After this chapter you will be able to derive the taddhita words of the ārhīya section. What is bought with a cow's tail is gaupucchikam. What is bought with a niṣka coin is naiṣkikam. A heap measuring a prastha is prāsthiko rāśiḥ. One who deserves a white parasol is śvaitacchatrikaḥ. Two headings govern the chapter. The outer one makes ṭhañ the default affix for a long run of senses. The inner one gives ṭhak instead, except after gopuccha, a numeral or a measure. The first half of the chapter teaches the affixes. You will meet special affixes for particular coins and measures: ṭhan, yat, kan, ḍvun, ṭiṭhan, añ, aṇ, kha and īkan. You will learn when the affix disappears after a compound of numeral and measure, as in dvikaṃsam "bought with two kaṃsas". Three rules from Pāṇini's seventh book are read in. They move vṛddhi onto the last member of a compound, as in paramanaiṣkikaḥ. The second half teaches the senses one by one, each with the case of its base. There are 56 sūtras, and every one is worked on a concrete word.
gopucchena krītam → gaupucchikamThe chapter opens with two headings, one inside the other. The outer heading makes ṭhañ the default affix for a very long run of senses. The inner heading makes ṭhak the default for a shorter run inside it. But ṭhak does not come after three kinds of base: gopuccha "a cow's tail", a numeral and a measure. Those keep the outer ṭhañ. On the running example, what is bought with a cow's tail is gaupucchikam, with ṭhañ.
Rule. This sūtra is an adhikāra, a heading: a rule whose words are read into the rules below it. Before the sūtra that contains vati, the affix ṭhañ governs. That sūtra is tena tulyam (SK 1778), which teaches the affix vati. So ṭhañ is the heading affix up to SK 1778, far beyond this chapter.
Ṭhañ is heard as ika: its ṭh becomes ik (SK 1170). Its ñ is an it, a marker sound, so it brings first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1075).
Example. The heading's ṭhañ shows where no other affix is named:
gopucchena krītam "bought with a cow's tail" → gopuccha + ṭhañ
→ ñ marker, so first-vowel vṛddhi: o → au
→ ṭh → ik → gaupuccha + ika
→ gaupuccha is a bha stem, a stem before an affix beginning with a vowel or y; its final a is deleted (SK 311) → gaupucchikam.
The sense "bought with that" is taught at SK 1702. The heading supplies the affix there.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the word vati. It names the sūtra that contains it. He adds that ṭhañ is present in the rules before that sūtra which state only a sense and no affix.
Watch out. Why is ṭhañ made a heading at all? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. Some special affixes in this range carry their own headings, such as SK 1707 and SK 1730. After such a break, ṭhañ alone must come back into force. It does so in the next chapter, at pārāyaṇa… (SK 1736).
Rule. This is a second heading, inside the heading of ṭhañ. It makes ṭhak the affix up to and including the sūtra tad arhati "deserves that" (SK 1728). It is an apavāda of ṭhañ: an exception that sets it aside. But ṭhak does not come after gopuccha, after a saṃkhyā (a numeral) or after a parimāṇa (a measure). Those three keep the general ṭhañ.
Ṭhak is also heard as ika. Its k is a marker, so it too brings first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1076).
The senses taught under this heading are called ārhīya, "belonging to the section that ends with arha". Their affixes are the ārhīya affixes.
Example.
gopucchena krītam → gopuccha is excluded from ṭhak
→ the outer heading's ṭhañ comes → gaupucchikam.
niṣkeṇa krītam "bought with a niṣka coin" → ṭhak (by SK 1682) → vṛddhi i → ai → naiṣkikam.
Applies when / blocked by. The word ārhāt means "up to and including arha". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read the preposition ā here as inclusion (abhivyāpti). So ṭhak also comes in the sense arhati itself: śvetacchatram arhati → śvaitacchatrikaḥ (SK 1728). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that arha copies a piece of the verb arhati, not the noun arham.
Watch out. A numeral and a measure are named separately here. So, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says, a numeral does not count as a measure in this rule. He cites a verse that sorts four kinds of measuring. Unmāna is weight, parimāṇa is capacity (a prastha of grain), pramāṇa is length, and saṃkhyā is number.
paramaniṣkeṇa krītaḥ → paramanaiṣkikaḥThis group gives ṭhak to niṣka and a few other coin- and measure-words, but only outside a compound. Inside a compound they take ṭhañ. Then Bhaṭṭoji reads in three rules from Pāṇini's seventh book. In a compound ending in a measure-word, they move the vṛddhi from the first vowel of the whole word to the first vowel of its last member. On the running example, what is bought with a fine niṣka is paramanaiṣkikaḥ. The ni of niṣka gets the vṛddhi, not the pa of parama.
Rule. After niṣka and the other words of its list, ṭhak comes in the ārhīya senses. It comes only when the word is not in a samāsa, a compound (asamāse "not in a compound"). In a compound these words take ṭhañ instead.
Ṭhak here is not restated. It comes by anuvṛtti, carried forward from SK 1681.
Example.
niṣkeṇa krītam "bought with a niṣka" → niṣka + ṭhak
→ vṛddhi i → ai → ṭh → ik → the final a deleted (SK 311) → naiṣkikam.
In a compound: paramaniṣkeṇa krītaḥ → paramaniṣka + ṭhañ → paramanaiṣkikaḥ (see SK 1683).
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says that the word ārhāt of SK 1681 is carried forward through seventeen sūtras, up to tena krītam (SK 1702).
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the seven words of the niṣkādi list: niṣka, paṇa, pāda, māṣa, vāha, droṇa and ṣaṣṭi. Why is this rule needed for them? Scholars discuss this, and the same commentator reports two views.
Watch out. Ṭhak and ṭhañ give the same written form (compare naiṣkikam and paramanaiṣkikaḥ). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that the difference is in accent.
Rule. This rule comes from Pāṇini's seventh book. Take a compound whose last member is a word for a measure. Before a taddhita marked with ñ, ṇ or k, vṛddhi replaces the first vowel of that last member, the uttarapada. It does not apply when the derived word is a saṃjñā, a name. It does not apply when the last member is śāṇa.
The rule stands under the heading uttarapadasya (SK 1396). So the vṛddhi goes to the last member instead of the first vowel of the whole word.
Example.
paramaniṣkeṇa krītaḥ "bought with a fine niṣka" → a compound, so ṭhañ (SK 1682)
→ paramaniṣka + ṭhañ → the last member niṣka is a measure-word
→ vṛddhi on its first vowel: i → ai → paramanaiṣka + ika → paramanaiṣkikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "not when a name is meant"? Take pañca kalāpāḥ parimāṇam asya "having five kalāpas as its measure". This is a name of a particular measure. Ṭhañ comes by tad asya parimāṇam (SK 1723). The last member gets no vṛddhi; only the first syllable does: pāñcakalāpikam.
Watch out. This rule also teaches a principle by a hint. A jñāpaka is a wording that makes sense only if some other fact holds, and so proves that fact. Here the hint is the word asamāse in SK 1682.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators spells out the reasoning. Normally a rule that names a word applies to that word alone, not to a compound ending in it. If so, a compound could never get ṭhak from SK 1682, and asamāse would be pointless. So asamāse shows that tadantavidhi holds before this point. Tadantavidhi is the reading by which a rule for a word also covers a compound ending in that word. Bhaṭṭoji's examples are from the rules before SK 1682:
sugavyam: yat after sugo, a compound ending in go, by SK 1662.yavāpūpyam: yat after yavāpūpa, a compound ending in apūpa, by SK 1664.From here onward, though, a vārttika narrows this. A vārttika is a supplementary statement on a sūtra. It says saṃkhyāpūrvapadānāṃ tadantagrahaṇaṃ prāg vater iṣyate tac cāluki. Tadantavidhi is wanted before SK 1778 only for compounds whose first member is a numeral. And it holds only when there is no luk. Luk is the complete deletion of an affix, leaving nothing behind.
Bhaṭṭoji's examples are pārāyaṇikaḥ and dvaipārāyaṇikaḥ. He gives no sense for them. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators connect them with SK 1736, the pārāyaṇa rule of the next chapter.
