Vaiyākaraṇa-siddhānta-kaumudī — taddhitādhikāre ārhīyaprakaraṇam

SK 1680 · A 5.1.18प्राग्वतीयः ठञधिकारः

प्राग्वतेष्ठञ् ॥ १६८० ॥

prāgvateṣṭhañ

prāg vateṣ ṭhañ — Before [the sūtra containing] vati, [the affix] ṭhañ [is the heading].

Rule. This sūtra is an adhikāra, a heading: a rule whose words are read into the rules below it. Before the sūtra that contains vati, the affix ṭhañ governs. That sūtra is tena tulyam (SK 1778), which teaches the affix vati. So ṭhañ is the heading affix up to SK 1778, far beyond this chapter.

Ṭhañ is heard as ika: its ṭh becomes ik (SK 1170). Its ñ is an it, a marker sound, so it brings first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1075).

Example. The heading's ṭhañ shows where no other affix is named:

gopucchena krītam "bought with a cow's tail" → gopuccha + ṭhañ

→ ñ marker, so first-vowel vṛddhi: o → au

→ ṭh → ik → gaupuccha + ika

→ gaupuccha is a bha stem, a stem before an affix beginning with a vowel or y; its final a is deleted (SK 311) → gaupucchikam.

The sense "bought with that" is taught at SK 1702. The heading supplies the affix there.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the word vati. It names the sūtra that contains it. He adds that ṭhañ is present in the rules before that sūtra which state only a sense and no affix.

Watch out. Why is ṭhañ made a heading at all? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. Some special affixes in this range carry their own headings, such as SK 1707 and SK 1730. After such a break, ṭhañ alone must come back into force. It does so in the next chapter, at pārāyaṇa… (SK 1736).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तेन तुल्यम् SK 1778 इति वर्तिं वक्ष्यति ततः प्राक्ठञधिक्रियते ॥

[Pāṇini] will teach vati in 'tena tulyam' (SK 1778); before that, ṭhañ is made the governing heading (adhikāra).

Bālamanoramā

प्राग्वतेष्ठञ् - अथ आर्हीयाः । प्राग्वतेः । वतिशब्दस्तद्धटितसूत्रपरः । तदाह — तेन तुल्यमिति ।तेनतुल्य॑मित्यतः प्राग्येषु सूत्रेषु अर्था एव निर्दिश्यन्ते नतु प्रत्ययाः, तत्र ठञित्युपतिष्ठत इति यावत् ।

translator notes

commentary BM opens the ārhīya section here ('atha ārhīyāḥ'). BM: the word vati stands for the sūtra that contains it (taddhaṭitasūtra-para), as the kaumudī's 'tena tulyam' shows; in the sūtras before 'tena tulyam' in which only senses (artha) are stated and no affix, ṭhañ is present (upatiṣṭhate). Followed for '[the sūtra containing] vati' in sutra_en and for taking 'prāk' as 'before' that sūtra.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1678.t1 (after 'chayatoḥ pūrṇo 'vadhiḥ'): instead of simply 'ṭhañ', 'prāgvateḥ' is said so that, although the heading is interrupted by intervening apavādas that are themselves headings (such as 'sarvabhūmipṛthivībhyām aṇañau', 'śīrṣacchedād yac ca'), ṭhañ alone applies again in 'pārāyaṇa…' and the like. Nor should ṭhañ be stated in the 'pārāyaṇa' sūtra itself, since from gopuccha etc., excluded in the next sūtra (SK 1681), ṭhañ is obtained only through the present sūtra; so the sūtra is placed here for ṭhañ in gaupucchikaḥ, sāptatikaḥ and the like. Followed in rendering 'adhikriyate' as a heading that runs up to SK 1778.
textual NSP 1915 editorial footnote (printed on p. 290, filed as sk.1677.n1, item 2) on 'prāgvater iti': the word vati here indicates (lakṣyate) its sense, so the heading is present only in sūtras that convey senses, and not in the domain of apavādas. Agrees with BM; recorded.
textual The source reads 'vartiṃ vakṣyati'. The NSP 1915 scan (p. 290) prints 'vatiṃ' (its OCR has 'varti', an OCR artefact); BM's 'vatiśabdaḥ' and the sūtra at SK 1778 ('tena tulyaṃ kriyā ced vatiḥ') confirm vati. Translated as vati.

SK 1681 · A 5.1.19प्रागार्हीयः ठगधिकारः

आर्हादगोपुच्छसंख्यापरिमाणाट्ठक् ॥ १६८१ ॥

ārhādagopucchasaṃkhyāparimāṇāṭṭhak

ārhād agopucchasaṃkhyāparimāṇāṭ ṭhak — Up to and including [the rule containing] 'arha' ['tad arhati'], ṭhak comes after [a word] other than gopuccha, a numeral (saṃkhyā) or a measure (parimāṇa).

Rule. This is a second heading, inside the heading of ṭhañ. It makes ṭhak the affix up to and including the sūtra tad arhati "deserves that" (SK 1728). It is an apavāda of ṭhañ: an exception that sets it aside. But ṭhak does not come after gopuccha, after a saṃkhyā (a numeral) or after a parimāṇa (a measure). Those three keep the general ṭhañ.

Ṭhak is also heard as ika. Its k is a marker, so it too brings first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1076).

The senses taught under this heading are called ārhīya, "belonging to the section that ends with arha". Their affixes are the ārhīya affixes.

Example.

gopucchena krītam → gopuccha is excluded from ṭhak

→ the outer heading's ṭhañ comes → gaupucchikam.

niṣkeṇa krītam "bought with a niṣka coin" → ṭhak (by SK 1682) → vṛddhi i → ai → naiṣkikam.

Applies when / blocked by. The word ārhāt means "up to and including arha". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read the preposition ā here as inclusion (abhivyāpti). So ṭhak also comes in the sense arhati itself: śvetacchatram arhati → śvaitacchatrikaḥ (SK 1728). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that arha copies a piece of the verb arhati, not the noun arham.

Watch out. A numeral and a measure are named separately here. So, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says, a numeral does not count as a measure in this rule. He cites a verse that sorts four kinds of measuring. Unmāna is weight, parimāṇa is capacity (a prastha of grain), pramāṇa is length, and saṃkhyā is number.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तदर्हति SK 1728 इत्येतदभिव्याप्य ठञधिकारमध्ये ठञोऽपवादष्ठगधिक्रियते गोपुच्छादीन्वर्जयित्वा ॥

Extending up to and including 'tad arhati' (SK 1728), ṭhak is made a heading (adhikāra) within the heading of ṭhañ, as an exception (apavāda) to ṭhañ, with gopuccha and the rest excluded.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 290

—आहार्दगोपुच्छ—।—तदर्हतीति । इह ‘तदर्हम्’ इति सूत्रान्तर्गतमच्प्रत्ययान्तं नानुक्रियते किं तु तिङन्तस्यैकदेशः शबन्त एव व्याख्यानादिति भावः ॥—अभिव्याप्येति । तेन श्वैतच्छत्रिक इत्यत्रार्हत्यर्थे ठग् भवतीति भावः ॥ ननु परिमाणात्पृथक्संख्याग्रहणं व्यर्थं, परिमीयते परिच्छिद्यते येन तत्परिमाणं संख्ययापि च परिच्छिद्यत इति सापि परिमाणमेवेति चेत् । अत्र श्लोकवार्तिकम्‘ऊर्ध्वमानं किलोन्मानं परिमाणं तु सर्वतः । आयामस्तु प्रमाणं स्यात्संख्या वाह्या तु सर्वतः’ ॥ अस्यार्थः । तुलादावारोप्य येन द्रव्यान्तरपरिच्छिन्नगुरुत्वेन पलादिशब्दवाच्येन पाषाणादिना सुवर्णादेर्गुरुत्वमुन्मीयते तदुन्मानम् । आरोह उच्छ्रायः । परिणाहो विस्तारः । ताभ्यामारोहपरिणाहाभ्यां खगताभ्यां येन काष्ठादिनिर्मितेन त्रीह्यादिः परिमीयते तत्परिमाणं प्रस्थादि, परिः सर्वतोभावे । आयामो दैर्घ्यं स येन मीयते तत्प्रमाणं तच्च क्वचित्तिर्यगवस्थितस्य वस्तुनो भवति । यथा वल्लादेर्ह स्तादिः क्वचिद्धर्वाधोभागावस्थितस्य भवति । यथा हास्तिनमुदकम् । ऊरुद्वयसमुदकमिति । संख्या तु उन्मानपरिमाणप्रमाणेभ्यः पलादिप्रस्थादिहस्तादिभ्यस्त्रिभ्यो बहिर्भूता एकलद्विलादिरिति ॥ इह संख्यापरिमाणयोरेव प्रकृतत्वेऽप्युन्मानप्रमाणयोर्विवेचनं प्रसङ्गात्कृतमिति बोध्यम्

