After this chapter you will be able to derive the taddhita words of Pāṇini's fifth book, second quarter, up to SK 1845. A taddhita is an affix added to a finished noun to make a new noun stem. A field where green gram grows is maudgīnam. A cloth that reaches the front of the foot is āprapadīnaḥ paṭaḥ. A cow that calves year after year is samāṃsamīnā gauḥ. Fresh butter is haiyaṅgavīnam, and a man diligent at work is karmaṭhaḥ. The sky in which stars have arisen is tārakitaṃ nabhaḥ. Water that reaches the thighs is ūrudvayasam, ūrudaghnam or ūrumātram. You will derive yāvān "as much as", kiyān "how much", kati "how many", dvayam "a pair" and ubhayam "both". Most of the chapter's words end in -īna, from the affixes kha and khañ. Many are fixed by the rule itself, not built step by step. Then come short affixes after the prefixes vi, sam, pra, ud, ava, ni, upa and adhi, as in viśālam, prakaṭam and upatyakā. The chapter ends with the affixes of measure, quantity and number. There are 44 sūtras, and every one is worked on a concrete word.
The printed edition heads this section taddhiteṣu matvarthīyāḥ. This book follows the other name, pāñcamika, and keeps the name matvarthīya for the next chapter, which begins at SK 1846.
mudgānāṃ bhavanaṃ kṣetram → maudgīnamThe chapter opens the second quarter of Pāṇini's fifth book. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators begins: "now the pāñcamika affixes are set out". The first four rules name a field by the grain that grows in it. The general affix is khañ, heard as -īna with vṛddhi. Ḍhak and yat are exceptions to it for particular grains. On the running example, a field where green gram grows is maudgīnam.
Rule. After a word for a grain (dhānya), in the sixth case, khañ comes. Its sense is "a field (kṣetra) that is their place of growing (bhavana)". Bhaṭṭoji explains bhavana as "that in which they come into being".
Example.
mudgānāṃ bhavanaṃ kṣetram "a field that is the place of growing of mudgas" → mudga + khañ
→ kh → īn (SK 475) → mudga + īna
→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, u → au (SK 1075)
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → maudgīnam.
Mudga is green gram.
Applies when / blocked by. The sixth case is the samarthavibhakti here. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says it is the sixth case of the agent, the grains being what "comes into being". He adds that the plural dhānyānām means words for grains, not the word dhānya itself.
Both words of the sense are needed. Without kṣetra, a granary, where grain merely exists, would be included. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say this. Without bhavana, one of them says, kṣetra would take in holy tracts such as Kāśī. With both words, only the ground where grain grows is meant.
Watch out. The base must be a grain. For a field where grass grows, tṛṇānāṃ bhavanaṃ kṣetram, the affix does not come. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this counter-example.
Rule. After vrīhi and śāli, two kinds of rice, ḍhak comes. It is heard as -eya, and its k brings vṛddhi. The sense is still "a field where they grow", from SK 1802. Ḍhak is an apavāda of khañ: it sets khañ aside for these two words.
Example.
vrīhi + ḍhak → ḍh → ey (SK 475) → vrīhi + eya
→ vṛddhi ī → ai (SK 1076)
→ the final i deleted (SK 311) → vraiheyam "a field where vrīhi rice grows".
śāli + ḍhak → ā stays ā → the i deleted → śāleyam "a field where śāli rice grows".
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the sixth case comes from the sūtra's own wording, vrīhiśālyoḥ. It is again the sixth case of the agent, as in SK 1802.
Rule. After yava "barley", yavaka and ṣaṣṭika, yat comes in the same sense. Yat is heard as -ya and brings no vṛddhi. It too is an apavāda of khañ.
Example.
yavānāṃ bhavanaṃ kṣetram "a field where barley grows" → yava + yat
→ the stem is bha before y, so the final a is deleted (SK 311) → yavyam.
Likewise yavakyam and ṣaṣṭikyam.
Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators put the base in the sixth case. They reach it differently. One carries dhānyānām forward from SK 1802 by anuvṛtti. The other takes the case from the meaning of the affix. Scholars discuss this, but the result is the same.
Rule. After tila "sesame", māṣa "black gram", umā "flax", bhaṅga "hemp" and aṇu, yat comes optionally (vibhāṣā). In the other alternative, khañ comes. The sense is still "a field where they grow".
Example. Each base gives two words.
tila → tilyam (yat) or tailīnam (khañ, vṛddhi i → ai).
māṣa → māṣyam or māṣīṇam (the n after ṣ becomes ṇ, SK 197).
umā → umyam or aumīnam.
bhaṅga → bhaṅgyam or bhāṅgīnam.
For aṇu with yat, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps:
aṇu + yat → guṇa u → o (SK 847) → aṇo + ya
→ o → av before the y-initial affix (SK 63) → aṇavyam.
With khañ: aṇu + īna → vṛddhi a → ā → guṇa u → o (SK 847) → o → av (SK 61) → āṇavīnam.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this rule is stated where khañ was otherwise obligatory. So the option is between yat and that khañ.
The same commentator meets an objection: are umā and bhaṅga grains at all? A Vedic list of twelve grains does not name them. He answers from a verse of the traditional texts that counts "seventeen grains, with hemp". That Vedic list, he says, is no full count of grains.
Watch out. The fourth word is bhaṅga, masculine, not bhaṅgā. Both commentators read bhaṅga. The long ā in bhaṅgāṇubhyaḥ is only the sandhi, the joining of sounds, of bhaṅga with aṇubhyaḥ.
sarvapathān vyāpnoti → sarvapathīnaḥThe next seven rules mostly give kha, heard as -īna with no vṛddhi. Each rule fixes one base or a few, and one sense. Many bases are compounds of a kind the ordinary rules would not form. The sūtra itself vouches for them by nipātana. On the running example, one who pervades all roads is sarvapathīnaḥ.