Why "only when there is no luk"? Take dvābhyāṃ śūrpābhyāṃ krītam "bought with two śūrpas". Its word is dviśūrpam. This is a dvigu, a compound whose first member is a numeral, and its affix has undergone luk (SK 1693). Now form a word meaning "bought with a dviśūrpa":
dviśūrpa → the base ends in a luk, so no tadantavidhi
→ śūrpād añ (SK 1691) does not reach it → ṭhañ comes instead
→ the last member śūrpa is a measure-word, so vṛddhi ū → au by this rule → dviśaurpikam.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add a point about this ṭhañ. SK 1693 does not delete it, because it is not the affix that made dviśūrpa a dvigu.
Rule. After ardha "half", vṛddhi replaces the first vowel of a following measure-word. The first vowel of the prior member, the pūrvapada ardha, takes vṛddhi only optionally. This happens before a taddhita marked with ñ, ṇ or k.
Example.
ardhadroṇena krītam "bought with half a droṇa" → ardhadroṇa + ṭhañ
→ the measure-word droṇa takes vṛddhi: o → au
→ ardha optionally takes vṛddhi: a → ā
→ ārdhadrauṇikam or ardhadrauṇikam.
Applies when / blocked by. Droṇa is in the niṣka list. So why ṭhañ and not ṭhak? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: ardhadroṇa is a compound, and SK 1682 denies ṭhak to a compound.
Rule. After ardha, vṛddhi does not replace a short a of the following measure-word. The prior member ardha still takes vṛddhi optionally. The environment is the same: a taddhita marked with ñ, ṇ or k.
Example.
ardhaprasthena krītam "bought with half a prastha" → ardhaprastha + ṭhañ
→ the a of prastha stays a (this rule)
→ ardha optionally takes vṛddhi → ārdhaprasthikam or ardhaprasthikam.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "an a"? Kuḍava begins with u, not a. So this rule does not stop it, and SK 1684 gives the last member vṛddhi: u → au → ārdhakauḍavikam.
Why is the vowel marked tapara, with a following t (at)? A letter marked in this way names only its own length, so at means short a only. The point shows in ardhakhārī, a feminine thing "that is in half a khārī". Suppose the rule also stopped vṛddhi of a long ā. Then the ā of khārī would take no vṛddhi, and the taddhita would not count as one that caused vṛddhi. SK 840 would then fail in the compound ardhakhārībhārya "whose wife is an ardhakhārī". That rule forbids puṃvadbhāva, treatment as masculine, for a feminine whose taddhita caused vṛddhi. Because only short a is covered, SK 840 applies and the correct form is ardhakhārībhārya.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say this point concerns the option where ardha has no vṛddhi. Where ardha does take vṛddhi, the taddhita has caused vṛddhi anyway. One of them also notes that SK 1683–1685 come from the seventh book. After them, the fifth book resumes.
śatena krītam → śatikam / śatyamThis group names special affixes for numerals and for particular coins and measures. Each one sets aside ṭhañ, ṭhak or kan for its own bases. On the running example, what is bought with a hundred is śatikam with ṭhan, or śatyam with yat. SK 1686 alone carries "not in a compound"; a compound like dviśata takes kan (SK 1687).
Rule. After śata "a hundred", the affixes ṭhan and yat come in the ārhīya senses. They do not come when the thing meant is itself a hundred (aśate). They are apavādas of kan, which SK 1687 would otherwise give.
Ṭhan is heard as ika. Its marker is n, so it brings no vṛddhi. Yat is heard as ya; its t is a marker, and it brings no vṛddhi either.
Example.
śatena krītam "bought with a hundred" → śata + ṭhan
→ no vṛddhi → ṭh → ik → the final a deleted (SK 311) → śatikam.
śata + yat → the final a deleted → śatyam.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "not when a hundred is meant"? Take śataṃ parimāṇam asya "that whose measure is a hundred". The word is śatakaḥ saṅghaḥ "a group of a hundred". Here the sense of the affix, the group, is in reality not different from the sense of the base, the hundred. So ṭhan and yat do not come; only kan comes (SK 1687).
The word ca "and" carries asamāse "not in a compound" into this rule. So in a compound kan comes: dviśatena krītam → dviśatakam. How dviśata is analysed, scholars discuss.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds a case where the prohibition does not bite. In śatyaṃ śāṭakaśatam "a hundred cloths bought with a hundred", the hundred cloths differ from the hundred coins paid. So yat comes.
Rule. After a numeral, kan comes in the ārhīya senses. It does not come after a numeral ending in ti or in śat. Kan is heard as ka. Its marker is n, so it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
pañcabhiḥ krītaḥ "bought with five" → pañcan + kan
→ the final n of the stem is dropped (SK 236) → no vṛddhi → pañcakaḥ.
Likewise bahukaḥ "bought with many".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes the difference between the two. Pañcan is an ordinary numeral. Bahu is a numeral only by the grammar's definition (SK 258).
Applies when / blocked by. A numeral ending in ti or śat takes ṭhañ from the outer heading instead:
saptatyā krītaḥ "bought with seventy" → saptati + ṭhañ
→ vṛddhi a → ā → ṭh → ik → the final i deleted (SK 311) → sāptatikaḥ.
catvāriṃśatā krītaḥ "bought with forty" → catvāriṃśat + ṭhañ
→ vṛddhi a → ā → after the final t, ṭh → k (SK 1221) → cātvāriṃśatkaḥ.
Watch out. The excluded ti is the meaningful ending ti, as in saptati. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that the ti inside the affix ḍati is not excluded. Ḍati is an affix whose words count as numerals (SK 258).
Rule. When kan comes after a stem ending in vatu, the augment iṭ is optionally added to it. Vatu is the affix of words like tāvat "that much". An augment (āgama) is a sound added to a form without replacing anything. Iṭ is heard as i. Its marker ṭ places it at the front of kan.
Example.
tāvatā krītaḥ "bought for that much" → tāvat is formed with vatup (vatu with the marker p; SK 1840) and counts as a numeral (SK 258)
→ tāvat + kan (SK 1687) → optionally iṭ before kan → tāvat + i + ka
→ tāvatikaḥ, or without iṭ, tāvatkaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the grammar of the sūtra. Kan is carried forward in the nominative. The ablative vatoḥ "after vatu" turns it into a genitive, "to kan", by SK 41. So the augment goes to kan, not to the stem.
Rule. The sūtra is split into two rules. Splitting one sūtra into two in this way is called yogavibhāga.
So the first part is left for names. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reaches this by elimination.
Ḍvun is heard as aka: vu becomes aka (SK 1247). Its ḍ is a marker, which deletes the end of the stem.
Example.
viṃśatyā krītaḥ "bought for twenty" → viṃśati + ḍvun
→ vu → aka → before a ḍ-marked affix the ti of viṃśati is deleted (SK 844) → viṃśakaḥ.
triṃśatā krītaḥ → triṃśat + ḍvun
→ vu → aka → the ṭi, the last vowel with what follows it, is at; it is deleted (SK 316) → triṃśakaḥ.
When a name is meant, kan comes: viṃśatikaḥ, triṃśatkaḥ.
Watch out. Why split the sūtra? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. As one rule, it would give only ḍvun. Kan could then never reach viṃśati and triṃśat, because SK 1687 excludes them.
Rule. After kaṃsa, a particular measure, the affix ṭiṭhan comes in the ārhīya senses. Its ṭ is there for ṅīp in the feminine (SK 470). Its i is uccāraṇārtha, "for pronunciation" only. Its n is a marker, so it brings no vṛddhi. What is heard is ika.
Example.
kaṃsena krītaḥ "bought with a kaṃsa" → kaṃsa + ṭiṭhan
→ ṭh → ik → the final a deleted (SK 311) → kaṃsikaḥ
→ feminine: the ṭ marker brings ṅīp → kaṃsikī.
Applies when / blocked by. Three vārttikas extend the rule.
ardhikaḥ, feminine ardhikī. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains that ardha is fixed by usage for half a kārṣāpaṇa. So the word needs no stated whole to be half of.kārṣāpaṇikaḥ, feminine kārṣāpaṇikī.pratikaḥ, feminine pratikī.Watch out. Prati is a substitute, an ādeśa: a form that replaces another. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says prati is taught tied to ṭiṭhan. It comes only together with that affix. This matters at SK 1694.
Rule. After śūrpa, a measure of grain, the affix añ comes optionally in the ārhīya senses. Añ is heard as a. Its ñ is a marker, so it brings first-vowel vṛddhi.