Bālamanoramā

आर्हादगोपुच्छसंख्यापरिमाणाट्ठक् - आर्हादगो । तदर्हतीति सूत्रगते अर्हतिशब्दे एकदेशानुकरणमर्हेति, तच्च तद्घटितसूत्रपरम्, आङभिव्याप्तौ, व्याख्यानात् । तदाह — तदर्हतीति । इत्येतदभिव्याप्येति । इदमपि सूत्रं प्रत्ययविशेषाऽश्रवणे उपतिष्ठते । अत्र सङ्ख्यापरिमाणयो पृथग्ग्रहणात्सङ्ख्या न परिमाणम् । तथा च वार्तिकम् — ॒ऊध्र्वमानं किलोन्मानं परिमाणं तु सर्वतः । आयामस्तु प्रमाणं स्यात्सङ्ख्या बाह्रा तु सर्वतः ।॑ इति । तुलायामारोप्य द्रव्यगुरुत्वं येन परिच्छिद्यते तदुन्मानं=गुञ्जामाषनिष्कसुवर्णपलादि । येन काष्ठादिनिर्मितेन आयतविस्तृतोच्छ्रितेन पात्रविशेषेण पात्रगतायामविस्तारोच्छ्रायैः व्रीह्रादि परिच्छिद्यते तत्परिमाणं=प्रस्थादि । आयामो दैध्र्यं येन परिच्छिद्यते तत्प्रमाणम्रत्निप्रादेशादि । सङ्ख्या तु उक्तत्रितयापेक्षया बाह्रा=भिन्ना एकत्वद्वित्वादीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'arha' in 'ārhāt' imitates a part (ekadeśānukaraṇa) of the word 'arhati' in the sūtra 'tad arhati' and stands for the sūtra containing it; āṅ has the sense of inclusion (abhivyāpti), by the tradition of interpretation (vyākhyāna). BM adds that this sūtra too comes into play wherever no particular affix is heard [in the following rules]. BM also holds that, since saṃkhyā and parimāṇa are named separately, a numeral is not a measure here, and cites the verse-vārttika separating unmāna (weight), parimāṇa (capacity, e.g. prastha), pramāṇa (length) and saṃkhyā. Followed for 'up to and including [the rule]' in sutra_en and for 'measure (parimāṇa)' as distinct from 'numeral'.
commentary TB: what 'arha' imitates is not the ac-derivative 'arham' but part of the finite verb, the stem with śap, by the tradition of interpretation. On 'abhivyāpya' TB says that because of it ṭhak also comes in the sense 'arhati' itself, as in śvaitacchattrikaḥ (SK 1728). Followed for rendering abhivyāpya as 'extending up to and including'.

SK 1682 · A 5.1.20V

असमासे निष्कादिभ्यः ॥ १६८२ ॥

asamāse niṣkādibhyaḥ

asamāse niṣkādibhyaḥ — After niṣka etc., when not in a compound (asamāse), [ṭhak comes in the ārhīya senses].

Rule. After niṣka and the other words of its list, ṭhak comes in the ārhīya senses. It comes only when the word is not in a samāsa, a compound (asamāse "not in a compound"). In a compound these words take ṭhañ instead.

Ṭhak here is not restated. It comes by anuvṛtti, carried forward from SK 1681.

Example.

niṣkeṇa krītam "bought with a niṣka" → niṣka + ṭhak

→ vṛddhi i → ai → ṭh → ik → the final a deleted (SK 311) → naiṣkikam.

In a compound: paramaniṣkeṇa krītaḥ → paramaniṣka + ṭhañ → paramanaiṣkikaḥ (see SK 1683).

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says that the word ārhāt of SK 1681 is carried forward through seventeen sūtras, up to tena krītam (SK 1702).

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the seven words of the niṣkādi list: niṣka, paṇa, pāda, māṣa, vāha, droṇa and ṣaṣṭi. Why is this rule needed for them? Scholars discuss this, and the same commentator reports two views.

Watch out. Ṭhak and ṭhañ give the same written form (compare naiṣkikam and paramanaiṣkikaḥ). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that the difference is in accent.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आर्हादित्येतत् तेन क्रीतम् SK 1702 इति यावत्सप्तदशसूत्र्यामनुवर्तते । निष्कादिभ्योऽसमासे ठक्स्यादार्हीयेष्वर्थेषु । नैष्किकम् । समासे तु ठञ् ॥

The expression 'ārhāt' [of SK 1681] is carried forward (anuvṛtti) through the group of seventeen sūtras up to 'tena krītam' (SK 1702). After niṣka etc., when not in a compound, ṭhak comes in the ārhīya senses: naiṣkikam, '[bought] with a niṣka'. But in a compound, ṭhañ [comes].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 290

—असमासे निष्कादिभ्यः । निष्क, पण, पाद, माष, वाह, द्रोण, षष्टि, इति सप्त निष्कादयः ॥ तत्र द्रोणशब्दः परिमाणवाची, षष्टिशब्दः संख्यावाची, ताभ्यां ठन्नि प्राप्ते वचनम् । इतरेषां तु पञ्चानामुन्मानवाचित्वेन पूर्वसूत्रेणैव ठकि सिद्धे समासप्रतिषेधार्थं वचनमित्येके ॥ अन्ये लाहुः । पूर्वसूत्रे परिच्छेदकमात्रं संख्याभिन्नं परिमाणशब्देन गृह्यते । तेन सर्वेभ्यष्टन्नि प्राप्ते ठग्विधानार्थं वचनम् । न चैवं ‘परिमाणं तु सर्वतः’ इति भेदेन व्युत्पादनं व्यर्थमिति वाच्यम् । ‘प्रमाणपरिमाणाभ्यां संख्यायाश्चापि संश्रये’ इत्यादावस्योपयोगादिति पक्षद्वयमप्येतत्पदमज्जर्या स्पष्टम् ॥—अथ किमर्थम् ‘असमासे’ इत्युच्यते, प्रातिपदिकग्रहणे तदन्तम्रहणाभावादेवेष्टसिद्धेत आह—असमासग्रहणमिति ॥—सुगव्यमिति । ‘उगवादिभ्यो यत्’

Bālamanoramā

असमासे निष्कादिभ्यः - असमासे । इति यावदिति ।तेनक्रिती॑मित्येतत्पर्यन्तमित्यर्थः । ठगिति । पूर्वसूत्रात्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । आर्हीयेष्विति ।तदर्हती॑त्येतत्पर्यन्तमनुक्रान्तेषुतेन क्रीत॑मित्याद्यर्थेष्वित्यर्थः । नैष्किकमिति । निष्केण क्रीतमित्यर्थः । यथायोगं क्रीताद्यर्थान्वयः । समासे तु ठञ्ेव]इति । परमनिष्कादिशब्दादित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'ṭhak': ṭhak is present because it is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from the preceding sūtra (SK 1681). Followed for '[ṭhak comes]' in sutra_en as supplied by anuvṛtti.
commentary BM: 'iti yāvat' means 'up to [the sūtra] tena krītam'; 'ārhīyeṣu' means in the senses 'tena krītam' etc. that are enumerated up to 'tad arhati' (SK 1728); naiṣkikam means 'bought with a niṣka', the connection with 'bought' and the other senses being made as the case requires; 'samāse tu ṭhañ' means after paramaniṣka etc. Followed for the gloss of naiṣkikam and for leaving the ārhīya senses as a class.
commentary TB lists the seven niṣkādi: niṣka, paṇa, pāda, māṣa, vāha, droṇa, ṣaṣṭi. It then reports two views of the rule's purpose. Some say droṇa denotes a measure (parimāṇa) and ṣaṣṭi a number (saṃkhyā), so the rule is taught where ṭhañ would otherwise apply to them, while for the other five, which denote weight (unmāna), ṭhak already follows from SK 1681 and the rule only serves to exclude compounds. Others say that in SK 1681 'parimāṇa' covers every means of measuring except number, so ṭhañ would apply to all seven and the rule is needed to teach ṭhak. TB says both views are set out in the Padamañjarī. Followed in leaving 'niṣka etc.' unexpanded in the English.
translator The seventeen sūtras are counted in Aṣṭādhyāyī order; the sūtras of the seventh adhyāya that the kaumudī inserts here (SK 1683–1685) are not part of the count. The count fits either A 5.1.20–5.1.36 ('tena krītam', A 5.1.37, excluded) or A 5.1.21–5.1.37 ('tena krītam' included). BM's gloss 'up to [the sūtra] tena krītam' ('paryantam') suggests the limit is included; the kaumudī does not specify, and the English 'up to' leaves it open.

SK 1683 · A 7.3.17V

परिमाणान्तस्यासंज्ञाशाणयोः ॥ १६८३ ॥

parimāṇāntasyāsaṃjñāśāṇayoḥ

parimāṇāntasyāsaṃjñāśāṇayoḥ — [Before a taddhita that has ñ, ṇ or k as it, vṛddhi replaces the first ac of the final member (uttarapada)] of [a compound] ending in [a word for] a measure (parimāṇa), except when a name (saṃjñā) [is meant] and [except for] śāṇa.

Rule. This rule comes from Pāṇini's seventh book. Take a compound whose last member is a word for a measure. Before a taddhita marked with ñ, ṇ or k, vṛddhi replaces the first vowel of that last member, the uttarapada. It does not apply when the derived word is a saṃjñā, a name. It does not apply when the last member is śāṇa.

The rule stands under the heading uttarapadasya (SK 1396). So the vṛddhi goes to the last member instead of the first vowel of the whole word.

Example.

paramaniṣkeṇa krītaḥ "bought with a fine niṣka" → a compound, so ṭhañ (SK 1682)

→ paramaniṣka + ṭhañ → the last member niṣka is a measure-word

→ vṛddhi on its first vowel: i → ai → paramanaiṣka + ika → paramanaiṣkikaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "not when a name is meant"? Take pañca kalāpāḥ parimāṇam asya "having five kalāpas as its measure". This is a name of a particular measure. Ṭhañ comes by tad asya parimāṇam (SK 1723). The last member gets no vṛddhi; only the first syllable does: pāñcakalāpikam.

