्वभङ्गात्कुत्वनिवृत्तिरिति भावः । एवं त्वचीयान् । अत एव ज्ञापकादाभ्यामिष्ठन्नीयसुनौ ।
translator notes
- BM: 'iṣṭheyasoḥ' because 'ajādī', carried forward, is transformed (vipariṇāma) into the seventh case. srajiṣṭhaḥ: sragvin + iṣṭhan → luk of vin → since the pada-status that caused it is broken, the substitution of a velar (kutva) is undone → sraj + iṣṭha → srajiṣṭha; likewise srajīyān. tvaciṣṭhaḥ: tvagvat + iṣṭhan → luk of matup → kutva undone in the same way → tvaciṣṭha; likewise tvacīyān. By this very indication (jñāpaka), iṣṭhan and īyasun come after these two [words ending in vin and matup, though they are not quality-denoting words]. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti.
- TB: on srajiṣṭhaḥ — once luk of vin is made, [the base] is bha, so there is no operation proper to a pada. By this very indication (jñāpaka), the vowel-initial [affixes] come after [words ending in] vin and matup even though they are not quality-denoting words (guṇavacana). Recorded; agrees with BM (the kaumudī itself states neither the derivation nor the jñāpaka).
- textual NSP p. 324 (printed 314) agrees with the digital kaumudī (scan).
SK 2021 · A 5.3.66V
प्रशंसायां रूपप् ॥ २०२१ ॥
praśaṃsāyāṃ rūpap
praśaṃsāyāṃ rūpap — rūpap [comes] in [its own sense qualified by] excellence (praśaṃsā) [— after a sup-ending or a tiṅ-ending word, 'tiṅaḥ' (SK 2002) and 'prātipadikāt' (SK 182) being carried forward (anuvṛtti)].
Rule. Rūpap comes after a subanta or a tiṅanta whose own meaning is excellent (praśaṃsā). Its p is an it, so it is heard as -rūpa.
Example.
praśastaḥ paṭuḥ "an excellent clever one" → paṭu + rūpap → paṭurūpaḥ.
praśastaṃ pacati "he cooks excellently" → pacati + rūpap → pacatirūpam.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says "after a subanta and after a tiṅanta". One of his commentators says tiṅaś ca (SK 2002) and "after a nominal stem" are both carried forward. With a tiṅanta the excellence belongs to the action. He cites the Bhāṣya: a verb has action as its chief meaning.
The form after a verb is neuter and singular. The same commentator says the singular is the default and the neuter comes from usage. So there is no dual or plural: pacatorūpam "the two cook excellently", pacantirūpam "they cook excellently".
Watch out. Praśaṃsā here is not "praise". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes it as the completeness of the base's meaning. So the affix comes even with a bad thing done thoroughly: caurarūpaḥ "a thorough thief", one who steals even the collyrium from the eyes.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
सुबन्तात्तिङन्ताच्च । प्रशस्तः पटुः पटुरूपः । प्रशस्तं पचति पचतिरूपम् ॥
[rūpap comes] after a sup-ending and after a tiṅ-ending word. 'An excellent paṭu (clever
one)': paṭurūpaḥ. 'He cooks excellently': pacatirūpam.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 324—प्रशंसायां रूपप् । प्रकृत्यर्थस्य परिपूर्णतेह प्र-शंसा, न तु स्तुतिः । तेनेहापि भवति । चौररूपोऽयं यदक्षणोरप्यञ्जनं हरति । गुप्तवस्त्वपहरणेन चौर्यं परिपूर्यते ॥—पचतिरूपमिति । ‘क्रियाप्रधानमाख्यातम्’ क्रियायाश्चासत्त्वरूपत्वेऽपि औत्सर्गिकमेकवचनं भवति । तेन पचतोरूपं पच-न्तिरूपमित्यादि । इह प्रथमैव विभक्त्यन्तराणामप्राप्तेरिति बहवः । वस्तुतस्तु पश्येत्यादियोगे कर्मणि द्वितीयापि सुलभा ॥ क्लीवत्वं लोकात् । एवं पचतिकल्पमित्यादावपि बोध्यम् ॥—विभाषा सुपः—। सूत्रे ‘सुपः’ इति षष्ठ्यन्तम् । ‘षष्ठ्यतसर्थप्रत्ययेन’ इत्युक्तेः ॥—सुबन्तादिति । एतच्च पञ्चम्यन्तमुक्तमेव । पुरस्ताच्छब्दपर्यायस्य प्रागितिशब्दस्य वृत्तौ प्रयु-क्तलात् । प्रागित्यपकृष्यत इति तु मनोरमायां स्थितम् । न च सूत्रस्थपुरस्ताच्छब्दसमानार्थकप्राक्शब्दयोगेऽपि ‘षष्ठ्य-तसर्थ’—इति षष्ठी स्यादिति वाच्यम् । ‘अन्यारात्’—इति सूत्रेऽच्चूत्तरपदस्य दिक्शब्दत्वेऽपि ‘षष्ठ्यतसर्थप्रत्ययेन’ इत्येतद्वा-धनार्थं पृथग्प्रहणमिति सिद्धान्तयित्वा प्राक् प्रत्यग्वा ग्रामादित्युदाहृतत्वात् । काशिकायां तु वृत्तावपि पुरस्ताच्छब्दः प्र-युक्तः सुबन्तादिति च प्रयुक्तं तदसमजसमिति मत्वा हरदत्तेन कथंचित् समर्थितम् । ल्यब्लोप एषा पञ्चमी । एवंभूतं प्रकृतित्वेनाभित्येत्यर्थं इति ॥—प्रागेवेति । सौत्रस्तुशब्दोऽवधारणे वर्तते इति भावः । तेन च वहुजेव विकल्प्यते, न तु पूर्वलम् । तुशब्दाभावे तु प्राक्त्वं विकल्प्येत । तथा च पक्षे बहुच् परः स्यात् ॥ भाष्यकारस्य मते तु नेदं तुशब्दस्य फलम् । तथाहि—‘उदश्वितोऽन्यतरस्याम्’ इत्यादौ प्रधानत्वात्प्रत्यय एव विकल्प्यते, न तु परत्वं, प्रत्यय एव हि परत्व-विशिष्टो विधीयत इति विशेषणस्य गुणत्वात् । ‘गुणानां च परार्थलात्’ इति न्यायात् । तद्वदिहापि विभाषाग्रहणेन वहु-जेव संभन्त्स्यते, न पुरस्तादित्येतत् । तुशब्दस्य तु अवधारणार्थस्यान्यदेव प्रयोजनं पुरस्तादेव सर्वं यथा स्यादिति । न लिङ्गसंख्ये अपि प्राक् प्रत्ययोत्पत्तेः प्रकृत्यवस्थायां ये दृष्टे ते एव स्तः । वहुचः प्रयोगश्च प्राक् प्रकृतेरेव भवतीति ॥ तेन वहुगुडो द्राक्षा ‘लघुवहुतृणं नरः’ इत्यादौ प्रकृतिवल्लिङ्गमेव भवति, न त्वभिधेयवल्लिङ्गम् ॥ ननु ‘स्वार्थिकाः प्रकृतितो लिङ्ग-वचनानि लभन्ते’ इत्येव सिद्धमिति किमनेन तुशब्दग्रहणेनेति चेत् । अत्राहुः । एतदेव ज्ञापयति ‘ईषदसमाप्तौ ये स्वार्थि-कास्तेष्वभिधेयवदेव लिङ्गवचने स्तः’ इति । तेन गुडकल्पा द्राक्षा शर्कराकल्पो गुड इत्यादि सिद्धम्
Bālamanoramā
प्रशंसायां रूपप् - प्रशंसायां रूपप् । सुबन्तात्तिङन्ताच्चेति । शेषपूरणमिदम् ।तिङश्चे॑त्यनुवृत्तम्, प्रातिपदिकादिति च ।धकाले॑त्यादिलिङ्गात्सुबन्तादिति लभ्यत इति भावः । प्रशंसाविशिष्टे स्वार्थे वर्तमानात्तिङन्तात्सुबन्ताच्च रूपविति फलितम् । पचतिरूपमिति । प्रशस्ता पाकक्रियेत्यर्थः । अत्र भाष्येक्रियाप्रधानमाख्यातं द्रव्यप्रधानं नामे॑ति सिद्धान्तितम् । पचतोरूपं पचन्तिरूपमित्यत्र च न द्विवचनबहुवचने, तिङैव द्वित्वबहुत्वयोरुक्तत्वात् । एकवचनं तूत्सर्गतः करिष्यते, नपुंसकत्वं तु लोकादित्यपि भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । ईषदसमाप्तौ । ईषदसमाप्तिविशिष्टेऽर्थे । यशस्कल्पमिति । असंपूर्णं यश इत्यर्थः । 'सोऽपदादौ' इति सत्वम् । यजुष्कल्पमिति । असंपूर्णं यजुरित्यर्थः । 'इणः षः' इति षत्वम् । विद्वद्देश्य इति । असम्पूर्णवैदुष्यवानित्यर्थः । एवं विद्वद्देशीयः । अत्र सर्वत्रस्वार्थिकाः प्रकृतितो लिङ्गवचनान्नयनुवर्तन्ते॑ इति वचनात् प्रकृतिलिङ्गत्वं बोध्यम् । पचतिकल्पमिति । असंपूर्णा पाकक्रियेत्यर्थः ।पचतिरूप॑मिति वल्लिङ्गवचननिर्वाहः । एवंवृषभकल्प इयं गौ॑रित्यादावपि प्रकृतिलिङ्गत्वं बोध्यम् ।क्वचित्स्वार्थिकाः प्रकृतितो लिङ्गावचनान्यतिवर्तन्ते॑ इति वचनाद्गुडकल्पा द्राक्षेत्यादौ प्रकृतिलिङ्गातिक्रमः । एतत्सर्वमत्रैव भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'subantāt tiṅantāc ca' supplies what remains (śeṣapūraṇa): 'tiṅaś ca' (SK 2002) is carried forward (anuvṛtti), and 'prātipadikāt' too, and 'subanta' is obtained from the indicator 'gha-kāla…' (SK 975); the resultant sense is: rūpap comes after a tiṅ-ending or sup-ending word standing in its own meaning qualified by praśaṃsā (praśaṃsāviśiṣṭe svārthe). pacatirūpam means 'an excellent (praśasta) act of cooking': the Bhāṣya settles that a finite verb (ākhyāta) has action as its principal meaning, a noun substance. In pacatorūpam, pacantirūpam there is no dual or plural, since duality and plurality are already expressed by the tiṅ; the singular is by default (utsarga) and the neuter from usage (loka), as the Bhāṣya makes clear. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and '[its own sense qualified by]' in sutra_en and the block, and for 'he cooks excellently' (the excellence attaching to the action).
- TB: praśaṃsā here is the completeness (paripūrṇatā) of the base's meaning, not praise; hence the affix comes even in 'caurarūpo 'yaṃ yad akṣṇor apy añjanaṃ harati' ('a thorough thief, who steals even the collyrium from the eyes'), where thievery is made complete by the theft of hidden things. pacatirūpam: the finite verb has action as principal; though action is not a substance, the default singular appears, so also pacatorūpam, pacantirūpam; many say only the first case-ending (prathamā) appears, other case-endings not being obtained, but in fact with 'paśya' etc. the second case-ending (dvitīyā) in the object sense is also easily had; the neuter is from usage. Recorded: TB rejects the sense 'praise' (stuti); the English therefore uses the neutral 'excellence' rather than 'commendation', but does not adopt TB's 'completeness' either.
- translator BM names 'tiṅaś ca' and 'prātipadikāt' as carried forward but gives no SK numbers; SK 2002 and SK 182 are the translator's identification.
- textual The BM block filed here (sk.2021.b1) continues past this sūtra into BM on SK 2022 ('īṣadasamāptau', from 'īṣadasamāptau. īṣadasamāptiviśiṣṭe 'rthe' onward), and the TB block (sk.2021.t1) continues into TB on SK 2023 ('vibhāṣā supaḥ…'). Only the opening portions concern this unit.
SK 2022 · A 5.3.67V
ईषदसमाप्तौ कल्पब्देश्यदेशीयरः ॥ २०२२ ॥
īṣadasamāptau kalpabdeśyadeśīyaraḥ
īṣadasamāptau kalpabdeśyadeśīyaraḥ — kalpap, deśya and deśīyar [come] when slight incompleteness (īṣadasamāpti) [qualifies the sense].
Rule. Kalpap, deśya and deśīyar come when the meaning is slightly short of complete (īṣadasamāpti). They are heard as -kalpa, -deśya and -deśīya.
Example.
īṣadūno vidvān "a learned man slightly short [of full learning]" → vidvatkalpaḥ, vidvaddeśyaḥ, vidvaddeśīyaḥ.
yaśas + kalpap → yaśaskalpam "fame not quite complete".
yajus + kalpap → yajuḥkalpam "a yajus not quite complete".
pacati + kalpap → pacatikalpam "he cooks, not quite completely".
Applies when / blocked by. Pacatikalpam shows that tiṅaś ca still runs. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says it is neuter and singular for the same reason as pacatirūpam (SK 2021).
A svārthika keeps the gender of its base. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives vṛṣabhakalpa iyaṃ gauḥ "this cow is nearly a bull": the derivative stays masculine, like vṛṣabha, though gauḥ is feminine. But usage also has guḍakalpā drākṣā "grapes that are nearly jaggery", feminine, overstepping the gender of its base guḍa. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators account for this in different ways; scholars discuss this.
Watch out. Our text writes yajuḥ kalpam, with a space that splits off the affix. The 1915 printed edition gives yajuḥkalpam, one word with visarga. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads yajuṣkalpam, with ṣ by SK 153, as SK 152 gives the s of yaśaskalpam. Scholars discuss this.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
ईषदूनो विद्वान् विद्वत्कल्पः । यशस्कल्पम् । यजुः कल्पम् । विद्वद्देश्यः । विद्वद्देशीयः । पचतिकल्पम् ॥
A learned man slightly short [of full learning]: vidvatkalpaḥ. yaśaskalpam ['fame not quite complete']. yajuḥkalpam ['a yajus not quite complete']. vidvaddeśyaḥ, vidvaddeśīyaḥ ['one whose learning is not quite complete']. pacatikalpam ['he cooks, not quite completely'].
translator notes
- BM, printed under sk.2021.b1: [the affixes come] in a sense qualified by slight incompleteness. yaśaskalpam means incomplete fame, with s [for visarga] by 'so 'padādau' (SK 152). yajuṣkalpam means an incomplete yajus, with ṣ by 'iṇaḥ ṣaḥ' (SK 153). vidvaddeśyaḥ means one whose learning is incomplete; likewise vidvaddeśīyaḥ. In all these the gender is that of the base, by the statement 'svārthikāḥ prakṛtito liṅgavacanāny anuvartante'. pacatikalpam means an incomplete act of cooking; its gender and number are accounted for as with 'pacatirūpam' [SK 2021]. So also 'vṛṣabhakalpa iyaṃ gauḥ' keeps the base's gender. In 'guḍakalpā drākṣā' the base's gender is overstepped, by the statement 'kvacit svārthikāḥ prakṛtito liṅgavacanāny ativartante'. All this is clear in the Bhāṣya here. Followed for the glosses in k1; BM's pratīka 'yajuṣkalpam' is Recorded, not followed (see the textual note).
- TB, printed under sk.2021.t1: [what was said of pacatirūpam, the default singular with a verbal base and the neuter taken from usage (lokāt)] holds likewise for pacatikalpam etc. At the end of the same block (on 'tu' in SK 2023), TB says 'tu' makes known (jñāpayati) that with the svārthika affixes in the sense of slight incompleteness gender and number follow what is denoted (abhidheyavat), so that guḍakalpā drākṣā and śarkarākalpo guḍaḥ are established. Recorded; the English of k1 assigns no gender rule.
- translator TB and BM account for guḍakalpā drākṣā differently: TB by the jñāpaka of 'tu' in SK 2023 (gender follows what is denoted), BM as an occasional overstepping of the base's gender (kvacit … ativartante). Neither account is reflected in the English (§16).
- textual NSP editorial footnote, printed under sk.2015.n1 (NSP p. 324, marked at TB's 'īṣadasamāptau' on SK 2023): since svārthika affixes are accepted as keeping the base's gender and number, bahuguḍo drākṣā, 'vṛṣabhakalpa iyaṃ gauḥ' etc. are established; bahuguḍā drākṣā is established by the occasional overstepping of the base's gender and number, for which the word 'strī' in 'ṇacaḥ striyām' is the indication. Recorded.
- textual Our text reads 'yajuḥ kalpam' with a space, which splits off the affix; NSP p. 324 (scan) prints 'yajuḥkalpam' without the space. Wikisource reads 'yajuṣkalpam', and BM's pratīka is 'yajuṣkalpam', citing ṣatva by 'iṇaḥ ṣaḥ' (SK 153), as 'so 'padādau' (SK 152) gives yaśaskalpam. The ṣ-form is what those rules call for. The English keeps the transmitted visarga form (read as one word) and leaves the choice open. Mūla question for Ajai (the print against BM, Wikisource and the grammar).
SK 2023 · A 5.3.68V
विभाषा सुपो बहुच् पुरस्तात्तु ॥ २०२३ ॥
vibhāṣā supo bahuc purastāttu
vibhāṣā supo bahuc purastāt tu — Optionally bahuc [comes], but only before (purastāt tu) the word ending in a sup (supaḥ), [in the sense of slight incompleteness (īṣadasamāpti), carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2022].
Rule. In the same sense, slightly short of complete, bahuc comes optionally. It stands before the subanta, never after it. Bahuc is heard as bahu-; its c is an it.
Example.
īṣadūnaḥ paṭuḥ "slightly short of clever" → bahuc placed before the subanta paṭu
→ bahupaṭuḥ.
In the other option: paṭukalpaḥ (SK 2022).
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps. Bahuc is set before paṭu with its case ending. The whole is now a nominal stem, so that inner ending is deleted by luk. A new ending comes after the whole.
Applies when / blocked by. Why say "after a sup" (supaḥ)? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is yajatikalpam. Yajati is a tiṅanta, so bahuc does not come before it. One of his commentators says supaḥ is there to stop the running tiṅaś ca of SK 2002.
Why say vibhāṣā "optionally", when the great option (mahāvibhāṣā, the vā of SK 1072) already runs? The same commentator answers. Without it, only the phrase īṣadūnaḥ paṭuḥ would remain in the other option. With it, kalpap and its companions come there: paṭukalpaḥ.
Watch out. Do not read "after the subanta". In an affix rule a fifth-case word normally names what the affix follows. Here Bhaṭṭoji writes subantāt, a fifth case, but with prāg eva "only before". One of his commentators says subantāt goes with prāk "before". So it means "before the subanta", as one says prāg grāmāt "before the village". The sūtra's tu restricts: only before, not after. The Bhāṣya reads tu in another way; scholars discuss this.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
ईषदसमाप्तिविशिष्टेऽर्थे सुबन्ताद्बहुज्वा स्यात्स च प्रागेव नतु परतः । ईषदूनः पटुर्बहुपटुः । पटुकल्पः । सुपः किम् । यजतिकल्पम् ॥
In a sense qualified by slight incompleteness (īṣadasamāpti), bahuc optionally comes [before]
a word ending in a sup (subantāt), and it [comes] only before (prāg eva), not after.
'Slightly short of skilful (paṭu)': bahupaṭuḥ; [in the other option] paṭukalpaḥ. Why [say]
'supaḥ'? yajatikalpam [— bahuc does not come before the tiṅanta yajati].
Bālamanoramā
विभाषा सुपो बहुच् पुरस्तात्तु - विभाषा । ईषदसमाप्तावित्यनुवर्तते । तदाह — ईषदसमाप्तिविशिष्ट इति । प्रागेवेति । सूत्रे तुशब्दोऽवधारणे इति भावः । बहुपटुरिति । पटुशब्दात्सुबन्तात्प्राग्बहुचि कृते प्रातिपदिकावयवत्वात्सुपो लुकि समुदायात्पुनः सुबुत्पत्तिः । नच तद्धितान्तत्वाऽभावात्समासत्वाऽभावाच्च पूर्वोत्पन्नसुब्विशिष्टस्य प्रातिपदिकत्वाऽभावात्कथमिह लुगिति वाच्यम्,अर्थव॑दित्यनेन तस्य प्रातिपदिकत्वसत्त्वात् । पटुरित्यस्य पूर्वोत्पन्नसुप्प्रत्ययान्तत्वेऽपिबहुपटु॑रिति समुदायस्य प्रत्ययान्तत्वाऽभावात्, प्रत्ययग्रहणे यस्मात्स विहितस्तदादेरेव ग्रहणात् । नचैवं सतिकृत्तद्धिते॑त्यत्र समासग्रहणं व्यर्थमिति वाच्यं,पदघटितसङ्घातस्य चेत्प्रातिपदिकसंज्ञा तर्हि समासस्यैवे॑ति नियमार्थत्वात् । नचैवं सति प्रकृतेबहुपटु॑रिति समुदायस्य पूर्वोत्पन्नसुब्विशिष्टस्य कथं प्रातिपदिकत्वम्, असमासत्वादिति वाच्यं,यत्र सङ्घाते पूर्वो भागः पदं तस्य चेत्प्रातिपदिकसंज्ञातर्हि समासस्यैवे॑ति नियमशरीराभ्युपगमादिति प्रागुक्तं न विस्मर्तव्यम् । न चसमर्थाना॑मिति सूत्रे वाग्रहणादेव सिद्धे विभाषाग्रहणं व्यर्थमिति वाच्यं, बहुजभावपक्षे पूर्वसूत्रविहितकल्पबाद्यर्थत्वात् । अन्यथामहाविभाषया अपवादेन मुक्ते उत्सर्गस्य न प्रवृत्ति॑रिति सिद्धान्ताद्बहुजभावे वाक्यमेव स्यात् । नच कल्पबादीनां बहुचा समानविषयकत्वान्निरवकाशत्वं शङ्क्यं, तेषां तिङन्ते सावकाशत्वादिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । एतदभिप्रेत्याह — पटुकल्प इति । ननु लुबन्तात्तद्धितोत्पत्तिरिति सिद्धान्तादिह सुब्ग्रहणं व्यर्थमिति पृच्छति — सुपः किमिति ।तिङ्श्चे॑त्यनुवृत्तिनिवृत्त्यर्थं सुब्ग्रहणम् । नच अस्वरितत्वादेव तदनुवृत्तिर्न भविष्यतीति वाच्यम्,अव्ययसर्वनाम्ना॑मित्याद्युत्तरसूत्रेतिङ्श्चे॑त्यनुवृत्तेरावश्यकतया तस्य स्वरितत्वावश्यकत्वादिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । एतदभिप्रेत्याह — यजतिकल्पमिति । तुग्रहणं तुस्वार्थिकाः प्रकृतितो लिङ्गवचनान्यनुवर्तते, क्वचिदतिवर्तन्ते॑ इति ज्ञापनार्थमिति भाष्ये प्रपञ्चितम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'īṣadasamāptau' is carried forward [from SK 2022]; hence 'īṣadasamāptiviśiṣṭe'. On 'prāg eva': the word 'tu' in the sūtra is in the sense of restriction (avadhāraṇa). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and for 'only before'.