Example.
śūrpeṇa krītam "bought with a śūrpa" → śūrpa + añ
→ vṛddhi ū → au → the final a deleted (SK 311) → śaurpam.
In the other option, śūrpa + ṭhañ → śaurpikam.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is the other option ṭhañ? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer that śūrpa is a measure. So SK 1681 gives it no ṭhak, and ṭhañ was due. Añ is its optional apavāda.
Rule. After śatamāna, viṃśatika, sahasra "a thousand" and vasana "cloth", the affix aṇ comes in the ārhīya senses. Aṇ is heard as a. Its ṇ is a marker, so it brings first-vowel vṛddhi. It is an apavāda of ṭhañ, ṭhak and kan.
Example.
śatamānena krītam "bought with a śatamāna" → śatamāna + aṇ
→ vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted → śātamānam.
Likewise vaiṃśatikam from viṃśatika, sāhasram from sahasra, and vāsanam from vasana.
Applies when / blocked by. Which affix does aṇ set aside for each word? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators share it out by base:
dvābhyāṃ kaṃsābhyāṃ krītam → dvikaṃsamA dvigu is a compound whose first member is a numeral. Adhyardha means "one and a half". After a dvigu, or after a word beginning with adhyardha, the ārhīya affix usually undergoes luk. The rules of this group make that luk optional for some words. For others they give a new affix instead. On the running example, what is bought with two kaṃsas is dvikaṃsam. The ṭiṭhan of kaṃsa is deleted, and nothing of it remains.
Rule. After a word whose first member is adhyardha, and after a dvigu, a following ārhīya affix undergoes luk. It does not happen when the derived word is a name.
Example.
dvābhyāṃ kaṃsābhyāṃ krītam "bought with two kaṃsas" → a dvigu in the sense of the taddhita (SK 728): dvikaṃsa
→ dvikaṃsa + ṭiṭhan (SK 1690) → luk of ṭiṭhan (this rule) → dvikaṃsam.
adhyardhakaṃsena krītam "bought with one and a half kaṃsas" → adhyardhakaṃsa + ṭiṭhan → luk → adhyardhakaṃsam.
Applies when / blocked by. In a name, the affix stays: pāñcakalāpikam "having five kalāpas as its measure" (see SK 1683).
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read dvigoḥ as an ablative, "after a dvigu". They say the luk falls only on the affix that caused the dvigu. The ṭhañ of dviśaurpikam (SK 1683) did not cause its dvigu, so it is not deleted.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes a strain here. Bhaṭṭoji's own gloss speaks of the luk of any ārhīya affix after a dvigu. But it must still be read as the luk of the affix that caused the dvigu. Otherwise the ṭhañ of dviśaurpikam would be deleted too.
Rule. After the same kinds of word, ending in kārṣāpaṇa or sahasra, the luk is optional (vibhāṣā). So both a luk form and a full form are correct.
Example. For kārṣāpaṇa, the affix is the ṭiṭhan added by the vārttika under SK 1690:
adhyardhakārṣāpaṇa + ṭiṭhan → with luk adhyardhakārṣāpaṇam; without, adhyardhakārṣāpaṇikam.
dvikārṣāpaṇa + ṭiṭhan → with luk dvikārṣāpaṇam; without, dvikārṣāpaṇikam.
For sahasra, the affix is the aṇ of SK 1692:
adhyardhasahasra + aṇ → adhyardhasahasram or adhyardhasāhasram.
dvisahasra + aṇ → dvisahasram or dvisāhasram.
Applies when / blocked by. With the substitute prati there is no luk at all: adhyardhapratikam, dvipratikam. Prati comes only tied to ṭiṭhan (SK 1690), so ṭiṭhan must stay. Such a substitute is called saṃniyogaśiṣṭa, "taught in conjunction with" an affix.
Watch out. Where aṇ stays after sahasra, the vṛddhi falls on the last member: sa → sā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the rule: saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃvatsarasaṃkhyasya ca (SK 1752, next chapter).
Rule. After a dvigu ending in niṣka, whose first member is dvi "two" or tri "three", the luk of the ārhīya affix is optional.
Example. The affix is ṭhañ, since a compound cannot take ṭhak (SK 1682):
dvābhyāṃ niṣkābhyāṃ krītam → dviniṣka + ṭhañ
→ with luk → dviniṣkam
→ without luk, the last member niṣka takes vṛddhi (SK 1683) → dvinaiṣkikam.
Likewise triniṣkam or trinaiṣkikam.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds bahu "many" as a first member: bahupūrvāc ceti vaktavyam. So bahuniṣkam or bahunaiṣkikam.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says dvigoḥ is connected here. This rules out a genitive compound like dvayor niṣkaḥ "the niṣka of two people". Such a word takes no luk.
Rule. The luk of the ārhīya affix is also optional after bista, a unit, when dvi, tri or bahu stands before it.
Example.
dvābhyāṃ bistābhyāṃ krītam "bought with two bistas" → dvibista + ṭhañ
→ with luk → dvibistam
→ without luk, vṛddhi on bista → dvibaistikam.
Bhaṭṭoji adds "and so on", which covers tri and bahu.
Applies when / blocked by. Bahu comes here from the vārttika under SK 1695, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. The other commentator explains the word ca. It draws in dvitripūrvāt from SK 1695. A word drawn in by ca does not go on into the next rule.
Rule. After a word ending in viṃśatika, the affix kha comes. The condition of SK 1693 still holds: the word begins with adhyardha or is a dvigu. Kha is heard as īna (SK 475). It brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
adhyardhaviṃśatikena krītam → adhyardhaviṃśatika + kha
→ kh → īn → the final a deleted (SK 311) → adhyardhaviṃśatikīnam.
Likewise dviviṃśatikīnam.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kha replaces two things. One is the aṇ of SK 1692. The other is the luk of that aṇ which would follow.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji says the condition of SK 1693 "holds here all the same". Did it lapse in SK 1695–1696 and come back here, or run on without a break? Scholars discuss this.
Rule. After a word ending in khārī, a large grain measure, the affix īkan comes. The word begins with adhyardha or is a dvigu. Īkan is heard as īka. It brings no vṛddhi. It comes where ṭhañ and its luk would otherwise apply.
Example.
dvikhārī + īkan → the final ī of the stem is deleted (SK 311) → the affix's ī remains → dvikhārīkam.
Likewise adhyardhakhārīkam.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds khārī on its own: kevalāyāś ceti vaktavyam. So khārīkam "bought with a khārī".
Watch out. Why is the affix īkan, with a long ī? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. With kan, the ī of khārī would be shortened before ka (SK 834). With ikan, the ī would be deleted (SK 311). Neither gives the wanted form.
Rule. After a word ending in paṇa, pāda, māṣa or śata, the affix yat comes. Bhaṭṭoji's examples all begin with adhyardha or are dvigus.
Example.
adhyardhapaṇa + yat → the final a deleted → adhyardhapaṇyam; likewise dvipaṇyam.
dvipāda + yat → the final a deleted → dvipādyam; likewise adhyardhapādyam.
Applies when / blocked by. In dvipādyam, pāda is not replaced by pat (SK 414). The deletion of its final a by SK 311 counts as if the a were still there. Treating a substitute, here a deletion, as the original it replaced is called sthānivadbhāva.
Nor is pāda replaced by pad (SK 991). That rule takes pāda only as a limb of a living being, the foot. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that here pāda, named with paṇa and māṣa, is a measure.
Rule. After a word ending in śāṇa, a weight, yat comes optionally. In the other option ṭhañ comes, and that ṭhañ undergoes luk (SK 1693).
Example.
adhyardhaśāṇa + yat → the final a deleted → adhyardhaśāṇyam.
adhyardhaśāṇa + ṭhañ → luk of ṭhañ → adhyardhaśāṇam.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that śāṇa is a weight. On the main view it should then take ṭhak, not ṭhañ. Scholars discuss this.
Rule. After śāṇa with dvi or tri as first member, aṇ comes. The word ca brings in yat as well. Where neither comes, ṭhañ comes and undergoes luk. So there are three forms. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators call this a vārttika that was set among the sūtras.
Example.
dviśāṇa + aṇ → vṛddhi on the first syllable only → dvaiśāṇam.
dviśāṇa + yat → dviśāṇyam.
dviśāṇa + ṭhañ → luk of ṭhañ → dviśāṇam.