Rule. After sarvacarman, in the third case, kha and khañ come in the sense "made" (kṛta). The compound sarvacarman is itself valid by nipātana. Bhaṭṭoji says this holds "even where there is no sāmarthya". Sāmarthya is the connection in meaning that normally lets two words form a compound.
Example.
sarvaś carmaṇā kṛtaḥ "made whole with leather" → sarvacarman + kha
→ kh → īn → sarvacarman + īna
→ the ṭi an deleted (SK 679) → sarvacarm + īna
→ n → ṇ after the r (SK 197) → sarvacarmīṇaḥ.
With khañ, vṛddhi a → ā is added → sārvacarmīṇaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the ṭi deletion.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is there no sāmarthya? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators and the editor of the printed edition explain. Sarva "whole" goes with kṛta "made", not with carman "leather". The thing is made whole; the leather is not "all the leather".
So the words do not mean "made with the whole leather" (sarveṇa carmaṇā kṛtaḥ). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say the affixes do not come in that sense. One of them rests this on vyākhyāna.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators asks why the sūtra names two affixes, not "kha too" (khaś ca). With ca "too", the yat of SK 1805 might be dragged along as well.
Rule. After yathāmukha and saṃmukha, in the sixth case, kha comes in the sense darśana. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain darśana as "that in which something is seen". One of them adds, such as a mirror.
Example. Yathāmukha is "what resembles the face": the reflected image.
yathāmukhaṃ darśanaḥ "that in which the reflected face is seen" → yathāmukha + kha → the a deleted → yathāmukhīnaḥ.
Saṃmukha is "the face whole": sama "whole" means sarva "entire".
sarvasya mukhasya darśanaḥ "that in which the entire face is seen" → saṃmukha + kha → saṃmukhīnaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Two things here are fixed by nipātana. First, yathāmukha is an avyayībhāva in the sense of resemblance. SK 661 would forbid that, since it lets yathā compound only when it does not mean resemblance. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say the nipātana answers this objection. Second, the final a of sama is lost in saṃmukha.
Watch out. The saṃ of saṃmukha is not the prefix sam. With that prefix, saṃmukho bhava means "face [me]". Both commentators say the affix does not come after that word.
Rule. Kha comes after a second-case word that begins with sarva "all" and ends in pathin "road", aṅga "limb", karman "work", patra "leaf" or pātra "vessel". The sense is "pervades that" (vyāpnoti).
Example.
sarvapathān vyāpnoti "he pervades all roads" → sarva + pathin takes the compound-ending a (SK 940) → sarvapathin + a
→ the ṭi in deleted before it (SK 679) → sarvapatha
→ sarvapatha + kha → sarvapatha + īna
→ the final a deleted → sarvapathīnaḥ.
Likewise sarvāṅgīṇaḥ "pervading all limbs", sarvakarmīṇaḥ "pervading all works", sarvapatrīṇaḥ and sarvapātrīṇaḥ. In sarvakarmīṇaḥ the ṭi an is deleted (SK 679).
Applies when / blocked by. The rule works by the tadanta reading: pathin stands for a word ending in pathin. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain why. Pathin alone cannot "begin with sarva", so only a compound ending in it can be meant. They both trace the compound-ending a of sarvapatha to SK 940.
Watch out. sarvapathīnaḥ keeps its n, while sarvāṅgīṇaḥ has ṇ. The th of patha is a dental, and SK 197 does not let a dental stand between the r and the n.
Rule. After āprapada, in the second case, kha comes in the sense "reaches" (prāpnoti). Neither the sūtra nor Bhaṭṭoji names the affix. One of his commentators says it is the kha of SK 1808.
Example. Prapada is the front part of the foot. Taking that as the limit gives āprapadam "up to the front of the foot".
āprapadaṃ prāpnoti "reaches the front of the foot" → āprapada + kha → the a deleted → āprapadīnaḥ paṭaḥ "a cloth reaching to the front of the foot".
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says āprapada is an avyayībhāva by SK 667, the āṅ of a limit.
Rule. After anupada, sarvānna and ayānaya, in the second case, kha comes. The senses are "bound" (baddhā), "eats" (bhakṣayati) and "to be led" (neya). They pair with the three bases in order, by yathāsaṃkhya.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji says anu in anupada means length and also similarity.
anupadaṃ baddhā "bound along the foot" → anupada + kha → anupadīnā upānat "a shoe".
sarvānnāni bhakṣayati "eats all foods" → sarvānnīno bhikṣuḥ "a mendicant".
ayānayaṃ neyaḥ "to be led to the ayānaya" → ayānaya + kha → the a deleted → ayānayīnaḥ śāraḥ "a piece in the dice game".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain ayānaya. In the dice game, aya is the clockwise movement of the pieces and anaya the counter-clockwise one. The ayānaya is the spot where pieces moving either way are safe from the opponent's pieces.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both name SK 670 for anupada, with anu marking length. One of them says the shoe then fits along the foot, or is like the foot in measure. The other notes that the sarvānnīna mendicant eats whatever food comes, hot or cold.
Watch out. The printed text, and one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, write āyānayīnaḥ, with a long ā. The sūtra's sarvānnāyānayam can also be split with āyānaya. That is the name the Kāśikā, a work this commentator quotes, gives the spot. From that base, kha gives āyānayīnaḥ regularly.
Rule. After parovara, parampara and putrapautra, in the second case, kha comes in the sense "experiences" (anubhavati). The first two bases have forms fixed by nipātana.
Example.
parāṃś cāvarāṃś cānubhavati "experiences those beyond and those below" → u replaces the first a of avara, by nipātana → para + uvara
→ a + u → o (SK 69) → parovara + kha → n → ṇ (SK 197) → parovarīṇaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this sandhi step.
parāṃś ca paratarāṃś cānubhavati "experiences those beyond and those further beyond" → the base takes the form parampara, by nipātana → paramparīṇaḥ.
putrapautrān anubhavati "experiences sons and grandsons" → putrapautrīṇaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The u of parovara comes only together with the affix kha. So the word pārovaryavat is simply incorrect (asādhu), Bhaṭṭoji says.