Watch out. This rule also teaches a principle by a hint. A jñāpaka is a wording that makes sense only if some other fact holds, and so proves that fact. Here the hint is the word asamāse in SK 1682.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators spells out the reasoning. Normally a rule that names a word applies to that word alone, not to a compound ending in it. If so, a compound could never get ṭhak from SK 1682, and asamāse would be pointless. So asamāse shows that tadantavidhi holds before this point. Tadantavidhi is the reading by which a rule for a word also covers a compound ending in that word. Bhaṭṭoji's examples are from the rules before SK 1682:

sugavyam: yat after sugo, a compound ending in go, by SK 1662.
yavāpūpyam: yat after yavāpūpa, a compound ending in apūpa, by SK 1664.

From here onward, though, a vārttika narrows this. A vārttika is a supplementary statement on a sūtra. It says saṃkhyāpūrvapadānāṃ tadantagrahaṇaṃ prāg vater iṣyate tac cāluki. Tadantavidhi is wanted before SK 1778 only for compounds whose first member is a numeral. And it holds only when there is no luk. Luk is the complete deletion of an affix, leaving nothing behind.

Bhaṭṭoji's examples are pārāyaṇikaḥ and dvaipārāyaṇikaḥ. He gives no sense for them. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators connect them with SK 1736, the pārāyaṇa rule of the next chapter.

Why "only when there is no luk"? Take dvābhyāṃ śūrpābhyāṃ krītam "bought with two śūrpas". Its word is dviśūrpam. This is a dvigu, a compound whose first member is a numeral, and its affix has undergone luk (SK 1693). Now form a word meaning "bought with a dviśūrpa":

dviśūrpa → the base ends in a luk, so no tadantavidhi

→ śūrpād añ (SK 1691) does not reach it → ṭhañ comes instead

→ the last member śūrpa is a measure-word, so vṛddhi ū → au by this rule → dviśaurpikam.

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add a point about this ṭhañ. SK 1693 does not delete it, because it is not the affix that made dviśūrpa a dvigu.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उत्तरपदवृद्धिः स्यात् ञिदादौ । परमनैष्किकः । असंज्ञा इति किम् । पञ्च कलापाः परिमाणमस्य पाञ्चकलापिकम् । तदस्य परिमाणम् SK 1723 इति ठञ् । असमासग्रहणं ज्ञापकं भवति इत्यतः प्राक् तदन्तविधिरिति । तेन सुगव्यम्-यवापूप्यमित्यादि ॥ इत ऊर्ध्वं तु ।

Vṛddhi of the final member (uttarapadavṛddhi) takes place before [a taddhita] having ñ and so on [as it]: paramanaiṣkikaḥ. Why [does the rule say] 'not when a name is meant' (asaṃjñā)? Pañca kalāpāḥ parimāṇam asya, 'having five kalāpas as its measure': pāñcakalāpikam, with ṭhañ by 'tad asya parimāṇam' (SK 1723). The mention of 'asamāse' [in 'asamāse niṣkādibhyaḥ', SK 1682] is an indication (jñāpaka) that before this point there is tadantavidhi [an operation taught for a word applies also to what ends in that word]. Hence sugavyam, yavāpūpyam and so on. But from here onward:

vārttika

संख्यापूर्वपदानां तदन्तग्रहणं प्राग्वतेरिष्यते तच्चालुकि

(vārttika) saṃkhyāpūrvapadānāṃ tadantagrahaṇaṃ prāg vater iṣyate tac cāluki — For [compounds] whose first member is a numeral, the inclusion of what ends in [the stated word] (tadantagrahaṇa) is wanted before [the rule containing] vati, and that [only] when there is no luk.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पारायणिकः । द्वैपारायणिकः । अलुकि इति किम् । द्वाभ्यां शूर्पभ्यां क्रीतं द्विशूर्पम् । द्विशूर्पेण क्रीते शूर्पादञ् SK 1691 माभूत् किंतु ठञ् । द्विशौर्पिकम् ॥

pārāyaṇikaḥ; dvaipārāyaṇikaḥ. Why [does it say] 'when there is no luk'? Dvābhyāṃ śūrpābhyāṃ krītam, 'bought with two śūrpas': dviśūrpam. [In the sense] 'bought with a dviśūrpa', 'śūrpād añ' (SK 1691) is not to apply; rather ṭhañ: dviśaurpikam.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 290–291

—यवापूप्यमिति । ‘विभाषा हविरपूपादिभ्यः’ इति यत् । अन्नविकारलादेव सिद्धे ‘अपूपादीनां प्रतिपदपाठसामर्थ्यात्तदन्तविधिर्नेति न्यासग्रन्थस्तूपेक्ष्यः, वृत्त्यादिग्रन्थविरोधादिति भावः ॥अत एव तत्सूत्रे ‘अपूपादीनां केषांचित्पाठः प्रपञ्चार्थः’ इत्यवोचाम ॥—इतऊध्वंमिति । ज्ञापकेन तदन्तविधौ लब्धेऽपि विशेषव्यवस्थार्थमिदम् । संख्यापूर्वपदानामिति किम् । इह मा भूत् । परमपारायणं वर्तयति ॥—द्विशूर्पमिति । तद्धितार्थे द्विगुरयम् । एषाहि प्रकृतिर्लुङ्गन्ता न भवति इति संख्यापूर्वपदादप्यस्मात् ‘शूर्पादनन्यतरस्याम्’ इति प्राप्तस्यान्नश्चो वा ‘अध्यर्थपूर्व’—इति लुक् ॥—द्विशौर्पिकमिति । ‘परिमाणान्तस्य’—इत्युत्तरपदवृद्धिः । ठनो द्विगुं प्रति निमित्तलाभावाल्लुङ्गभावः ॥ यद्यपि ‘अध्यर्थ’—इति सूत्रे द्विगोः परस्याहीयस्य लुङ्गित्येव मूले व्याख्यास्यते तथापि द्विगोर्निमित्तस्येति व्याख्येयमेव । अन्यथा अत्रैव ठनो लुक् स्यात् । एतच्च ‘अध्यर्थ’—इति सूत्रे स्फुटीकरिष्यते ॥—तपरः किमिति । दीर्घाकारस्य वृद्धौ कृतायामपि रूपे विशेषो नास्तीति प्रश्नः ॥—निषेधो न स्यादिति । तथा च वृद्धिनिषेधाभावाय तपरकरणमावश्यकमिति भावः ॥ इदं च पुंवद्भावनिषेधाभावा-पादनं पूर्वपदस्य वृद्ध्यभावपक्षे क्रियते ॥ यदा तु पूर्वपदस्य पाक्षिकी वृद्धिः क्रियते, तदा फलोपधानवृद्धिनिमित्तं तद्धित इत्युत्तरपदाकारस्य वृद्धिनिषेधेऽपि स्यादेव पुंवद्भावनिषेध इति वोध्यम्

Bālamanoramā

परिमाणान्तस्यासंज्ञाशाणयोः - परिमाणान्तस्या । आदिवृद्धिप्रकरणे उत्तरपदस्येत्यधिकारे इदं सूत्रम् । शेषपूरणेन तद्व्याचष्टे — उत्तरपदवृद्धिः स्यादिति । उत्तरपदस्य आदेरचो वृद्धि स्यादित्यर्थः । ञिदादाविति । ञिति णिति किति चेत्यर्थः । परमनैष्किक इति । परमनिष्केण क्रीत इत्यर्थः । समासत्वाट्ठगभावे औत्सर्गिकष्ठञ् । स्वरे विशेषः । ननु निष्कादिभ्य एव ठको विधानात्तदन्तात् समासाट्ठकोऽप्रसक्तेरसमासग्रहणं व्यर्थम् । न च प्रातिपदिकग्रहणस्यापञ्चमाध्यायसमाप्तेरधिकृतत्वात्प्रातिपदिकविशेषणतया तदन्तविधौ समासादपि ठकः प्रसक्तिरस्तीति वाच्यम्,ग्रहणवता प्रातिपदिकेन तदन्तविधिर्नास्ती॑ति निषेधात् । निष्कादीनां च विशिष्य गृहीतत्वेन ग्रहणवत्त्वादित्यत आह — असमासग्रहममिति । सुगव्यमिति । सु=शोभना गौः-सुगौः,न पूजना॑दिति निषेधात्गोरतद्धितलुकी॑ति न टच् । 'उगवादिभ्यः' इति गोशब्दान्ताद्यत् । यवापूप्यमिति ।विभाषहविरपूपादिभ्यः॑ इत्यपूपान्तत्वाद्यत् । नन्वसमासग्रहणाड्ज्ञापकादिति ऊध्र्वमिति तदन्तविधिः किं न स्यात् । ततश्चपरमपारायणं वर्तयती॑त्यत्रापिपारायणतुरायणचान्द्रायणं वर्तयती॑ति ठञ् स्यादित्यत आह — इत ऊध्र्वं त्विति । वार्तिकमिदम् । नन्वेवमपि द्विशूर्पशब्दान्तादपिशूर्पादञन्यतरस्या॑मित्यञ् स्यादित्यत आद — तच्चाऽलुकीति । इत ऊध्र्वं संख्यापूर्वपदानां तदन्तग्रहणमिति यदुक्तं तत्तद्धितलुकि सति न भवतीत्यर्थः । इदमपि वार्तिकमेव । द्विशूर्पमिति । तद्धितार्थ॑ इति द्विगुरयम् । तद्धितप्रकृतिभूतः शब्दो न लुगन्तः । अतः सङ्ख्यापूर्वपदाच्छूर्पान्तादस्मात्शूर्पादञन्यतरस्या॑मिति प्राप्तस्य अञष्ठञो वाअध्यर्धे॑ति लुक् । द्विशूर्पशब्दो लुगन्तः । ततश्च तस्मात् क्रीतेऽर्थेशूर्पादञि॑ति न भवति, लुकि सति तदन्तग्रहणाऽभावादित्यर्थः । द्विशौर्पिकमिति ।तेन क्रीत॑मिति ठञिपरिमाणान्तस्याऽसंज्ञाशाणयो॑रित्यनुत्तरपदवृद्धिः । अस्य ठञो लुक्तु न भवति, तस्य द्विगुनिमित्तत्वाऽभावात् ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 291 वस्तुत इति—अमेद एवं पारमार्थिकः भेदस्तु काश्पतिक इति भावः।