Applies when / blocked by. Why does the aṇ form take vṛddhi on the first syllable, not on śāṇa? Because SK 1683 excludes śāṇa from vṛddhi of the last member.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji now sums up. Thirteen affixes, ṭhañ and the rest, have been introduced. What is still awaited is their samarthavibhakti, the case of the word they are added to, and their senses. These are stated from SK 1702 onward.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the thirteen:
prasthena krītam → prāsthikamNow the senses begin. Each sense-rule fixes the case of its base. The affixes already taught then apply as prescribed. Ṭhañ comes after gopuccha, a numeral or a measure. Ṭhak comes elsewhere. The special affixes of groups C and D come after their own bases. The first sense is "bought with that", with a base in the third case. On the running example, what is bought with a prastha is prāsthikam. Prastha is a measure, so it takes ṭhañ.
Rule. After a word in the third case, tena "with that", the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "bought with that".
Example. With ṭhañ, for the bases that SK 1681 shuts out of ṭhak:
gopucchena krītam "bought with a cow's tail" → gopuccha + ṭhañ → gaupucchikam.
saptatyā krītam "bought with seventy" → saptati + ṭhañ → sāptatikam.
prasthena krītam "bought with a prastha" → prastha + ṭhañ
→ vṛddhi a → ā → ṭh → ik → the final a deleted → prāsthikam.
With ṭhak, by SK 1682:
niṣkeṇa krītam "bought with a niṣka" → niṣka + ṭhak → naiṣkikam.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators restrict the third case here. It must be the karaṇa, the instrument: the price paid. "Bought by Devadatta" takes no affix. One of them adds "bought with the hand". The affix is not used to express those senses. When usage does not express a sense by an affix, the affix does not come; this is called anabhidhāna.
Watch out. From here the chapter speaks of "the affixes as prescribed". Look back to groups A–D to find which affix a base takes. The sense-rule only adds the meaning and the case.
Rule. This rule comes from Pāṇini's first book. When a taddhita undergoes luk, the final ī of goṇī "a sack" is replaced by i. That ī is the feminine affix. The rule is an apavāda of the luk of the feminine affix by luk taddhitaluki (SK 1408).
Example.
pañcabhir goṇībhiḥ krītaḥ paṭaḥ "a cloth bought with five sacks" → a dvigu pañcagoṇī
→ pañcagoṇī + ṭhak → luk of the ārhīya affix (SK 1693)
→ the ī of goṇī is replaced by i (this rule) → pañcagoṇiḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is this rule needed? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Without it, SK 1408 would remove the feminine ṅīṣ along with the taddhita. The stem would then end in a and take ṭāp, giving the wrong pañcagoṇā.
śatasya nimittaṃ dhanapatisaṃyogaḥ → śatikaḥ / śatyaḥThe next senses take a base in the sixth case, tasya "of that", and one in the seventh, tatra "in that". The first sense is "the cause of that". The cause must be a connection or a portent. On the running example, a connection with a rich man that brings a hundred is śatikaḥ or śatyaḥ. The affixes are the ṭhan and yat that śata takes by SK 1686. Then come special affixes for go "cow", for words of two vowels, and for putra. The group ends with "lord of that" and "known in that".
Rule. After a word in the sixth case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "the cause (nimitta) of that". The cause must be a saṃyoga or an utpāta. Bhaṭṭoji explains saṃyoga as a connection (sambandha). An utpāta is an event that signals good or ill, a portent.
Example.
śatasya nimittaṃ dhanapatisaṃyogaḥ "a connection with a rich man that is the cause of a hundred"
→ śata + ṭhan or śata + yat (SK 1686) → śatikaḥ or śatyaḥ dhanapatisaṃyogaḥ.
śatasya nimittaṃ dakṣiṇākṣispandanam "a throbbing of the right eye that portends a hundred"
→ śatikam or śatyam dakṣiṇākṣispandanam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the two examples. The connection is contact such as serving the rich man as his priest. A portent is a "cause" only in that it indicates what will come.
Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas add bases. A vārttika that adds to a rule's scope in this way is called an upasaṃkhyāna.
vātasya śamanaṃ kopanaṃ vā → vātikam. Likewise paittikam and ślaiṣmikam. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the affix is the ārhīya ṭhak.sāṃnipātikam.Rule. In the sense "the cause of that", yat comes after go "cow" and after a word of two vowels (dvyac). It does not come after a numeral, a measure, or aśva "horse" and the other words of its list. Yat here is an apavāda of ṭhak.
Example.
gor nimittaṃ saṃyoga utpāto vā "a connection or portent that is the cause of a cow" → go + yat
→ o → av before the y (SK 63) → gavyaḥ.
Words of two vowels: dhanyaḥ "the cause of wealth", yaśasyaḥ "of fame", svargyaḥ "of heaven".
Applies when / blocked by. Why "go and a word of two vowels"? Vijaya "victory" has three vowels, so it takes ṭhak: vijayasya nimittam → vaijayikaḥ.
Why "not after a numeral" and the rest? Each such base keeps its own affix:
pañcānāṃ nimittam → pañcakam; saptakam.prāsthikam; khārīkam (SK 1698).āśvikam. Another word of that list is aśman "stone": aśman + ṭhak → the ṭi an is deleted (SK 679) → vṛddhi → āśmikam.A vārttika adds brahmavarcasa "spiritual lustre": brahmavarcasād upasaṃkhyānam. So brahmavarcasyam.
Rule. After putra "son", cha comes in the sense "the cause of that". By ca, yat also comes. Cha is heard as īya (SK 475) and brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
putrasya nimittam → putra + cha → ch → īy → the final a deleted → putrīyaḥ.
putra + yat → putryaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why the rule is stated. SK 1705 would give putra, a word of two vowels, yat alone.
Watch out. A rite for a son is called putrīyā iṣṭiḥ. But is a rite a connection or a portent? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer that saṃyoga can mean "that by which one is joined". By the rite, the sacrificer is joined with its fruit, a son.
Rule. After sarvabhūmi "the whole earth", aṇ comes. After pṛthivī "the earth", añ comes. The sense is still "the cause of that". The two affixes go with the two bases in order.
Example.
sarvabhūmer nimittaṃ saṃyoga utpāto vā → sarvabhūmi + aṇ
→ sarvabhūmi is read in the anuśatikādi list, so both members take vṛddhi (SK 1438): a → ā, ū → au
→ the final i deleted → sārvabhaumaḥ.
pṛthivyā nimittam → pṛthivī + añ → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → the final ī deleted → pārthivaḥ.
Watch out. This rule is an apavāda that carries its own heading. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is why SK 1680 had to be a heading. After such a break, ṭhañ must return.
Rule. The same aṇ and añ come after sarvabhūmi and pṛthivī, in the sense "lord (īśvara) of that". The base is in the sixth case. Bhaṭṭoji gives no comment of his own here; the example is under SK 1709.
Example.
sarvabhūmer īśvaraḥ "lord of the whole earth" → sarvabhūmi + aṇ → sārvabhaumaḥ.
pṛthivyā īśvaraḥ "lord of the earth" → pṛthivī + añ → pārthivaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The word tasya is available from SK 1704, yet it is stated again. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the reason. Restating it cuts off the sense "cause". Otherwise "lord" might be read as one more kind of cause, beside connection and portent.
Rule. The same affixes come after a word in the seventh case, tatra "in that", in the sense "known in that".
Example.
sarvabhūmau viditaḥ "known in the whole earth" → sarvabhūmi + aṇ → sārvabhaumaḥ.
pṛthivyāṃ viditaḥ "known on earth" → pārthivaḥ.
So sārvabhaumaḥ can mean "lord of the whole earth" (SK 1708) or "known in it" (this rule).
Applies when / blocked by. Why are SK 1708 and 1709 two sūtras? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give two reasons. As one rule, the two senses might be paired one-to-one with the two bases. And only "known in that" is to carry into the next rule. The pairing of bases with affixes from SK 1707 still holds.
Rule. After loka "the world" and sarvaloka "the whole world", ṭhañ comes in the sense "known in that".