- TB, printed under sk.2021.t1 (NSP p. 324, printed 314): 'supaḥ' in the sūtra is a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta) by 'ṣaṣṭhy atasarthapratyayena' (SK 609), governed by 'purastāt'; the kaumudī's 'subantāt' is a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta), justified because the vṛtti uses 'prāk', a synonym of purastāt (the Manoramā instead says 'prāk' is drawn in, apakṛṣyate); Haradatta defends the Kāśikā's use of both 'purastāt' and 'subantāt' by taking the fifth as one of lyab-deletion ('having taken such [a word] as base'). Followed: sutra_en construes 'supaḥ' with 'purastāt', and k1 construes the kaumudī's fifth-case 'subantāt' with 'prāk' ('[before] a word ending in a sup'), as TB directs; it is not the default 'after' of a fifth-case word.
- TB, printed under sk.2021.t1, on 'prāg eva': 'tu' in the sūtra is restrictive; by it only bahuc is made optional, not its prior position; without 'tu' the prior position would be optional and in one option bahuc would follow. In the Bhāṣyakāra's view, however, that is not the purpose of 'tu': as in 'udaśvito 'nyatarasyām' the affix, being principal, is what is made optional, not its position, so here too 'vibhāṣā' attaches to bahuc alone; 'tu' restricts in another way — that everything be as 'before': gender and number are those seen in the base before the affix arises, so bahuguḍo drākṣā, 'laghubahutṛṇaṃ naraḥ' keep the base's gender. Nor is this already given by 'svārthikas take gender and number from the base': 'tu' indicates (jñāpayati) that with the svārthikas of slight incompleteness gender and number follow the thing denoted, whence guḍakalpā drākṣā, śarkarākalpo guḍaḥ. The English follows Bhaṭṭoji's 'only before, not after' (TB's first account); the Bhāṣya's account of 'tu' is Recorded (§16).
- BM on bahupaṭuḥ: bahuc is added before the subanta paṭu; since [its sup] is now part of a prātipadika, the sup is deleted (luk) and a sup arises again after the whole. BM defends the prātipadika status of bahupaṭu by 'arthavat' (the whole does not end in an affix, since an affix-mention takes in only what begins with the base it was added to; 'kṛttaddhitasamāsāś ca' is a restriction only for groups whose former part is a pada). On paṭukalpaḥ: 'vibhāṣā' is not redundant beside the 'vā' of 'samarthānām'; it is there so that kalpap etc. of the preceding sūtra come in the option without bahuc, since otherwise, by the doctrine that when an apavāda is released by the great option (mahāvibhāṣā) the utsarga does not apply, only the analytic phrase would remain; nor are kalpap etc. without scope, having scope after tiṅantas (Bhāṣya). On 'supaḥ kim': since taddhitas arise only after subantas anyway, the mention of sup is to stop the anuvṛtti of 'tiṅaś ca' (SK 2002), which must be svarita because it is needed in 'avyayasarvanāmnām…' (SK 2026). Followed for '[in the other option] paṭukalpaḥ' and for the bracket after yajatikalpam. The 'tu' is for indicating 'svārthikas follow the base's gender and number, sometimes transgress them' (Bhāṣya): Recorded.
- textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.2015.n1 (NSP p. 324, printed 314), keyed to 'īṣadasamāptau' in TB's discussion: because svārthika affixes are accepted as taking gender and number from the base, bahuguḍo drākṣā, vṛṣabhakalpa iyaṃ gauḥ and the like are established; bahuguḍā drākṣā is established by [the statement that] they sometimes transgress the base's gender and number, the indicator (liṅga) of which is the word strī in 'ṇacaḥ striyām…'. Recorded.
- translator No TB block is filed under this unit; the TB comment on SK 2023 ('vibhāṣā supaḥ—', 'subantād iti', 'prāg eveti') is printed at the tail of sk.2021.t1.
SK 2024 · A 5.3.69V
प्रकारवचने जातीयर् ॥ २०२४ ॥
prakāravacane jātīyar
prakāravacane jātīyar — When a mode (prakāra) is to be expressed, jātīyar [comes].
Rule. Jātīyar comes when a mode (prakāra), a sort, is to be expressed. It is heard as -jātīya. Bhaṭṭoji says it comes only in the sense of "that which has the mode" (prakāravat).
Example.
paṭuprakāraḥ "of the clever sort" → paṭu + jātīyar → paṭujātīyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji contrasts thāl of SK 1971, which also has prakāra in its sūtra. Thāl expresses the mode alone. Jātīyar expresses the thing that has the mode. One of his commentators draws the result: jātīyar can follow a thāl-word, as in tathājātīyaḥ, yathājātīyaḥ.
Watch out. The other commentator holds that both affixes mean "that which has the mode", since the wording does not differ. Scholars discuss this.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
प्रकारवति चायम् । थाल् तु प्रकारमात्रे । पटुप्रकारः पटुजातीयः ॥
This [jātīyar comes] only in [the sense of] that which has the mode (prakāravat); thāl
[SK 1971], however, in the mode alone. Of the clever sort (paṭuprakāraḥ): paṭujātīyaḥ.
Bālamanoramā
प्रकारवचने जातीयर् - प्रकारवचने ।प्रकारवचने था॑लित्यतोऽस्य वैलक्षण्यमाह — प्रकारवति चायमिति । प्रकारवत्येवेत्यर्थः । थाल्लु प्रकारमात्रे इति । वस्तुतस्तु उभयमपि प्रकारवतीति न्याय्यम्, अविशेषात् । अन्यथातथे॑त्यत्र स प्रकारः इत्येवार्थः स्यात् । नच किमादिभ्यो विशिष्य विहितेन थाला जातीयरो बाधात्तज्जातीय इत्याद्यसिद्धिरिति वाच्यं,जात्यन्ताच्छ बन्धुनी॑ति तज्जात्यादिशब्दाच्छप्रत्ययेनैव तज्जातीयादसिद्धेः । अत एव 'यथाजातीयक' इत्यादिभाष्यप्रयोगाः सङ्गच्छन्ते । जयादित्यस्तु-अत्र प्रकारो भेदःस थाल्विधौ सामान्यस्य भेदको विशेषः प्रकार इत्याह — वामनस्तु-सादृश्यं भेदश्चेत्युभयमपि प्रकार इत्याह ।
translator notes
- BM: with 'prakāravati cāyam' he states how this differs from 'prakāravacane thāl' (SK 1971): it means 'only in that which has the mode'; 'thāl tu prakāramātre'. In fact, however (vastutas tu), it is right that both are in that which has the mode, since there is no distinction [in the wording]; otherwise in 'tathā' the meaning would be just 'that mode'. Nor may one say that jātīyar is blocked by thāl, taught specifically after kim etc., so that tajjātīya etc. would not be established: tajjātīya is established by cha after tajjāti etc. under 'jātyantāc cha bandhuni', which is why Bhāṣya usages like 'yathājātīyaka' are in order. BM then reports that Jayāditya takes prakāra here as difference (bheda) and Vāmana as both similarity and difference (text garbled at this point). Followed for 'only' (ca taken as restrictive, 'prakāravaty eva'). Recorded: BM's own view dissents from Bhaṭṭoji's contrast; the English translates the kaumudī's contrast as written.
- TB, printed under sk.1971.t1 (p40): jātīyar is not blocked by thāl, even though thāl is taught specifically after kim, the sarvanāmans and bahu (the words of SK 1948), because their senses differ: thāl is in the mode, jātīyar by its nature in that which has it. Accordingly, thāl is first prescribed in the mode alone and jātīyar is then used after the thāl-final word in that which has the mode: tathājātīyaḥ, yathājātīyaḥ, anyathājātīyaḥ. Followed: TB supports the kaumudī's contrast.
- translator TB supports the kaumudī's contrast between thāl (the mode alone) and jātīyar (that which has the mode), whereas BM's 'vastutas tu' holds both to be in that which has the mode (§16).
- textual NSP p. 324 (printed 314) agrees with the digital kaumudī (OCR; the scan collation records no difference). No TB is printed on SK 2024 itself at NSP p. 324: TB passes from SK 2023 ('prāg eveti') to SK 2025 ('prāgivāt kaḥ').
SK 2025 · A 5.3.70काधिकारः
प्रागिवात्कः ॥ २०२५ ॥
prāgivātkaḥ
prāg ivāt kaḥ — Up to [the sūtra containing] iva, ka [comes, after a word ending in a sup-affix (subanta) — 'supaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2023]. (adhikāra)
Rule. This is an adhikāra. From here up to, but not including, ive pratikṛtau (SK 2051), the affix is ka. The word iva in the sūtra names that later sūtra by one of its words.
Example. The heading has no example of its own. Its first sense comes at SK 2028: aśva + ka → aśvakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says supaḥ "after a subanta" is carried forward from SK 2023. So ka never follows a tiṅanta.
Watch out. The range of this heading gives the section its name. Prāgivīya means "taught before iva", that is, before SK 2051. The section closes at SK 2050.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
इवे प्रतिकृतौ SK 2051 इत्यतः प्राक् काधिकारः ॥
The heading (adhikāra) of ka [runs] up to, [but not including,] 'ive pratikṛtau' (SK 2051).
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 324—प्रागिवात्कः । ‘सुपः’ इत्यनुवर्तते तेन तिङन्तात्को न
Bālamanoramā
प्रागिवात्कः - प्रागिवात्कः ।इवशब्दस्तद्घटितसूत्रपर इति मत्वाह — इवे प्रतीति ।
translator notes
- BM: taking the word 'iva' to stand for the sūtra that contains it, he says 'ive pratikṛtau'. Followed for '[the sūtra containing] iva' in sutra_en.
- TB: 'supaḥ' is carried forward (anuvartate); so ka does not come after a word ending in a tiṅ-affix (tiṅanta). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en.
- translator That 'supaḥ' comes from 'vibhāṣā supo bahuc purastāt tu' (SK 2023) is the translator's identification; TB only says it is carried forward.
SK 2026 · A 5.3.71V
अव्ययसर्वनाम्नामकच् प्राक् टेः ॥ २०२६ ॥
avyayasarvanāmnāmakac prāk ṭeḥ
avyayasarvanāmnām akac prāk ṭeḥ — Of indeclinables (avyaya) and pronouns (sarvanāman) [and of tiṅ-final words (tiṅanta) — 'tiṅaś ca' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2002 by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti); 'ṅyāpprātipadikāt' (SK 182) and 'supaḥ' (SK 2023) also carried forward (anuvṛtti)], akac [comes], before the ṭi. [This too is a heading (adhikāra) up to 'iva' (SK 2051).]
Rule. In an avyaya, a pronoun (sarvanāman) or a tiṅanta, akac is placed before the ṭi. In akac the c is an it and the a after the k is only for pronunciation. So -ak- is what goes in.
Example.
uccaiḥ "loudly" → ṭi aiḥ → ucc + ak + aiḥ → uccakaiḥ.
sarva "all" → ṭi a → sarv + ak + a → sarvaka
→ plural ending -e → sarvake.
The akac goes inside the pronoun stem sarva, not the finished word sarve; see SK 2028.
pacati "he cooks" → ṭi i → pacat + ak + i → pacataki.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says tiṅaś ca (SK 2002) is carried forward. Both of his commentators add that it comes by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti). It skips SK 2023–2025, where supaḥ had stopped it. So the tiṅanta takes akac, though it cannot take ka.
Watch out. This rule is also a heading, up to iva (SK 2051). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so. So every sense from SK 2028 on gives ka after a subanta and akac inside an avyaya, a pronoun or a tiṅanta.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
तिङश्च SK 2002 इत्यनुवर्तते ॥
'tiṅaś ca' (SK 2002) is carried forward (anuvṛtti) [into this rule, by the frog's leap
(maṇḍūkapluti)].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 324–325—अव्ययसर्वनाम्नाम् —॥—अनुवर्तते इति । मण्डूकप्लुत्येति भावः । ‘ङ्याप्प्रातिपदिकात्’ ‘सुपः’ इति चानुवर्तत एव
Bālamanoramā
अव्ययसर्वनाम्नामकच् प्राक् टेः - अव्ययसर्वनाम्नाम् । अनुवर्तत इति ।मण्डूकप्लुत्ये॑ति शेषः । अव्ययसर्वनाम्नां तिङन्तानां च टेः प्रागकच्प्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । अकचि ककारादकार उच्चारणार्थः । चकार इत् । ककारान्तः प्रत्ययः । अयमपि प्रागिवादधिकारः ।
translator notes
- BM: on 'anuvartate': 'by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti)' is to be supplied. The sense is: akac comes before the ṭi of indeclinables, pronouns and tiṅ-final words. In akac the a after the k is for pronunciation; the c is an it; the affix ends in k. This too is a heading (adhikāra) up to 'iva' (prāg ivāt). Followed for the bracketed tiṅanta and maṇḍūkapluti in sutra_en and k1, and for the bracketed adhikāra in sutra_en.
- TB: on 'anuvartate': the idea is that it is by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti); and 'ṅyāpprātipadikāt' and 'supaḥ' are carried forward as well. Followed for maṇḍūkapluti, as with BM, and for the bracketed continuation of 'ṅyāpprātipadikāt' and 'supaḥ' in sutra_en (TB on SK 2027, under sk.2027.t1, says the ṭi may be qualified by the sarvanāman or by the sup, the choice being fixed by the Bhāṣya's usage).
- textual The kaumudī agrees with NSP p. 324 (printed 314).
- translator 'up to iva (SK 2051)' takes BM's 'prāg ivāt' as the kaumudī on SK 2025 does ('ive pratikṛtau', SK 2051). The frog's leap: 'tiṅaś ca' (5.3.56) still runs through 5.3.66–67 (BM on SK 2021: 'tiṅaś cety anuvṛttam'; pacatikalpam under SK 2022), is stopped by the 'supaḥ' of 5.3.68 (BM on SK 2023), and so leaps over 5.3.68–70. The SK numbers for 'ṅyāpprātipadikāt' (SK 182) and 'supaḥ' (SK 2023) in sutra_en are the translator's identification. TB on SK 2025 (sk.2025.t1) says 'supaḥ' continues there, so that ka does not come after a tiṅanta; that is why the tiṅanta here needs the special anuvṛtti. The last connection is the translator's.
SK 2027 · A 5.3.72V
कस्य च दः ॥ २०२७ ॥
kasya ca daḥ
kasya ca daḥ — d is substituted for k [final in an avyaya — 'avyaya' alone carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2026], and [by 'ca', akac (SK 2026) comes too].
Rule. In an avyaya ending in k, d replaces the final k. By ca "and", akac comes as well.
Example.
dhik "fie" → ṭi ik → dh + ak + ik → final k → d → dhakit.
hiruk → hirakut.
Applies when / blocked by. Only avyaya is carried forward from SK 2026, not "pronoun" or "tiṅanta". The two commentators give different grounds and agree on the result. One says the grammar marks just that part of the compound as continuing. The other says a pronoun or a tiṅanta cannot end in k anyway.
Watch out. The d never comes alone. It is taught only together with akac (saṃniyogaśiṣṭa, "taught in the same breath"). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so, and says this rule too is a heading up to SK 2051.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
कान्ताव्ययस्य दकारोऽन्तादेशः स्यादकच्च ॥
For an avyaya ending in k [— 'avyaya' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2026], d is
substituted for the final [k] (antādeśa), and akac [comes as well].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 325—कस्य च दः ॥—कान्ताव्ययस्येति । सर्वनामग्रहणं तिङ्ग्रहणं च नेह संबध्यते, तयोः कान्तत्वासंभवात् । न चाधोक् अधोगित्यादौ संभवोऽस्तीति वाच्यम् । कत्वस्यासिद्धत्वात् । यद्यपि शक्नोतेर्यङ्लुकि लङि तिपि ‘अशाशक्’ इति संभवति । तथापि यङ्लुकोऽसार्वत्रिकत्वान्नेदृशं लक्ष्यमस्ति । छन्दसि क्वचिल्लक्ष्यसद्भावेऽपि ‘सर्वे विधयश्छन्दसि वा विधीयन्ते’ इति दत्वविधिर्न प्रवर्तत इति भावः ॥—ओकारेति । अकज्विधौ सुपोऽप्यनुवृत्त्या सर्वनाम्ना सुपा च टेर्विशेषणे कामचाराद् अव्यवस्थाप्रसङ्गे भाष्यकारवचनाद्यवस्थाश्रीयते । ओकारसकार इत्यादिसंकोचश्च युष्मदस्मन्मात्रविषयकः । तथैव भाष्ये उदाहृतलात् । अन्येषां त्वविशेषेण प्रातिपदिकस्यैव टेः प्रागकच् न सुवन्तस्य । तेन सर्वकेण इमकेन भवकन्तमित्यादि सिध्यति
Bālamanoramā
कस्य च दः - कस्य च दः । पूर्वसूत्रेअव्ययसर्वनाम्ना॑मिति समासनिर्देशेऽपि एकदेशे स्वरितत्वप्रतिज्ञाबलादव्ययग्रहणमेवात्राऽनुवर्तते ।कस्ये॑त्यत्र ककारादकार उच्चारणार्थः । ककारस्येति विवक्षितम् । तेनाऽव्ययस्य विशेषणात्तदन्तविधिः । तदाह — कान्ताव्ययस्येति । अकच्चेति । चकारेण तदनुकर्षादिति भावः । एतेन अकच्संनियोगशिष्ट एवाऽयं दकार इत्युक्तं भवति । अयमपि प्रागिवादधिकारः ।
translator notes
- BM: although 'avyayasarvanāmnām' in the preceding sūtra (SK 2026) is a compound, only the word avyaya is carried forward (anuvartate) here, by force of the declared svarita-marking (svaritatvapratijñā) on a part (ekadeśa) [of the compound, namely avyaya]. In 'kasya' the a after k is for pronunciation; the letter k is meant. Because k qualifies avyaya, it is read as the final of the avyaya (tadantavidhi), hence the kaumudī's 'kāntāvyayasya'. 'akac ca': akac is drawn in by the 'ca', so this d is enjoined only together with akac (saṃniyogaśiṣṭa). This too is an adhikāra up to 'iva' (SK 2051). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti of 'avyaya' and for 'by ca, akac comes too'.
- TB on 'kāntāvyayasya': the mention of sarvanāman and of tiṅ does not connect here, because neither can end in k. Nor can adhok, adhog etc. be cited as such cases, since the k-substitution (kutva) there is asiddha. With yaṅluk of śak in laṅ with tip, 'aśāśak' is possible, but yaṅluk is not universal, so no such target form exists. Even if a target form exists somewhere in the Veda, the d-rule does not apply there by 'sarve vidhayaś chandasi vā vidhīyante'. Followed for 'avyaya alone' in sutra_en.
- translator BM grounds 'avyaya alone' in the svarita-marking, TB in the impossibility of k-final pronouns and tiṅ-forms; the English only states the result, on which they agree.
- textual Our BM (sk.2027.b1) reads 'ekādeśe svaritatvapratijñābalāt'; the Wikisource BM reads 'ekadeśe', which the sense requires. The BM note follows 'ekadeśe'.
- textual sk.2027.t1 continues past this sūtra with TB on the vārttikas of SK 2028: from '—okāreti' through 'pacatakī' in NSP p. 325 (printed 315, scan), which covers 'okāra-sakāra-bhakārādau supi …', tvayakā, mayakā, 'śīle ko malopaś ca', tūṣṇīkaḥ and pacatakī. That material belongs to SK 2028 and is not used here.
SK 2028 · A 5.3.73V
अज्ञाते ॥ २०२८ ॥
ajñāte
ajñāte — When [the thing is] unknown (ajñāta) [the affix ka comes after a sup-ending word; after an indeclinable, a pronoun (sarvanāman) or a tiṅ-ending word, akac comes before the ṭi; and d replaces the final of a k-final indeclinable — 'prāgivāt kaḥ' (SK 2025), 'avyayasarvanāmnām akac prāk ṭeḥ' with 'tiṅaś ca' (SK 2026) and 'kasya ca daḥ' (SK 2027) being in force (adhikāra) and carried forward (anuvṛtti) (BM)].
Rule. The first sense of the headings: the thing is unknown (ajñāta). Ka comes after a subanta; akac goes inside an avyaya, a pronoun or a tiṅanta.
Example.
kasyāyam aśvaḥ "whose is this horse?" → aśva + ka → aśvakaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the question acts out the horse's being unknown.
uccaiḥ → uccakaiḥ; nīcaiḥ "low" → nīcakaiḥ.
sarve → sarvake; viśve → viśvake.
pacati → pacataki; jalpati → jalpataki.
dhik → dhakit; hiruk → hirakut (SK 2027).