translator notes

commentary BM: this sūtra stands in the section on initial vṛddhi, under the heading 'uttarapadasya' (SK 1396); completing what is left unsaid, the kaumudī reads it as 'vṛddhi of the first ac of the final member', and 'ñidādau' means 'before [a taddhita] with ñ, ṇ or k as it'. Followed for the bracketed supplements in sutra_en and for 'ñ and so on' in k1.
commentary BM: paramanaiṣkikaḥ is 'bought with a parama-niṣka'; being a compound it cannot take ṭhak ('asamāse'), so the general ṭhañ comes, and the difference [from ṭhak] is in accent. On the jñāpaka: since ṭhak is taught for niṣka and the rest by name, and 'grahaṇavatā prātipadikena tadantavidhir nāsti' blocks tadantavidhi, a compound could never get ṭhak, so 'asamāse' would be pointless; it therefore indicates tadantavidhi. sugavyam: su-gau with no ṭac ('na pūjanāt'), then yat by 'ugavādibhyo yat' (SK 1662) after what ends in go; yavāpūpyam: yat by 'vibhāṣā havirapūpādibhyaḥ' (SK 1664) after what ends in apūpa. Followed for taking 'before this point' as the rules preceding SK 1682 and for the examples as prāk-krīta formations.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1682.t1: why say 'asamāse', when the desired result follows anyway because the mention of a stem does not include what ends in it? The answer is the kaumudī's 'asamāsagrahaṇam', and TB then turns to sugavyam ('ugavādibhyo yat'). TB (sk.1683.t1): yavāpūpyam takes yat by 'vibhāṣā havirapūpādibhyaḥ', and the Nyāsa view that there is no tadantavidhi for apūpa and the rest is to be disregarded, as it conflicts with the Vṛtti. Followed for reading the jñāpaka as licensing tadantavidhi in these earlier rules.
commentary BM: the objection is, why would tadantavidhi not also hold from here onward by the same jñāpaka, so that in 'paramapārāyaṇaṃ vartayati' ṭhañ would come by 'pārāyaṇaturāyaṇacāndrāyaṇaṃ vartayati' (SK 1736)? Hence 'ita ūrdhvaṃ tu', which BM calls a vārttika; 'tac cāluki' answers the further objection that añ by 'śūrpād añ anyatarasyām' would come after dviśūrpa, and BM calls it a vārttika too. Followed for treating k2 as a restriction on the jñāpaka for the rules after SK 1682 and for 'before [the rule containing] vati' (SK 1778).
commentary BM: dviśūrpa is a dvigu in a taddhita sense ('taddhitārthe'); the añ by 'śūrpād añ anyatarasyām', or ṭhañ, that would come after it is deleted by 'adhyardha…' (SK 1693), so the base [for a further affix] ends in luk, and in the sense 'bought with that' 'śūrpād añ' does not apply, since with luk there is no tadantagrahaṇa. dviśaurpikam has ṭhañ by 'tena krītam' (SK 1702) and final-member vṛddhi by this sūtra, and this ṭhañ is not deleted, since it is not the cause (nimitta) of the dvigu. Followed; the kaumudī gives only the forms.
commentary TB (sk.1683.t1) on 'ita ūrdhvam': the vārttika is for a particular arrangement even though tadantavidhi is got from the jñāpaka; its counter-example for 'saṃkhyāpūrvapadānām' is 'paramapārāyaṇaṃ vartayati'. Followed for taking k2 as restricting what the jñāpaka would otherwise allow.
commentary TB (sk.1683.t1): dviśūrpam is a dvigu in a taddhita sense whose base does not end in luk, so the añ or ṭhañ from 'śūrpād añ anyatarasyām' after it is deleted by 'adhyardha…'; in dviśaurpikam, final-member vṛddhi comes by 'parimāṇāntasya', and there is no luk because ṭhañ is not the cause of the dvigu. TB adds that although under 'adhyardha…' (SK 1693) the mūla will explain the rule simply as luk of an ārhīya affix after a dvigu, it must still be explained as luk of [an affix that is] the cause of the dvigu; otherwise the ṭhañ here would itself be deleted, and TB says this will be made clear under that sūtra. This tension between TB and the kaumudī's gloss at SK 1693 is recorded, not resolved (§16). Followed.
translator The kaumudī gives no sense for pārāyaṇikaḥ and dvaipārāyaṇikaḥ. The commentators' counter-example 'paramapārāyaṇaṃ vartayati' shows that they read them in the sense of SK 1736, 'one who goes through the pārāyaṇa [or the dvipārāyaṇa]'; the translation leaves them unglossed.
textual The digital source reads 'jñāpakaṃ bhavati ity ataḥ prāk tadantavidhir iti'; NSP p. 290 reads 'jñāpakaṃ bhavati | itaḥ prāk tadantavidhir iti'. The sense is the same, and the translation follows NSP ('before this point').
textual The digital source reads 'dvābhyāṃ śūrpabhyāṃ'; NSP p. 291 reads 'śūrpābhyāṃ', the correct instrumental dual, which the translation follows. The source also prints the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' with a double daṇḍa at the head of k3, closing the vārttika in k2; it is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1684 · A 7.3.26V

अर्धात् परिमाणस्य पूर्वस्य तु वा ॥ १६८४ ॥

ardhāt parimāṇasya pūrvasya tu vā

ardhāt parimāṇasya pūrvasya tu vā — After ardha, [vṛddhi replaces the first vowel] of [a later member] denoting a measure (parimāṇa); but of the prior member, optionally.

Rule. After ardha "half", vṛddhi replaces the first vowel of a following measure-word. The first vowel of the prior member, the pūrvapada ardha, takes vṛddhi only optionally. This happens before a taddhita marked with ñ, ṇ or k.

Example.

ardhadroṇena krītam "bought with half a droṇa" → ardhadroṇa + ṭhañ

→ the measure-word droṇa takes vṛddhi: o → au

→ ardha optionally takes vṛddhi: a → ā

→ ārdhadrauṇikam or ardhadrauṇikam.

Applies when / blocked by. Droṇa is in the niṣka list. So why ṭhañ and not ṭhak? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: ardhadroṇa is a compound, and SK 1682 denies ṭhak to a compound.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अर्धात्परिमाणवाचकस्योत्तरपदस्यादेरचो वृद्धिः पूर्वपदस्य तु वा ञिति णिति किति च । अर्धद्रोणेन क्रीतमार्धद्रौणिकम् । अर्धद्रौणिकम् ॥

After ardha ('half'), vṛddhi replaces the first vowel (ac) of a later member (uttarapada) that denotes a measure (parimāṇa); but [the first vowel] of the prior member (pūrvapada) [takes vṛddhi] only optionally; [this happens when a taddhita] marked with ñ, with ṇ, or with k [follows]. ardhadroṇena krītam, '[what is] bought with half a droṇa', [with ṭhañ]: ārdhadrauṇikam, or ardhadrauṇikam.

Bālamanoramā

अर्धात् परिमाणस्य पूर्वस्य तु वा - अर्धात्परिमाणस्य ।परिमाणान्तस्ये॑त्यस्मादुत्तरमिदं सूत्रम् । अर्धद्रौणिकम्-आर्धद्रौणिकमिति । द्रोणशब्दस्य निष्कादित्वेऽपि असमासग्रहणान्न ठक् । किंतु ठञेव ।

translator notes

commentary BM: this sūtra comes after 'parimāṇāntasyāsaṃjñāśāṇayoḥ' (SK 1683) in the seventh-adhyāya section on vṛddhi of the later member. On ardhadrauṇikam / ārdhadrauṇikam: although droṇa belongs to the niṣkādi list, 'asamāse' (SK 1682) denies ṭhak to the compound, so the affix is ṭhañ. Followed for the bracketed '[with ṭhañ]'.
translator 'ñiti ṇiti kiti ca' is the kaumudī's statement of the environment carried over from 'taddhiteṣv acām ādeḥ' (SK 1075) and 'kiti ca' (SK 1076); 'a taddhita' is supplied from that context. The two forms differ only in the optional vṛddhi of the prior member ardha-.

SK 1685 · A 7.3.27V

नातः परस्य ॥ १६८५ ॥

nātaḥ parasya

nātaḥ parasya — [After ardha,] vṛddhi does not replace a following short a (at) [of a word denoting a measure]; [the prior member still takes vṛddhi optionally].