Example.
lokeṣu viditaḥ "known in the world" → loka + ṭhañ → vṛddhi o → au → laukikaḥ.
sarvaloka + ṭhañ → sarvaloka is in the anuśatikādi list, so both members take vṛddhi (SK 1438)
→ sārvalaukikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the sense is "known in that" only. Because of the split at SK 1708–1709, "lord of that" does not reach this rule.
pañcāsmin vṛddhir dīyate → pañcakaḥTwo more senses follow. The first, with a sixth-case base, is "the sowing-ground of that". The second, with a first-case base, is "that is given in this" as interest, revenue, profit, duty or bribe. On the running example, a loan on which five is paid as interest is pañcakaḥ. Pañcan is a numeral, so it takes kan (SK 1687).
Rule. After a word in the sixth case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "the sowing-ground (vāpa) of that". Bhaṭṭoji explains vāpa as a field: "that in which [seed] is sown".
Example.
prasthasya vāpaḥ "a field for sowing a prastha of seed" → prastha is a measure, so ṭhañ → prāsthikam.
droṇasya vāpaḥ → droṇa is in the niṣka list, so ṭhak (SK 1682) → drauṇikam.
khāryā vāpaḥ → īkan (SK 1698) → khārīkam.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the sixth case here names the thing sown, not the sower. So "Devadatta's sowing-field" (devadattasya vāpaḥ) takes no affix.
Rule. After pātra, a measure of seed, ṣṭhan comes in the sense "the sowing-ground of that". Ṣṭhan is heard as ika. It brings no vṛddhi. Its ṣ is a marker, so the feminine takes ṅīṣ (SK 498).
Example.
pātrasya vāpaḥ kṣetram "a field for sowing a pātra of seed" → pātra + ṣṭhan
→ ṭh → ik → the final a deleted → pātrikam.
Feminine: pātrika + ṅīṣ → pātrikī kṣetrabhaktiḥ "a portion of field sown with a pātra".
Rule. After a word in the first case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "that is given in this". What is given must be one of five things. Bhaṭṭoji defines each:
The verb dīyate "is given" is singular. Bhaṭṭoji explains that it is connected with each noun in turn: "interest is given", "revenue is given", and so on.
Example.
pañcāsmin vṛddhir āyo lābhaḥ śulka upadā vā dīyate "in which five is given as interest, revenue, profit, duty or bribe"
→ pañcan + kan (SK 1687) → pañcakaḥ.
With a hundred: śatikaḥ or śatyaḥ (SK 1686). With a thousand: sāhasraḥ (aṇ, SK 1692).
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds the sense of the fourth case: caturthyarthe upasaṃkhyānam. So pañcāsmai vṛddhyādir dīyate "to whom five is given as interest etc." → pañcako devadattaḥ.
Or else, Bhaṭṭoji says, the vārttika is not needed. The receiver can be spoken of as a place, a locus. Compare samam abrāhmaṇe dānam "a gift to a non-brāhmaṇa is equal", where the receiver stands in the seventh case.
Rule. After a pūraṇa word, an ordinal, and after ardha "half", ṭhan comes. The sense is "that is given in this" as interest etc. After an ordinal, ṭhan is an apavāda of ṭhak. After ardha, it is an apavāda of ṭiṭhan (SK 1690).
Example.
dvitīyo vṛddhyādir asmin dīyate "in which a second [portion] is given as interest etc." → dvitīya + ṭhan
→ no vṛddhi → the final a deleted → dvitīyikaḥ. Likewise tṛtīyikaḥ.
ardha + ṭhan → ardhikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says ardha is rūḍha, fixed by usage, as "half a rūpaka". A rūpaka is a coin, the kārṣāpaṇa.
Watch out. Why is ṭhan needed after ardha, which already had ṭiṭhan? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer with the feminine. Ṭiṭhan would give ṅīp, as in ardhikī. But the wanted feminine is ardhikā, with ṭāp after ṭhan.
Rule. After bhāga, yat comes. By ca, the ṭhan of SK 1714 also comes. The sense is "that is given in this" as interest etc. Bhaṭṭoji says bhāga too is fixed by usage as half a rūpaka.
Example.
bhāgo vṛddhyādir asmin dīyate "[a hundred] on which a bhāga is given as interest etc."
→ bhāga + yat → bhāgyam śatam; or bhāga + ṭhan → bhāgikam śatam.
With viṃśati "twenty", a feminine: bhāgyā viṃśatiḥ or bhāgikā viṃśatiḥ.
prasthaṃ sambhavati → prāsthikaḥ kaṭāhaḥThe next senses take a base in the second case, tat "that", naming the object of a verb. The first run is "carries off, carries or brings that". The second is "holds, takes up or cooks that". Here the measure-words āḍhaka, ācita, pātra and kulija get special affixes, and each makes its own feminine. On the running example, a pan that holds a prastha is prāsthikaḥ kaṭāhaḥ. Prastha is a measure, so it takes ṭhañ.
Rule. After a word in the second case, the affixes come as prescribed in the senses "carries off (harati) that", "carries (vahati) that" and "brings (āvahati) that". The base is described by bhārād vaṃśādibhyaḥ: bhāra "load" together with vaṃśa "bamboo" and the other words of its list. These are not two separate bases. Bhaṭṭoji gives two ways of reading them together.
Example. First reading: a stem ending in bhāra that comes after vaṃśa etc.
vaṃśabhāraṃ harati vahaty āvahati vā "carries off, carries or brings a load of bamboo"
→ vaṃśabhāra + ṭhak → vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted → vāṃśabhārikaḥ.
Likewise aikṣubhārikaḥ, from ikṣubhāra "a load of sugar-cane".
Second reading: vaṃśa etc. when they are loads (bhārabhūtebhyaḥ).
bhārabhūtān vaṃśān harati "carries off bamboos that are loads" → vaṃśa + ṭhak → vāṃśikaḥ.
ikṣu + ṭhak → vṛddhi i → ai → after the final u, ṭh → k (SK 1221) → aikṣukaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the first reading needs two strained steps. The words must be taken as not in agreement, and their order reversed. Hence the second reading. In it, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say, the singular bhārāt is used because each base is taken one by one.
Rule. After vasna "price", ṭhan comes. After dravya "goods", kan comes. The two go with the two bases in order. The senses are those of SK 1716. Neither affix brings vṛddhi.
Example.
vasnaṃ harati vahaty āvahati vā "carries off, carries or brings the price" → vasna + ṭhan
→ no vṛddhi → ṭh → ik → the final a deleted → vasnikaḥ.
dravya + kan → dravyakaḥ.
Watch out. The base is vasna "price", not vastra "cloth". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses it as mūlya, "price".
Rule. After a word in the second case, the affixes come as prescribed in three senses. They are "holds (sambhavati) that", "takes up (avaharati) that" and "cooks (pacati) that".
Example.
prasthaṃ sambhavati "holds a prastha" → prastha is a measure, so ṭhañ → prāsthikaḥ kaṭāhaḥ "a pan".
Bhaṭṭoji explains: it lets a prastha be contained in itself.
prastham avaharati pacati vā "takes up or cooks a prastha" → prāsthika + ṅīp (SK 470) → prāsthikī brāhmaṇī.
Applies when / blocked by. Sambhavati usually means "is possible", with no object. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss shows that here it takes an object: the pan "holds" a prastha. So the second case fits. How to read avaharati, scholars discuss.
A vārttika adds a special affix: tat pacatīti droṇād aṇ ca. After droṇa, aṇ comes in the sense "cooks that". By ca, ṭhañ also comes.
droṇaṃ pacati "she cooks a droṇa" → droṇa + aṇ → vṛddhi o → au → feminine ṅīp → drauṇī.
Or droṇa + ṭhañ → drauṇikī.
Watch out. The vārttika names only "cooks". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say this shuts out "holds" and "takes up". In those senses droṇa has no aṇ.
Rule. After āḍhaka, ācita and pātra, kha comes optionally in the senses of SK 1718. In the other option ṭhañ comes. These are measures, so they take no ṭhak.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives feminine forms: a woman who holds, takes up or cooks the measure.
āḍhakaṃ sambhavati avaharati pacati vā → āḍhaka + kha
→ kh → īn → the final a deleted → feminine in -ā (SK 454) → āḍhakīnā.
Or āḍhaka + ṭhañ → feminine ṅīp → āḍhakikī.
From ācita: ācitīnā or ācitikī.