What of the common word paramparā? Bhaṭṭoji says it is a separate, underived feminine word. From it, ṣyañ in its own sense gives pāramparyam.
Watch out. Do not use parovara or parampara outside this rule. Their special shape exists only in front of kha.
Rule. After avārapāra, atyanta and anukāma, in the second case, kha comes. The sense is "one who will go" (gāmin). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give gāmin a future sense.
Example.
avārapāraṃ gāmī "one who will go to the near and the far shore" → avārapārīṇaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji adds avārīṇaḥ, pārīṇaḥ and pārāvārīṇaḥ.
atyantaṃ gāmī "one who goes intensely" → atyantīnaḥ.
anukāmaṃ gāmī "one who goes as he pleases" → anukāmīnaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Where do avārīṇaḥ and the others come from? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say kha also comes after the members split apart and reversed. One of them grounds this in vyākhyāna.
Anukāma is an avyayībhāva. Scholars discuss which sense of anu makes it: "not going beyond desire", or "like desire".
samāṃsamāṃ vijāyate → samāṃsamīnā gauḥKha goes on for six more rules. The first two concern a cow or mare that calves. The next two are words for a cowherd. The last two add yat and cha beside kha. On the running example, a cow that calves year after year is samāṃsamīnā gauḥ.
Rule. After samāṃsamām "year after year", kha comes in the sense "calves" (vijāyate). The base is a pair of seventh-case words, samāyāṃ samāyām "in year after year".
Example.
samāyāṃ samāyāṃ vijāyate "she calves year after year" → samāyāṃ samāyām + kha
→ in the prior member, by nipātana, the y is lost and the rest of the ending stays → samāṃ-
→ the ending of the last member is deleted (SK 650) → samāṃsamā + īna
→ the final ā deleted (SK 311) → samāṃsamīna
→ feminine ṭāp (SK 454) → samāṃsamīnā gauḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji glosses it: she who gives birth year after year.
Applies when / blocked by. Why the seventh case? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. The verb vi-jan "give birth" takes no object. And calving does not fill the whole year. So the time-word stands in the seventh case, repeated to mean "every".
The nipātana has two parts. The y is lost, and the rest of the ending is not elided. That second part is aluk, "no luk". Luk of both endings would give the unwanted samāsamīna, the same commentator says. The other names SK 650 for the loss of the last member's ending.
A vārttika adds a point. Khapratyayānutpattau yalopo vā vaktavyaḥ: where the affix kha does not come, the loss of y is optional. So the plain phrase is samāṃsamāṃ vijāyate or samāyāṃ samāyāṃ vijāyate. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators and the editor of the printed edition all say the option holds in both words.
Rule. Adyaśvīna is formed when nearness (avaṣṭabdha) is meant. Kha comes after adya-śvas "today or tomorrow". The sense "brings forth" (vijāyate) is carried forward from SK 1813.
Example.
adya śvo vā vijāyate "she will bring forth today or tomorrow" → adya-śvas + kha
→ adyaśvas + īna → the ṭi as of śvas deleted → adyaśv + īna
→ feminine ṭāp → adyaśvīnā vaḍavā "a mare whose delivery is near".
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say the compound in the sense "or" is by nipātana. One of them says the ṭi is deleted by avyayānāṃ bhamātre ṭilopaḥ: an indeclinable that is a bha loses its ṭi.
Applies when / blocked by. Why does avaṣṭabdha mean "near"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both point to a later rule, SK 2273. It gives ṣ for the root stambh after ava in the sense of nearness.
Some grammarians, Bhaṭṭoji reports, do not carry "brings forth" forward. For them adyaśvīnaṃ maraṇam "a death that is near" is also correct.
Watch out. The sūtra cites adyaśvīna without a case-ending, not as the feminine adyaśvīnā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so, because a masculine and a neuter are also wanted.
Rule. Āgavīna is fixed by nipātana. Kha comes after go "cow" preceded by āṅ, in the sense of a hired worker (karmakara). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this sense comes from a vārttika.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji explains: one who works until the cow is handed back is āgavīnaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say this is the cowherd. One of them adds that he takes the cow in the morning and hands it back to its owner at evening. They both give the steps:
āṅ + go → avyayībhāva by SK 667 → the o of go shortened (SK 656) → āgu
→ āgu + kha → āgu + īna
→ guṇa u → o (SK 847) → o → av before the vowel (SK 61) → āgavīnaḥ.
Rule. After anugu "behind the cow", kha comes in the sense "one who goes adequately" (alaṃgāmin). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kha is carried forward.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji explains anugu as goḥ paścāt "behind the cow". His commentators both say anu forms an avyayībhāva meaning "behind". One of them adds that the vowel is shortened.
anugu + kha → guṇa u → o → o → av → anugavīnaḥ "the cowherd", who goes behind the cow sufficiently.
Applies when / blocked by. Scholars discuss the case of anugu. The candidates are the second case, the sixth and the first.
Rule. After adhvan "road", yat and kha come in the sense "one who goes adequately", from SK 1816.
Example.
adhvānam alaṃ gacchati "he goes along the road adequately" → adhvan + yat → adhvanyaḥ.
adhvan + kha → adhvanīnaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the base keeps its form by two rules. Before ya it is SK 1154. Before kha it is SK 1671. So adhvan keeps its -an, which SK 679 would otherwise delete.
Rule. After abhyamitra, cha comes in the sense "one who goes adequately". By ca "and", yat and kha come as well.
Example. The meaning is "one who goes well, facing the enemy".
abhyamitra + cha → ch → īy (SK 475) → the a deleted → abhyamitrīyaḥ.
abhyamitra + yat → abhyamitryaḥ.
abhyamitra + kha → n → ṇ (SK 197) → abhyamitrīṇaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both form abhyamitra as an avyayībhāva by SK 668: abhi with amitra "enemy", in the sense "facing". One of them adds that it is an adverb, so its case is the second.
goṣṭho bhūtapūrvaḥ → gauṣṭhīnaḥFrom SK 1819 the affix is khañ. It is heard as -īna like kha, but its ñ brings vṛddhi of the first vowel. Where a sūtra of this group names no affix, khañ is understood. Three of the six words are fixed by nipātana. On the running example, a place that was formerly a cow-pen is gauṣṭhīnaḥ.