Rule. After ardha, vṛddhi does not replace a short a of the following measure-word. The prior member ardha still takes vṛddhi optionally. The environment is the same: a taddhita marked with ñ, ṇ or k.

Example.

ardhaprasthena krītam "bought with half a prastha" → ardhaprastha + ṭhañ

→ the a of prastha stays a (this rule)

→ ardha optionally takes vṛddhi → ārdhaprasthikam or ardhaprasthikam.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "an a"? Kuḍava begins with u, not a. So this rule does not stop it, and SK 1684 gives the last member vṛddhi: u → au → ārdhakauḍavikam.

Why is the vowel marked tapara, with a following t (at)? A letter marked in this way names only its own length, so at means short a only. The point shows in ardhakhārī, a feminine thing "that is in half a khārī". Suppose the rule also stopped vṛddhi of a long ā. Then the ā of khārī would take no vṛddhi, and the taddhita would not count as one that caused vṛddhi. SK 840 would then fail in the compound ardhakhārībhārya "whose wife is an ardhakhārī". That rule forbids puṃvadbhāva, treatment as masculine, for a feminine whose taddhita caused vṛddhi. Because only short a is covered, SK 840 applies and the correct form is ardhakhārībhārya.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say this point concerns the option where ardha has no vṛddhi. Where ardha does take vṛddhi, the taddhita has caused vṛddhi anyway. One of them also notes that SK 1683–1685 come from the seventh book. After them, the fifth book resumes.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अर्धात्परस्य परिमाणाकारस्य वृद्धिर्न पूर्वपदस्य तु वा ञिदादौ । आर्धप्रस्थिकम् । अर्धप्रस्थिकम् । अतः किम् । आर्धकौडबिकम् । तपरः किम् । अर्धखार्यां भवा अर्धखारी । आर्धखारीभार्य इत्यत्र वृद्धिनिमित्तस्य- SK 840 इति पुंवद्भावनिषेधो न स्यात् ॥

After ardha, vṛddhi does not replace the a of a following [word denoting a] measure (parimāṇa); but the prior member (pūrvapada) [takes vṛddhi] optionally, before [a taddhita that is] ñit etc. (ñidādau): ārdhaprasthikam, ardhaprasthikam.

Why [does the sūtra say] 'of a' (ataḥ)? ārdhakauḍavikam.

Why is [the a] marked with t (tapara)? ardhakhāryāṃ bhavā, '[a feminine thing] that is in half a khārī': ardhakhārī. [If the long ā too were covered,] then in ardhakhārībhārya the prohibition of puṃvadbhāva by 'vṛddhinimittasya-' (SK 840) would not take place.

Bālamanoramā

नातः परस्य - नातः परस्य । परिमाणाऽकारस्येति । परिमाणवाचकावयवस्य अकारस्येत्यर्थः । पूर्वपदस्य तु वेति । पूर्वपदस्यादेरचस्तु वृद्धिर्वेत्यर्थः । आर्धकौडविकमिति । अर्धकुडबेन क्रीतमित्यर्थः ।तेन क्रीत॑मिति ठञ् । अत्र कुडवशब्दस्य परिमाणविशेषवाचिन आदेरचोरकारत्वाऽभावान्न वृद्धिनिषेधः । किन्तुअर्धात्परिमाणस्य॑त्युत्तरपदवृद्धिरिति भावः । तपरः किमिति । दीर्घस्याकारस्य वृद्धिनिषेधे फलाऽभावाद्ध्रस्वस्येति सिद्धमिति प्रश्नः । अर्धखारीति । निषेधो न स्यादिति । पूर्वपदस्य वृद्ध्यभावपक्षे वृदिंध प्रति फलोपहितनिमित्तत्वाऽभावादिति भावः । पूर्वपदस्य वृद्धिपक्षे तु वृदिंध प्रति फलोपहितनिमित्तत्वसत्त्वात् स्यादेव उत्तरपदाकारस्य वृद्धिनिषेधेऽपि पुंवत्त्वनिषेधः । परिमाणान्तस्येत्यारभ्या एतदन्तं साप्तमिकम् । अथ प्रकृतं पाञ्चमिकम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM glosses 'parimāṇākārasya' as 'of the a of a member denoting a measure' and 'pūrvapadasya tu vā' as 'but vṛddhi of the first vowel of the prior member optionally'. BM, printed under sk.1683.b1, explains 'ñidādau' (the same expression in SK 1683) as 'before ñit, ṇit and kit'. Followed for 'the a of a following [word denoting a] measure' and '[takes vṛddhi]'.
commentary BM on ārdhakauḍavikam: 'bought for half a kuḍava', with ṭhañ by 'tena krītam' (SK 1702). Because the first vowel of kuḍava, a word for a particular measure, is not a, the prohibition of vṛddhi does not apply; instead the uttarapada gets vṛddhi by 'ardhāt parimāṇasya' (SK 1684). The kaumudī gives only this form; the translation adds nothing.
commentary BM on 'taparaḥ kim': the question is raised because prohibiting vṛddhi of a long ā would make no difference to the form, so the short vowel would be understood anyway. On 'niṣedho na syāt': in the option where the prior member has no vṛddhi, the taddhita would not be a cause of vṛddhi that has actually taken effect (phalopahitanimitta); in the option where the prior member does take vṛddhi, the prohibition of puṃvadbhāva holds even though vṛddhi of the uttarapada's ā is prohibited. BM closes: the rules from 'parimāṇāntasya…' (SK 1683) to this one belong to the seventh adhyāya; now the topic of the fifth adhyāya resumes. Followed for the bracket '[If the long ā too were covered,]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1683.t1: 'taparaḥ kim' asks why t is used, since vṛddhi of a long ā would change nothing in the form; 'niṣedho na syāt' shows that tapara marking is required so that the prohibition of vṛddhi does not arise. This demonstration of the failure of the puṃvadbhāva prohibition concerns the option in which the prior member has no vṛddhi; when the optional vṛddhi of the prior member is made, the taddhita is a cause of vṛddhi that has taken effect, and the prohibition of puṃvadbhāva holds. Followed, with BM, in reading the example without vṛddhi of the first syllable (see the textual note).
textual The source reads 'ārdhakhārībhārya', with vṛddhi in the first syllable. NSP p. 291 (printed 281; scan) reads 'ardhakhārībhārya ity atra', without it (the OCR's final ā is an OCR error; the scan has short final a). BM and TB both tie the kaumudī's point to the option in which the prior member has no vṛddhi, which the source's vṛddhi form contradicts; the translation reads ardhakhārībhārya. Separately, the source spells the measure 'ārdhakauḍabikam'; NSP p. 291 (scan) prints 'ārdhakauḍavikam', and BM's pratīka is 'ārdhakauḍavikam' with the gloss 'kuḍavaśabdasya'. The b of the digital source is taken as the common b/v confusion, and the translation follows NSP and BM (ārdhakauḍavikam).

SK 1686 · A 5.1.21V

शताच्च ठन्यतावशते ॥ १६८६ ॥

śatācca ṭhanyatāvaśate

śatāc ca ṭhanyatāv aśate — And after śata ('a hundred') [when not in a compound], ṭhan and yat [come in the ārhīya senses], but not when a hundred is what is denoted (aśate).

Rule. After śata "a hundred", the affixes ṭhan and yat come in the ārhīya senses. They do not come when the thing meant is itself a hundred (aśate). They are apavādas of kan, which SK 1687 would otherwise give.

Ṭhan is heard as ika. Its marker is n, so it brings no vṛddhi. Yat is heard as ya; its t is a marker, and it brings no vṛddhi either.

Example.

śatena krītam "bought with a hundred" → śata + ṭhan

→ no vṛddhi → ṭh → ik → the final a deleted (SK 311) → śatikam.

śata + yat → the final a deleted → śatyam.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "not when a hundred is meant"? Take śataṃ parimāṇam asya "that whose measure is a hundred". The word is śatakaḥ saṅghaḥ "a group of a hundred". Here the sense of the affix, the group, is in reality not different from the sense of the base, the hundred. So ṭhan and yat do not come; only kan comes (SK 1687).