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika fixes where akac goes in a pronoun. Before a case ending beginning with o, s or bh, it goes before the ṭi of the pronoun stem. So with yuṣmad "you" and asmad "I":
yuvakayoḥ, āvakayoḥ; yuṣmakāsu, asmakāsu; yuṣmakābhiḥ, asmakābhiḥ.
Elsewhere, akac goes before the ṭi of the whole word with its ending: tvayakā, mayakā "by you", "by me".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the need. Since supaḥ also runs into SK 2026, akac could fall before the ṭi of the ending, giving yuvayakoḥ. Or it could fall in the stem everywhere, giving tvakayā. The vārttika fixes which.
Both commentators say the restriction concerns yuṣmad and asmad only. Other pronouns take akac in the stem: sarvakeṇa.
Two more vārttikas concern tūṣṇīm "silently". In the akac section, kām comes for tūṣṇīm. It is marked with m, so it goes after the last vowel (SK 37): tūṣṇīkām āste "he sits silent". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes kām as an augment, not an affix. The second vārttika: for a disposition (śīla), ka comes and the m is deleted. tūṣṇīṃśīlaḥ "silent by nature" → tūṣṇīkaḥ.
Watch out. The words "elsewhere, before the ṭi of the whole word" continue the same vārttika. They are not a second vārttika. The 1915 printed edition does not have them. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the same sense as his gloss of the first half.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
कस्यायमश्वोऽश्वकः । उच्चकैः । नीचकैः । सर्वके । विश्वके ।
'Whose is this horse?' — aśvakaḥ [a horse not known]. uccakaiḥ; nīcakaiḥ [from the
indeclinables uccaiḥ, nīcaiḥ]; sarvake; viśvake [from the pronouns sarva, viśva].
vārttikaओकारसकारभकारादौ सुपि सर्वनाम्नष्टेः प्रागकच्
(vārttika) When a sup beginning with o, s or bh follows, akac [comes] before the ṭi of the
pronoun [itself].
vārttikaअन्यत्र तु सुबन्तस्य टेः प्रागकच्
(vārttika, continued) Elsewhere, however, akac [comes] before the ṭi of the sup-ending word.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ युवकयोः । आवकयोः । युष्मकासु । अस्मकासु । युष्मकाभिः । अस्मकाभिः । ओकारेत्यादि किम् । त्वयका । मयका ।
yuvakayoḥ; āvakayoḥ; yuṣmakāsu; asmakāsu; yuṣmakābhiḥ; asmakābhiḥ. Why [say] 'beginning
with o' etc.? [Because elsewhere akac stands before the ṭi of the sup-ending word:] tvayakā;
mayakā.
vārttikaअकच्प्रकरणे तूष्णीमः काम्वक्तव्यः
(vārttika) In the section on akac, kām should be stated for tūṣṇīm.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ मित्त्वादन्तादचः परः । तूष्णीकामास्ते ॥
Because it has m as it-marker (mit), [kām comes] after the last vowel (ac): tūṣṇīkām āste
('he sits silent').
vārttikaशीले को मलोपश्च
(vārttika) In [the sense of] disposition (śīla), ka [comes after tūṣṇīm], and [there is]
deletion of the m.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ तूष्णींशीलः तूष्णीकः । पचतकि । जल्पतकि । धकित् । हिरकुत् ॥
One whose disposition is silence (tūṣṇīṃśīlaḥ): tūṣṇīkaḥ. pacataki; jalpataki [from the
tiṅ-ending pacati, jalpati]; dhakit; hirakut [from the k-final indeclinables dhik, hiruk].
Tattvabodhinī
alignment inferredNSP p. 325—त्वयका मयकेति । नन्वत्र सुपः प्रागकचि कृते प्रत्यये परतस्त्वामादेशयोः सतोरपि ‘योऽचि’ इति यत्वं न स्यात्, विभक्तिपरत्वाभावादिति चेत् । मैवम् । अकृतव्यूहपरिभाषाया अनित्यतामाश्रित्याकचः पूर्वमेव यत्वविधानात् । एवं युवकामावकामित्यत्राप्यकचः पूर्वमेव युवावादेशाविति वोध्यम् ॥—शीले क इति । शीलं स्वभावो नियमश्च ॥—तूष्णीक इति । ‘केऽणः’ इति ह्रस्वस्तु भाष्यकारप्रयोगात् ‘न कपि’ इत्यत्र ‘न’ इति योगविभागाद्वा न भवतीत्याहुः ॥ अकचो द्वितीय अकार उच्चारणार्थं इति ध्वनयश्चुदाहरति—पचतकीत्यादि
Bālamanoramā
अज्ञाते - अज्ञाते । अज्ञातेऽर्थे विद्यमानात्सुबन्तात्स्वार्थे कप्रत्ययः स्यात् । अव्ययसर्वनाम्ना तिङन्तानां च टेः प्रागकच्स्यात् । तत्रापि ककारान्ताव्ययानां दकारोऽन्तादेशः स्यादित्यर्थः । कस्यायमिति । स्यादित्यर्थः । अज्ञातत्वाभिनयोऽयम् । अज्ञातोऽश्वः इति विग्रहः । उच्चकैरिति । उच्चैरित्यव्ययस्य टेः प्रागकच् । सर्वके विश्वके इति । ननु अव्ययसर्वनाम्नामिति सूत्रे 'सुप' इत्यनुवृत्तेः सुबन्तानां सर्वनाम्नां टेः प्रागकजिति फलितम् । तथा सति युवयोः आवयोः, युष्मासु अस्मासु, युष्माभिः अस्माभिरित्यत्र सुबन्तानां टेः प्रागकजिति फलितम् । तथा सति युवयोः आवयोः, युष्मासु अस्मासु, युष्माभिः अस्माभिरित्यत्र सुबन्तानां टेः प्रागकचि युवकयोः, आवकयोः, युष्मकासु अस्मकासु, युष्मकाभिः अस्मकाभिरिति न स्युः । युवयकोः आवयकोः, युष्मासकु अस्मासकु, युष्माभकिः अस्माभकिरिति स्युः । यदि तु 'सुप' इत्यननुवर्त्त्य प्रातिपदकादित्येवानुवर्त्त्यं प्रातिपदिकादेव सर्वनाम्नां टेः प्रागकजित्यर्थः स्यात् तर्हिं त्वयका मयकेति न स्यात् । त्वकया, मकया इति स्यादित्यत आह — ओकारेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । ओकारादौ सकारादौ भकारादौ च सुपि सर्वनाम्नष्टेः प्रागकच्, अन्यत्र तु सुबन्तस्यैव सर्वनाम्नष्टेः प्रागकजित्यर्थः । इदं तु वार्तिकं युष्मदस्मन्मात्रविषयकमेव, भाष्ये तथैवौदाहृतत्वात् । अन्येषां तु सर्वनाम्नां प्रातिपदिकस्यैव टेः प्रागकच्, नतु सुबन्तानाम् । तेन सर्वकेणेत्यादि सिद्धम् । अत एवविभक्तौ परतो विहितः किमः क आदेशः साकच्कार्थः, कः कौ के इति भाष्यं सङ्गच्छते । त्वयका मयकेति । इह त्वया मयेति सुबन्तयोष्टेः प्रागकच् । प्रातिपदिकस्य टेः प्रागकचि तु त्वकया मकयेति स्यादिति भावः । काम् वक्तव्य इति । 'काम्प्रत्यय' इति वृत्तिस्तु चिन्त्या, भाष्ये प्रत्ययशब्दस्याऽदर्शनात् । किं तु मित्त्वादागम एवायम् । तदाह — मित्त्वादिति । अकचोऽपवादः । तूष्णीकामिति । तूष्णीमित्यव्ययस्य ईकारादुपरि का इत्याकारान्त आगमः ।शीले इति । इदमपि वार्तिकम् ।तूष्णी॑मित्यव्ययात्कप्रत्ययः स्यान्मकारस्य लोपश्च शीले गम्ये इत्यर्थः । शीलं=स्वभावः । तूष्णीक इति । मौनस्वभाव इत्यर्थः । भाष्ये दीर्घस्यैव प्रयोगदर्शनात् 'केऽणः' इति ह्रस्वो न भवति ।अव्ययसर्वनाम्ना॑मित्यत्र तिङश्चेत्यनुवृत्तेः प्रयोजनमाह — पचतकीति ।पचती॑त्यत्र इकारात्प्रागकच् । ककारदकार उच्चारणार्थः । अन्यथा इकारात्प्रागकच्प्रत्यये आद्गुणे 'पचतके' इति स्यादिति भावः । जल्पतकीति ।जल्पती॑त्यस्य टेः प्रागकच् । धकिदिति ।धि॑गित्यव्ययस्य टेः प्रागकच्, कान्तस्याव्ययस्य दकारश्चान्तादेश इति बोध्यम् ।तिङश्चे॑त्यप्यनुवर्तते । अश्वक इति । धावनस्य असम्यक्त्वादश्वस्य कुत्सा बोध्या । सर्वनामाव्ययतिङन्तानि पूर्ववदुदाहार्याणि ।याप्येपाश॑विति प्रवृत्तिनिमित्तकुत्सायामेव भवति, इदं तु सूत्रमप्रवृत्तिनिमित्तकुत्सायामपीति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।
translator notes
- BM: in the sense 'unknown', ka comes in its own sense after a sup-ending word; akac comes before the ṭi of indeclinables, pronouns and tiṅ-ending words; and there too d is substituted for the final of k-final indeclinables. (BM on SK 2026 and 2027 notes that each of these is likewise an adhikāra up to 'iva'.) Followed for the bracketed material in sutra_en.
- BM: 'kasyāyam' is an enactment of the state of being unknown (ajñātatvābhinaya); the analysis is 'ajñāto 'śvaḥ'. uccakaiḥ: akac before the ṭi of the indeclinable uccaiḥ. Followed for '[a horse not known]' and for the bracketed bases.
- BM: since 'supaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) into 'avyayasarvanāmnām' (SK 2026), akac would come before the ṭi of the sup-ending pronoun, giving yuvayakoḥ, āvayakoḥ, yuṣmāsaku, asmāsaku, yuṣmābhakiḥ, asmābhakiḥ instead of yuvakayoḥ etc.; if instead only 'prātipadikāt' were carried forward, tvayakā, mayakā would fail and tvakayā, makayā would result. Hence the vārttika: before a sup beginning with o, s or bh, akac comes before the ṭi of the pronoun [stem]; elsewhere before the ṭi of the sup-ending pronoun (BM: 'anyatra tu subantasyaiva sarvanāmnaṣ ṭeḥ prāg akaj ity arthaḥ'). This vārttika concerns only yuṣmad and asmad, as the Bhāṣya's examples show; for other pronouns akac comes before the ṭi of the stem only, so sarvakeṇa; hence too the Bhāṣya's 'kaḥ kau ke' with the k substitute of kim containing akac. tvayakā, mayakā: akac before the ṭi of the sup-ending tvayā, mayā. Followed for '[itself]' in k2 and for the bracketed reason in k5.
- TB, printed under sk.2027.t1 (NSP p. 325, scan): in the prescription of akac, 'supaḥ' too is carried forward, so there is free choice whether the ṭi is qualified by the pronoun or by the sup, and to prevent that indeterminacy a fixed arrangement is adopted on the Bhāṣyakāra's word; the restriction 'okārasakāra…' concerns only yuṣmad and asmad, as illustrated in the Bhāṣya; for the others akac comes, without distinction, before the ṭi of the stem, not of the sup-ending word: sarvakeṇa, imakena, bhavakantam. Agrees with BM; followed.
- TB (sk.2028.t1) on tvayakā, mayakā: Objection: if akac is placed before the ṭi of the sup-ending word, then even with the substitutes tva and ma the y of 'yo 'ci' (SK 392) would not come, since a case-ending (vibhakti) does not immediately follow. Reply: relying on the non-universality of the paribhāṣā of the undone rearrangement (akṛtavyūha), the y is prescribed before akac; likewise in yuvakām, āvakām the substitutes yuva, āva precede akac. Recorded.
- BM: the vṛtti's 'kām-pratyaya' is doubtful, since the word pratyaya is not seen in the Bhāṣya; being mit it is an augment (āgama), and it is an apavāda of akac; in tūṣṇīkām the ā-final augment kā stands after the ī of the indeclinable tūṣṇīm. Followed: the English calls kām neither affix nor augment and keeps 'after the last vowel'.
- BM: the vārttika 'śīle ko malopaś ca' means: after the indeclinable tūṣṇīm, ka and deletion of the m when disposition (śīla, one's nature) is understood; tūṣṇīka, 'of silent nature'; the ī is not shortened by 'ke 'ṇaḥ' (SK 834), since the Bhāṣya uses the long form. pacataki: akac before the i of pacati by the anuvṛtti of 'tiṅaś ca' in SK 2026; the a after the k of akac is for pronunciation, otherwise with akac before the i, guṇa [of a + i] would give pacatake. jalpataki: akac before the ṭi of jalpati. dhakit: akac before the ṭi of the indeclinable dhik, with d as final substitute of the k-final indeclinable [SK 2027]. Followed for '[after tūṣṇīm]' in k8 and for the bracketed bases in k9. (The rest of sk.2028.b1, on aśvaka as 'a horse contemptible for its poor running' and on 'yāpye pāśap', is BM on SK 2029 run on here.)
- TB: śīla means one's nature (svabhāva) and also a restraint (niyama). tūṣṇīka: the shortening by 'ke 'ṇaḥ' does not occur, they say, either because of the Bhāṣyakāra's usage or by splitting off 'na' from 'na kapi' (SK 835) as a separate rule (yogavibhāga). He gives pacataki etc. to suggest that the second a of akac is for pronunciation. Recorded; agrees with BM on the non-shortening and on the a of akac.
- textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 325 (printed 315) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'okārasakāra…' (scan). The tag is left untranslated; k3 carries nothing else.
- textual The vārttika 'anyatra tu subantasya ṭeḥ prāg akac' is absent from the 1915 print: NSP p. 325 (printed 315, scan) reads '…sarvanāmnaṣ ṭeḥ prāg akac ‖ yuvakayoḥ…'. In the Wikisource SK+BM text it is present, but as the second half of the same vārttika ('okāra… prāg akac, anyatra tu subantasya ṭeḥ prāg akac', one number, vā 3284), not as a separate vārttika. BM gives the same sense as its gloss on the preceding vārttika ('anyatra tu subantasyaiva … ity arthaḥ'), and TB treats the 'okāra…' restriction as one statement. No witness supports our source's presentation of it as a second vārttika. Translated as transmitted and labelled as the continuation of the vārttika in k2; the digital source's closing tag '(vārttikam)' in k5 is editorial and not translated. Mūla question for Ajai.
- textual The digital source opens k5 (and likewise k7 and k9) with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)'; NSP p. 325 marks the vārttikas 'akacprakaraṇe…' and 'śīle ko…' with the vārttika sign instead (scan). The tags are left untranslated; k5, k7 and k9 are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose. The OCR of NSP p. 325 reads 'sarvakaiḥ'; the scan has 'sarvake', as in our source.
- translator 'mittvād antād acaḥ paraḥ' applies 'mid aco 'ntyāt paraḥ' (SK 37); the identification is the translator's. The kaumudī gives no gloss of tūṣṇīkām āste; 'he sits silent' is the translator's. In k9 the base hiruk of hirakut is the translator's identification (BM names only dhik for dhakit).
SK 2029 · A 5.3.74V
कुत्सिते ॥ २०२९ ॥
kutsite
kutsite — When [what the word denotes] is despised (kutsita), [ka (SK 2025); and, as before, akac before the ṭi of avyayas, sarvanāmans and tiṅantas (SK 2026)].
Rule. The affixes of the headings come when the thing is despised (kutsita).
Example.
kutsito 'śvaḥ "a despised horse" → aśva + ka → aśvakaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the contempt comes from its poor running. Pronouns, avyayas and tiṅantas take akac as before.
Applies when / blocked by. Compare pāśap (SK 1993). Pāśap needs contempt that touches the word's ground of application (pravṛttinimitta): a poor physician as physician. This rule needs no such thing. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws the contrast.
Watch out. Why was pāśap not taught here, under "despised"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: here it would reach tiṅantas too.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
कुत्सितोऽश्वोऽश्वकः ॥
A despised horse: aśvakaḥ.
translator notes
- BM, printed at the end of sk.2028.b1: in aśvakaḥ the horse's being despised is to be understood from the poorness of its running. Examples with sarvanāmans, avyayas and tiṅantas are to be given as before (pūrvavat). 'yāpye pāśap' (SK 1993) applies only when the contempt concerns the ground of application (pravṛttinimitta) [of the word]; this sūtra applies even when it does not. This is clear in the Bhāṣya. Followed for the bracketed akac in sutra_en; the contrast with pāśap is Recorded.
- TB, printed under sk.1993.t1 (on 'yāpye pāśap'): pāśap is not prescribed right here in 'kutsite', because it would then apply after tiṅantas as well. Recorded.
- textual No BM is filed under this unit; the BM on 'kutsite' stands at the end of the BM on SK 2028 (sk.2028.b1), from 'aśvaka iti'.
- translator BM says only 'pūrvavat' for the sarvanāman, avyaya and tiṅanta examples; reading it as the akac of SK 2026 continuing here is the translator's inference.
SK 2030 · A 5.3.75V
संज्ञायां कन् ॥ २०३० ॥
saṃjñāyāṃ kan
saṃjñāyāṃ kan — kan, when a name (saṃjñā) [is understood; in the sense 'despised' — 'kutsite' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2029].
Rule. In the sense "despised", kan comes when the word so formed is a name (saṃjñā). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is a name that arises from contempt.
Example.
śūdra + kan → śūdrakaḥ.
rādha + kan → rādhakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Kutsite "despised" is carried forward from SK 2029.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji says only that the rule is stated "for the accent" (svara). As at SK 1994, an n-marked affix makes the first vowel udātta (A 6.1.197, SK 3686).
Siddhānta-kaumudī
कुत्सिते कन् स्यात्तदन्तेन चेत्संज्ञा गम्यते । शूद्रकः । राधकः । स्वरार्थं वचनम् ॥
kan comes in the sense 'despised' (kutsite), if a name is understood through [the word] ending in it. śūdrakaḥ, rādhakaḥ. The statement is for the sake of the accent (svara).
Bālamanoramā
संज्ञायां कन् - संज्ञायां कन् । कुत्सिते इत्यनुवर्तते । तदाह — कुत्सित इति । तदन्तेन चेदिति । कुत्साहेतुकसंज्ञाविषये कनिति यावत् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'kutsite' is carried forward (anuvartate); hence the kaumudī's 'kutsite'. 'tadantena ced' means, in short, that kan comes where the name is occasioned by contempt (kutsāhetuka-saṃjñā). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for the construal of k1.
- translator The kaumudī does not say how the accent differs; that ka (SK 2029) would already give the same form, so that kan differs only by its n-it, is the translator's inference, not stated.
SK 2031 · A 5.3.76V
अनुकम्पायाम् ॥ २०३१ ॥
anukampāyām
anukampāyām — [ka (SK 2025), in its own sense (svārthe), after a word denoting what is connected with] compassion (anukampā).
Rule. Ka comes, in the word's own sense, after a word for something regarded with compassion (anukampā). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses anukampā as dayā, pity.
Example.
anukampitaḥ putraḥ "a son regarded with compassion" → putra + ka → putrakaḥ.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
पुत्रकः । अनुकम्पितः पुत्र इत्यर्थः ॥
putrakaḥ: the meaning is 'a son who is the object of compassion' (anukampita).
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 325—अनुकम्पायाम्—‘कृपा दयानुकम्पा स्यात्’ इत्यमरः
Bālamanoramā
अनुकम्पायाम् - अनुकम्पायाम् । अनुकम्पायुक्तार्थाभिधायिनः स्वार्थे कः स्यादित्यर्थः । अनुकम्पा=दया ।
translator notes
- BM: ka comes in its own sense (svārthe) after a word denoting a thing connected with compassion; anukampā is dayā. Followed for the bracketed ka, svārthe and the construal in sutra_en.
- TB cites Amara, 'kṛpā dayānukampā syāt', for anukampā. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
- translator BM names only 'ka'; that it is the ka of 'prāg ivāt kaḥ' (SK 2025) is the translator's identification.
SK 2032 · A 5.3.77V
नीतौ च तद्युक्तात् ॥ २०३२ ॥
nītau ca tadyuktāt
nītau ca tadyuktāt — And when policy (nīti) [is understood, ka (SK 2025) comes] after [a word for what is] connected with that [— compassion (anukampā), carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2031 —; 'avyayasarvanāmnāṃ … prāk ṭeḥ' (SK 2026) and 'kasya ca daḥ' (SK 2027) are also carried forward (BM)].
Rule. When policy (nīti) is in play, ka comes after a word for what is connected with compassion. Policy is a means such as conciliation (sāman) or a gift (dāna). The connection may be indirect.
Example.
hanta te dhānakāḥ "Ah, [my son], grains will be given to you" → dhānā + ka → dhānakāḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says hanta shows compassion, and "[my son]" is understood. The son is pitied directly. Through him the grains too are connected with compassion.
Likewise guḍakāḥ, from guḍa "jaggery".
With akac in a tiṅanta: ehi "come" → ehaki; addhi "eat" → addhaki.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji states the difference from SK 2031. By SK 2031 the affix follows a word for what is itself pitied. By this rule it follows a word for what is connected with the pitied one, even indirectly. One of his commentators adds that SK 2026 and SK 2027 are carried forward here, so akac comes too.