Rule. After goṣṭha "cow-pen", khañ comes when the word denotes what was formerly a cow-pen (bhūtapūrva). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "formerly" qualifies the base. So the affix is svārthe: it adds no meaning of its own.
Example.
goṣṭho bhūtapūrvaḥ "what was formerly a cow-pen" → goṣṭha + khañ
→ kh → īn → vṛddhi o → au (SK 1075)
→ the final a deleted → gauṣṭhīno deśaḥ "a place".
Applies when / blocked by. The editor of the printed edition reports a view on a later rule. SK 1999 gives the affix caraṭ in the sense "formerly". Goṣṭha could have been read there. Because this rule stands apart, khañ does not block caraṭ after goṣṭha.
Rule. After aśva "horse", in the sixth case, khañ comes in the sense ekāhagama, "what is travelled in one day". The sixth case names the horse as the agent. The sūtra does not name the affix; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies khañ from SK 1819.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji explains ekāhagama as ekāhena gamyate "it is travelled in one day".
aśvasya ekāhagamaḥ → aśva + khañ → vṛddhi a → ā → the a deleted → āśvīno 'dhvā "a road a horse can travel in one day".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both comment on the word ekāhagama itself. The kṛt affix ap after gam comes by this very nipātana. Both form the compound by SK 694, the agent-and-instrument rule.
Rule. Śālīna and kaupīna are fixed by nipātana. Śālīna means "not bold" (adhṛṣṭa). Kaupīna means "what is not to be done" (akārya).
Example.
śālāpraveśam arhati "deserves only entering the house" → śālīnaḥ "a diffident man".
kūpapatanam arhati "deserves falling into a pit" → kaupīnam "sin".
Bhaṭṭoji takes kaupīna further. The male organ is also called kaupīna, as the means of sin, or as something to be hidden like sin. Through connection with the organ, its covering is called kaupīna too.
Applies when / blocked by. Scholars discuss which affix is laid down. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators quotes the Bhāṣya: khañ after śālāpraveśa and kūpāvataraṇa, with the last members lost. The other says kha. Both call the two words conventional: their meaning is fixed by usage, not by their parts.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes the kūpa "pit" of the example as hell.
Rule. After vrāta, in the third case, khañ comes in the sense "lives by". The sūtra names no affix; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies khañ.
Example.
vrātena jīvati "lives by vrāta" → vrāta + khañ → ā stays ā → the a deleted → sa vrātīnaḥ "he is a vrātīna".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji glosses vrāta as bodily toil, "not power of intellect". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both follow the Bhāṣya here. Usually vrāta means a band of labourers. Here it means their hard work, such as carrying loads.
Rule. Sāptapadīna is formed, denoting friendship (sakhya). Khañ comes after saptapada, in the third case, in the sense "obtained by".
Example.
saptabhiḥ padair avāpyate "it is obtained by seven steps" → saptapada + khañ
→ vṛddhi a → ā → the a deleted → sāptapadīnam "friendship".
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says saptapada is a dvigu formed in the sense of the taddhita, as SK 728 allows. Scholars discuss pada. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes it as a footstep; the other allows a footstep or a conversation.
Rule. Haiyaṅgavīna is fixed by nipātana, as a name (saṃjñā). Two things are laid down together. Hiyaṅgu replaces hyogodoha "yesterday's milk". And khañ comes in the sense of a product (vikāra).
Example. Doha is "what is milked": milk.
hyogodohasya vikāraḥ "a product of yesterday's milk" → hyogodoha + khañ
→ hiyaṅgu replaces the base → hiyaṅgu + īna
→ guṇa u → o (SK 847) → hiyaṅgo + īna
→ o → av (SK 61) → hiyaṅgav + īna
→ vṛddhi i → ai → haiyaṅgavīnam "fresh butter".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps as the Bhāṣya's.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says khañ here is an apavāda of añ. That añ would come by SK 1520, which gives añ in the sense "product" after a base with an anudātta first vowel.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji glosses the word as fresh butter (navanīta). The Bhāṣya and Amara's lexicon, an old dictionary of Sanskrit words, say ghee. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators defends "fresh butter". Scholars discuss this.
vidyayā vittaḥ → vidyācuñcuḥ, vidyācaṇaḥThe -īna words are over. The next four rules each give one or two short affixes, mostly with no vṛddhi (nāñ is the exception). Their markers need care: some letters that look like markers are not. On the running example, one renowned for learning is vidyācuñcuḥ or vidyācaṇaḥ.
Rule. After a sixth-case word (tasya "of that"), two affixes come, respectively. Kuṇap comes after pīlu and its list, in the sense "ripening" (pāka). Jāhac comes after karṇa and its list, in the sense "root" (mūla).
Example.
pīlūnāṃ pākaḥ "the ripening of pīlu fruits" → pīlu + kuṇap → pīlukuṇaḥ.
karṇasya mūlam "the root of the ear" → karṇa + jāhac → karṇajāham.
Neither affix brings vṛddhi.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the two groups. The pīlvādi list has pīlu, karkandhu, śamī, badara, aśvattha, khadira and others. The karṇādi list has karṇa "ear", akṣi "eye", nakha "nail", mukha "face", keśa "hair", danta "tooth" and others. He adds that this rule sets aside the aṇ and other affixes of SK 1500, "this is its".
Watch out. The k of kuṇap is not a marker, so it brings no vṛddhi. SK 195 makes an initial velar a marker only when the affix is not a taddhita, and this is a taddhita. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say the j of jāhac is not a marker either, because it would serve no purpose.