The word ca "and" carries asamāse "not in a compound" into this rule. So in a compound kan comes: dviśatena krītam → dviśatakam. How dviśata is analysed, scholars discuss.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds a case where the prohibition does not bite. In śatyaṃ śāṭakaśatam "a hundred cloths bought with a hundred", the hundred cloths differ from the hundred coins paid. So yat comes.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शतेन क्रीतं शतिकम् । शत्यम् । अशते किम् । शतं परिमाणमस्य शतकः सङ्घः । इह प्रत्ययार्थो वस्तुतः प्रकृत्यर्थान्नभिद्यते, तेन ठन्यतौ न । किं तु कनेव । असमासे इत्येव । द्विशतेन क्रीतं द्विशतकम् ॥

Bought with a hundred (śatena krītam): śatikam [with ṭhan], śatyam [with yat]. Why [does the sūtra say] 'aśate'? [Consider] 'that whose measure is a hundred' (śataṃ parimāṇam asya): śatakaḥ saṅghaḥ, 'a group [numbering] a hundred'. Here the sense of the affix (pratyayārtha) is in reality not different from the sense of the base (prakṛtyartha); therefore ṭhan and yat do not come, but only kan. [The condition] 'when not in a compound' (asamāse) holds here too: bought with dviśata (dviśatena krītam): dviśatakam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 291

—शताच्च—। अशतेऽभिधेये आहीयेष्वर्थेषु ठन्यतौ स्तः । उत्तरसूत्रेण प्राप्तस्य कनोऽपवादः ॥ चकारः ‘असमासे’ इत्यस्यानुकर्षणार्थः ॥—द्विशतकमिति । द्वौ च शतं च तेषां समाहारो द्विशतम् । ततः कन् ‘प्राग्वतेः संख्यापूर्वपदानां तदन्तग्रहणमलुकि’ इत्यनया इष्ट्या समासादपि प्राप्नोतीति ‘असमासे’ इत्येतस्यानयनमुचितमिति भावः

Bālamanoramā

शताच्च ठन्यतावशते - शताच्च । आर्हीयेष्वर्थेषु शताट्ठन्यतौ स्तो नतु शतेऽर्थे इत्यर्थः । उत्तरसूत्रप्राप्तकनोऽपवादः । शतक इति । उत्तरसूत्रेण कन्निति भावः । नन्विह सङ्घस्यैव प्रत्ययार्थत्वात् कथम् 'अशते' इति निषेध इत्यत आह — इहेति । प्रत्ययार्थः सङ्घः प्रकृत्यर्थाच्छतात्परिमाणान्न भिद्यते । गुणगुणिनोरभेद एव हि पारमार्थिकः । भेदस्तु काल्पनिक एवेति भावः । यत्र तु शतं प्रत्ययार्थः प्रकृत्यर्थाद्भिद्यते तत्र नायं निषेधः । शतेन क्रीतं शत्यं शाटकशतम् । अत्र हि निष्कशतं प्रकृत्यर्थः । सादकशतं तु प्रत्ययार्थः । एतत्सर्वं भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । असमास इत्येवेति । चकारस्य तदनुकर्षणार्थत्वादिति भावः । द्विशतेनेति । द्विगुणशतेनेत्यर्थः । द्विगुसमासे तु द्विशतशब्दस्य लुगन्ततया लुकि तदन्तविधिनिषेधात् प्राप्तिरेव नेति बोध्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in the ārhīya senses ṭhan and yat come after śata, but not in the sense śata; they are an exception (apavāda) to kan, which the following sūtra (SK 1687) would otherwise give. On 'asamāsa ity eva': because the 'ca' serves to draw in that [word] (tadanukarṣaṇa). Followed for '[when not in a compound]' in sutra_en.
commentary TB: 'aśate' means 'when a hundred is not what is to be denoted' (aśate 'bhidheye); the rule is an exception to the kan of the following sūtra, and the 'ca' draws in 'asamāse'. Followed for 'but not when a hundred is what is denoted' in sutra_en.
commentary BM on 'iha': the objection is that here the group (saṅgha) is the sense of the affix, so how can 'aśate' prohibit? The answer: the group, the sense of the affix, is not different from the hundred, the measure that is the sense of the base, since between a quality and what has the quality non-difference alone is real and difference is only imagined. Where śata as sense of the affix does differ from the sense of the base, the prohibition does not apply: śatena krītaṃ śatyaṃ śāṭakaśatam, 'a hundred cloths bought with a hundred', where the hundred niṣkas is the sense of the base and the hundred cloths the sense of the affix; BM says all this is clear in the Bhāṣya. BM also glosses śatakaḥ as formed with kan by the following sūtra. Followed for rendering 'prakṛtyartha' and 'pratyayārtha' and for the gloss of śatakaḥ saṅghaḥ.
commentary BM takes dviśatena as 'with a doubled hundred' (dviguṇaśatena), and adds that if dviśata were a dvigu compound it would end in a luk and, since the tadanta rule is barred where luk has taken place, the affix would not arise at all.
commentary TB analyses dviśata differently, as a collective dvandva, 'two and a hundred' (dvau ca śataṃ ca teṣāṃ samāhāraḥ), after which kan comes; since by the iṣṭi 'prāgvateḥ saṃkhyāpūrvapadānāṃ tadantagrahaṇam aluki' [ṭhan and yat] would reach even the compound, it is right to bring in 'asamāse'. BM and TB thus disagree on the analysis of dviśata; the English leaves the word untranslated.

SK 1687 · A 5.1.22V

संख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः कन् ॥ १६८७ ॥

saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan

saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan — After a numeral (saṃkhyā) not ending in ti or śat, kan [comes in the ārhīya senses].

Rule. After a numeral, kan comes in the ārhīya senses. It does not come after a numeral ending in ti or in śat. Kan is heard as ka. Its marker is n, so it brings no vṛddhi.

Example.

pañcabhiḥ krītaḥ "bought with five" → pañcan + kan

→ the final n of the stem is dropped (SK 236) → no vṛddhi → pañcakaḥ.

Likewise bahukaḥ "bought with many".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes the difference between the two. Pañcan is an ordinary numeral. Bahu is a numeral only by the grammar's definition (SK 258).

Applies when / blocked by. A numeral ending in ti or śat takes ṭhañ from the outer heading instead:

saptatyā krītaḥ "bought with seventy" → saptati + ṭhañ

→ vṛddhi a → ā → ṭh → ik → the final i deleted (SK 311) → sāptatikaḥ.

catvāriṃśatā krītaḥ "bought with forty" → catvāriṃśat + ṭhañ

→ vṛddhi a → ā → after the final t, ṭh → k (SK 1221) → cātvāriṃśatkaḥ.

Watch out. The excluded ti is the meaningful ending ti, as in saptati. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that the ti inside the affix ḍati is not excluded. Ḍati is an affix whose words count as numerals (SK 258).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

संख्यायाः कन्स्यादार्हीयेऽर्थे न तु त्यन्तशदन्तायाः । पञ्चभिः क्रीतः पञ्चकः । बहुकः । त्यन्तायास्तु साप्ततिकः । शदन्तायाः । चात्वारिंत्कः ॥

kan comes after a numeral (saṃkhyā) in the ārhīya sense, but not after one ending in ti or in śat. Bought with five (pañcabhiḥ krītaḥ): pañcakaḥ. bahukaḥ. But after one ending in ti: sāptatikaḥ. After one ending in śat: cātvāriṃśatkaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 291

—त्यन्तशदन्ताया इति । त्यन्तसहिता शदन्तेत्युत्तरपदलोपी समासः ॥—पञ्चक इति । लौकिक्याः संख्याया उदाहरणम् ॥—बहुक इति । पारिभाषिक्याः ॥—साप्ततिक इति । ठनो चित्त्वादादिवृद्धिः । ठस्येकादेशे ‘यत्स्येति च’ इतीकारलोपः ॥ अर्थवतस्तिशब्दस्य ग्रहणाद् डत्यवयवस्य तिशब्दस्य पर्युदासो न भवति । शतिकः ॥—चात्वारिंशत्क इति । ‘इष्टमुक्तान्तात्कः’—वतोरिङ्गा । ‘वतोः’ इति पञ्चमी, सा च ‘कन्’ इति प्रथमायाः षष्ठीं कल्पयतीत्याह—वत्वन्तात्कन इति । तावतिक इति । ‘यत्तदेतेभ्यः’—इति वतुप् । ‘आ सर्वनाम्नः’ इत्यात्यम् ॥—कर्तव्य इति । अन्यथा त्यन्तशदन्तयोः पर्युदासाद्विशतित्रिंशच्चां कन् दुर्लभ इति भावः ॥—विंशक इति । ‘ति विंशतेर्डिति’ इति तिशब्दलोपः ॥—अर्धिक इति । अर्धशब्दस्य कार्षापणार्थे रूढलाङ्गागवदपेक्षयाऽत्रासामर्थ्यं न शङ्क्यम् । प्रकरणादिवशेन भागविशेषे विज्ञाते सति नास्त्यस्यासामर्थ्यमिति वा वोध्यम् ॥ एतेनार्धशब्दस्य सापेक्षलात्तदन्तादेव टिठन् द्रोणार्धिकः प्रस्थार्धिक इति केषांचिदुक्तिः परास्ता

Bālamanoramā

संख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः कन् - सह्ख्यायाः । तिश्च शश्च तिशतौ, तौ अन्ते यस्याः सा तिशदन्ता, न तिशदन्ता अतिशदन्ता । द्वन्द्वगर्भबहुव्रीहिगर्भो नञ्तत्पुरुषः । साप्ततिक इति । सप्तत्या क्रीत इत्यर्थः ।तेन क्रीत॑मिति ठञ् । चात्वारिंशत्क इति । चत्वारिंशता क्रीत इत्यर्थः ।तेन क्रीत॑मिति ठञष्ठस्य तकारात्परत्वात्कः ।

translator notes

commentary BM analyses 'atiśadantāyāḥ': ti and śat form a dvandva, 'tiśatau'; 'that which has them at its end' is the bahuvrīhi 'tiśadantā'; its negation is 'atiśadantā', a nañ-tatpuruṣa containing a bahuvrīhi that contains a dvandva. Followed for 'not ending in ti or śat' in sutra_en.
commentary TB reads the kaumudī's 'tyantaśadantāyāḥ' as a compound with elision of the [middle] word (uttarapadalopin), 'the one ending in śat together with the one ending in ti'. Followed for rendering it as two excluded classes, 'ending in ti or in śat'.
commentary TB: pañcakaḥ exemplifies an ordinary (laukikī) numeral, bahukaḥ a technical (pāribhāṣikī) one. On sāptatikaḥ: initial vṛddhi because the affix has ñ as it (ṭhañ), and the i [of saptati] is elided by 'yasyeti ca' after ṭha is replaced (by ika); since only the meaningful word ti is taken, the ti that is part of ḍati is not excluded (the OCR prints the resulting form as 'śatikaḥ'). Followed in leaving pañcakaḥ and bahukaḥ as bare forms; no derivation is added to the English.
commentary BM: sāptatikaḥ means 'bought with seventy', with ṭhañ by 'tena krītam' (SK 1702); cātvāriṃśatkaḥ means 'bought with forty', with ṭhañ by 'tena krītam', its ṭha becoming ka because it follows t. Followed in reading both forms as the ṭhañ that takes over where kan is excluded.
textual The source reads 'cātvāriṃtkaḥ', missing the syllable śa; NSP p. 291 reads 'cātvāriṃśatkaḥ', as does BM's pratīka, and the form is what the counter-example for a śat-final numeral requires. Translated as cātvāriṃśatkaḥ.