Watch out. Is dhānakāḥ feminine, like dhānā, or masculine? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators disagree; scholars discuss this.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
सामदानादिरुपायो नीतिस्तस्यां गम्यमानायामनुकम्पायुक्तात्कप्रत्ययः स्यात् । हन्त ते धानकाः । गुडकाः । एहकि । अद्धकि । पूर्वेणानुकम्प्यमानात्प्रत्ययः । अनेन तु परम्परासंबन्धेऽपीति विशेषः ॥
Policy (nīti) is a means (upāya) such as conciliation (sāman), gift (dāna) and the rest;
when that is understood, the affix ka comes after [a word for what is] connected with
compassion (anukampā). hanta te dhānakāḥ ('Ah, [my son], grains of parched barley [will be
given] to you'); guḍakāḥ ('little lumps of jaggery'); ehaki ('come, dear');
addhaki ('eat, dear'). By the preceding rule [SK 2031] the affix comes after [a word for]
what is itself pitied; by this one, however, [it comes] even where the connection [with
compassion] is indirect (paramparāsaṃbandha): that is the difference.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 325—नीतौ च तद्युक्तात् ॥—अनुकम्पायुक्तादिति । यद्यपि पुत्रादिरेव साक्षादनुकम्पायुक्तो न तु धानादिः, तथापि तद्वारा धानादीनामप्यस्त्यनुकम्पासंवन्ध इति भावः ॥—धानका इति । धानाशब्दः स्त्रीलिङ्गः । ततः कः । ‘केऽणः’ इति ह्रस्वः । कप्रत्ययान्ताद्याप् ॥ अत्र ‘प्रत्ययस्थात्’—इतीत्वेन भाव्यम् । प्रायेण तु धानका इति पठ्यते । तत्र लिङ्गातिवृत्तिर्द्रष्टव्येति हरदत्तः । ‘कर्मव्यतिहारे णच् स्त्रियाम्’ इति सिद्धे ‘णचः स्त्रियामञ्’ इति सूत्रे पुनः स्त्रीग्रहणेन ज्ञापितं ‘स्वार्थिकाः प्रकृतिलिङ्गं क्वचिदतिवर्तन्ते’ इति । तेन धानका इत्यत्र पुंस्त्वमिति भावः
Bālamanoramā
नीतौ च तद्युक्तात् - नीतौ च तद्युक्तात् । सामदानादीति । आदिना भेददण्डयोग्र्रहणम् । तद्युक्तादित्येतद्व्याचष्टे — अनुकम्पायुक्तादिति । अव्ययसर्वनाम्नां टेः प्रागिति चानुवर्तते, 'कस्य च दः' इति च । हन्त ते धानका इति । 'दास्यन्ते' इति शेषः ।हन्ते॑त्यव्ययमनुकम्पाद्योतकम् ।हन्त हर्षेऽनुकम्पाया॑मित्यमरः ।हन्ते॑त्यदन्तम् ।हे पुत्रे॑ति शेषः । अनुकम्पायुक्ता धाना इत्यर्थः । धानाशब्दात्कप्रत्यये 'केऽणः' इति ह्रस्वे कान्ताट्ठापिअबाषितपुंस्काच्चे॑ति विकल्पात्पक्षे इत्त्वाऽभावः । एहकीति ।एही॑ति तिङन्तस्य टेः प्रागकच् ।अव्ययसर्वनाम्ना॑मित्यत्र तिङस्चेत्यनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । अद्धकीति ।अद्धी॑ति तिङन्तस्य टेः प्रागकच् । पूर्वेणेति । अनुकम्पायास्तद्विषयत्वादिति भावः । परम्परासम्बन्धे ।ञपीति । पुत्रः साक्षादनुकम्प्यः, तद्द्वारा धाना अनुकम्पायुक्ता इति भावः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'ādi' in sāmadānādi takes in division (bheda) and force (daṇḍa). 'tadyuktāt' is explained as 'anukampāyuktāt'. 'avyayasarvanāmnāṃ ṭeḥ prāk' and 'kasya ca daḥ' are carried forward (anuvṛtti). hanta te dhānakāḥ: 'dāsyante' is to be supplied; hanta is an indeclinable manifesting compassion (Amara: 'hanta harṣe 'nukampāyām'); 'he putra' is to be supplied; the sense is 'grains of parched barley connected with compassion'. dhānakāḥ: ka after dhānā, shortening by 'ke 'ṇaḥ' (SK 834), ṭāp after the ka-final stem, and by the option of 'abhāṣitapuṃskāc ca' (SK 467) the i is absent in one alternative. ehaki, addhaki: akac before the ṭi of the tiṅ-ending ehi, addhi, by the anuvṛtti of 'tiṅaś ca' into SK 2026. pūrveṇa: because compassion has that [pitied object] as its domain; paramparāsaṃbandha: the son is pitied directly, and through him the grains are connected with compassion. Followed for '[will be given]', '[my son]', the anuvṛtti in sutra_en, and 'indirect'.
- TB: though only the son etc. is directly connected with compassion, not the grains, through him the grains too are connected with compassion. dhānakāḥ: dhānā is feminine; ka after it; shortening by 'ke 'ṇaḥ'; ṭāp after the ka-final stem; here the i of 'pratyayasthāt [kāt pūrvasyāta id āpy asupaḥ]' (SK 463) is due, yet dhānakāḥ is what is generally read, and Haradatta sees in it a transgression of gender (liṅgātivṛtti); from the renewed mention of 'striyām' in 'ṇacaḥ striyām añ' (SK 3216), when 'karmavyatihāre ṇac striyām' would suffice, it is made known that svārthika affixes sometimes transgress the base's gender, so in dhānakāḥ the gender is masculine. Recorded (§16).
- translator BM takes dhānakāḥ as feminine with the i optionally absent, TB as masculine by liṅgātivṛtti; the English 'grains' leaves the gender open. 'Ah' renders hanta as the indeclinable manifesting compassion (BM, citing Amara).
- translator The glosses of guḍakāḥ, ehaki and addhaki are the translator's; the kaumudī gives the forms bare. 'come, dear' and 'eat, dear' render the compassion that akac here conveys.
SK 2033 · A 5.3.78V
बह्वचो मनुष्यनाम्नष्ठज्वा ॥ २०३३ ॥
bahvaco manuṣyanāmnaṣṭhajvā
bahvaco manuṣyanāmnaṣ ṭhaj vā — After a personal name (manuṣyanāman) having many vowels (bahvac), ṭhac optionally [in the domain of the two preceding sūtras, 'anukampāyām' (SK 2031) and 'nītau ca tadyuktāt' (SK 2032) — supplied (śeṣa); in the alternative, ka].
Rule. After a person's name (manuṣyanāman) with many vowels (bahvac), ṭhac comes optionally. Bhaṭṭoji says it applies in the domain of the two preceding rules: compassion and policy. In the other option, ka comes. Ṭhac is heard as -ika, since ṭha → ika (SK 1170).
Example.
anukampito devadattaḥ "Devadatta, regarded with compassion" → devadatta + ṭhac
→ the name cut down (SK 2035) → devikaḥ.
In the other option: devadatta + ka → devadattakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra writes ṭhaj: the c of ṭhac is voiced before vā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the rule gives ṭhac, and ka too by its vā.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
पूर्वसूत्रद्वयविषये ॥
[This applies] in the domain of the two preceding sūtras.
Bālamanoramā
बह्वचो मनुष्यनाम्नष्ठज्वा - बह्वचो मनुष्य ।ठ॑जिति च्छेदः पूर्वसूत्रद्वयविषये इति शेषपूरणम् ।अनुकम्पाया॑मितिनीतौ च तद्युक्ता॑दिति च सूत्रद्वयविषये बह्वचो मनुष्यनाम्नः प्रातिपदिकाट्ठज्वा स्यादित्यर्थः । पक्षे कः ।
translator notes
- BM: the split is 'ṭhaj [vā]'. 'In the domain of the two preceding sūtras' is supplied (śeṣapūraṇa): in the domain of 'anukampāyām' and 'nītau ca tadyuktāt', ṭhac comes optionally after a prātipadika that is a personal name with many vowels; in the alternative, ka. Followed for the bracketed domain and alternative in sutra_en.
- TB, printed under sk.2034.t1 (on SK 2034): ṭhac is prescribed by the preceding sūtra itself (this one), and ka too, because of the word 'vā'. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
- translator The sūtra's 'ṭhaj' is ṭhac with its c voiced before 'vā'; the affix is ṭhac, as BM's derivations under SK 2035 ('devadattaśabdāṭ ṭhaci') show.
SK 2034 · A 5.3.79V
घनिलचौ च ॥ २०३४ ॥
ghanilacau ca
ghanilacau ca — [After a man's name (manuṣyanāman) having many vowels (bahvac), in the domain of 'anukampāyām' (SK 2031) and 'nītau ca tadyuktāt' (SK 2032) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2033,] ghan and ilac also [occur].
Rule. In the same domain, after the same kind of name, ghan and ilac come too. Ghan is heard as -iya, since gha is replaced by iy (SK 475). Ilac is heard as -ila.
Example.
devadatta + ghan → cut down (SK 2035) → deviyaḥ.
devadatta + ilac → devilaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss is tatraiva, "in that same domain". One of his commentators spells it out: the domain of SK 2033, that is, of compassion and policy.
Watch out. What does ca "too" add here? Ṭhac and ka are already given by SK 2033. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, following an earlier scholar, finds the point of ca doubtful. Scholars discuss this.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
तत्रैव ॥
In that same [domain] [— that of the preceding sūtra (SK 2033): in the domain of the two sūtras
'anukampāyām' (SK 2031, compassion) and 'nītau ca tadyuktāt' (SK 2032, policy), after a man's
name (manuṣyanāman) having many vowels (bahvac), the two affixes ghan and ilac too occur].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 325—घनिलचौ च । चकाराद्यथाप्राप्तमिति काशिका । इह पूर्वसूत्रेणैव ठन् विहितः । वावचनात्कोऽपि । चकारेण तु कस्याभ्यनुज्ञेति चिन्त्यं, योगविभागे फलमपि चिन्त्यमिति हरदत्तः ॥—ठाजादौ—। समाहारद्वन्द्वे सौत्रं पुंस्त्वम् । आदिग्रहणं चिन्त्यप्रयोजनं, ‘यस्मिन्विधिस्तदादौ’—इत्येव सिद्धमिति हरदत्तः
Bālamanoramā
घनिलचौ च - घनिलचौ च । तत्रैवेति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । 'बह्वच' इति पूर्व सूत्रविषये इत्यर्थः ।अनुकम्पाया॑मिति,नीतौ च तद्युक्ता॑दिति च सूत्रद्वयविषये बह्वचो मनुष्यनाम्नो घन् इलच् एतौ च प्रत्ययावित्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'tatraiva' supplies what is left unsaid (śeṣapūraṇa): in the domain of the preceding sūtra 'bahvacaḥ…' (SK 2033), i.e., in the domain of the two sūtras 'anukampāyām' and 'nītau ca tadyuktāt', after a man's name with many vowels, the two affixes ghan and ilac as well. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1.
- TB: the Kāśikā says that by 'ca' what is otherwise obtained [also comes]; but here ṭhac has been enjoined by the preceding sūtra itself, and by its 'vā' ka as well; so what 'ca' permits is doubtful (cintya), and the benefit of splitting the rule (yogavibhāga) is doubtful too — so Haradatta. Recorded; 'also' in sutra_en is left neutral.
SK 2035 · A 5.3.83V
ठाजादावूर्ध्वं द्वितीयादचः ॥ २०३५ ॥
ṭhājādāvūrdhvaṃ dvitīyādacaḥ
ṭhājādāv ūrdhvaṃ dvitīyād acaḥ — When ṭha or [an affix] beginning with a vowel (ac) follows [— in this section, that of compassion (anukampā) and policy (nīti), SK 2031–2032 (BM, TB) —], [deletion (lopa) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ajināntasyottarapadalopaś ca' (SK 2039) (BM, TB) — of all that stands] after the second vowel (ac) [of the base].
Rule. In this section, before ṭha or a vowel-initial affix, everything after the base's second vowel is deleted. "This section" means the rules of compassion and policy.
Example.
devadatta + ṭhac → the second vowel is the a of va → everything after it, datta, deleted
→ deva + ṭha → ṭha → ika → devikaḥ.
devadatta + ghan → deviyaḥ; devadatta + ilac → devilaḥ.
Before ka nothing is deleted: devadattakaḥ; vāyudatta + ka → vāyudattakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Ūrdhvam "above, after" means all of it. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so. Without it, ādeḥ parasya (SK 44) would delete only the first sound after the second vowel. The word "deletion" is not in this sūtra. Both commentators say it comes from ajināntasyottarapadalopaś ca (SK 2039). That is Pāṇini's 5.3.82, before this rule in his order.
Why name ṭha at all, since ika is vowel-initial anyway? Bhaṭṭoji answers: for a name whose second vowel is an uk vowel (u, ṛ or ḷ). One of his commentators gives the steps. Because ṭha is named, datta goes while the affix is still ṭha. Then ṭha after the uk vowel becomes ka (SK 1221).
vāyudatta + ṭhac → datta deleted → vāyu + ṭha → ka → vāyukaḥ.
pitṛdatta + ṭhac → pitṛkaḥ.
A ślokavārttika, a vārttika in verse, adds more cuts. Bhaṭṭoji gives it piece by piece, then whole.
- After the fourth vowel:
bṛhaspatidatta → bṛhaspatikaḥ. - Before an affix not beginning with a vowel, the deletion is optional:
devadattakaḥ or devakaḥ. - The prior member may be deleted:
dattikaḥ, dattiyaḥ, dattilaḥ, dattakaḥ. - Even without any affix, the prior or the later member may go:
devadatta → dattaḥ, devaḥ; satyabhāmā → bhāmā, satyā. - After a u-vowel, la of ila:
bhānudatta → bhānulaḥ. La is the earlier teachers' name for deletion. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says only the i of ila goes. - After a ṛ-vowel too:
savitriyaḥ, savitṛlaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators rejects this piece, since the Bhāṣya does not have it.
Watch out. Three slips in our text of the Kaumudī. It reads pratye in the gloss; the 1915 printed edition reads pratyaye "affix". It reads urdhvasya in the first vārttika; the print reads ūrdhvasya. And it lacks the base word before bhānulaḥ; the print gives bhānudattaḥ. We follow the print in all three.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अस्मिन्प्रकरणे यष्ठोऽजादिप्रत्ययश्च तस्मिन्प्रत्ये परे प्रकृतेर्द्वितीयादच ऊर्ध्वं सर्वं लुप्यते । अनुकम्पितो देवदत्तो देविकः । देवियः । देविलः । देवदत्तकः । अनुकम्पितो वायुदत्तो वायुदत्तकः । ठग्ग्रहणमुको द्वितीयत्वे कविधानार्थम् ॥ वायुकः । पितृकः ।
When the ṭha or the affix beginning with a vowel (ac) that [belongs to] this section
follows, everything after the second vowel of the base (prakṛti) is deleted. Devadatta,
pitied: devikaḥ; deviyaḥ; devilaḥ; devadattakaḥ. Vāyudatta, pitied: vāyudattakaḥ. The
mention of ṭha is in order to prescribe k where the second [vowel] is an uk [vowel]:
vāyukaḥ; pitṛkaḥ.
vārttikaचतुर्थादच उर्ध्वस्य लोपो वाच्यः
(vārttika) Deletion of what stands after the fourth vowel should be stated.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अनुकम्पितो बृहस्पतिदत्तो बृहस्पतिकः ।
Bṛhaspatidatta, pitied: bṛhaspatikaḥ.
vārttikaअनजादौ च विभाषा लोपो वक्तव्यः
(vārttika) And before [an affix] not beginning with a vowel, deletion should be stated
as optional.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ देवदत्तकः । देवकः ।
vārttikaलोपः पूर्वपदस्य च
(vārttika) And deletion of the prior member (pūrvapada) [optionally].
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दत्तिकः । दत्तियः । दत्तिलः । दत्तकः ।
dattikaḥ; dattiyaḥ; dattilaḥ; dattakaḥ.
vārttikaविनापि प्रत्ययं पूर्वोत्तरपदयोर्वा लोपो वाच्यः
(vārttika) Even without an affix, optional deletion of the prior or the posterior member
should be stated.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ देवदत्तः । दत्तः । देवः ॥ सत्यभामा । भामा । सत्या ॥
devadattaḥ: dattaḥ, devaḥ. satyabhāmā: bhāmā, satyā.
vārttikaउवर्णाल्ल इलस्य च
(vārttika) And after a u-vowel, la of ila.
vārttikaऋवर्णादपि
(vārttika) After a ṛ-vowel too.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सवित्रियः । सवितृलः ।
vārttikaचतुर्थादनजादौ च लोपः पूर्वपदस्य च, अप्रत्यये तथैवेष्ट उवर्णाल्ल इलस्य च
(vārttika) 'After the fourth [vowel]; and before [an affix] not beginning with a vowel;
and deletion of the prior member; without an affix it is wanted likewise; and after a
u-vowel, la of ila.'
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ 1 ॥ ल इति लोपसंज्ञा प्राचाम् ॥
la is the earlier teachers' (prācām) name (saṃjñā) for deletion (lopa).
Tattvabodhinī
alignment inferredNSP p. 325–326—अस्मिन्प्रकरण इति । अनुकम्पायां नीतौ चेत्यर्थद्वयस्यैव प्रत्यासत्त्या बुद्धौ सन्निधानादिति भावः ॥ ऊर्ध्वग्रहणमिह सर्वलोपार्थम् । अन्यथा ‘आदेः परस्य’ इत्यादेरेव स्यादित्यभिप्रेत्याह—द्वितीयादच ऊर्ध्वं सर्वमिति । ‘अजिनान्तस्य’ इत्यतो लोप इत्यनुवर्तनादाह—लुप्यत इति । ननु ठग्रहणं व्यर्थम् । इकादेशे कृते अजादावित्येव सिद्धत्वादत आह—ठग्रहणमुको द्वितीयत्व इति ॥—वायुक इति । वायुशब्दात्परस्य दत्तशब्दस्य ठावस्थायामेव लोपे ‘इसुसुक्तान्तात्’—इति कः । किंच पृथक् ठग्रहणस्य प्रयोजनान्तरमप्यस्ति । यदा तु चित्रगुप्रभृतिभ्यष्टच् तदोगन्तत्वात् कादेशप्राप्त्या प्रथममिकादेशस्याऽसंभवेनाजादिलक्षणो लोपो न स्यादिति तदर्थमपि ठग्रहणम् । तेन ठावस्थायामुत्तरपदलोपे कादेशस्यासंभवादिकादेशे चित्रिक इति रूपं सिध्यतीति वोध्यम् ॥ ‘चतुर्थादनजादौ च’ इति वक्ष्यमाणमेव श्लोकं भङ्क्त्वा व्याचष्टे—चतुर्थादच ऊर्ध्वस्येति ॥—अनजादाविति । हलादावित्यर्थः । ‘अस्मिन् प्रकरणे’ इत्येव ॥—लोपः पूर्वपदस्य चेति । ठाजादावनजादौ चेति वोध्यः ॥ ‘अप्रत्यये तथैवेष्टः’ इत्येतद्व्याचष्टे—विनापि प्रत्ययमिति ॥—ल इलस्य चेति । इलस्य लः लोप इत्यर्थस्तत्र ‘आदेः परस्य’ इति इकारलोपो वोध्यः
Bālamanoramā
ठाजादावूर्ध्वं द्वितीयादचः - ठाजादौ । अस्मिन्प्रकरणे इति । अनुकम्पायां, नीतौ चेत्यस्मिन्प्रकरणे इत्यर्थः । सन्निधानलभ्यमिदम् । सर्वमिति । ऊर्द्ध्वग्रहणादिदं लभ्यते । अन्यथाआदेः परस्ये॑ति परिभाषया द्वितीयाऽचो यः परस्तस्यादेरेव स्यादिति भावः ।अजिनान्तस्योत्तरपदलोपश्चे॑त्यतो लोप इत्यनुवृत्तमिह कर्मसाधनमाश्रीयते इति मत्वाह — लुप्यत इति । देविक इति । देवदत्तशब्दाट्ठचि द्वितीयादचः परस्य दत्तशब्दस्य लोपे इकादेशे रूपम् । देविय इति । देवदत्तशब्दाद्धनि दत्तशब्दस्य लोपे इयादेशे रूपम् । देविल इति । इलचि दत्तशब्दस्य लोपः । देवदत्तक इति । कप्रत्यये सति ठाऽजाद्यभावान्न दत्तपदलोपः । वायुक इति । वायुदत्तशब्दाद्दत्तशब्दस्य लोपः । उकः परत्वाट्ठस्य कः । नन्विकादेशे सति देविक इत्यत्र अजादित्वादेव सिद्धे ठग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — ठग्रहणमिति । कृत एव ठग्रहणे वायुशब्दात्परस्य दत्तशब्दस्य लोपे इयादेशे रूपम् । देविल इति । इलचि दत्तशब्दस्य लोपः । देवदत्तक इति । कप्रत्यये सति ठाऽजाद्यभावान्न दत्तपदलोपः । वायुक इति । वायुदत्तशब्दाद्दत्तशब्दस्य लोपः । उकःपरत्वाट्ठस्य कः । नन्विकादेशे सति देविक इत्यत्र अजादित्वादेव सिद्धे ठग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — ठग्रहणमिति । कृत #एव ठग्रहणे वायुशब्दात्परस्य दत्तशब्दस्य ठावस्थायामेव नित्यत्वाल्लोपे कृते ठस्य उकः परत्वात्कादेशः सिध्यति । अन्यथा इकादेशे कृतेऽजादित्वं पुरस्कृत्य दत्तशब्दस्य लोपे सति वायु — इक इति स्थिते ठस्याऽभावात्कादेशो न स्यात् । नच स्थानिवत्त्वादिकस्य ठत्वं शह्क्यं, 'ठस्येकः' इत्यत्र स्थान्यादेशयोरकार उच्चारणार्थ इति पक्षे अल्विधित्वात्सन्निपातपरिभाषाविरोधाच्चेति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । पितृक इति । पितृदत्तशब्दाठ्ठचि दत्तशब्दस्य लोपे उकः परत्वाट्ठस्य कः । अथचतुर्थादनजादौ वा लोपः पूर्वपदस्य च । अप्रत्यये तथैवेष्ट उवर्णाल्ल इलस्य च ।॑ इति वक्ष्यमाणश्लोकवार्तिकं भङ्क्त्वा 'चतुर्थादच' इत्येतद्व्याचष्टे — चतुर्थादचेति । बृहस्पतिक इति । बृहस्पतिदत्तशब्दाट्ठचि दत्तशब्दस्य लोपे ठस्य इकादेशः । द्वितीयादूर्ध्वत्वाऽभावादप्राप्ते वचनम् । ॒अनजादौ वे॑ति वार्तिकभागं व्याचष्टे — अनजादौ चेति ।अनजादौ चे॑पाठे विभाषेति भाष्यलब्धम्, तत्र देवदत्तको देवक इति कप्रत्यये दत्तलोपविकल्पोदाहरणात् ।लोपः पूर्वपदस्य चेति ।विभाषे॑ति शेषः । अनजादाविति तु नात्र सम्बध्यते । तदाह — दत्तिक इत्यादि । ठचि धनि इलचि के च रूपम् ।अप्रत्यये तथैवेष्ट॑ इति वार्तिकभागं व्याचष्टे — विनापि प्रत्ययमिति । दत्तः देव इति । देवदत्तशब्दाट्ठाजादिप्रत्ययस्याप्यभावे पूर्वोत्तरपदयोः क्रमेण लोपे रूपम् । उवर्णादिति । 'ल' इति लोपस्य पूर्वाचार्यसंज्ञा । उवर्णात्परस्य इलचो लोपः स्यादित्यर्थः ।आदेः परस्ये॑तीकारस्य लोपः । चकारेण ठाजादौ द्वितीयादच ऊध्र्वं लोपः सूत्रसिद्धोऽनुद्यते । ऋवर्णादपीति । ऋवर्णादपि परस्य इलच आदेर्लोपः स्यादित्यर्थः । सवित्रियः सवितृल इति । धनि इलचि च रूपम् । वस्तुतस्तु ऋवर्णादपीति भाष्याऽदृष्टत्वादुपेक्ष्यम् । तदेवं व्याख्यातं वार्तिकं समस्तं पठति — चतुर्थादित्यादि ।
Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)
NSP p. 326 एकाक्षरेति—अच्सहितं व्यञ्जनमक्षरम् । एकाच्पूर्वपदानामित्यर्थः । द्वितीयादच ऊर्ध्वमित्यनेन द्वितीयाज्विशिष्टस्य लोपाप्राप्तेरिदम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'asmin prakaraṇe' means the section of 'anukampāyām' and 'nītau ca', obtained by proximity (sannidhāna). 'sarvam' is obtained from 'ūrdhva'; otherwise by the paribhāṣā 'ādeḥ parasya' (SK 44) only the first [sound] after the second vowel would be deleted. 'lopa' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ajināntasyottarapadalopaś ca' (SK 2039) and taken here in the object sense (karmasādhana), hence 'lupyate'. Followed for the brackets in sutra_en, for 'everything' and for 'is deleted'.