Rule. After pakṣa, ti comes in the sense "root". Bhaṭṭoji says that only mūla "root" is carried forward from SK 1825, not pāka.
Example.
pakṣasya mūlam "the root of a pakṣa" → pakṣa + ti → pakṣatiḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes pakṣa both ways. Pakṣati is the first day of a lunar fortnight, and also the root of a bird's wing.
Applies when / blocked by. How can a part of the compound pākamūle be carried forward alone? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give the reason. The svarita marking was declared on that part only. One of them also carries forward tasya, so the base is a sixth-case word.
Rule. After a third-case word (tena "by that"), cuñcup and caṇap come. The sense is "renowned (vitta) by that".
Example.
vidyayā vittaḥ "renowned for learning" → vidyā + cuñcup → vidyācuñcuḥ.
vidyā + caṇap → vidyācaṇaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is the c of these affixes not a marker by SK 189? Bhaṭṭoji explains. A y at the start of each affix is cited as elided. So in the upadeśa, the original statement, c is not the first sound. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators confirms this reading.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports another solution. Some take SK 189 as not applying everywhere.
Rule. After vi and nañ "not", nā and nāñ come respectively, in their own sense. The condition is that the base means "not together" (na saha), that is, separateness.
Example.
vi + nā → vinā "separately".
na + nāñ → vṛddhi a → ā in the first vowel → nānā "separately".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the ñ of nāñ brings the vṛddhi and serves the accent.
Applies when / blocked by. "Not together" describes the base, not the meaning of the affix. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both insist on this. If it were the affix's meaning, the negative base plus a negative sense would cancel out. Two negations would give "together".
vistṛtam → viśālam, viśaṅkaṭamThe next seven rules add affixes to the prefixes themselves: vi, sam, pra, ud, ava, ni, upa and adhi. Most of the affixes come in their own sense, adding no meaning. Many of the words are conventional, and several are names. Under SK 1830 a string of vārttikas adds affixes after names of animals. On the running example, what is extended is viśālam or viśaṅkaṭam.
Rule. After vi, śālac and śaṅkaṭac come in their own sense. Bhaṭṭoji gives the condition. Vi must express a sādhana qualified by an action. A sādhana is a kāraka, a participant in an action.
Example.
vistṛtam "what is extended" → vi + śālac → viśālam.
vi + śaṅkaṭac → viśaṅkaṭam.
The final c of both affixes is a marker.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators restates the condition and says it is clear in the Bhāṣya.
Rule. After sam, pra and ud, under the same condition, kaṭac comes in their own sense. By ca "and", it comes after vi as well.
Example.
sam + kaṭac → saṅkaṭam "crowded". pra + kaṭac → prakaṭam "manifest".
ud + kaṭac → utkaṭam. vi + kaṭac → vikaṭam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses all four. Utkaṭa is "risen up" and vikaṭa "altered". Both commentators call them conventional words.
Applies when / blocked by. Eight vārttikas follow.
First, alābūtilomābhaṅgābhyo rajasy upasaṃkhyānam. After alābū "gourd", tila, umā and bhaṅgā, kaṭac is added in the sense "dust".
alābūnāṃ rajaḥ "the dust of gourds" → alābūkaṭam. Likewise tilakaṭam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this an apavāda of the affixes meaning "product".
Second, goṣṭhajādayaḥ sthānādiṣu paśunāmabhyaḥ. After names of animals, goṣṭhac and other affixes come in the senses "place" and the like.
gavāṃ sthānam "the place of cows" → gogoṣṭham.
The next four carry "after names of animals" forward, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says.
avīnāṃ saṅghātaḥ "a close-packed flock of sheep" → avikaṭaḥ.avipaṭaḥ.dvāv uṣṭrau "two camels" → uṣṭragoyugam.aśvaṣaṅgavam.Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say uṣṭragoyugam is singular, like dvayam "a pair". One of them calls kaṭac and paṭac apavādas of the affixes meaning "collection".
Last come two more. Snehe tailac: tailac in the sense "oil" → tilatailam "sesame oil", sarṣapatailam "mustard oil". Bhavane kṣetre śākaṭaśākinau: śākaṭa and śākina for a field where a crop grows → ikṣuśākaṭam, ikṣuśākinam "a field of sugar-cane".
Watch out. The twoness in goyugac belongs to the base's meaning: two camels, not two of something else. Both commentators say so. Neither commentator says this of the sixness in aśvaṣaṅgavam.
Rule. After ava, kuṭārac comes in its own sense. By ca, kaṭac comes too. The condition of SK 1829 still holds, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says.
Example.
avācīnaḥ "turned downward" → ava + kuṭārac → avakuṭāraḥ.
ava + kaṭac → avakaṭaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji attaches the gloss "turned downward" to avakuṭāraḥ only. One of his commentators does the same. avakaṭaḥ is given as a separate form, without a gloss.
Rule. After ava, ṭīṭac, nāṭac and bhraṭac come with reference to the bending down (nata) of the nose, when a name is meant. Bhaṭṭoji says "after ava" is carried forward from SK 1831.
Example. Nata is namana, the act of bending down. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say nata here is the past-participle affix kta used for the action itself.
nāsikāyā natam "the bending down of the nose" → avaṭīṭam, avanāṭam, avabhraṭam.
By connection with that, the nose itself is avaṭīṭā nāsikā. A man with such a nose is avaṭīṭaḥ too.
Applies when / blocked by. Scholars discuss how the sense is attached. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators puts the affixes in the sense of the bending. The other makes them svārthe after ava when ava denotes the bending. Both explain the uses for the nose and the man by "connection with that".
Rule. After ni, biḍac and birīsac come. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both carry forward "the bending of the nose, as a name" from SK 1832.
Example.
ni + biḍac → nibiḍam. ni + birīsac → nibirīsam. Both mean a bending of the nose.
Applies when / blocked by. What of nibiḍā vṛkṣāḥ "dense trees" or nibiḍaṃ vastram "dense cloth"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain these as uses by comparison. One of them also reports some who do not carry the condition forward at all.