SK 1688 · A 5.1.23V

वतोरिड्वा ॥ १६८८ ॥

vatoriḍvā

vator iḍ vā — After [what ends in] vatu, [the augment] iṭ optionally [comes to kan].

Rule. When kan comes after a stem ending in vatu, the augment iṭ is optionally added to it. Vatu is the affix of words like tāvat "that much". An augment (āgama) is a sound added to a form without replacing anything. Iṭ is heard as i. Its marker ṭ places it at the front of kan.

Example.

tāvatā krītaḥ "bought for that much" → tāvat is formed with vatup (vatu with the marker p; SK 1840) and counts as a numeral (SK 258)

→ tāvat + kan (SK 1687) → optionally iṭ before kan → tāvat + i + ka

→ tāvatikaḥ, or without iṭ, tāvatkaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the grammar of the sūtra. Kan is carried forward in the nominative. The ablative vatoḥ "after vatu" turns it into a genitive, "to kan", by SK 41. So the augment goes to kan, not to the stem.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वत्वान्तात्कन इड्वा स्यात् । तावतिकः । तावत्कः ॥

To kan [coming] after what ends in vatu, the augment iṭ comes optionally. tāvatikaḥ or tāvatkaḥ ['bought for that much'].

Bālamanoramā

वतोरिड्वा - वतोरिड्वा ।वतो॑रित्यनेन प्रत्ययग्रहणपरिभाषया तदन्तं गृह्रते ।क॑न्निति प्रथमान्तमनुवृत्तम्,वतो॑रिति पञ्चमीतस्मादित्युत्तरस्ये॑ति परिभाषया षष्ठन्यतं प्रकल्पयति । तदाह — वत्वन्तादिति । तावतिक इति तावता क्रीत इत्यर्थः । 'यत्तदेतेभ्यः' इति वतुप् । 'बहुगणवतु' इति सङ्ख्यासंज्ञायां सङ्ख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः॑ इति कन्, तस्य इट्, टित्त्वादाद्यवयवः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: by the paribhāṣā on the mention of an affix (pratyayagrahaṇa), 'vatoḥ' takes in what ends in vatu. 'kan' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from the preceding sūtra in the nominative, and 'vatoḥ', an ablative, turns it into a genitive by 'tasmād ity uttarasya' (SK 41); hence 'to kan after what ends in vatu'. tāvatikaḥ = tāvatā krītaḥ: vatup by 'yattadetebhyaḥ parimāṇe vatup' (SK 1840); saṃkhyā status by 'bahugaṇavatuḍati saṃkhyā' (SK 258); kan by 'saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan' (SK 1687); iṭ added to it, placed at its beginning because it has ṭ as it. Followed for the construal and for the gloss.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1687.t1: 'vatoḥ' is an ablative, and it creates a genitive for the nominative 'kan'; hence the kaumudī's 'to kan after what ends in vatu'. On tāvatikaḥ: vatup by 'yattadetebhyaḥ', and ā [for the final of tad] by 'ā sarvanāmnaḥ' (SK 430). Agrees with BM.
textual The source reads 'vatvāntāt'; the NSP 1915 print (p. 291) reads 'vatvantāt', as do BM and TB. Translated as vatvantāt.

SK 1689 · A 5.1.24V

विंशतित्रिंशद्भ्यां ड्वुन्नसंज्ञायाम् ॥ १६८९ ॥

viṃśatitriṃśadbhyāṃ ḍvunnasaṃjñāyām

viṃśatitriṃśadbhyāṃ ḍvun asaṃjñāyām — After viṃśati ('twenty') and triṃśat ('thirty'), ḍvun [comes, in the ārhīya senses,] when [the derivative is] not a name (saṃjñā).

Rule. The sūtra is split into two rules. Splitting one sūtra into two in this way is called yogavibhāga.

The first part, viṃśatitriṃśadbhyām, gives kan after viṃśati "twenty" and triṃśat "thirty". SK 1687 had excluded these, since they end in ti and śat.
The second part, ḍvun asaṃjñāyām, gives ḍvun after the same two words when the derived word is not a name. Ḍvun is an apavāda of kan.

So the first part is left for names. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reaches this by elimination.

Ḍvun is heard as aka: vu becomes aka (SK 1247). Its ḍ is a marker, which deletes the end of the stem.

Example.

viṃśatyā krītaḥ "bought for twenty" → viṃśati + ḍvun

→ vu → aka → before a ḍ-marked affix the ti of viṃśati is deleted (SK 844) → viṃśakaḥ.

triṃśatā krītaḥ → triṃśat + ḍvun

→ vu → aka → the ṭi, the last vowel with what follows it, is at; it is deleted (SK 316) → triṃśakaḥ.

When a name is meant, kan comes: viṃśatikaḥ, triṃśatkaḥ.

Watch out. Why split the sūtra? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. As one rule, it would give only ḍvun. Kan could then never reach viṃśati and triṃśat, because SK 1687 excludes them.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

योगविभागः कर्तव्यः । आभ्यां कन्स्यात् । असंज्ञायां तु ड्वुन् स्यात् । कनोऽपवादः । विंशकः । त्रिंशकः । संज्ञायां तु विंशतिकः । त्रिंशतिकः ॥

A split of the rule (yogavibhāga) is to be made. [First, 'viṃśatitriṃśadbhyām':] after these two, kan comes. [Second, 'ḍvun asaṃjñāyām':] but when [the derivative is] not a name, ḍvun comes; it is an apavāda of kan. viṃśakaḥ, triṃśakaḥ. But when a name [is meant]: viṃśatikaḥ, triṃśatkaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

विंशतित्रिंशद्भ्यां ड्वुन्नसंज्ञायाम् - विंशतित्रिशद्भ्यां । नन्वेकसूत्रत्वे विंशतितिंरशद्भ्यां ड्वुनेव स्यात्, कन् तु नस्यात्, 'अतिशदन्ताया' इति निषेधादित्यत आह — योगेति । विंशतित्रिशद्भ्यामित्येकं सूत्रम् ।ड्वुन्नसंज्ञायां॑मित्यपरमित्यर्थः । आद्यं व्याचष्टे — आभ्यां कन्स्यादिति ।शसङ्ख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः॑इत्यतः कनित्यनुवर्तते इति भावः । द्वितीयसूत्रे विंशतितिंरशद्भ्या॑मित्यनुवृत्तिभिप्रेत्याह — असंज्ञायामिति ।आभ्या॑मिति शेषः । विंशक इति । विंशत्या क्रीत इत्यर्थः । ड्वुन् । अकादेशः ।ति विंशतेर्डिती॑ति तिशब्दस्य लोपः । तिंरशक इति । ड्वुन् । अकादेशः ।टे॑रिति टिलोपः । आद्यसूत्रं परिशेषात्संज्ञायामित्यभिप्रेत्याह — संज्ञायां त्विति । कंसात् । इत्यादि स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'yogavibhāgaḥ': Objection: if this were a single sūtra, only ḍvun would come after viṃśati and triṃśat, and kan would not come at all, because of the prohibition 'atiśadantāyāḥ' in SK 1687. Hence the split: 'viṃśatitriṃśadbhyām' is one sūtra, 'ḍvun asaṃjñāyām' another. In the first, kan is carried forward (anuvartate) from 'saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan' (SK 1687); in the second, 'viṃśatitriṃśadbhyām' is carried forward, so 'after these two' is to be supplied; the first sūtra, by elimination (pariśeṣa), applies when a name is meant. Followed for the bracketed labels of the two parts and for reading the first part as operating in a name.
commentary BM on the forms: viṃśakaḥ, 'bought for twenty' (viṃśatyā krītaḥ): ḍvun, the substitute aka [for vu], and deletion of ti by 'ti viṃśater ḍiti'; triṃśakaḥ: ḍvun, aka, and ṭi-deletion by 'ṭeḥ'. The kaumudī gives only the forms; no derivation is added in the translation.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1687.t1, on 'kartavyaḥ': otherwise, since words ending in ti and śat are excluded (paryudāsa) in SK 1687, kan would be hard to obtain after viṃśati and triṃśat. On viṃśakaḥ: ti is deleted by 'ti viṃśater ḍiti'. Followed for the reason behind the split.
textual The source reads 'triṃśatikaḥ' for the form used as a name. NSP p. 291 (printed 281) reads 'triṃśatkaḥ'. The first part of the split rule gives kan (-ka), which added to triṃśat yields triṃśatka; nothing in the rule supplies the i of '-tika', which appears to be copied from the neighbouring viṃśatikaḥ. Translated as triṃśatkaḥ.