- TB (sk.2035.t1): 'in this section' because only the two senses anukampā and nīti are present to mind by proximity; 'ūrdhva' is for deleting all, else 'ādeḥ parasya' would delete only the first; lopa is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ajināntasya', hence 'lupyate'. TB, printed under sk.2034.t1 (NSP p. 325, scan): in the samāhāra-dvandva [ṭhājādau] the masculine is a sūtra licence; Haradatta finds the purpose of 'ādi' doubtful, since 'yasmin vidhis tadādau…' would suffice. Agrees with BM; followed.
- BM: devikaḥ: from devadatta with ṭhac [SK 2033], datta after the second vowel deleted and ika substituted [for ṭha]; deviyaḥ: with ghan [SK 2034], datta deleted, iya substituted; devilaḥ: with ilac; devadattakaḥ: with ka, no deletion of datta since neither ṭha nor a vowel-initial affix follows. vāyukaḥ: datta deleted from vāyudatta and, ṭha standing after uk, k is substituted for ṭha. Objection: with ika substituted, devika is covered by 'ajādi' alone, so 'ṭha' is pointless. Reply: because ṭha is mentioned, datta after vāyu is deleted at the very ṭha-stage, being nitya, and then k for ṭha after uk is established; otherwise, ika having been substituted first and datta deleted on the strength of the vowel-initial affix, vāyu + ika would remain with no ṭha to receive k; nor can ika be treated as ṭha by sthānivadbhāva, it being an al-vidhi on the view that the a in 'ṭhasyekaḥ' is for pronunciation, and against the sannipāta paribhāṣā (Bhāṣya). pitṛkaḥ: pitṛdatta with ṭhac, datta deleted, k for ṭha after uk. Followed for 'where the second [vowel] is an uk [vowel]'.
- TB: 'ṭhagrahaṇam uko dvitīyatve' answers the objection that ṭha is redundant once ika is substituted; vāyukaḥ: datta after vāyu deleted at the ṭha-stage, then k by 'isusuktāntāt kaḥ' (SK 1221). Further purpose of ṭha: when ṭhac comes after citragu etc., k would be due because the stem ends in uk, so ika could not come first and the ajādi deletion would fail; with ṭha mentioned, the posterior member is deleted at the ṭha-stage, k is then impossible, ika is substituted, and citrikaḥ results. Agrees with BM; the citrika point is Recorded.
- BM: breaking up the ślokavārttika 'caturthād anajādau…' that will be stated (k14), he explains 'caturthād acaḥ'. bṛhaspatikaḥ: from bṛhaspatidatta with ṭhac, datta deleted, ika for ṭha; the statement is for a case not otherwise obtained, datta not standing after the second vowel. On k4: with the reading 'anajādau ca' [in the verse], 'vibhāṣā' is had from the Bhāṣya, which illustrates option of datta-deletion with ka: devadattakaḥ, devakaḥ. On k6: 'vibhāṣā' is to be supplied; 'anajādau' is not connected here; dattikaḥ etc. are the forms with ṭhac, ghan, ilac and ka. On k8: explains 'apratyaye tathaiveṣṭaḥ'; dattaḥ, devaḥ are from devadatta without any ṭha or vowel-initial affix, deleting the prior and the posterior member in turn. Followed for '[optionally]' in k6 and for reading k9's forms as affixless.
- TB: 'anajādau' means 'before [an affix] beginning with a consonant (halādi)', and 'in this section' still holds; 'lopaḥ pūrvapadasya ca' is to be understood both before ṭha or a vowel-initial affix and before one not beginning with a vowel; 'apratyaye tathaiveṣṭaḥ' is explained as 'vināpi pratyayam'. Agrees with BM; followed.
- BM: 'la' is the earlier teachers' name for lopa; the ilac after a u-vowel is deleted, by 'ādeḥ parasya' its i only; by 'ca' the sūtra's own deletion after the second vowel before ṭha or a vowel-initial affix is restated. 'ṛvarṇād api': the ilac's initial is deleted after a ṛ-vowel too; savitriyaḥ, savitṛlaḥ are the forms with ghan and ilac. In fact 'ṛvarṇād api' is not seen in the Bhāṣya and is to be disregarded. Then, the vārttika having been explained, he recites the whole of it (k14). Followed for reading k14 as the ślokavārttika explained piecemeal in k2–k10; BM's rejection of 'ṛvarṇād api' is Recorded (§16), the English of k12–k13 rendering it as transmitted.
- TB: 'la ilasya ca': la of ila means lopa, and there the deletion of the i by 'ādeḥ parasya' is to be understood. Agrees with BM.
- textual Our text reads 'tasmin pratye pare'; NSP p. 325 (printed 315, scan) reads 'tasmin pratyaye pare', as does Wikisource. The English follows 'pratyaye'. Our 'ṭhaggrahaṇam' is 'ṭhagrahaṇam' in the print, with no difference of sense.
- textual Our text reads 'caturthād aca urdhvasya' with short u; NSP p. 325 (scan) prints 'ūrdhvasya'. The English follows the print. The digital source's '(vārttikam)' tags opening k3, k5, k7, k9, k11, k13 and k15 are editorial; NSP pp. 325–326 mark each vārttika with the vārttika sign before it (scan). The tags are left untranslated; those blocks are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.
- textual Our text lacks the base-word example: NSP p. 326 (printed 316, scan) reads 'bhānudattaḥ | bhānulaḥ', as does Wikisource. Supplied in square brackets.
- textual The '1' after the verse in our k15 corresponds to the verse numeral ‖1‖ printed after the ślokavārttika on NSP p. 326 (scan); it is not rendered in the block.
- textual NSP editorial footnote printed under sk.2035.n1 (NSP p. 326, printed 316) is keyed to 'ekākṣara' in the vārttika of SK 2037 (sk.2037.k4), not to this unit; see there.
SK 2036 · A 5.3.80V
प्राचामुपादेरडज्वुचौ च ॥ २०३६ ॥
prācāmupāderaḍajvucau ca
prācām upāder aḍajvucau ca — After [a man's name (manuṣyanāman) of many vowels (bahvac)] that begins with upa, aḍac and vuc [come] too, according to the eastern [grammarians] (prācām), [in the domain of 'bahvaco manuṣyanāmnaḥ …', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2033, i.e. in the senses of SK 2031–2032].
Rule. After a many-voweled name beginning with upa, aḍac and vuc come too. This is in the domain of SK 2033. By ca, the affixes already available come as well. Aḍac is heard as -aḍa; its c is an it. Vuc is heard as -aka (SK 1247).
Example. From upendradatta, regarded with compassion, Bhaṭṭoji gives six forms:
upaḍaḥ (with aḍac), upakaḥ (with vuc),
upikaḥ (with ṭhac), upiyaḥ (with ghan), upilaḥ (with ilac),
upendradattakaḥ (with ka).
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ca brings in ṭhac, ghan and ilac. Bhaṭṭoji says the word prācām "in the view of the eastern grammarians" is for honour (pūjārtha). One of his commentators explains: the option already runs from the vā of SK 2033, so prācām adds none.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the forms. How the cut reaches back to upa in upendradatta is a point scholars discuss. The last form, with ka, is not cut, since ka is neither ṭha nor vowel-initial.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
उपशब्दपूर्वात्प्रातिपदिकात्पूर्वविषये अडच् वुच् एतौ स्तः । चाद्यथाप्राप्तम् । प्राचांग्रहणं पूजार्थम् । अनुकम्पित उपेन्द्रदत्तः उपडः । उपकः । उपिकः । उपियः । उपिलः । उपेन्द्रदत्तकः । षड् रूपाणि ॥
After a nominal stem (prātipadika) that has the word upa as its first part, in the domain of
the preceding [rule, 'bahvaco manuṣyanāmnaḥ …' (SK 2033)], these two, aḍac and vuc, come. By 'ca', [the affixes] otherwise
applicable (yathāprāptam) [come as well]. The mention of 'the eastern [grammarians]' (prācām)
is for honour (pūjārtha). 'Upendradatta, regarded with compassion (anukampita)': upaḍaḥ [with
aḍac], upakaḥ [with vuc], upikaḥ [with ṭhac], upiyaḥ [with ghan], upilaḥ [with ilac],
upendradattakaḥ [with ka]. Six forms.
Tattvabodhinī
alignment inferredNSP p. 326—प्राचामुपादेः—। ‘बह्वचो मनुष्य—’ इत्याद्यनुवर्तते ॥—उपेन्द्रदत्त इति । ननु कृतसंधेरुपेन्द्रशब्दादेकादेशस्य पूर्वान्ततया ग्रहणात् ‘उपादेः’ इति विधीयमानौ प्रत्ययौ स्तां नाम । लोपस्तु नकारादेरेव स्यात् । ततश्च उपक उपड इति रूपे न स्याताम् । किं तु उपयक उपयड इति रूपे स्याताम् । एवं घनिलच्ठच्स्वपि दोष एव । तस्मादिहैव ‘द्वितीयं संध्यक्षरं चेत्’ इति वार्तिकं कुतो नोक्तमिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । प्रकारान्तरेण निर्वाहसंभवान्नोक्तम् । तथाहि । आद्गुणे कृते ‘द्वितीयं संध्यक्षरम्’ इत्यादिना अकारस्यापि लोपप्रसक्त्या गुणात्पूर्वमेवाकृतव्यूहपरिभाषया प्रत्ययः । नच परिनिष्ठितत्वपरेण समर्थग्रहणेन सौत्थितिरित्यत्रेव परिभाषावाधः शङ्क्यः । ‘प्राग्दिशः—’ इति सूत्रे ‘समर्थग्रहणं निवृत्तम्’ इत्युक्तत्वात् ॥ ‘अकृतसंधेः’ इति प्रागुक्तज्ञापकवलेन समर्थग्रहणप्रत्याख्यानपक्षेऽपि ज्ञापकस्य विशेषपरत्वाश्रयणादिति ॥ उपेन्द्रः उपगुरुपकर्तेत्यादिपूपडादीनां पञ्चानां रूपाणां साम्येऽपि सैन्धवादिष्विव प्रकरणादिना विशेषोऽध्यवसेयः
Bālamanoramā
प्राचामुपादेरडज्वुचौ च - प्राचामुपादेरडज्वुचौ च । पूर्वविषये इति ।बह्वचो मनुष्यनाम्नः॑ इति सूत्रविषये इत्यर्थः । चाद्यथाप्राप्तमिति । ठच्, धन्, इलच्चेत्यर्थः । ठज्वेत्यतो वेत्यनुवृत्त्यैव सिद्धे प्राचाङ्ग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — प्राचाङ्ग्रहणमिति । उपड इति उपेन्द्रदत्तशब्दादडचिद्वितीयं सन्ध्यक्षर॑मिति वक्ष्यमाणेन एकारादेर्लोप इति केचित् ।नेन्द्रस्य परस्ये॑ति ज्ञापकेन पूर्वोत्तरपदनिमित्तकार्यापेक्षया अन्तरङ्गस्याप्येकादेशस्य पूर्वमप्रवृत्तेरिकारादिलोप इति शब्देन्दुशेखरे । उपक इति । वुचि अकादेशे एकारादिलोपे रूपम् । उपिय इति । घनि रूपम् । उपिल इति । इलचि रूपम् । उपिक इति । ठचि रूपम् । उपेन्द्रदत्तक इति । कप्रत्यये रूपम् । ठाजाद्यभावाल्लोपो न ।
translator notes
- TB: 'bahvaco manuṣya…' etc. is carried forward. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en.
- BM: 'pūrvaviṣaye' = in the domain of the sūtra 'bahvaco manuṣyanāmnaḥ' (SK 2033) — which, by BM's own comment on SK 2033 (sk.2033.b1), operates in the domain of 'anukampāyām' and 'nītau ca tadyuktāt' (SK 2031–2032). 'cād yathāprāptam' = ṭhac, ghan and ilac. Since optionality is already obtained by carrying forward 'vā' from '[… ṭhaj] vā', the mention of prācām would be redundant; hence 'it is for honour'. Followed for 'the domain of the preceding [rule]', for 'otherwise applicable', and for the bracketed affix after each form.
- BM's derivations: upaḍaḥ — upendradatta + aḍac; some say the part from the e onward is deleted by the vārttika 'dvitīyaṃ sandhyakṣaraṃ cet' (under SK 2037); the Śabdenduśekhara holds that, by the jñāpaka 'nendrasya parasya' (SK 1240), the single substitute (ekādeśa), though antaraṅga, does not take effect before operations conditioned by the prior and later members, so the part from the i onward is deleted. upakaḥ — with vuc, aka substituted, and deletion from the e onward. upiyaḥ — with ghan. upilaḥ — with ilac. upikaḥ — with ṭhac. upendradattakaḥ — with ka; no deletion, since ka is neither ṭha nor vowel-initial. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the forms.
- TB on 'upendradatta': Objection — in upendra with sandhi made, the single substitute counts as final of the prior part (upa), so the affixes prescribed for 'upādi' would come, but the deletion [after the second vowel] would be only of the part from n onward, giving upayaka, upayaḍa rather than upaka, upaḍa, and the same fault with ghan, ilac and ṭhac; so why was 'dvitīyaṃ sandhyakṣaraṃ cet' not stated here? Reply: it can be managed otherwise — if the guṇa of a were made, 'dvitīyaṃ sandhyakṣaram…' would make the a liable to deletion too, so by the akṛtavyūha paribhāṣā the affix comes before the guṇa. Nor does 'samartha' with its sense of a finished form set that paribhāṣā aside (as in sauttithi), since at 'prāg diśaḥ' (SK 1947) the mention of samartha is said to have ceased; and even on the view that rejects the samartha-mention by the jñāpaka 'akṛtasandheḥ', that jñāpaka is taken as specific. Although the five forms upaḍa etc. coincide for upendra, upaguru, upakartṛ and the like, the particular [base] is to be determined by context, as with saindhava. Recorded.
SK 2037 · A 5.3.81V
जातिनाम्नः कन् ॥ २०३७ ॥
jātināmnaḥ kan
jātināmnaḥ kan — kan [comes] after a class-word (jāti) that is a name [of a man — 'manuṣyanāmnaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2033 — when compassion (anukampā) or policy (nīti) is understood, SK 2031–2032].
Rule. After a class-word (jāti) used as a man's name, kan comes, in compassion or policy. Bhaṭṭoji says "after a man's name" still holds.
Example.
siṃha, an animal-class word used as a man's name → siṃha + kan → siṃhakaḥ.
Likewise śarabhakaḥ (from śarabha) and rāsabhakaḥ (from rāsabha).
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this an apavāda of the affixes of SK 2031–2032. Both commentators say these words are well known for another class and are used among men as names.
Three vārttikas follow, on cutting names.
- If the second vowel is a diphthong (saṃdhyakṣara: e, o, ai, au), delete from that vowel on.
kahoḍa, a sage's name → kah + ika → kahikaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the diphthong goes too, not only what follows it. - If the prior member has one vowel (ekākṣara), delete the later member.
vāgāśīrdatta → vāc + ika → vācikaḥ. - How then is
ṣaḍaṅgulidatta → ṣaḍikaḥ? The vārttika: for ṣaṣ, the sūtra's own cut after the second vowel (SK 2035) applies.
Watch out. The last question is about the ḍ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains it. Before ika the stem is bha, so ṣ would not be voiced to ḍ. With the cut of SK 2035 the steps run differently, and the ḍ stands.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
मनुष्यनाम्न इत्येव । जातिशब्दो यो मनुष्यनामधेयस्तस्मात्कन्स्यादनुकम्पायां नीतौ च । सिंहकः । शरभकः । रासभकः ।
'manuṣyanāmnaḥ' ('after a man's name') [from SK 2033] holds here too. After a word for a
class (jāti) that is a man's name, kan comes when compassion (anukampā) or policy (nīti)
[is understood]: siṃhakaḥ; śarabhakaḥ; rāsabhakaḥ.
vārttikaद्वितीयं संध्यक्षरं चेत्तदादेर्लोपो वक्तव्यः
(vārttika) If the second [vowel] is a diphthong (saṃdhyakṣara), deletion of [the portion]
beginning with it should be stated.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अनुकम्पितः कहोडः । कहिकः । ।
vārttikaएकाक्षरपूर्वपदानामुत्तरपदलोपो वक्तव्यः
(vārttika) For [names] whose prior member is of one syllable (ekākṣara), deletion of the
posterior member should be stated.