From pātra: pātra + kha → the n after r becomes ṇ (SK 197) → pātrīṇā; or, with ṭhañ, pātrikī. The printed text reads pātrīkī, but ṭhañ (ika) after pātra can only give pātrikī (compare dvipātrikī, SK 1720).
Rule. After a dvigu ending in āḍhaka, ācita or pātra, ṣṭhan comes, and by ca also kha. Both are optional, in the senses of SK 1718. In the remaining option ṭhañ comes, and it undergoes luk by SK 1693.
Example. Each base gives three feminine forms.
dvyāḍhaka + ṣṭhan → the ṣ marker brings ṅīṣ → dvyāḍhakikī.
dvyāḍhaka + kha → dvyāḍhakīnā.
dvyāḍhaka + ṭhañ → luk of ṭhañ → ṅīp by dvigoḥ (SK 479) → dvyāḍhakī.
From ācita: dvyācitikī and dvyācitīnā. With ṭhañ deleted, SK 480 bars ṅīp after ācita. So the feminine is dvyācitā.
From pātra: dvipātrikī, dvipātrīṇā, dvipātrī.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the luk of SK 1693 takes only ṭhañ. It does not take ṣṭhan or kha. Otherwise teaching them here would be pointless.
Watch out. In dvyāḍhakikī the y of dvy- brings no augment ai by SK 1098. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the reason. That augment comes in place of vṛddhi, and ṣṭhan brings no vṛddhi at all.
Rule. After a dvigu ending in kulija, luk and kha come optionally in the senses of SK 1718. The luk is of ṭhañ. By ca, ṣṭhan comes too. Where there is no luk, ṭhañ is heard.
Example. Four feminine forms:
dvikulija + ṭhañ → luk → ṅīp (SK 479) → dvikulijī.dvikulija + ṭhañ, kept → vṛddhi on the first syllable only → dvaikulijikī.dvikulija + kha → dvikulijīnā.dvikulija + ṣṭhan → no vṛddhi → ṅīṣ → dvikulijikī.Applies when / blocked by. Why does dvaikulijikī take no vṛddhi on kulija? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say kulija too is excluded from SK 1683, like śāṇa.
Watch out. Is "optionally" carried into this rule from SK 1719? Scholars discuss this.
prasthaṃ parimāṇam asya → prāsthiko rāśiḥThe next senses take a base in the first case. They are "that is its share, price or wages" and "that is its measure". Under "measure", numerals get a run of their own rules: a name, a group, a text, a recitation, a stoma. Some numeral words are then given ready-made by nipātana. On the running example, a heap measuring a prastha is prāsthiko rāśiḥ.
Rule. After a word in the first case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "that is its share, price or wages". Bhaṭṭoji glosses the three. Aṃśa is a share (bhāga). Vasna is a price (mūlya). Bhṛti is wages (vetana).
Example.
pañca aṃśo vasno bhṛtir vāsya "one whose share, price or wages is five" → pañcan + kan (SK 1687) → pañcakaḥ.
Rule. After a word in the first case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "that is the measure of this".
Example.
prasthaṃ parimāṇam asya "that of which a prastha is the measure" → prastha is a measure, so ṭhañ
→ vṛddhi a → ā → prāsthiko rāśiḥ "a heap measuring a prastha".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators widen "measure" here. It covers anything that delimits, number included. SK 1724 shows this, since it speaks of number as a measure. So ṣaṣṭiḥ parimāṇam asya → ṣāṣṭikam "having sixty as its measure". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives ṣāṣṭikaḥ, "whose life-span is sixty".
Watch out. The words tad asya are stated afresh, though so 'sya of SK 1722 is already current. Do they stop the luk of SK 1693 in dviṣāṣṭikaḥ "whose life-span is two sixties"? Scholars discuss this.
Rule. SK 1723 is carried forward. After a numeral, the affixes come in the sense "that is its measure", when one of four things is meant. It may be a name (saṃjñā), a group (saṃgha), a sūtra-text, or a recitation (adhyayana).
Example.
Name: pañcakāḥ śakunayaḥ "the pañcaka birds".
Group: pañcakaḥ "a group of five".
Sūtra-text: aṣṭakaṃ pāṇinīyam "Pāṇini's text of eight [books]".
Recitation: pañcakam adhyayanam "a recitation done five times".
In each, the numeral takes kan (SK 1687).
Applies when / blocked by. For the name, a vārttika says: saṃjñāyāṃ svārthe pratyayo vācyaḥ. The affix comes svārthe, "in the word's own sense", adding no new meaning. So pañcaiva pañcakāḥ śakunayaḥ "the five themselves are the pañcaka birds".
Or else, Bhaṭṭoji says, the numeral denotes the number alone, as in dvyekayoḥ (SK 186). The affix then comes in the sense of what has that measure: "five is their measure".
Why is sūtra named separately from group? Bhaṭṭoji says the word saṃgha is fixed by usage for a group of living beings. A text is not such a group.
A second vārttika reads stome ḍavidhiḥ. When a stoma is meant, the affix ḍa comes. A stoma, Bhaṭṭoji says, is a laudation sung by the Chandogas in Soma sacrifices, with names such as pṛṣṭhya. The Chandogas are the singers of the Sāmaveda.
pañcadaśa mantrāḥ parimāṇam asya "having fifteen mantras as its measure" → pañcadaśan + ḍa
→ the ḍ marker deletes the ṭi an (SK 316) → pañcadaśaḥ. Likewise saptadaśaḥ.
ekaviṃśati + ḍa → the ti of viṃśati is deleted (SK 844) → ekaviṃśaḥ.
Watch out. Why does ḍa need its ḍ? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers with ekaviṃśaḥ. An n-final stem would lose its ṭi anyway (SK 679). But the ti of viṃśati goes only before a ḍ-marked affix.
Rule. Ten words are given ready-made by nipātana, in the sense "that is its measure": paṅkti, viṃśati "twenty", triṃśat "thirty", catvāriṃśat "forty", pañcāśat "fifty", ṣaṣṭi "sixty", saptati "seventy", aśīti "eighty", navati "ninety" and śata "a hundred". Bhaṭṭoji calls them rūḍhiśabda, words fixed by usage.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji sets the words down with no steps. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the derivations of the Bhāṣya, Patañjali's great commentary. For paṅkti the analysis is:
pañca pādāḥ parimāṇam asya "having five pādas as its measure" → pañcan with the ending ti → paṅkti, a metre of five pādas of five syllables each.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that the Bhāṣya concludes these are underived stems.
Watch out. Because these words are rūḍha, one should not insist on the literal sense of each part, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. Paṅkti, for example, can also mean a row or the number ten. Only as the metre does it keep its literal sense.
Rule. When a group (varga) is meant, pañcat and daśat are given optionally by nipātana. The sense is "that is its measure".
Example.
pañca parimāṇam asya "five is its measure" → pañcad vargaḥ "a group of five". Likewise daśat, "a group of ten".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps. The affix is ḍati, whose i is only for pronunciation. Its ḍ deletes the ṭi an of pañcan (SK 316) → pañcat.
In the other option kan comes (SK 1687): pañcakaḥ, daśakaḥ.
Watch out. Pāṇini's next sūtra, A 5.1.61, is Vedic. Bhaṭṭoji keeps it for the Vedic section (SK 3491). So SK 1727 is A 5.1.62.
Rule. After triṃśat "thirty" and catvāriṃśat "forty", ḍaṇ comes in the sense "that is its measure". It comes when a brāhmaṇa text is named. A brāhmaṇa is the part of the Veda other than the mantras. Ḍaṇ is heard as a. Its ṇ brings vṛddhi, and its ḍ deletes the ṭi.
Example.
triṃśad adhyāyāḥ parimāṇam eṣāṃ brāhmaṇānām "brāhmaṇas whose measure is thirty chapters" → triṃśat + ḍaṇ
→ the ṭi at deleted (SK 316) → vṛddhi i → ai → traiṃśāni.
Likewise cātvāriṃśāni brāhmaṇāni.
śvetacchatram arhati → śvaitacchatrikaḥThe last sense of the ārhīya section is "deserves that", with a second-case base. The ṭhak heading of SK 1681 reaches this far and includes it. Special affixes follow for particular bases: yat, ghan, cha, gha and khañ. On the running example, one who deserves a white parasol is śvaitacchatrikaḥ. At the end Bhaṭṭoji closes the ārhīya affixes. From then on, ṭhañ alone continues.