Rule. After ni, for the bending of the nose, inac and piṭac come. And the base ni is replaced, respectively, by cika and ci. Bhaṭṭoji says "after ni" still holds.
Example.
ni + inac → cik replaces ni → cik + ina → cikinam.
ni + piṭac → ci replaces ni → ci + piṭa → cipiṭam.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds more. Kapratyayacikādeśau ca vaktavyau: the affix ka, with cik for the base. cik + ka → cikkam.
Two more vārttikas concern klinna "running". Klinnasya cil-pil-laś cāsya cakṣuṣī: for klinna, the substitutes cil and pil, and the affix la, in the sense "his two eyes are running".
klinne cakṣuṣī asya "his two eyes are running" → cillaḥ, pillaḥ.
Cul ca: cul too, with the affix la → cullaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji writes the substitute cika. One of his commentators says its a is only for pronunciation, so the substitute is cik. He says the same of the substitute in the vārttika, which gives cikkam.
Rule. After upa and adhi, tyakan comes in their own sense. It pairs with the senses "near" (āsanna) and "high up" (ārūḍha), respectively. Bhaṭṭoji says "as a name" is carried forward.
Example.
parvatasyāsannaṃ sthalam "ground near a mountain" → upa + tyakan → feminine → upatyakā.
ārūḍhaṃ sthalam "ground high up on a mountain" → adhi + tyakan → adhityakā.
Applies when / blocked by. Near what, high on what? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say "of a mountain" follows from the heading "as a name". The editor of the printed edition adds that a phrase like parvatādhityakā purī "a city on a mountain's height" is figurative.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the feminine comes from usage. SK 463 would turn the a before the k into i, giving upatyikā. Both say it does not apply, because of a separate statement, tyakanaś ca, that excludes tyakan.
karmaṇi ghaṭate → karmaṭhaḥTwo single rules follow. Aṭhac makes a word for a man diligent at work. Itac makes words for a thing in which something has arisen, like the starry sky. SK 1837 also brings in the words tad asya, "that … of this", which Bhaṭṭoji carries into SK 1838. On the running example, one who strives at work is karmaṭhaḥ.
Rule. After karman "work", in the seventh case, aṭhac comes in the sense ghaṭa, "one who strives". Bhaṭṭoji explains ghaṭa as "one who strives" (ghaṭate). It is formed with the kṛt affix ac, which a later rule (SK 2896) gives after pac and its list of roots.
Example.
karmaṇi ghaṭate "one who strives at work" → karman + aṭhac → karman + aṭha
→ the ṭi an deleted (SK 679) → karmaṭhaḥ puruṣaḥ "a man diligent in work".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the ṭi deletion.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is the ṭha of aṭhac not replaced by ika under SK 1170? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say it is not. Inside aṭhac the ṭha is not itself an affix, so it does not stand after an aṅga.
Watch out. Ghaṭa here is not the common word for "pot". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says Bhaṭṭoji's gloss karmaṇi ghaṭate is there to ward off that mistake.
Rule. After tārakā "star" and its list, in the first case, itac comes. The sense is "that has arisen for this" (tad asya saṃjātam).
Example.
tārakāḥ saṃjātā asya "stars have arisen for it" → tārakā + itac → tārakā + ita
→ the final ā deleted (SK 311) → tārakitaṃ nabhaḥ "the starry sky".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the tārakādi list is an ākṛtigaṇa, an open list. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add words of the same kind: puṣpitaḥ "in flower", phalitaḥ "in fruit", pulakitaḥ and romāñcitaḥ.
ūrū pramāṇam asya → ūrudvayasam, ūrudaghnam, ūrumātramThe last part of the chapter works under the words tad asya. The base is a first-case word, and the affix means "of this". The first two rules concern pramāṇa, "measure": how high or long a thing is. Keep this word apart from parimāṇa, "quantity", in group I. On the running example, water whose measure is the two thighs is ūrudvayasam, ūrudaghnam or ūrumātram.
Rule. After a first-case word denoting a measure (pramāṇa), dvayasac, daghnac and mātrac come. The sense is "that is the measure of this". Bhaṭṭoji says tad asya is carried forward from SK 1837.
Example.
ūrū pramāṇam asya "the two thighs are its measure" → ūru + dvayasac → ūrudvayasam.
ūru + daghnac → ūrudaghnam. ūru + mātrac → ūrumātram.
The thighs are the base's meaning. "This", say the water, is the affix's meaning. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both put it so.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both limit dvayasac and daghnac to vertical measure. They quote the Bhāṣya for this. One of them explains that the thigh measures by standing upright.
The reach of mātrac is disputed, and scholars discuss this. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes pramāṇa as anything that delimits, as Kaiyaṭa, an earlier commentator on the Bhāṣya, does. The other reports Kaiyaṭa's view and rejects it: pramāṇa here is length only. The editor of the printed edition notes that on this second view prasthamātram would be incorrect.
Four vārttikas follow.
First, pramāṇe laḥ: after a word well known as a measure, la, that is, luk of the affix. La is an older teachers' name for luk, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say.
śamaḥ pramāṇam asya "its measure is a śama" → the affix deleted → śamaḥ. Likewise diṣṭiḥ, vitastiḥ.
Both commentators say the affix deleted is mātrac, since these are not vertical measures.
Second, dvigor nityam: after a dvigu, the luk is obligatory (nitya).
dvau śamau pramāṇam asya "two śamas are its measure" → a dvigu formed for the taddhita (SK 728) → dviśama + mātrac → luk of mātrac → dviśamam.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain why this vārttika is needed. The first does not reach a dvigu, because a dvigu is not itself a measure.
Third, pramāṇaparimāṇābhyāṃ saṃkhyāyāś cāpi saṃśaye mātraj vaktavyaḥ. Mātrac is to be stated in doubt after a measure, a quantity, or a number.