(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वागाशीर्दत्तः वाचिकः । कथं षडङ्गुलिदत्तः षडिक इति ।
vāgāśīrdattaḥ: vācikaḥ. How [then is] ṣaḍaṅgulidattaḥ: ṣaḍikaḥ [to be accounted for]?
vārttikaषषष्ठाजादिवचनात्सिद्धम्
(vārttika) For ṣaṣ, [the form] is established by the statement 'ṭhājādau' [SK 2035].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 326—जातिनाम्नः—। ये शब्दा जात्यन्तरे प्रसिद्धाः, मनुष्येषु नामत्वेन विनियुक्तास्त इहोदाहरणम् ॥—द्वितीयमित्यादि । एचः संध्यक्षरमिति प्राचां संज्ञा ॥—वागाशीरिति । वाचि आशीर्यस्येति विग्रहः ॥—वाचिक इति । यद्यत्र द्वितीयादच ऊर्ध्वस्य लोपः स्यात् तदा वाच् आ इक इति स्थिते ‘यस्येति च’ इत्याकारस्य लोपे तस्य स्थानिवत्त्वादाकारान्तस्य भत्वे अन्तर्वर्तिनीं विभक्तिमाश्रित्य चकारान्तस्य पदत्वेन कुत्वजश्त्वयोः सतोर्वागिक इति स्यात् । उत्तरपदलोपे तु अज्झलादे-शत्वेन स्थानिवत्त्वाभावात्तुल्यावधिकतया ‘यचि भम्’ इति भसंज्ञया ‘सुप्तिङन्तम्’ इति पदसंज्ञा एकसंज्ञाधिकारात्परत्वाद्बाध्यते । ‘स्वादिषु’ इति पदसंज्ञा तु न शङ्कनीयैव ‘यचि भम्’ इति भसंज्ञायास्तदपवादत्वात् ॥—कथमिति । अत्राप्युत्तरपदलोपे जाते जश्त्वं दुर्लभमिति प्रश्नः ॥—षष् इति । अत्र सौत्र एव लोप इष्यते न त्वौपसंख्यानिक इत्यर्थः
Bālamanoramā
जातिनाम्नः कन् - जातिनाम्नः कन् । जातिशब्दो य इति । यो जातिप्रवृत्तिनिमित्तकः प्रसिद्धः सन् मनुष्यनामधेयभूतः स इत्यर्थः ।अनुकम्पाया॑मिति 'नीतौ' इति च सूत्रद्वयविहितस्याऽपवादः । द्वितीयं सन्ध्यक्षरं चेदिति ।एचः सन्ध्यक्षराणी॑ति प्राचामाचार्याणां प्रवादः । कहोड इति । ऋषिविशेषस्य नामेदम् । अत्र द्वितीयोऽच् सन्ध्यक्षरं, तदादेर्लोपो, नतु तदूध्र्वस्यैव । एकाक्षरेति । व्यञ्जनसहित एकोऽच — एकाक्षरम् । एकाच्कमिति यावत् । तथाविधं पूर्वपदं येषां पदानां तानि एकाक्षरपूर्वपदानि, तेषां मध्ये उत्तरभूतानि पदानि यावन्ति तेषां लोपः स्यादित्यर्थः । इह उत्तरपदशब्दो यौगिकः, नतु समासस्य चरमावयवे रूढो, व्याख्यानात् ।द्वितीयादच ऊध्र्व॑मित्यनेन द्वितीयाज्विशिष्टस्य लोपे अप्राप्ते वचनमिदम् । वागाशीर्दत्त इति । वाचि आशीर्यस्य नतु मनस्येव स वागाशीः । तेन दत्त इति विग्रहः । यद्वा आशासनमाशीः, वाचा आशीः — वागाशीः ।कर्तृकरणे कृते॑ति समासः । तया वागाशिषा दत्त इति विग्रहः । वाक्करणकाशासनेन दत्त इत्यर्थः । वाचिक इति । वागाशीर्दत्तशब्दाट्ठचि वागित्येकाक्षरपूर्वपदात्परयोराशीर्दत्तशब्दयोर्लोपे सति अन्तर्वर्तिविभक्त्या पदत्वमाश्रित्य प्रवृत्तकुत्वजश्त्वयोरिकाश्रयभत्वेन पदत्वबाधान्निवृत्तौ वाचिक इति रूपमिति केचित् । वस्तुतस्तु ठचि इकादेशात्प्राक्ठावस्थायामेव उत्तरपदलोपे कर्तव्येऽसिद्धत्वान्न पूर्वं कुत्वादिप्रवृत्तिरित्याहुः । यद्यपि द्वितीयादच ऊध्र्वस्य 'शीर्दत्त' शब्दस्य लोपे वागा-इक इति स्थितेयस्येति चे॑त्याकारलोपे उक्तरीत्या कुत्वजश्त्वयोर्निर्वृत्तौ 'वाचिक' इति सिध्यति, तथापि आकारलोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वेन आकारान्तस्य इकमाश्रित्य भत्वे सति आकारान्तनिष्ठभत्वेन चकारान्तनिष्ठपदत्वस्याऽव्याघातात्कुत्वजश्त्वयोः 'वागिक' इति स्यात् । उत्तरपदलोपे तु अज्झलादेशत्वेन स्थानिवत्त्वाऽभावात्तुल्यावधिकया भसंज्ञयासुप्तिङन्त॑मिति पदसंज्ञा बाध्यतेस, एकसंज्ञाधिकारे परत्वादिति भावः । कथमिति । अत्रापि अङ्गुलिदत्तशब्दस्य लोपे सति इकप्रत्ययाश्रितभत्वेन पदत्वाऽभावाज्जश्त्वं दुर्लभमिति प्रश्नः । षष इति । षष्शब्दस्य पूर्वपदत्वे 'ठाजादौ' इति सूत्रसिद्धो द्वितीयादच ऊध्र्वस्यैव लोपो, न त्वयमुत्तरपदलोप इति वचनात्षडिक इति सिद्धमित्यर्थः । एवंच 'षडङ्गुलिदत्त' इत्यत्र डकाराऽकारादूध्र्वस्य लोपे सति डकाराऽकारस्ययस्येति चे॑ति लोपे सति तस्य स्थानिवत्त्तवेन अकारान्तस्य इकमाश्रित्य भत्वे सति तेन अकारान्तनिष्ठेन षकारान्तस्य पदत्वाऽव्याघाताज्जश्त्वं निर्बाधमिति भावः । स्पष्टं चेदं 'स्वादिषु' इति सूत्रे भाष्ये ।
translator notes
- BM: 'jātiśabdo yaḥ' means a word whose ground of application is a class and which is well known as such, but which has become a man's name. The rule is an apavāda of [the affixes] prescribed by the two sūtras 'anukampāyām' (SK 2031) and 'nītau' (SK 2032). Followed for 'a word for a class … that is a man's name'.
- TB: the examples here are words well known for another class (jātyantara) and applied among men as names. Agrees with BM; followed.
- BM: 'the ec vowels are diphthongs (saṃdhyakṣara)' is the usage of the earlier teachers (prācām). Kahoḍa is the name of a particular sage; here the second vowel is a diphthong and [the portion] beginning with it is deleted, not only what follows it. BM on SK 2036 (sk.2036.b1) cites this vārttika ('dvitīyaṃ saṃdhyakṣaram') for upaḍaḥ etc. from upendradatta, as 'some' hold. Followed for '[the portion] beginning with it'.
- BM: ekākṣara is a single vowel together with consonant(s), i.e. having one vowel (ekāc); among words whose prior member is such, however many words follow are deleted; 'uttarapada' here is etymological (yaugika), not the technical final member of a compound, by the explanation. The statement is made because the deletion of [a portion] including the second vowel is not obtained by 'after the second vowel'. vāgāśīrdattaḥ: 'one whose blessing is in speech, not merely in the mind' (vāgāśīḥ), given by him; or āśīḥ 'blessing', by speech, compounded by 'kartṛkaraṇe kṛtā…', 'given by that blessing by speech'. vācikaḥ: with ṭhac, āśīḥ and datta after the one-syllable prior member vāk are deleted; some say kutva and jaśtva, which had applied on the pada-status given by the internal case-ending, are withdrawn because bha-status resting on ika blocks the pada-status; in fact, they say, the deletion of the posterior member is to be done at the ṭha-stage before ika, and being asiddha, kutva etc. do not apply first. If instead 'śīrdatta' after the second vowel were deleted, vāgā + ika would remain, the ā deleted by 'yasyeti ca' (SK 311); by sthānivadbhāva of that deletion the ā-final stem would be bha before ika, leaving the pada-status of the c-final unimpeded, so kutva and jaśtva would give vāgika; with deletion of the posterior member there is no sthānivadbhāva, it not being a substitute for a vowel, so the bha-saṃjñā of equal scope blocks the pada-saṃjñā of 'suptiṅantam' as the later rule in the one-saṃjñā adhikāra. Recorded; the kaumudī itself gives only the forms.
- TB: vāgāśīḥ, 'one who has a blessing in speech' (vāci āśīr yasya). vācikaḥ: were [the portion] after the second vowel deleted, vāc + ā + ika would remain, the ā deleted by 'yasyeti ca', and by its sthānivattva the ā-final stem would be bha, so relying on the internal case-ending the c-final would be a pada and with kutva and jaśtva vāgika would result; with deletion of the posterior member, it not being a vowel-substitute there is no sthānivattva, and the bha-saṃjñā by 'yaci bham' (SK 231), of equal scope, blocks the pada-saṃjñā by 'suptiṅantam' (SK 29) as the later rule in the one-saṃjñā adhikāra; the pada-saṃjñā of 'svādiṣu' (SK 230) is not even to be suspected, 'yaci bham' being its apavāda. Agrees with BM's final view; Recorded. TB takes only BM's first analysis of vāgāśīḥ.
- BM on 'katham': here too, after aṅgulidatta is deleted, there is no pada-status because of the bha-status resting on the affix ika, so jaśtva is hard to obtain: that is the question. On 'ṣaṣa…': when ṣaṣ is the prior member, it is the deletion after the second vowel established by the sūtra 'ṭhājādau' that applies, not this deletion of the posterior member; by that statement ṣaḍikaḥ is established: what follows the a after ḍ is deleted, that a is deleted by 'yasyeti ca', by its sthānivattva the a-final is bha before ika, and the pada-status of the ṣ-final is unimpeded, so jaśtva is free (Bhāṣya on 'svādiṣu'). Followed for segmenting the vārttika as 'ṣaṣaḥ ṭhājādivacanāt' and for '[SK 2035]'.
- TB: 'ṣaṣ': here the deletion of the sūtra itself is wanted, not the one taught by the supplementary statement (upasaṃkhyāna). Agrees with BM; followed.
- textual NSP editorial footnote 1, printed under sk.2035.n1 (NSP p. 326, printed 316; scan shows the numeral at 'ekākṣara' of this vārttika): an akṣara is a consonant together with a vowel; the sense is 'of [words] whose prior member has one vowel'; this [vārttika] is stated because by 'after the second vowel' the deletion of [a portion] including the second vowel is not obtained. Recorded; agrees with BM.
- textual The digital source opens k3, k5 and k7 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)'; NSP p. 326 (scan) marks each vārttika with the vārttika sign before it. The tags are left untranslated; k3 and k5 are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose and k7 carries nothing else. Our k3 ends 'kahikaḥ | |'; the print has 'kahikaḥ ‖'.
- translator The kaumudī does not gloss siṃhaka, śarabhaka, rāsabhaka; siṃha, śarabha and rāsabha are animal-class words here used as men's names (BM, TB). The kaumudī gives no derivations for kahikaḥ, vācikaḥ or ṣaḍikaḥ; the steps are recorded only in the commentary notes.
SK 2038 · A 5.3.84V
शेवलसुपरिविशालवरुणार्यमादीनां तृतीयात् ॥ २०३८ ॥
śevalasupariviśālavaruṇāryamādīnāṃ tṛtīyāt
śevalasupariviśālavaruṇāryamādīnāṃ tṛtīyāt — Of [men's names (manuṣyanāman) whose first member is] śevala, supari, viśāla, varuṇa, aryaman and so on, [everything] after the third [vowel (ac) is deleted before a ṭha or a vowel-initial affix — 'ṭhājādau' and 'ūrdhvam' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ṭhājādāv ūrdhvaṃ dvitīyād acaḥ', SK 2035; 'lopa' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ajināntasyottarapadalopaś ca', SK 2039, through SK 2035].
Rule. For men's names beginning with śevala, supari, viśāla, varuṇa, aryaman and the like, the cut comes after the third vowel. It applies before ṭha or a vowel-initial affix. Bhaṭṭoji calls it an apavāda of SK 2035.
Example.
anukampitaḥ śevaladattaḥ "Śevaladatta, regarded with compassion" → śevaladatta + ṭhac
→ the third vowel is the a of la → datta deleted → śevalikaḥ.
With ghan and ilac: śevaliyaḥ, śevalilaḥ.
Likewise suparikaḥ (from suparidatta), viśālikaḥ, varuṇikaḥ, aryamikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "before ṭha or a vowel-initial affix" and "after" come from SK 2035. "Deletion" comes from SK 2039, through SK 2035. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators also cite a vārttika from the Bhāṣya: the vowels are counted before sandhi, the joining of sounds at the seam, is made. So suparyāśīrdatta → suparikaḥ.
Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads sevalilaḥ, with s. The 1915 printed edition reads śevalilaḥ, and so do Bhaṭṭoji's commentators. We follow the print.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
एषां मनुष्यनाम्नां ठाजादौ परे तृतीयादच ऊर्ध्वं लोपः स्यात् । पूर्वस्यापवादः । अनुकम्पितः शेवलदत्तः शेवलिकः । शेवलियः । सेवलिलः । सुपरिकः । विशालिकः । वरुणिकः । अर्यमिकः ॥
Of these men's names [whose first member is śevala etc.], when a ṭha or a vowel-initial affix
follows, there is deletion (lopa) of what comes after the third vowel (ac). This is an
exception (apavāda) to the preceding [rule, SK 2035]. 'Śevaladatta, regarded with compassion
(anukampita)': śevalikaḥ [with ṭhac], śevaliyaḥ [with ghan], śevalilaḥ [with ilac]; suparikaḥ
[from suparidatta], viśālikaḥ [from viśāladatta], varuṇikaḥ [from varuṇadatta], aryamikaḥ
[from aryamadatta].
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 326—शेवलसुपरि—॥—शेवलिक इति । ‘बह्वचो मनुष्यनाम्नः’ इति ठच् । घनिलचोस्तु । शेवलियः । शेवलिलः ॥ ‘शेवलादीनां तृतीयाल्लोपो य उच्यते स चाकृतसंधीनां वक्तव्यः’ ॥ सुपर्याशीः ॥ सुपरिकः सुपरियः सुपरिल इति भाष्ये स्थितम्, कैयटेन तु सुपरिक इति प्रतीकमुपादाय संहिताकार्ये तु कृते लोपे सति सुपर्यिक इति स्यादिति व्याख्यातम् ॥ अयं भावः । संहिताकार्ये यणि कृते तृतीयादच ऊर्ध्वं लोपे सति शीर्दत्त इत्यस्यैव लोपः स्यात् । आकारस्य तु ‘यस्येति च’ इत्यनेन स्यात्तथाच स्थानिवद्भावाद्यणो निवृत्तिर्भविष्यतीति
Bālamanoramā
शेवलसुपरिविशालवरुणार्यमादीनां तृतीयात् - शेवल । एषामिति । शेवल, सुपरि, विशाल, वरुण, अर्यमन्-एतत्पूर्वपदकानामित्यर्थः । पूर्वस्येति । 'ठाजादौ' इत्यस्येत्यर्थः । शेवलिक इति । शेवलदत्त शब्दाट्ठचि तृतीयादचः परस्य दत्तशब्दस्य लोपः । शेवलिल इति । इलचि रूपम् । सुपरिक इति । सुपरिदत्तशब्दाट्ठचि दत्तशब्दलोपः । विशालिक इति । विशालदत्तशब्दाट्ठचि रूपम् । वरुणिक इति । वरुणदत्तात् — वरुणिकः । अर्यमिक इति । अर्यमदत्तात्-अर्यमिकः ।अकृतसन्धीनामेषा॑मिति वार्तिकं भाष्ये स्थितम् । तेन सुपर्याशीर्दत्तः सुपरिक इत्यादि सिध्यति ।
translator notes
- BM: 'eṣām' = of those having śevala, supari, viśāla, varuṇa, aryaman as first member (etatpūrvapadakānām). 'pūrvasya' = of 'ṭhājādau' (SK 2035). śevalikaḥ: śevaladatta + ṭhac, deletion of the word datta that follows the third vowel; śevalilaḥ: with ilac; suparikaḥ: suparidatta + ṭhac, deletion of datta; viśālikaḥ from viśāladatta with ṭhac; varuṇikaḥ from varuṇadatta; aryamikaḥ from aryamadatta. The vārttika 'akṛtasandhīnām eṣām' stands in the Bhāṣya; by it suparyāśīrdattaḥ → suparikaḥ etc. is established. Followed for '[whose first member is śevala etc.]', for identifying 'the preceding' as SK 2035, and for the bracketed bases.
- TB: śevalikaḥ is with ṭhac by 'bahvaco manuṣyanāmnaḥ' (SK 2033); with ghan and ilac, śevaliyaḥ, śevalilaḥ. TB quotes: 'the deletion after the third [vowel] stated for śevala etc. is to be stated for those whose sandhi has not been made'. suparyāśīḥ: suparikaḥ, supariyaḥ, suparilaḥ stand in the Bhāṣya; but Kaiyaṭa, taking up the pratīka 'suparika', explains that if sandhi were made, the result after deletion would be 'suparyika'. The point: with the yaṇ made by sandhi, deletion after the third vowel would remove only 'śīrdatta', the ā would go by 'yasyeti ca' (SK 311), and then by sthānivadbhāva [of that deletion] the yaṇ would be undone. Followed for the affix brackets after the śevala forms; the sandhi question is Recorded.
- textual The digital source reads 'sevalilaḥ'; NSP p. 326 (printed 316) reads 'śevalilaḥ' (scan confirms), as do BM and TB. The English translates 'śevalilaḥ'.
- translator The kaumudī supplies 'ṭhājādau pare' and 'lopaḥ' and calls this an apavāda of the preceding rule. 'ṭhājādau' and 'ūrdhvam' come from SK 2035 (BM: 'pūrvasya = ṭhājādau ity asya'); 'lopa' is not a word of SK 2035 but comes from 'ajināntasyottarapadalopaś ca' (SK 2039), carried forward into SK 2035 as TB (under sk.2035.t1: ''ajināntasya' ity ato lopa ity anuvartanāt') and BM on SK 2035 state. Its continuation into this sūtra is the translator's identification.
SK 2039 · A 5.3.82V
अजिनान्तस्योत्तरपदलोपश्च ॥ २०३९ ॥
ajināntasyottarapadalopaśca
ajināntasyottarapadalopaś ca — [After a man's name (manuṣyanāman)] ending in ajina, [kan in the sense of compassion (anukampā) — supplied by the kaumudī], and deletion (lopa) of the final member (uttarapada).
Rule. After a man's name ending in ajina "hide", kan comes in compassion. And the final member (uttarapada), ajina, is deleted.
Example.
anukampito vyāghrājinaḥ "Vyāghrājina, regarded with compassion" → vyāghrājina + kan
→ ajina deleted → vyāghrakaḥ.
siṃhājina + kan → siṃhakaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes this siṃhakaḥ as the form of siṃhājina, not of siṃha as in SK 2037.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "a man's name", "in compassion" and "kan" from the rules before.
Watch out. This is Pāṇini's 5.3.82, given after 5.3.83–84. Its word lopa "deletion" is the one that SK 2035 and SK 2038 borrow.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अजिनान्तान्मनुष्यनाम्नोऽनुकम्पायां कन् तस्य चोत्तरपदलोपः । अनुकम्पितो व्याघ्राजिनो व्याघ्रकः । सिंहकः ॥
After a man's name (manuṣyanāman) ending in ajina, kan comes in [the sense of] compassion
(anukampā), and its final member (uttarapada) is deleted: anukampito vyāghrājinaḥ ('the
pitied Vyāghrājina'): vyāghrakaḥ; [from siṃhājina] siṃhakaḥ.
Bālamanoramā
अजिनान्तस्योत्तरपदलोपश्च - अजिनान्तस्य । व्याघ्रक इति । 'व्याघ्राजिन' इति कस्यचिन्मनुष्यस्य नाम । तस्मात्कनि अजिनस्य लोपः । सिंहक इति । सिंहाजिनशब्दात्कनि अजिनस्य लोपः ।
translator notes
- BM: vyāghrakaḥ — 'vyāghrājina' is the name of some man; from it, when kan comes, ajina is deleted. siṃhakaḥ — from the word siṃhājina, when kan comes, ajina is deleted. Followed for taking siṃhakaḥ as the form of siṃhājina (not of siṃha as at SK 2037); the derivation vyāghrājina + kan → [deletion of ajina] → vyāghrakaḥ is Recorded.
- textual Our BM (sk.2039.b1) reads 'ajinakasya lopaḥ' for vyāghrakaḥ; the Wikisource SK+BM edition (purva-3-2, p. 916) reads 'ajinasya lopaḥ', as our BM itself has in the next sentence. No Tattvabodhinī comment on this sūtra: TB under sk.2038.t1 treats SK 2038 only, and the next TB block (sk.2041.t1) opens with 'hrasve'. The kaumudī agrees with NSP p. 326 (printed 316).
- translator The kaumudī supplies 'manuṣyanāmnaḥ', 'anukampāyām' and 'kan' without naming their source; the translator identifies them as 'bahvaco manuṣyanāmnaḥ …' (SK 2033; cf. 'manuṣyanāmna ity eva' at SK 2037), 'anukampāyām' (SK 2031) and 'jātināmnaḥ kan' (SK 2037). The kaumudī's siṃhakaḥ repeats the form given at SK 2037 from siṃha.
SK 2040 · A 5.3.85V
अल्पे ॥ २०४० ॥
alpe
alpe — [The affixes as prescribed (yathāvihitam) come after a word occurring in a sense qualified by] smallness (alpa).
Rule. The affixes as prescribed (yathāvihitam) come when the sense is "small" (alpa).
Example.
alpaṃ tailam "a small quantity of oil" → taila + ka → tailakam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds sarvakam, uccakaiḥ, pacataki. So akac comes here too.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अल्पं तैलं तैलकम् ॥
A small [quantity of] oil: tailakam.
Bālamanoramā
अल्पे - अल्पे । अल्पत्वविशिष्टे वर्तमानाद्यथाविहितं प्रत्ययाः स्युः । तैलकमिति । 'सर्वकम्' 'उच्चकैः'पचतकी॑त्याद्यप्युदाहार्यम् ।
translator notes
- BM: after a word occurring [in a sense] qualified by smallness (alpatva), the affixes as prescribed (yathāvihitam) come. Besides tailakam, sarvakam, uccakaiḥ, pacataki etc. are to be given as examples. Followed for the bracketed affixes and sense in sutra_en; the further examples are Recorded.
- TB, printed under sk.2041.t1 (on 'hrasve', SK 2041): vṛkṣakaḥ is the example there because 'short' and 'long' are not said of oil etc.; although that form is already obtained by 'alpe', they say there is a difference in the verbal cognition (śābdabodha). Recorded.
- translator BM's further examples (sarvakam, uccakaiḥ, pacataki) show that 'as prescribed' covers the akac of SK 2026 as well as the ka of SK 2025; the identification of the sūtras is the translator's.
SK 2041 · A 5.3.86V
ह्रस्वे ॥ २०४१ ॥
hrasve
hrasve — In the sense 'short' (hrasva) [the affixes as prescribed (yathāvihitam) come].
Rule. The same affixes come when the sense is "short" (hrasva).
Example.
hrasvo vṛkṣaḥ "a short tree" → vṛkṣa + ka → vṛkṣakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. How does "short" differ from "small"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. Small is the opposite of large; short is the opposite of long. The other says we do not call oil short or long, which is why the example is a tree.
Watch out. vṛkṣakaḥ could also come from SK 2040. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports that the verbal cognition (śābdabodha) differs. That is the meaning a hearer takes from the word.