Rule. After a word in the second case, ṭhañ and the rest come in the sense "deserves that". Bhaṭṭoji glosses it as "is fit to obtain".
Example.
śvetacchatram arhati "deserves a white parasol" → śvetacchatra + ṭhak (SK 1681)
→ vṛddhi e → ai → the final a deleted → śvaitacchatrikaḥ.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds ṭhañ examples: prāsthikaḥ "deserving a prastha" and drauṇikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why the gloss "to obtain"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Arhati in the sense "is fit" takes no object. The word "obtain" supplies one, so the base can stand in the second case.
Watch out. Ṭhak comes here because SK 1681 runs up to and including tad arhati. This is the last sense where ṭhak is the default.
Rule. After cheda "cutting" and the other words of its list, the affixes come in the sense "constantly deserves that". Bhaṭṭoji takes nityam as repetition (ābhīkṣṇya). It qualifies the sense.
Example.
chedaṃ nityam arhati "constantly deserves cutting" → cheda + ṭhak
→ vṛddhi e → ai → chaidiko vetasaḥ "the cane".
The cane deserves it constantly because it grows again after it is cut.
Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra, a rule written inside the word-list, reads virāga viraṅgaṃ ca. Virāga is in the list, and viraṅga also comes in its place.
virāgaṃ nityam arhati → vairāgikaḥ, or with the substitute, vairaṅgikaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, following the Bhāṣya, read nityam otherwise. For them it means only "not optional", and the sūtra could be dispensed with. Scholars discuss this; this chapter teaches Bhaṭṭoji's reading.
Rule. After śīrṣaccheda "beheading", yat comes in the sense "constantly deserves that". By ca, the ārhīya ṭhak comes as well.
Example.
śīrṣacchedaṃ nityam arhati "constantly deserves beheading" → śīrṣaccheda + yat → śīrṣacchedyaḥ.
śīrṣaccheda + ṭhak → vṛddhi ī → ai → śairṣacchedikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The word for "head" is normally śiras. Its replacement by śīrṣa is given by nipātana, only together with yat and ṭhak. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why this is needed. Otherwise śīrṣaṃś chandasi (SK 3514) allows śīrṣan only in the Veda.
Rule. After daṇḍa "punishment" and the other words of its list, yat comes in the sense "deserves that". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say yat is carried forward from SK 1730.
Example.
daṇḍam arhati "deserves punishment" → daṇḍa + yat → the final a deleted → daṇḍyaḥ.
Likewise arghyaḥ "deserving a price or worship" (the printed text appears to read ardhyaḥ; the list word is argha "price, offering"), and vadhyaḥ "deserving death".
Watch out. The affix is yat, not ya. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reject the reading daṇḍādibhyo yaḥ as against the Bhāṣya; one of them adds the accent.
Pāṇini's next sūtra, A 5.1.67, is Vedic. Bhaṭṭoji keeps it for the Vedic section (SK 3492). So SK 1732 is A 5.1.68.
Rule. After pātra "vessel", ghan comes in the sense "deserves that". By ca, yat comes too. Ghan is heard as iya (SK 475).
Example.
pātram arhati "deserves a vessel" → pātra + ghan → gh → iy → the final a deleted → pātriyaḥ.
pātra + yat → pātryaḥ.
Rule. After kaḍaṅkara and dakṣiṇā "a sacrificial fee", cha comes in the sense "deserves that". By ca, yat comes too.
The word kaḍaṅkara is itself explained. It is analysed kaḍaṃ karoti "it makes kaḍa". The affix khac is given by nipātana from this very sūtra. It means the stalks of māṣa, mudga and similar pulses, used as fodder.
Example.
kaḍaṅkaram arhati "deserves such fodder" → kaḍaṅkara + cha → kaḍaṅkarīyo gauḥ "a cow".
kaḍaṅkara + yat → kaḍaṅkaryaḥ.
dakṣiṇām arhati "deserves a sacrificial fee" → dakṣiṇīyaḥ or dakṣiṇyaḥ.
Rule. After sthālībila "the inside of a cooking-pot", cha and yat come in the sense "deserves that". Both affixes are carried forward from SK 1733. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says they are apavādas of ṭhak.
Example.
sthālībilam arhanti "they deserve the inside of a cooking-pot" → sthālībila + cha → sthālībilīyāḥ taṇḍulāḥ.
Or sthālībila + yat → sthālībilyāḥ taṇḍulāḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji explains: grains of rice fit for cooking.
Rule. After yajña "sacrifice", gha comes. After ṛtvij "officiating priest", khañ comes. The two go with the two bases in order. The sense is "deserves that". Gha is heard as iya. Khañ is heard as īna, and its ñ brings vṛddhi.
Example.
yajñam arhati "deserves a sacrifice" → yajña + gha → gh → iy → the final a deleted → yajñiyaḥ.
ṛtvijam arhati "deserves an officiating priest" → ṛtvij + khañ → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → kh → īn → ārtvijīno yajamānaḥ "a sacrificer".
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds a second sense: yajñartvigbhyāṃ tatkarmārhatīty upasaṃkhyānam. The same affixes come in the sense "deserves the work of that".
yajñiyo deśaḥ "a place fit for the work of sacrifice".
ārtvijīna ṛtvik "a priest who deserves an officiating priest's work".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the vārttika shows a principle. In this section the affixes take words only in their primary sense.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji now closes the section. The range of the twelve ārhīya affixes, ṭhak and the rest, has reached its end. From here on, ṭhañ alone continues. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the count: the twelve are the thirteen of SK 1701 minus the heading ṭhañ. Only the ṭhañ of SK 1680 goes on into the next chapter, beginning with pārāyaṇa… (SK 1736).
| SK | Sūtra | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1680 | prāg vateṣ ṭhañ | Heading: ṭhañ (-ika, vṛddhi) is the default up to tena tulyam (SK 1778). | gaupucchikam |
| 1681 | ārhād agopucchasaṃkhyāparimāṇāṭ ṭhak | Heading inside it: ṭhak up to and including tad arhati (SK 1728), except after gopuccha, numerals, measures. | naiṣkikam, śvaitacchatrikaḥ |
| 1682 | asamāse niṣkādibhyaḥ | Ṭhak after niṣka etc. outside a compound; ṭhañ inside one. | naiṣkikam; paramanaiṣkikaḥ |
| 1683 | parimāṇāntasyāsaṃjñāśāṇayoḥ | Vṛddhi on the last member of a compound ending in a measure; not in a name, not śāṇa. Jñāpaka for tadantavidhi; vārttika limits it. | paramanaiṣkikaḥ; pāñcakalāpikam; dviśaurpikam |
| 1684 | ardhāt parimāṇasya pūrvasya tu vā | After ardha: vṛddhi on the measure-word; optional on ardha. | ārdhadrauṇikam / ardhadrauṇikam |