śamamātram "it may or may not be a śama". Likewise prasthamātram (here in the sense of doubt, so this mātrac is the vārttika's, not the sūtra's) and pañcamātram.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give this analysis. They also say the nitya of dvigor nityam makes even this doubt-mātrac disappear after a dvigu.
Fourth, vatvantāt svārthe dvayasajmātracau bahulam. After a word ending in vatu, dvayasac and mātrac come variously, in its own sense.
tāvad eva "just that much" → tāvaddvayasam, tāvanmātram.
Watch out. Dvayasac, daghnac and mātrac bring no vṛddhi: ūrudvayasam, not aurudvayasam. In the sūtra, daghnac is written -daghnañ- before mātracaḥ; the affix itself has no ñ.
Rule. After puruṣa "man" and hastin "elephant", in the same domain as SK 1838, aṇ also comes. The three affixes of SK 1838 remain available beside it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies "in the same domain".
Example.
puruṣaḥ pramāṇam asya "a man is its measure" → puruṣa + aṇ
→ vṛddhi u → au (SK 1075) → the a deleted → pauruṣam. Also puruṣadvayasam.
hastī pramāṇam asya "an elephant is its measure" → hastin + aṇ
→ vṛddhi a → ā → the stem keeps -in (SK 1245) → hāstinam. Also hastidvayasam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names SK 1245 for hāstinam.
Watch out. Do not delete the affix of puruṣadvayasam by pramāṇe laḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, citing an earlier scholar, says puruṣa and hastin are not well-known measures like śama.
yat parimāṇam asya → yāvānThe last six rules still carry tad asya. They give vatup for a quantity (parimāṇa), ḍati for a number asked about, and tayap and ayac for a whole with parts. The bases are mostly pronouns and numerals. On the running example, "that which is its quantity" gives yāvān "as much as".
Rule. After yad, tad and etad, in the first case, denoting a quantity (parimāṇa), vatup comes. The sense is "that is the quantity of this". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says tad asya is carried forward.
Example. Vatup is heard as vat; its u and p are markers.
yat parimāṇam asya "that which is its quantity" → yad + vatup → yad + vat
→ ā replaces the final of the pronoun (SK 430) → yāvat
→ nominative singular su → the augment num (SK 361) → yāvant + s
→ lengthening (SK 425) → yāvānt + s
→ s deleted (SK 252) → final t of the cluster deleted (SK 54) → yāvān "as much as".
Likewise tāvān "so much" and etāvān "this much".
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give these steps.
Applies when / blocked by. Why does the sūtra say parimāṇe at all? "Measure" (pramāṇe) would otherwise be carried forward from SK 1838. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers that the two differ. Parimāṇa is quantity in every dimension. Pramāṇa is length.
Watch out. Keep the two words apart: parimāṇa is "quantity", pramāṇa is "measure". The vārttika under SK 1838 names both, "a measure, a quantity, or a number".
Rule. After kim "what" and idam "this", vatup comes in the sense "that is the quantity of this". And gh replaces its v. Bhaṭṭoji's paraphrase names vatup; one of his commentators says tad asya and parimāṇe vatup are carried forward.
Example.
kiṃ parimāṇam asya "what is its quantity?" → kim + vat → gh for v → kim + ghat
→ gh → iy (SK 475) → kim + iyat
→ kī replaces kim (SK 1018) → kī + iyat
→ the ī deleted (SK 311) → kiyat → as for yāvān → kiyān "how much".
idam + vat → gh → iy → idam + iyat → īś replaces idam (SK 1018)
→ that ī deleted (SK 311) → only the affix remains, iyat → iyān "this much".
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give these steps. One of them adds that īś, being marked with ś, replaces the whole of idam.
Applies when / blocked by. Why does the sūtra say "of v" (vaḥ)? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. SK 44 would already put gh at the start of the affix. But vaḥ shows that gh is a substitute, not a new affix.
Rule. After kim, used in a question about the determination of a number, ḍati comes. Here parimāṇa means "determination", not "quantity"; Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both gloss the compound so. By ca, vatup with gh for v comes as well. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both carry tad asya forward.
Example.
kā saṃkhyā yeṣām "those whose number is what?" → kim + ḍati → kim + ati
→ the affix is marked with ḍ, so the ṭi im is deleted (SK 316) → k + ati → kati "how many".
With vatup: → kiyantaḥ "how many", the plural of kiyat.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kati is always plural. Nobody asks the number of one or two things; that is already known. Kati is called ṣaṭ by SK 259, so its nominative and accusative plural endings are deleted (SK 261).
Watch out. The affix does not come when kim expresses contempt. kā saṃkhyā eṣāṃ daśānām "what count are these ten?" is scorn, not a question. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both give this counter-example.
Rule. After a first-case word denoting a number, when the number applies to parts (avayava), tayap comes. The sense is "of this", that is, of the whole. Tayap is heard as -taya.
Example.
pañcāvayavā asya "it has five parts" → pañca + tayap → pañcatayaṃ dāru "wood having five parts".
The affix means the whole (avayavin); Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say so. So pañcatayam is the wood as one whole with five parts, not wood cut into pieces.
Applies when / blocked by. The editor of the printed edition widens "whole". It may be an aggregate in which the parts are not singled out. So munitrayam "the triad of sages", bahutayaṃ yūtham "a herd of many" and ubhaye devamanuṣyāḥ "both gods and men" are correct.
Rule. After dvi "two" and tri "three", ayac optionally replaces tayap.
Example.
dvi + ayac → the final i deleted (SK 311) → dvayam "a pair". Or dvi + tayap → dvitayam.
tri + ayac → trayam "a triad". Or tritayam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names SK 311 for dvayam.
Applies when / blocked by. The same commentator reports the Bhāṣya's view that ayac is an affix in its own right, not a substitute. Bhaṭṭoji's wording, "in place of tayap", follows a vārttika.
Watch out. How can munitrayam have a whole besides the sages? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers that the whole here is just the collection.