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 326–327—ह्रस्वे । तैलादौ हृस्वदीर्घादिव्यवहाराभावात् वृक्षक इत्युदाहृतम् ॥ यद्यपि ‘अल्पे’ इत्यनेनैवेदं रूपं सिध्यति तथापि शाब्दवोधे विशेषोऽस्तीत्याहुः ॥—कुटीर इति । ‘स्वा- र्थिकाः प्रकृतितो लिङ्गमतिवर्तन्ते’ इति पुंलिङ्गतात्र संगच्छते ॥—वत्सोक्षाभ्व—। तनुत्वं न्यूनता । सा च प्रवृत्तिनिमित्तस्य प्रत्यासत्तेः । क्वचित्तु तत्सहचरितधर्मान्तराणाम् । तत्र वत्सः प्रथमवयाः ॥ वयसश्च प्रथमस्य न्यूनत्वं नाम वयोऽन्तरप्राप्तिस्तदाह—द्वितीयमिति । तरुण उक्षा । तारुण्यस्य च तनुत्वं तृतीयवयःप्राप्तिः । अश्वायामश्वादुत्पन्नोऽश्वः, अश्वत्वं च जातिः । तत्सहचरितस्याश्वायामश्वादुत्पन्नत्वधर्मस्य न्यूनत्वमन्यपितृकता । तथा च गर्दभेनाश्वायामुत्पादितोऽश्वतरः ॥ ऋषभो भारस्य वोढा । तस्य तनुत्वं भारोद्वहने मन्दशक्तिता । तद्वांस्तु ऋषभतरः ॥—किंयत्तदोः—॥—कतरो वैष्णव इति । गुणेन निर्धारणमिदम् ॥ क्रियासंज्ञाभ्यां निर्धारणे तु कतरोऽध्यापकः । कतरो देवदत्त इत्यादि ज्ञेयम् ॥ ननु द्वयोरेकस्य निर्धारणे डतरचेत् भवति, तर्हि ‘कयोरन्यतरो देवदत्तः’ ‘ययोरन्यतरः’ ‘तयोरन्यतरः’ इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । अत्राहुः । निर्धार्यमाणवाचिभ्य एवायं प्रत्ययोऽभिधानस्वाभाव्यात् । तेनात्र नातिप्रसङ्ग इति ॥ एकस्येति किम् । ‘द्वयोः’ इति कर्मणि षष्ठी माभूत् । तथाहि सति ‘अस्मिन् सर्वकौ देवदत्तयज्ञदत्तौ’ इत्यादावेव स्यात् ॥—वा बहूनाम्—। ‘किंयत्तदः’ इति वर्तते ॥ जातिश्च परिप्रश्नश्चेति समाहारद्वन्द्वः । अत्र जाताविति सर्वेषां विशेषणम् ॥ षष्ठीसमासे तु गुणभूतस्य जातिग्रहणस्य निष्कृष्य संबन्धोऽनुपपन्नः स्यात् । परिप्रश्नग्रहणं तु किम एव विशेषणम् । तच्च क्षेपनिवृत्त्यर्थम् ॥ तत्र जातिग्रहणं प्रायोऽभिप्रायम् । क्रियागुणसंज्ञाभिरपि निर्धारणे डतरच इष्टत्वात् । तथा पूर्वसूत्रे द्वयोरिति प्रायोऽभिप्रायम् । बहूनां निर्धारणेऽपि डतरच इष्टत्वात् ॥ तथा च वार्तिकम् । ‘किमादीनां द्विबह्वर्थे प्रत्ययविधानादुपाध्यानर्थक्यम्’ इति ॥ अत्र कैयटः । ‘द्वयोः’ इति, ‘जातिपरिप्रश्ने’ इति च न कर्तव्यमिति भाव’ इति । तदेतदाह—प्रत्याख्यातमाकर इति ॥—कठ इति । कतमो भवतामध्यापकः शूरो देवदत्तो वेत्यप्युदाहर्तव्यम् ॥—यकः सक इति । कक इति तु नोक्तम् । अकच्सहितस्यापि ‘किमः कः’ इत्ययमादेश इति व्याख्यातत्वात् ॥—महाविभाषयेति । ‘प्राग्दिशः’ इति सूत्रे समर्थप्रथमग्रहणयोर्निवृत्तत्वेऽपि वाग्रहणमनुवर्तते इत्युक्तत्वादिति भावः ॥ ‘किंयत्तदः’ इति सूत्रे द्वयोरित्यस्य प्रत्याख्यानादाह—किमोऽस्मिन्निति
Bālamanoramā
ह्रस्वे । ह्रस्वत्वविशिष्टे वर्तमानाद्यथाविहितं प्रत्यया इत्यर्थः । अल्पत्वं — महत्त्वप्रतिद्वन्द्वि, ह्रस्वत्वं तु दीर्घत्वप्रतिद्वन्द्वीति भेदः ।
translator notes
- BM (sk.2041.b1, beginning 'hrasve'): after [a word] standing in [a sense] qualified by shortness (hrasvatva), the affixes as prescribed (yathāvihitam) [come]. The difference [from 'alpe', SK 2040]: smallness (alpatva) is the opposite of largeness (mahattva), whereas shortness (hrasvatva) is the opposite of length (dīrghatva). Followed for the bracket in sutra_en and for 'short'.
- TB: vṛkṣaka is given as the example because with oil and the like there is no usage of short and long. Although this form is established by 'alpe' (SK 2040) itself, they say there is a difference in the verbal cognition (śābdabodha). Followed for 'short' as distinct from 'small'.
- textual BM's comment on 'hrasve', formerly misfiled under sk.2002.b1 (whose label was that of SK 2002, 'tiṅaś ca'), was re-filed here as sk.2041.b1 (2026-10-05). The TB block sk.2041.t1 (NSP p. 326–327, printed 316–317) runs on past this sūtra into SK 2043 ('kuṭīra iti'), SK 2046 ('vatsokṣāśva—'), SK 2047 ('kiṃyattadoḥ—') and SK 2048 ('vā bahūnām—' to 'kimo 'sminn iti').
SK 2042 · A 5.3.87V
संज्ञायां कन् ॥ २०४२ ॥
saṃjñāyāṃ kan
saṃjñāyāṃ kan — kan, when a name (saṃjñā) [occasioned by shortness (hrasva, SK 2041)] is understood.
Rule. Kan comes when a name arises from shortness. Bhaṭṭoji calls it an apavāda of the preceding rule, so it sets aside ka and the rest.
Example.
vaṃśa "bamboo" → vaṃśa + kan → vaṃśakaḥ, a particular short kind of bamboo.
Likewise veṇukaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses vaṃśaka.
Watch out. The sūtra repeats SK 2030 word for word. There the name arose from contempt. Here Bhaṭṭoji says the name arises from shortness.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
ह्रस्वहेतुका या संज्ञा तस्यां गम्यमानायां कन् । पूर्वस्यापवादः । वंशकः । वेणुकः ॥
kan comes when a name occasioned by shortness (hrasva) is understood. [This is] an exception (apavāda) to the preceding [sūtra]. vaṃśakaḥ ['a particular short kind of bamboo'], veṇukaḥ.
Bālamanoramā
संज्ञायां कन् - संज्ञायां कन् । वंशक इति । ह्रस्वस्य वेणुजातिविशेषस्य नाम ।
translator notes
- BM: vaṃśaka is the name of a particular species of bamboo (veṇu) that is short. Followed for the gloss of vaṃśakaḥ in k1.
- translator 'The preceding [sūtra]' of which kan is an apavāda is 'hrasve' (SK 2041), which gives the affixes as prescribed (yathāvihitam: ka and the rest; BM on 'hrasve', sk.2041.b1), so kan here displaces the ka etc. obtained under it; the kaumudī's 'hrasvahetukā' likewise draws on that sūtra. No commentator states the anuvṛtti of 'hrasve' here; the identification is the translator's.
SK 2043 · A 5.3.88V
कुटीशमीशुण्डाभ्यो रः ॥ २०४३ ॥
kuṭīśamīśuṇḍābhyo raḥ
kuṭīśamīśuṇḍābhyo raḥ — After kuṭī, śamī and śuṇḍā, ra [when shortness is meant — 'hrasve' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2041].
Rule. After kuṭī "hut", śamī and śuṇḍā, the affix ra comes when the sense is "short". Hrasve still holds; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.
Example.
hrasvā kuṭī "a short hut" → kuṭī + ra → kuṭīraḥ.
Likewise śamīraḥ, śuṇḍāraḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Kuṭīraḥ is masculine, though kuṭī is feminine. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cite a statement: a svārthika sometimes oversteps the gender of its base.
Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads hrasvaḥ kuṭī, with a masculine "short". The 1915 printed edition reads hrasvā kuṭī, feminine, agreeing with kuṭī. We follow the print.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
ह्रस्वः कुटी कुटीरः । शमीरः । शुण्डारः ॥
A short (hrasva) hut (kuṭī): kuṭīraḥ [masculine]. śamīraḥ, śuṇḍāraḥ.
Bālamanoramā
कुटीशमीशुण्डाभ्यो रः - कुटीशमी । ह्रस्व इत्येव कुटीर इति ।स्वार्थिकाः क्वचित्प्रकृतितो लिह्गवचनान्यतिवर्तन्ते॑ इति पुंस्त्वम् । एवं शमीरः शुण्डार इत्यपि । ह्रस्वा शमी, शुण्डा चेत्यर्थः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'hrasve' continues (ity eva). kuṭīraḥ is masculine by the statement 'svārthikāḥ kvacit prakṛtito liṅgavacanāny ativartante'. Likewise śamīraḥ and śuṇḍāraḥ, meaning a short śamī and a short śuṇḍā. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for '[masculine]' in k1.
- TB, printed under sk.2041.t1: in kuṭīraḥ the masculine gender is accounted for by 'svārthikāḥ prakṛtito liṅgam ativartante'. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
- textual Our text reads 'hrasvaḥ kuṭī' (masculine); NSP p. 326 (scan) prints 'hrasvā kuṭī', feminine in agreement with kuṭī, as BM's 'hrasvā śamī' also has. The English follows the print.
SK 2044 · A 5.3.89V
कुत्वा डुपच् ॥ २०४४ ॥
kutvā ḍupac
kutvā ḍupac — After kutū, ḍupac [when shortness (hrasva, SK 2041) is meant].
Rule. After kutū, a leather flask for oil, the affix ḍupac comes when the sense is "short". Its ḍ and c are markers (it), so it is heard as -upa.
Example.
hrasvā kutūḥ "a short oil-flask" → kutū + ḍupac
→ the ṭi ū deleted before the ḍ-marked affix (SK 316) → kut + upa
→ kutupaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji quotes a verse, which one of his commentators identifies as Amara's. Kutū is a vessel of hide for oil; a short one is kutupa, masculine. So here too the feminine is given up.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
ह्रस्वा कुतूः कुतुपः । कुतूः कृत्तेः स्नेहपात्रं ह्रस्वा सा कुतुपः पुमान् ॥
A short (hrasva) kutū: kutupaḥ. [As Amara says:] "kutū is a vessel of hide for oil; a short one is kutupa, masculine."
Bālamanoramā
कुत्वा डुपच् - कुत्वा डुपच् । कुतुप इति । कुतूशब्दात् डुपचि ङित्त्वाट्टिलोपः । तत्रापि कुटीरादिवत्स्त्रीत्वमपहाय पुंस्त्वमेव । तत्राऽमरकोशमपि प्रमाणयति — कुतूः कृत्तिस्नेहेति ।
translator notes
- BM: in kutupaḥ, after kutū with ḍupac, the ṭi is elided because the affix has ḍ as it (ḍit). Here too, as in kuṭīraḥ etc., the feminine is given up and the word is masculine only. He cites the Amarakośa as authority for this. Followed for the attribution to Amara in k1; the derivation (kutū + ḍupac → kut + upa → kutupa) is BM's and is recorded here only (§9).
- translator No commentator states the anuvṛtti of 'hrasve' in this sūtra; the bracket in sutra_en rests on the kaumudī's own 'hrasvā kutūḥ' and on BM's 'hrasva ity eva' under the neighbouring SK 2043 and SK 2045.
- textual BM's citation of the verse reads 'kutūḥ kṛttisneha[pātram]', and Wikisource reads 'kṛttisnehapātraṃ'; our text and NSP p. 326 (scan) read 'kutūḥ kṛtteḥ snehapātram'. The English follows our text; the sense (a vessel of hide for oil) is the same.
SK 2045 · A 5.3.90V
कासूगोणीभ्यां ष्टरच् ॥ २०४५ ॥
kāsūgoṇībhyāṃ ṣṭarac
kāsūgoṇībhyāṃ ṣṭarac — After kāsū and goṇī, ṣṭarac [when shortness is meant — 'hrasve' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2041].
Rule. After kāsū and goṇī, the affix ṣṭarac comes when the sense is "short". Its ṣ and c are markers (it), so it is heard as -tara.
Example.
hrasvā kāsūḥ "a short kāsū" → kāsū + ṣṭarac → kāsūtara
→ the feminine ṅīṣ (heard as -ī) → kāsūtarī.
Likewise goṇītarī.
Bhaṭṭoji glosses kāsū as a particular weapon.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ṅīṣ comes because the affix is marked with ṣ.
Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads āyudhaviśaiṣaḥ. The 1915 printed edition reads āyudhaviśeṣaḥ "a particular weapon". We follow the print.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
आयुधविशैषः कासूः । ह्रस्वा सा कासूतरी गोणीतरी ॥
kāsū is a particular weapon. A short (hrasva) one: kāsūtarī. goṇītarī.
Bālamanoramā
कासूगोणीभ्यां ष्टरच् - कासूगोणीभ्यां ष्टरच् । ह्रस्व इत्येव । कासूतरीति । षित्त्वान्ङीषिति भावः ।कासूर्बुद्धे कुवाच्येऽस्त्रे॑ इति नानार्थरत्नमालायाम् । एवं गोणीतरीति ।
translator notes
- BM: 'hrasve' continues (ity eva). In kāsūtarī, ṅīṣ comes because [the affix] has ṣ as it (ṣit). The Nānārtharatnamālā has 'kāsūr buddhe kuvācye 'stre' (kāsū in the senses of 'intelligent', 'ill-spoken' and 'weapon'). Likewise goṇītarī. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en; the ṅīṣ derivation is BM's and is recorded here only (§9).
- textual Our text reads 'āyudhaviśaiṣaḥ'; NSP p. 327 (scan) prints 'āyudhaviśeṣaḥ'. The English follows the print.
SK 2046 · A 5.3.91V
वत्सोक्षाश्वर्षभेभ्यश्च तनुत्वे ॥ २०४६ ॥
vatsokṣāśvarṣabhebhyaśca tanutve
vatsokṣāśvarṣabhebhyaś ca tanutve — And after vatsa, ukṣan, aśva and ṛṣabha, [ṣṭarac — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2045 —] when diminution (tanutva) [is meant].
Rule. After vatsa "calf", ukṣan "young bull", aśva "horse" and ṛṣabha "bull", ṣṭarac comes for diminution (tanutva). Bhaṭṭoji says the diminution must be of the word's ground of application (pravṛttinimitta).
Example.
vatsa + ṣṭarac → vatsataraḥ: a calf that has reached the second age.
ukṣan + ṣṭarac → ukṣataraḥ: a bull past its youth.
aśva + ṣṭarac → aśvataraḥ: a mule, born of a donkey on a mare.
ṛṣabha + ṣṭarac → ṛṣabhataraḥ: a bull weak at bearing loads.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give these senses.
Applies when / blocked by. A vatsa is a calf in its first age. Its "diminution" is having passed into the next age. So a thin calf is not a vatsatara. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is why Bhaṭṭoji adds "only when the ground of application is diminished".
Watch out. Here "short" (hrasve) stops running. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so. Ṣṭarac alone is carried on from SK 2045.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
वत्सतरः । द्वितीयं वयः प्राप्तः । उक्षतरः । अश्वतरः । ऋषभतरः । प्रवृत्तिनिमित्ततनुत्व एवायम् ॥
vatsataraḥ: [a calf (vatsa)] that has reached the second age. ukṣataraḥ [a bull (ukṣan) past its
youth], aśvataraḥ [a mule], ṛṣabhataraḥ [a draught-bull weak at bearing loads].
This [affix comes] only when there is diminution of the ground for the word's application
(pravṛttinimitta).
Bālamanoramā
वत्सोक्षाश्वर्षभेभ्यश्च तनुत्वे - वत्सोक्ष । ह्रस्व इति निवृत्तम् । वत्स, उक्षन्, अआ, ऋषभ — एभ्यस्तनुत्वविशिष्टवृत्तिभ्यः ष्टरच्प्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । तनुत्वं — न्यूनत्वम् । वत्सः-प्रथमवयाः । वयसश्च प्रथमस्य तनुत्वम् — उत्तर वयः प्राप्त्या ज्ञेयम् । तदाह — द्वितीयं वयःप्राप्त इति । उक्षतर इति । उक्षा — तरुणो बलीवर्दः । तारुण्यस्य तनुत्वं तृतीयवयः प्राप्त्या ज्ञेयम् । अश्वतर इति । गर्दभेन अश्वायामुत्पादितः । अश्वतरः — अश्वतरत्वं च अआत्वापेक्षया न्यूनमेव । ऋषभतर इति । ऋषभो-भारस्य वोढा तस्य तनुत्वं भारोद्वहने मन्दशक्तिता, तद्वानित्यर्थः । तनुः कृशो वत्सो वत्सतर इति कुतो नेत्यत आह — प्रवृत्तिनिमित्ततनुत्वे एवायमिति । एतच्च भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।
translator notes
- BM: 'hrasve' (SK 2041) has ceased (nivṛtta). The sense: ṣṭarac comes after vatsa, ukṣan, aśva and ṛṣabha when they occur in a sense qualified by diminution (tanutva); tanutva = nyūnatva. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti of ṣṭarac in sutra_en.
- BM: a vatsa is one in the first age, and the diminution of the first age is known by the reaching of the next age, hence 'dvitīyaṃ vayaḥ prāptaḥ'. An ukṣan is a young bull, and the diminution of youth is the reaching of the third age. An aśvatara is begotten by a donkey on a mare; being an aśvatara is less than being a horse. An ṛṣabha is a bearer of loads, and its diminution is weak capacity for bearing loads; ṛṣabhatara means one possessing that. Why not 'vatsataraḥ' for a thin (kṛśa) calf? Hence 'pravṛttinimittatanutva eva', which is clear in the Bhāṣya. Followed for the bracketed glosses in k1.
- TB, printed under sk.2041.t1 (NSP p. 327, printed 317, scan): tanutva is deficiency (nyūnatā). It is deficiency of the pravṛttinimitta, by proximity, and in some cases of other properties that accompany it. A vatsa is one in the first age, and the deficiency of the first age is the reaching of another age, hence 'dvitīyam'. An ukṣan is a young bull, and the diminution of its youth is reaching the third age. An aśva is one born of a horse on a mare, and aśvatva is a class (jāti). The deficiency of the property that accompanies it, being born of a horse on a mare, is having another father, so an aśvatara is begotten by a donkey on a mare. An ṛṣabha is a bearer of loads; its diminution is weak capacity for bearing loads, and one possessing that is an ṛṣabhatara. Followed for the glosses in k1. TB's allowance that the deficiency may lie in an accompanying property (as with aśvatara) is Recorded; k1 keeps the kaumudī's 'pravṛttinimittatanutva eva' as it stands.
- translator No TB is filed under this unit. TB on it is printed inside sk.2041.t1, which carries TB on SK 2043, 2046, 2047 and 2048 (see the TB note); SK 2049 and 2050 have their own TB blocks, and there is no TB on SK 2042, 2044 or 2045.
SK 2047 · A 5.3.92V
किंयत्तदो निर्द्धारणे द्वयोरेकस्य डतरच् ॥ २०४७ ॥
kiṃyattado nirddhāraṇe dvayorekasya ḍatarac
kiṃyattado nirdhāraṇe dvayor ekasya ḍatarac — After kim, yad and tad [denoting the one being singled out (nirdhāryamāṇa)], ḍatarac [comes] when one of two is singled out (nirdhāraṇa).
Rule. When one of two is singled out (nirdhāraṇa), ḍatarac comes after kim "which", yad "which (relative)" and tad "that". Ḍatarac is heard as -atara; its ḍ deletes the ṭi.
Example.
anayoḥ kataro vaiṣṇavaḥ "which of these two is a Vaiṣṇava?" → kim + ḍatarac
→ the ṭi im deleted before the ḍ-marked affix (SK 316) → k + atara
→ kataraḥ.
Likewise yataraḥ, tataraḥ.
By the great option (mahāvibhāṣā) the plain words also stand: kaḥ, yaḥ, saḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add the condition "denoting the one singled out". In kayor anyataro devadattaḥ "Devadatta is the other of which two?" kim denotes the two, not the one singled out. So no ḍatarac comes after it. One commentator adds that the singling out may be by a quality, an action or a name.
Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads mahāvibhāṣāyā. The 1915 printed edition reads mahāvibhāṣayā "by the great option", as our text itself does at SK 2048. We follow the print. The Devanāgarī heading keeps our source's spelling, nirddhāraṇe with a doubled dh; the IAST follows the print, nirdhāraṇe. The word is the same.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
अनयोः कतरो वैष्णवः । यतरः । ततरः । महाविभाषाया कः । यः । सः ॥
anayoḥ kataro vaiṣṇavaḥ ('which of these two is a Vaiṣṇava?'). yataraḥ; tataraḥ. By the
great option (mahāvibhāṣā) [the affix may be absent]: kaḥ, yaḥ, saḥ.