| 1685 | nātaḥ parasya | After ardha: no vṛddhi of a short a of the measure-word. | ārdhaprasthikam / ardhaprasthikam; ārdhakauḍavikam |
| 1686 | śatāc ca ṭhanyatāv aśate | Ṭhan and yat after śata, not when a hundred is itself meant. | śatikam / śatyam; śatakaḥ saṅghaḥ |
| 1687 | saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan | Kan after a numeral not ending in ti or śat. | pañcakaḥ, bahukaḥ; sāptatikaḥ, cātvāriṃśatkaḥ |
| 1688 | vator iḍ vā | Optional iṭ to kan after a vatu stem. | tāvatikaḥ / tāvatkaḥ |
| 1689 | viṃśatitriṃśadbhyāṃ ḍvun asaṃjñāyām | Split rule: kan after viṃśati, triṃśat in a name; ḍvun otherwise. | viṃśakaḥ, triṃśakaḥ; viṃśatikaḥ, triṃśatkaḥ |
| 1690 | kaṃsāṭ ṭiṭhan | Ṭiṭhan after kaṃsa; vārttikas add ardha, kārṣāpaṇa (optionally prati). | kaṃsikaḥ / kaṃsikī, ardhikaḥ, kārṣāpaṇikaḥ, pratikaḥ |
| 1691 | śūrpād añ anyatarasyām | Optional añ after śūrpa; else ṭhañ. | śaurpam / śaurpikam |
| 1692 | śatamānaviṃśatikasahasravasanād aṇ | Aṇ after four words, setting aside ṭhañ, ṭhak, kan. | śātamānam, vaiṃśatikam, sāhasram, vāsanam |
| 1693 | adhyardhapūrvadvigor lug asaṃjñāyām | Luk of the ārhīya affix after adhyardha- and a dvigu, not in a name. | dvikaṃsam, adhyardhakaṃsam |
| 1694 | vibhāṣā kārṣāpaṇasahasrābhyām | Optional luk after such words ending in kārṣāpaṇa, sahasra; none with prati. | dvikārṣāpaṇam / dvikārṣāpaṇikam; dvipratikam; dvisahasram / dvisāhasram |
| 1695 | dvitripūrvān niṣkāt | Optional luk after dvi-, tri- (and bahu-) + niṣka. | dviniṣkam / dvinaiṣkikam |
| 1696 | bistāc ca | The same after dvi-, tri-, bahu- + bista. | dvibistam / dvibaistikam |
| 1697 | viṃśatikāt khaḥ | Kha after such a word ending in viṃśatika. | dviviṃśatikīnam |
| 1698 | khāryā īkan | Īkan after such a word ending in khārī; vārttika: khārī alone. | dvikhārīkam, khārīkam |
| 1699 | paṇapādamāṣaśatād yat | Yat after such a word ending in paṇa, pāda, māṣa, śata. | dvipaṇyam, dvipādyam |
| 1700 | śāṇād vā | Optional yat after such a word ending in śāṇa; else ṭhañ with luk. | adhyardhaśāṇyam / adhyardhaśāṇam |
| 1701 | dvitripūrvād aṇ ca | Aṇ (and yat) after dvi-, tri- + śāṇa: three forms. Thirteen affixes introduced. | dvaiśāṇam, dviśāṇyam, dviśāṇam |
| 1702 | tena krītam | Sense: "bought with that", third-case base (the price). | gaupucchikam, prāsthikam, naiṣkikam |
| 1703 | id goṇyāḥ | Ī of goṇī → i when a taddhita undergoes luk. | pañcagoṇiḥ |
| 1704 | tasya nimittaṃ saṃyogotpātau | Sense: "the cause of that", a connection or portent; sixth-case base. Vārttikas for the humours. | śatikaḥ / śatyaḥ; vātikam, sāṃnipātikam |
| 1705 | godvyaco 'saṃkhyāparimāṇāśvāder yat | Yat after go and two-vowel words, not numerals, measures, aśva etc. | gavyaḥ, dhanyaḥ; vaijayikaḥ, āśmikam |
| 1706 | putrāc cha ca | Cha and yat after putra. | putrīyaḥ / putryaḥ |
| 1707 | sarvabhūmipṛthivībhyām aṇañau | Aṇ after sarvabhūmi, añ after pṛthivī. | sārvabhaumaḥ, pārthivaḥ |
| 1708 | tasyeśvaraḥ | Sense: "lord of that", same bases and affixes. | sārvabhaumaḥ |
| 1709 | tatra vidita iti ca | Sense: "known in that", seventh-case base. | sārvabhaumaḥ, pārthivaḥ |
| 1710 | lokasarvalokāṭ ṭhañ | Ṭhañ after loka, sarvaloka, "known in that". | laukikaḥ, sārvalaukikaḥ |
| 1711 | tasya vāpaḥ | Sense: "the sowing-ground of that", sixth-case base. | prāsthikam, drauṇikam, khārīkam |
| 1712 | pātrāt ṣṭhan | Ṣṭhan after pātra; feminine in ṅīṣ. | pātrikam, pātrikī |
| 1713 | tad asmin vṛddhyāyalābhaśulkopadā dīyate | Sense: "that is given in this" as interest, revenue, profit, duty, bribe; first-case base. | pañcakaḥ, śatikaḥ, sāhasraḥ; pañcako devadattaḥ |
| 1714 | pūraṇārdhāṭ ṭhan | Ṭhan after an ordinal and ardha. | dvitīyikaḥ, tṛtīyikaḥ, ardhikaḥ |
| 1715 | bhāgād yac ca | Yat and ṭhan after bhāga. | bhāgyam / bhāgikam śatam |
| 1716 | tad dharati vahaty āvahati bhārād vaṃśādibhyaḥ | Sense: "carries off, carries, brings that", after bhāra with vaṃśa etc. (two readings). | vāṃśabhārikaḥ; vāṃśikaḥ, aikṣukaḥ |
| 1717 | vasnadravyābhyāṃ ṭhankanau | Ṭhan after vasna, kan after dravya. | vasnikaḥ, dravyakaḥ |
| 1718 | sambhavaty avaharati pacati | Sense: "holds, takes up, cooks that"; vārttika aṇ after droṇa for "cooks". | prāsthikaḥ kaṭāhaḥ, prāsthikī; drauṇī / drauṇikī |
| 1719 | āḍhakācitapātrāt kho 'nyatarasyām | Optional kha after āḍhaka, ācita, pātra; else ṭhañ. | āḍhakīnā / āḍhakikī, pātrīṇā / pātrikī (printed pātrīkī; corrected by grammar) |
| 1720 | dvigoḥ ṣṭhaṃś ca | After a dvigu of those: ṣṭhan, kha, or ṭhañ with luk. | dvyāḍhakikī, dvyāḍhakīnā, dvyāḍhakī; dvyācitā |
| 1721 | kulijāl lukkhau ca | After a dvigu in kulija: luk of ṭhañ, kha or ṣṭhan; else ṭhañ. | dvikulijī, dvaikulijikī, dvikulijīnā, dvikulijikī |
| 1722 | so 'syāṃśavasnabhṛtayaḥ | Sense: "that is its share, price, wages"; first-case base. | pañcakaḥ |
| 1723 | tad asya parimāṇam | Sense: "that is its measure"; first-case base. | prāsthiko rāśiḥ, ṣāṣṭikam |
| 1724 | saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃjñāsaṃghasūtrādhyayaneṣu | After a numeral: a name, group, sūtra-text, recitation; vārttika ḍa for a stoma. | pañcakāḥ śakunayaḥ, aṣṭakaṃ pāṇinīyam; pañcadaśaḥ, ekaviṃśaḥ |
| 1725 | paṅktiviṃśati…śatam | Ten numeral words set down by nipātana. | paṅkti, viṃśati, śata |
| 1726 | pañcaddaśatau varge vā | Pañcat, daśat for a group, optionally; else kan. | pañcad vargaḥ; pañcakaḥ |
| 1727 | triṃśaccatvāriṃśator brāhmaṇe saṃjñāyāṃ ḍaṇ | Ḍaṇ after triṃśat, catvāriṃśat naming a brāhmaṇa. | traiṃśāni, cātvāriṃśāni |
| 1728 | tad arhati | Sense: "deserves that"; second-case base; last sense of ṭhak. | śvaitacchatrikaḥ, prāsthikaḥ |
| 1729 | chedādibhyo nityam | "Constantly deserves that" after cheda etc.; gaṇasūtra virāga / viraṅga. | chaidiko vetasaḥ, vairāgikaḥ, vairaṅgikaḥ |
| 1730 | śīrṣacchedād yac ca | Yat and ṭhak after śīrṣaccheda; śīrṣa by nipātana. | śīrṣacchedyaḥ / śairṣacchedikaḥ |
| 1731 | daṇḍādibhyo yat | Yat after daṇḍa etc. | daṇḍyaḥ, arghyaḥ (print appears to read ardhyaḥ), vadhyaḥ |
| 1732 | pātrād ghaṃś ca | Ghan and yat after pātra. | pātriyaḥ / pātryaḥ |
| 1733 | kaḍaṅkaradakṣiṇāc cha ca | Cha and yat after kaḍaṅkara, dakṣiṇā. | kaḍaṅkarīyo gauḥ, dakṣiṇīyaḥ / dakṣiṇyaḥ |
| 1734 | sthālībilāt | Cha and yat after sthālībila. | sthālībilīyāḥ / sthālībilyāḥ taṇḍulāḥ |
| 1735 | yajñartvigbhyāṃ ghakhañau | Gha after yajña, khañ after ṛtvij; vārttika "deserves the work of". The twelve ārhīya affixes end; ṭhañ alone continues. | yajñiyaḥ, ārtvijīno yajamānaḥ; yajñiyo deśaḥ |