Rule. After ubha "both", ayac replaces tayap obligatorily (nityam). Nityam sets aside the option of SK 1844. Bhaṭṭoji adds that this ayac is udātta on its first vowel.
Example.
ubha + ayac → the final a deleted (SK 311) → ubhayam "both".
Applies when / blocked by. Why "udātta on the first vowel"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both explain. An affix marked with c already has its last vowel udātta, by a later rule, citaḥ (SK 3710). So the word "udātta" must mean the first vowel. One of them cites the Vedic ubhayaṃ śṛṇavac ca naḥ.
With this rule the chapter ends. The next chapter opens the matvarthīya section with tad asminn adhikam iti daśāntāḍ ḍaḥ (SK 1846).
| SK | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|
| 1802 | khañ after a 6th-case grain-word, "a field where they grow" | maudgīnam |
| 1803 | ḍhak after vrīhi, śāli; apavāda of khañ | vraiheyam, śāleyam |
| 1804 | yat after yava, yavaka, ṣaṣṭika | yavyam |
| 1805 | yat optionally after tila, māṣa, umā, bhaṅga, aṇu; else khañ | tilyam / tailīnam; aṇavyam |
| 1806 | kha, khañ after sarvacarman (3rd case), "made"; compound by nipātana | sarvacarmīṇaḥ, sārvacarmīṇaḥ |
| 1807 | kha after yathāmukha, saṃmukha, "that in which it is seen" | yathāmukhīnaḥ, saṃmukhīnaḥ |
| 1808 | kha after a 2nd-case sarva- compound ending in pathin etc., "pervades" | sarvapathīnaḥ, sarvāṅgīṇaḥ |
| 1809 | kha after āprapada, "reaches" | āprapadīnaḥ paṭaḥ |
| 1810 | kha after anupada, sarvānna, ayānaya: bound, eats, to be led | anupadīnā, sarvānnīnaḥ, ayānayīnaḥ (print āyānayīnaḥ, from āyānaya) |
| 1811 | kha after parovara, parampara, putrapautra, "experiences" | parovarīṇaḥ, paramparīṇaḥ |
| 1812 | kha after avārapāra, atyanta, anukāma, "one who will go" | avārapārīṇaḥ, atyantīnaḥ |
| 1813 | kha after samāṃsamām, "calves"; y lost, rest of ending kept | samāṃsamīnā gauḥ |
| 1814 | kha after adya-śvas, "brings forth", when nearness is meant | adyaśvīnā vaḍavā |
| 1815 | āgavīna by nipātana, "the hired cowherd" | āgavīnaḥ |
| 1816 | kha after anugu, "one who goes adequately" | anugavīnaḥ |
| 1817 | yat, kha after adhvan; the stem keeps -an | adhvanyaḥ, adhvanīnaḥ |
| 1818 | cha, and yat, kha, after abhyamitra | abhyamitrīyaḥ, abhyamitryaḥ, abhyamitrīṇaḥ |
| 1819 | khañ after goṣṭha, "formerly a cow-pen" | gauṣṭhīno deśaḥ |
| 1820 | khañ after aśva, "travelled in one day" | āśvīno 'dhvā |
| 1821 | śālīna, kaupīna by nipātana: not bold, not to be done | śālīnaḥ, kaupīnam |
| 1822 | khañ after vrāta (3rd case), "lives by" | vrātīnaḥ |
| 1823 | khañ after saptapada, "obtained by", of friendship | sāptapadīnam |
| 1824 | haiyaṅgavīna by nipātana, as a name: hiyaṅgu + khañ | haiyaṅgavīnam |
| 1825 | kuṇap "ripening", jāhac "root", after pīlu etc., karṇa etc. | pīlukuṇaḥ, karṇajāham |
| 1826 | ti after pakṣa, "root"; only mūla carried forward | pakṣatiḥ |
| 1827 | cuñcup, caṇap after a 3rd-case word, "renowned by that" | vidyācuñcuḥ, vidyācaṇaḥ |
| 1828 | nā, nāñ after vi, nañ, in the sense "not together" | vinā, nānā |
| 1829 | śālac, śaṅkaṭac after vi, own sense | viśālam, viśaṅkaṭam |
| 1830 | kaṭac after sam, pra, ud, vi; vārttikas after names of animals | saṅkaṭam, prakaṭam; gogoṣṭham, uṣṭragoyugam |
| 1831 | kuṭārac, and kaṭac, after ava | avakuṭāraḥ, avakaṭaḥ |
| 1832 | ṭīṭac, nāṭac, bhraṭac after ava, bending of the nose, as a name | avaṭīṭam, avanāṭam, avabhraṭam |
| 1833 | biḍac, birīsac after ni, same sense | nibiḍam, nibirīsam |
| 1834 | inac, piṭac after ni, with cik, ci for ni; vārttikas | cikinam, cipiṭam, cikkam, cillaḥ |
| 1835 | tyakan after upa, adhi: near, high up (of a mountain) | upatyakā, adhityakā |
| 1836 | aṭhac after karman (7th case), "one who strives" | karmaṭhaḥ |
| 1837 | itac after tārakā etc., "that has arisen for this" | tārakitaṃ nabhaḥ |
| 1838 | dvayasac, daghnac, mātrac after a measure-word; four vārttikas | ūrudvayasam, ūrumātram; śamaḥ, dviśamam, śamamātram |
| 1839 | aṇ also after puruṣa, hastin | pauruṣam, hāstinam |
| 1840 | vatup after yad, tad, etad, for quantity | yāvān, tāvān, etāvān |
| 1841 | vatup after kim, idam, with gh for v | kiyān, iyān |
| 1842 | ḍati, and vatup, after kim asking a number | kati, kiyantaḥ |
| 1843 | tayap after a number of parts, "of this whole" | pañcatayaṃ dāru |
| 1844 | ayac optionally for tayap after dvi, tri | dvayam / dvitayam, trayam / tritayam |
| 1845 | ayac obligatorily after ubha, udātta on its first vowel | ubhayam |