Bālamanoramā
किंयत्तदो निर्द्धारणे द्वयोरेकस्य डतरच् - किंयत्तदो निर्धारणे । किम्, यत्, तत् एषां समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । द्वयोरेकस्य निर्धारणे गम्ये निर्धार्यमाणवाचिभ्यः किमादिभ्यो डतरच् स्यादित्यर्थः । अनयोः कतरो वैष्णव इति । को वैष्णव इत्यर्थः । अत्र वैष्णवत्वगुणेन किंशब्दार्थ इदमर्थाभ्यां निर्धार्यते । अतः किंशब्दाड्डतरचि डित्त्वाट्टिलोपे 'कतर' इति भवति । एवं यद्शब्दात्, तद्शब्दाच्च डतरचि टिलोपे यतरः ततर इति भवति । निर्धार्यमाणवाचिभ्य इति किम् । कयोरन्यतरो देवदत्तः, ययोरन्यतरः, तयोरन्यतर इत्यत्र किमादिभ्यो न भवति ।
translator notes
- BM: the fifth case [kiṃyattadaḥ] is from a collective dvandva of kim, yad and tad. The meaning is: when the singling out of one of two is understood, ḍatarac comes after kim etc. denoting what is being singled out. In 'anayoḥ kataro vaiṣṇavaḥ' ('which of these two is a Vaiṣṇava') the referent of kim is singled out from the two referents of idam by the quality of being a Vaiṣṇava; kim + ḍatarac → deletion of the ṭi because of the ḍ-it → katara; yad and tad likewise give yatara, tatara. Why 'denoting what is singled out'? So that it does not come after kim etc. in kayor anyataro devadattaḥ, yayor anyataraḥ, tayor anyataraḥ. Followed for the gloss of the example and for the bracketed condition 'denoting the one being singled out' in sutra_en (it is not in the kaumudī's wording).
- TB, printed under sk.2041.t1: 'kataro vaiṣṇavaḥ' is singling out by a quality; by an action or a name, kataro 'dhyāpakaḥ, kataro devadattaḥ. Objection: if ḍatarac comes whenever one of two is singled out, it would apply in kayor anyataro devadattaḥ, yayor anyataraḥ, tayor anyataraḥ. Answer: by the nature of expression (abhidhānasvābhāvya) the affix comes only after words denoting what is singled out. Why 'ekasya'? So that 'dvayoḥ' is not [taken as] a sixth case of the object (karmaṇi ṣaṣṭhī), which would restrict the affix to [cases such as] 'asmin sarvakau devadattayajñadattau' (text obscure). Later, on SK 2048, TB says that 'dvayoḥ' in this sūtra states only the usual case (prāyo'bhiprāya), since ḍatarac is desired also when one is singled out from many; cites the vārttika 'kimādīnāṃ dvibahvarthe pratyayavidhānād upādhyānarthakyam' with Kaiyaṭa's gloss that 'dvayoḥ' here and 'jātiparipraśne' in SK 2048 need not be stated; and explains 'mahāvibhāṣayā' there: in 'prāg diśaḥ' (SK 1947) 'vā' continues although 'samartha' and 'prathama' have ceased. Followed for 'the great option (mahāvibhāṣā)' in k1 and, with BM, for the bracketed condition in sutra_en; the sūtra's 'dvayoḥ' is kept in sutra_en as written.
- textual The digital sūtra reads 'nirddhāraṇe'; NSP p. 327 (printed 317) and Wikisource read 'nirdhāraṇe', as does our own SK 2048 (orthographic).
- textual The digital kaumudī reads 'mahāvibhāṣāyā kaḥ'; NSP p. 327 (printed 317) reads 'mahāvibhāṣayā kaḥ' (scan), as does our SK 2048. The English follows the print.
SK 2048 · A 5.3.93V
वा बहूनां जातिपरिप्रश्ने डतमच् ॥ २०४८ ॥
vā bahūnāṃ jātiparipraśne ḍatamac
vā bahūnāṃ jātiparipraśne ḍatamac — Optionally ḍatamac [comes after kim, yad and tad] when [one] of many [is singled out (nirdhāraṇa)] — 'kiṃyattadaḥ', 'nirdhāraṇe' and 'ekasya' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2047 — in [the case of] a genus (jāti) and of a question (paripraśna) [— jāti qualifying kim, yad and tad; paripraśna, kim alone].
Rule. When one of many is singled out, ḍatamac comes optionally after kim, yad and tad. The sūtra adds "for a class (jāti) or a question (paripraśna)". Ḍatamac is heard as -atama.
Example.
katamo bhavatāṃ kaṭhaḥ "which of you is a Kaṭha?" → kim + ḍatamac → katamaḥ.
Likewise yatamaḥ, tatamaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say jāti goes with all three words, paripraśna with kim alone. The question excludes kim in the sense of contempt.
Bhaṭṭoji then says the words jātiparipraśne are rejected in the source-work (ākara). One of his commentators names it: a vārttika with the gloss of Kaiyaṭa, a commentator on the Bhāṣya. So ḍatamac also comes when one is singled out by an action, a quality or a name: katama eṣāṃ pācakaḥ "which of these is the cook?".
Why does the sūtra say vā "optionally"? Bhaṭṭoji: for akac. So the pronouns also give yakaḥ, sakaḥ. One of his commentators explains. Under the great option alone, akac would not come back once ḍatamac had set it aside. And by the great option the plain yaḥ, saḥ stand too.
A vārttika: in this domain kim also takes ḍatarac: kataraḥ, of one among many.
Watch out. There is no kakaḥ beside yakaḥ and sakaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why: kim with akac is still replaced by ka.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
बहूनां मध्ये एकस्य निर्धारणे डतमच् वा स्यात् । जातिपरिप्रश्न इति प्रत्याख्यातमाकरे । कतमो भवतां कठः । यतमः । ततमः । वाग्रहणमकजर्थम् । यकः । सकः । महाविभाषया । यः । सः ।
When one out of many is singled out (nirdhāraṇa), ḍatamac optionally comes [after kim, yad
and tad — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2047]. [The words]
'jātiparipraśne' are rejected (pratyākhyāta) in the source-work (ākara). katamo bhavatāṃ
kaṭhaḥ, 'Which of you is a Kaṭha?'; yatamaḥ, tatamaḥ. The word vā is for the sake of akac:
yakaḥ, sakaḥ. By the great option (mahāvibhāṣā) [there is also no affix]: yaḥ, saḥ.
vārttikaकिमोऽस्मिन्विषये डतरजपि
(vārttika) After kim, in this domain, ḍatarac too [comes].
Bālamanoramā
वा बहूनां जातिपरिप्रश्ने डतमच् - वा बहूनाम् । किंयत्तद इति, निर्धारणे इति, एकस्येति चानुवर्तते । बहूनामिति निर्धारणे षष्ठी । तदाह — बहूनां मध्ये निर्धारणे डतमज्वा स्यादिति । 'मध्ये' इत्यनन्तरम् — एकस्येति शेषः । जातिपरिप्रश्ने गम्ये इत्यपि बोध्यम् । जातिश्च परिप्रश्नश्चेति समाहारद्वन्द्वः । जातौ परिप्रश्ने च गम्ये इत्यर्थः । तत्र जाताविति किंयत्तदां सर्वेषामेव विशेषणम् । परिप्रश्नग्रहणं तु किम एव विशेषणं, तच्च क्षेपार्थकस्य किमो निवृत्त्यर्थम् । यत्तदोस्तु परिप्रश्नग्रहणं न विशेषणम्, असंभवादिति वृत्तौ स्पष्टम् । अत्र वार्तिकम् — ॒किमादीनां द्विबह्वर्थे प्रत्ययविधानापरिप्रश्नग्रहणं न विशेषणम्, असंभवादिति वृत्तौ स्पष्टम् । अत्र वार्तिकम् — ॒किमादीनां द्विबह्वर्थे प्रत्ययविधानादुपाध्यानर्थक्य॑मिति ।पूर्वसूत्रे द्वयोरिति, अत्र सूत्रे जातिपरिप्रश्ने इति च न कर्तव्ये इति भाव॑ इति कैयटः । तदाह — प्रत्याख्यातमाकरे इति । क्षेपार्थस्य त्वनभिधानान्न ग्रहणमिति तदाशयः । पूर्वसूत्रे द्वयोरिति चेति बोध्यम् । तथाचकतम एषां पाचकः, शूरो, देवदत्तः, इत्यत्र क्रियागुणसंज्ञाभिरपि निर्धारणे डतमज् भवति ।एषां कतरो देवदत्तः॑ इत्यत्र बहूनामेकस्य निर्धारणे डतरच् भवति । अत एव प्रत्ययः॑ इति सूत्रभाष्येबहुष्वासीनेषु कश्चित् कंचित्पृच्छति कतरो देवदत्तः॑ इति प्रयोगः सङ्गच्छते । कतमो भवतां कठ इति ।गोत्रं च चरणैः सहे॑ति कठस्य जातित्वम् । वाग्रहणमकजर्थमिति । अन्यथा महाविभाषया.ञपवादेन मुक्ते उत्सर्गस्याऽप्रवृत्तेरुक्तत्वादकच् न स्यादिति भावः । नचअव्ययसर्वनाम्ना॑मित्यस्याधिकारत्वात्तदनुवृत्त्यैव सिद्धे वाग्रहणं व्यर्थमेवेति वाच्यम्, इहैव सूत्रे तदनुवृत्तिर्नतु पूर्वसूत्रे इति ज्ञापनार्थत्वात् । अतो डतरज्विषये नाऽकच् । महाविभाषयेति । अत एव 'अवक्षेपणे' इति सूत्रे भाष्येक एतयोरर्थयोर्विशेषः॑ इति प्रयोगः सङ्गच्छते ।तमबादयः प्रागवक्षेपणकनोर्नित्याः प्रत्ययाः॑ इति तु प्रायिकमिति भावः । किमोऽस्मिन्निति ।वा बहूना॑मिति प्रकृतसूत्रविषयेऽपीत्यर्थः, बहुष्वासीनषु इत्याद्युदाहृतभाष्यप्रयोगादिति भावः ।
translator notes
- BM: 'kiṃyattadaḥ', 'nirdhāraṇe' and 'ekasya' are carried forward. 'bahūnām' is a sixth case of nirdhāraṇa; hence 'bahūnāṃ madhye', after which 'ekasya' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ); 'when jātiparipraśna is understood' is also to be understood. 'jātiparipraśna' is a samāhāra-dvandva: when a genus (jāti) and a question (paripraśna) are understood. 'jāti' qualifies all of kim, yad and tad; 'paripraśna' qualifies kim alone, to exclude kim in the sense of contempt; for yad and tad 'paripraśna' is no qualifier, being impossible (Vṛtti). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti, the bracketed '[one]', the dvandva construal and the bracketed scope of jāti and paripraśna in sutra_en.
- TB, printed under sk.2041.t1 (NSP p. 327, printed 317): 'kiṃyattadaḥ' continues. 'jātiparipraśna' is a samāhāra-dvandva; 'jātau' qualifies all; as a ṣaṣṭhī-tatpuruṣa the subordinate 'jāti' could not be separately construed. 'paripraśna' qualifies kim only, to exclude kim of contempt (kṣepa). Followed, agreeing with BM.
- BM on 'pratyākhyātam ākare': the vārttika 'kimādīnāṃ dvibahvarthe pratyayavidhānād upādhyānarthakyam' — on which Kaiyaṭa: 'the sense is that dvayoḥ in the preceding sūtra and jātiparipraśne in this one need not be made'; kim of contempt is excluded as not being expressed (anabhidhāna). Accordingly ḍatamac comes also when the singling out is by action, quality or name (katama eṣāṃ pācakaḥ, śūraḥ, devadattaḥ), and ḍatarac for one of many (eṣāṃ kataro devadattaḥ; the Bhāṣya's usage 'bahuṣv āsīneṣu kaścit kaṃcit pṛcchati kataro devadattaḥ'). kaṭha is a genus by 'gotraṃ ca caraṇaiḥ saha'. Followed for rendering 'ākara' as the source-work (the vārttika with Kaiyaṭa) and for 'Kaṭha' as a genus-word.
- BM on 'vāgrahaṇam akajartham': otherwise, since when the apavāda is released by the great option the utsarga does not apply, akac would not come. Nor is 'vā' redundant because 'avyayasarvanāmnām…' (SK 2026) is an adhikāra: it indicates that that anuvṛtti holds in this sūtra and not in the preceding one, so there is no akac in the domain of ḍatarac. On 'mahāvibhāṣayā': hence the Bhāṣya's usage 'ka etayor arthayor viśeṣaḥ' under 'avakṣepaṇe'; the statement that tamap etc. up to the kan of 'avakṣepaṇe' are obligatory affixes is only general (prāyika). On the vārttika: i.e. also in the domain of this sūtra, on the basis of the Bhāṣya usage cited. Followed for '[there is also no affix]' after mahāvibhāṣā.
- TB, printed under sk.2041.t1: on 'kaṭha': 'katamo bhavatām adhyāpakaḥ śūro devadatto vā' should also be given as an example. On 'yakaḥ sakaḥ': 'kakaḥ' is not given, since kim even with akac is replaced by ka by 'kimaḥ kaḥ'. On 'mahāvibhāṣayā': because at 'prāg diśaḥ' (SK 1947) 'vā' is said to continue even though the mentions of samartha and prathama cease. On the vārttika: he says 'kimo 'smin' because 'dvayoḥ' in 'kiṃyattadaḥ' (SK 2047) has been rejected. Recorded.
- textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 327 (printed 317) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'kimo 'smin viṣaye' (scan confirms). The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's example.
- translator The kaumudī does not name kim, yad and tad or 'ekasya' as carried forward; the English's 'one out of many' is Bhaṭṭoji's own ('bahūnāṃ madhye ekasya'), and the sutra_en bracket follows BM.
SK 2049 · A 5.3.94V
एकाच्च प्राचाम् ॥ २०४९ ॥
ekācca prācām
ekāc ca prācām — And after eka, [ḍatarac and ḍatamac, in the domain of the preceding two sūtras (SK 2047, 2048) — supplied (śeṣa)], in the view of the Easterners (prācām) [the option (vikalpa) continuing — TB].
Rule. After eka "one", ḍatarac and ḍatamac come, in the domain of the two preceding rules.
Example.
anayor ekataro maitraḥ "of these two, the one is Maitra" → eka + ḍatarac → ekataraḥ.
eṣām ekatamaḥ "of these [many], the one" → eka + ḍatamac → ekatamaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "ḍatarac and ḍatamac come" (śeṣapūraṇa). One of his commentators says prācām is for honour; the option runs on anyway.
Watch out. This prācām does not bring akac, unlike the vā of SK 2048. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so, citing the Bhāṣya: the option already comes from the great option, so prācām need not have been said.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
डतरच् डतमच्च स्यात् । अनयोरेकतरो मैत्रः । एषामेकतमः ॥
[After eka,] ḍatarac and ḍatamac come: anayor ekataro maitraḥ ('of these two, the one is
Maitra'); eṣām ekatamaḥ ('of these [many], the one').
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 327—एकाच्च—। प्राचांग्रहणं पूजार्थम् । विकल्पोऽनुवर्तत एव
Bālamanoramā
एकाच्च प्राचाम् - एकाच्च प्राचाम् । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — डतरच् — डतमच्च स्यादिति ।पूर्वसूत्रद्वयविषये॑ इति शेषः ।महाविभाषयैव सिद्धे प्राचाङ्ग्रहणं न कर्तव्य॑मिति भाष्यम् । अत एव नाऽकजर्थं तत् ।
translator notes
- BM: Bhaṭṭoji explains the sūtra by supplying what remains (śeṣapūraṇa): 'ḍatarac and ḍatamac come'; 'in the domain of the preceding two sūtras' is to be supplied. The Bhāṣya: 'since [the option] is established by the great option (mahāvibhāṣā) itself, the mention of prācām need not be made'. For that very reason it [prācām] is not for the sake of akac [unlike the 'vā' of SK 2048]. Followed for the bracketed domain in sutra_en; the Bhāṣya's view and the akac point are Recorded.
- TB: the mention of prācām is for honour (pūjārtham); the option (vikalpa) is carried forward in any case. Followed for '[the option continuing]' in sutra_en.
- textual The kaumudī agrees with NSP p. 327 (printed 317); the OCR's 'itarac itamac' are ḍatarac, ḍatamac.
- translator The pairing of the examples follows the two domains: ekatara with 'anayoḥ' (one of two, SK 2047) and ekatama with 'eṣām' (one of many, SK 2048). The kaumudī states this only by the examples.
- translator BM grounds the option in the mahāvibhāṣā ('samarthānāṃ prathamād vā', SK 1072), TB in the anuvṛtti of the option; both make prācām add no option of its own. sutra_en marks the option as TB's and leaves its source open (§16).
SK 2050 · A 5.3.95V
अवक्षेपणे कन् ॥ २०५० ॥
avakṣepaṇe kan
avakṣepaṇe kan — kan [comes after a word denoting] a means of disparagement (avakṣepaṇa).
Rule. Kan comes after a word for the means by which another person is disparaged (avakṣepaṇa).
Example.
vyākaraṇakena garvitaḥ "puffed up by his grammar" → vyākaraṇa + kan → vyākaraṇakaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji: "That by which another is disparaged is the example here."
Applies when / blocked by. Grammar is not contemptible in itself. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the example. Once studied, it breeds pride in the student, and so brings contempt on him. It is the means of his disparagement. Both commentators read avakṣepaṇa as "that by which one is disparaged". It is formed with the affix lyuṭ, an affix forming nouns from verb roots, heard as -ana. Here lyuṭ is in the sense of the instrument (karaṇa).
Watch out. Do not read vyākaraṇakaḥ as "paltry grammar". Where the thing is contemptible in itself, Bhaṭṭoji says, the affix is the ka of kutsite (SK 2029). One of his commentators adds that the two differ in accent.
With this sūtra Bhaṭṭoji closes the section: prāgivīyānāṃ pūrṇo 'vadhiḥ, "the range of the affixes taught before iva is complete". Our text of the Kaumudī lacks the line; the 1915 printed edition has it, and both commentators close with the same words. The next chapter, with more svārthika affixes, opens with ive pratikṛtau (SK 2051). That is the sūtra that has marked the limit of the ka heading since SK 2025.
Siddhānta-kaumudī
व्याकरणकेन गर्वितः व्याकरणकः । येनेतरः कुत्स्यते तदिहोदाहरणम् । स्वतः कुत्सिते तु कुत्सिते SK 2029 इत्यस्य ॥
'Puffed up by [his] grammar (vyākaraṇaka) [— the means by which he is disparaged]':
vyākaraṇakaḥ. That by which another [person] is disparaged is the example here. But where
[the thing] is contemptible in itself, [the affix] belongs to 'kutsite' (SK 2029). [The full extent of the prāgivīya affixes (those taught
before 'ive pratikṛtau') is complete.]
Tattvabodhinī
NSP p. 327–328—अवक्षेपणे कन् । कुत्सिते तु कः । स्वरे विशेषः ॥—येनेतर इति । अवक्षिप्यते येनेत्यवक्षेपणशब्दः करणे ल्युडन्त इति भावः ॥ प्रागिवीयानां पूर्णोऽवधिः ॥
Bālamanoramā
अवक्षेपणे कन् - अवक्षेपणे कन् । व्याकरणकेन गर्वित इति । व्याकरणं हि स्वतो न कुत्सितं, किं तु अधीतं सदध्येतृकुत्साहेतुभूतं गर्वमावहदवक्षेपणम् । नन्ववक्षेपणं कुत्सा । तत्कथं व्याकरणमवक्षेपणं स्यात्, 'कुत्सित' इत्यनेन गतार्थं चेदमित्यत आह — येनेतर इति । अवक्षेपणशब्दः करणे ल्युडन्त इति भावः । ***** इति बालमनोरमायाम् प्रागिवीयानां पूर्णोऽवधिः । *****अथ प्राग्दीव्यतीयाः । — — — — — — —
Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)
NSP p. 328 १ काकतालीय इति—अत्र पूर्वपदमुपमानकाकागमनपरम्, उत्तरपदं चोक्तपूर्वपदार्थसमानाधिकरणोपमानतालपतनपरम् । समुदायश्चोपमेयदेवदत्तगमनसमानाधिकरणचोरपतनपर इति बोध्यम् ।
translator notes
- BM: grammar is not contemptible in itself; but, once studied, it becomes the cause of contempt for the student, bringing on pride, and so is a means of disparagement (avakṣepaṇa). Objection: avakṣepaṇa is contempt (kutsā), so how can grammar be avakṣepaṇa, and would not the rule be covered by 'kutsite'? Hence he says 'yenetaraḥ…': the word avakṣepaṇa ends in lyuṭ in the sense of the instrument (karaṇa). Followed for 'a means of disparagement' in sutra_en, for 'that by which another [person] is disparaged' in k1, and for taking kan to mark grammar as the means by which the student is disparaged, not as contemptible in itself.
- TB: under 'kutsite' (SK 2029) ka comes; the difference [from kan here] is in the accent. On 'yenetaraḥ': avakṣepaṇa = that by which one is disparaged (avakṣipyate yena), ending in lyuṭ in the sense of the instrument. Followed, agreeing with BM: the English makes grammar the instrument of disparagement.
- textual NSP p. 327 (printed 317) prints, in the kaumudī text after 'kutsite 2029 ity asya', the colophon 'prāgivīyānāṃ pūrṇo 'vadhiḥ' (scan confirms), which our digital kaumudī lacks; it is supplied in the English in square brackets. The same words close BM (sk.2050.b1: 'iti bālamanoramāyām prāgivīyānāṃ pūrṇo 'vadhiḥ') and TB (sk.2050.t1).
- textual The NSP footnote filed under sk.2050.n1 (NSP p. 328), on 'kākatālīya', concerns a later sūtra of the following section and does not bear on this unit. The TB on SK 2051 ff. that ran on at the end of sk.2050.t1 ('aśvaka iti' onward) was re-filed to sk.2051.t1 (2026-10-05).
- translator The source gives the phrase 'vyākaraṇakena garvitaḥ' followed by the masculine 'vyākaraṇakaḥ'; neither commentator comments on the second word, and the English does not resolve whether it names the proud man or simply cites the affixed form. kan is not rendered as belittling grammar itself ('paltry grammar'): the kaumudī's next two sentences, BM ('vyākaraṇaṃ hi svato na kutsitam') and TB ('avakṣipyate yena', karaṇe lyuṭ) make grammar the means by which another is disparaged; the case of what is contemptible in itself belongs to SK 2029.