SK 1690 · A 5.1.25V

कंसाट्टिठन् ॥ १६९० ॥

kaṃsāṭṭiṭhan

kaṃsāṭ ṭiṭhan — After kaṃsa, ṭiṭhan [in the ārhīya senses].

Rule. After kaṃsa, a particular measure, the affix ṭiṭhan comes in the ārhīya senses. Its ṭ is there for ṅīp in the feminine (SK 470). Its i is uccāraṇārtha, "for pronunciation" only. Its n is a marker, so it brings no vṛddhi. What is heard is ika.

Example.

kaṃsena krītaḥ "bought with a kaṃsa" → kaṃsa + ṭiṭhan

→ ṭh → ik → the final a deleted (SK 311) → kaṃsikaḥ

→ feminine: the ṭ marker brings ṅīp → kaṃsikī.

Applies when / blocked by. Three vārttikas extend the rule.

Ardhāc ceti vaktavyam: ṭiṭhan also comes after ardha "half". So ardhikaḥ, feminine ardhikī. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains that ardha is fixed by usage for half a kārṣāpaṇa. So the word needs no stated whole to be half of.
Kārṣāpaṇāṭ ṭiṭhan vaktavyaḥ: ṭiṭhan also comes after kārṣāpaṇa, a coin. So kārṣāpaṇikaḥ, feminine kārṣāpaṇikī.
Pratir ādeśaś ca vā: prati optionally replaces kārṣāpaṇa before this affix. So pratikaḥ, feminine pratikī.

Watch out. Prati is a substitute, an ādeśa: a form that replaces another. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says prati is taught tied to ṭiṭhan. It comes only together with that affix. This matters at SK 1694.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

टो ङीबर्थः । इकार उच्चरणार्थः । कंसिकः । कंसिकी ।

The ṭ [of ṭiṭhan] is for the sake of ṅīp [in the feminine]; the i is for the sake of pronunciation. kaṃsikaḥ; [feminine] kaṃsikī.

vārttika

अर्धाच्चेति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) ardhāc ceti vaktavyam — It should be stated: 'and after ardha'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अर्धिकः । अर्धिकी ।

ardhikaḥ; [feminine] ardhikī.

vārttika

कार्षापणाट्ठिठन्वक्तव्यः

(vārttika) kārṣāpaṇāṭ ṭiṭhan vaktavyaḥ — ṭiṭhan is to be stated after kārṣāpaṇa.

(वार्तिकम्) ।

—

vārttika

प्रतिरादेशश्च वा

(vārttika) pratir ādeśaś ca vā — And, optionally, prati as a substitute [for kārṣāpaṇa].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ कार्षापणिकः । कार्षापणिकी । प्रतिकः । प्रतिकी ॥

kārṣāpaṇikaḥ; [feminine] kārṣāpaṇikī; pratikaḥ; [feminine] pratikī.

translator notes

commentary BM, printed under sk.1689.b1, says only 'kaṃsāt ityādi spaṣṭam' ('kaṃsāt etc. is clear'). Under sk.1694.b1 BM identifies the ṭiṭhan of the second vārttika as 'aupasaṃkhyānika' and says that the substitute prati is taught in conjunction with ṭiṭhan (ṭiṭhan-saṃniyogaśiṣṭa), so that where prati is used ṭiṭhan is not elided. Followed for taking prati as a substitute for kārṣāpaṇa that goes with ṭiṭhan (k6–k7).
commentary TB, printed under sk.1687.t1, on ardhikaḥ: no incapacity (asāmarthya) should be suspected here on the ground that ardha, like bhāga, requires a correlate, since ardha is conventional (rūḍha) in the sense of [half] a kārṣāpaṇa; or, when a particular portion is known from context, there is no incapacity. This refutes the view of some that, ardha being dependent, ṭiṭhan comes only after compounds ending in it (droṇārdhikaḥ, prasthārdhikaḥ). Followed in leaving ardhikaḥ unglossed as a derivative of the simple word ardha.
textual The source reads 'kārṣāpaṇāṭṭhiṭhan' (with aspirate ṭh before the i); the NSP 1915 print (p. 291) reads 'kārṣāpaṇāṭ ṭiṭhan', which the affix name ṭiṭhan requires. Translated as ṭiṭhan.
textual The source prints the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' at the head of k3 and k7 (with a double daṇḍa) and as the whole of k5 (with a single daṇḍa), each closing the vārttika in the preceding block (k2, k4, k6). NSP p. 291 (scan) has no such tags; it marks the vārttikas with its own sign. The tags are left untranslated: k3 and k7 are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose, and k5, which has no other content, carries only a dash.

SK 1691 · A 5.1.26V

शूर्पादञन्यतरस्याम् ॥ १६९१ ॥

śūrpādañanyatarasyām

śūrpād añ anyatarasyām — After śūrpa, añ optionally [comes, in the ārhīya senses].

Rule. After śūrpa, a measure of grain, the affix añ comes optionally in the ārhīya senses. Añ is heard as a. Its ñ is a marker, so it brings first-vowel vṛddhi.

Example.

śūrpeṇa krītam "bought with a śūrpa" → śūrpa + añ

→ vṛddhi ū → au → the final a deleted (SK 311) → śaurpam.

In the other option, śūrpa + ṭhañ → śaurpikam.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the other option ṭhañ? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer that śūrpa is a measure. So SK 1681 gives it no ṭhak, and ṭhañ was due. Añ is its optional apavāda.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शौर्पम् । शौर्पिकम् ॥

śaurpam [with añ]; śaurpikam [in the other option, with ṭhañ].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 291–292

—शूर्पा—। शूर्पशब्दस्य परिमाणवाचिलादभि प्राप्ते तदपवादत्वेनान् पक्षे विधीयते ॥—ठञ्ठकनामिति । शतमानं परिमाणं ततश्च प्राप्तः, विंशत्या कीर्तं विंशतिकम् । संज्ञाशब्दोऽयम् । असंज्ञायां हि ‘विंशति- अंशश्चाम्—इति बुन् स्यात् । संज्ञा च यदि परिमाणस्य, तदा ठञ् प्राप्तः । अर्थान्तरस्य चेत्तर्हि ठक् प्राप्तः । वसनशव्दात्तु ठगेव, सहस्रशब्दस्य संख्यावाचित्वात्ततः ‘संख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः’ इति कन्प्राप्त इति विवेकः

Bālamanoramā

शूर्पादञन्यतरस्याम् - शूर्पादञ् ।आर्हीयेष्वर्थेष्वि॑ति शेषः । शूर्पशब्दस्य परिमाणवाचित्वाट्ठञि प्राप्ते तदपवादोऽञ् पक्षे विधीयते । पक्षे ठञ् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'in the ārhīya senses' is to be supplied. Because śūrpa denotes a measure (parimāṇa), ṭhañ was obtained; añ is prescribed optionally as its apavāda, and in the other option ṭhañ comes. Followed for the bracket in sutra_en and for the affix-labels in k1 (the kaumudī gives the two forms only).
commentary TB: because śūrpa denotes a measure, ṭhañ was obtained; añ is prescribed optionally as its apavāda. Agrees with BM; śaurpikam is the ṭhañ form.

SK 1692 · A 5.1.27V

शतमानविंशतिकसहस्रवसनादण् ॥ १६९२ ॥

śatamānaviṃśatikasahasravasanādaṇ

śatamānaviṃśatikasahasravasanād aṇ — After śatamāna, viṃśatika, sahasra and vasana, aṇ [comes, in the ārhīya senses].

Rule. After śatamāna, viṃśatika, sahasra "a thousand" and vasana "cloth", the affix aṇ comes in the ārhīya senses. Aṇ is heard as a. Its ṇ is a marker, so it brings first-vowel vṛddhi. It is an apavāda of ṭhañ, ṭhak and kan.

Example.

śatamānena krītam "bought with a śatamāna" → śatamāna + aṇ

→ vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted → śātamānam.

Likewise vaiṃśatikam from viṃśatika, sāhasram from sahasra, and vāsanam from vasana.

Applies when / blocked by. Which affix does aṇ set aside for each word? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators share it out by base:

śatamāna is a measure, so ṭhañ was due.
viṃśatika is a name. If it names a measure, ṭhañ was due; otherwise ṭhak.
sahasra is a numeral, so kan was due (SK 1687).
vasana was due to take ṭhak.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्योऽण् स्यात् । ठञ्ठक्कनामपवादः । शतमानेन क्रीतं शातमानम् । वैंशतिकम् । साहस्रम् । वासनम् ॥

After these, aṇ comes. [It is] an apavāda of ṭhañ, ṭhak and kan. Bought with a śatamāna (śatamānena krītam): śātamānam. [Likewise] vaiṃśatikam, sāhasram, vāsanam.

Bālamanoramā

शतमानविंशतिकसहस्रवसनादण् - शतमान । शातमानमिति । अत्र ठञ् प्राप्तः । वैंशतिकमिति । विंशत्या क्रीतं विंशतिकम् । संज्ञाशब्दोऽयम् ।विंशतितिंरशद्भ्या॑मिति योगविभागात्कन् । विंशतिकेन क्रीतिमिति विग्रहः । तत्र परिमाणविशेषस्य संज्ञा चेट्ठञ् प्राप्तः, अन्यस्य संज्ञा चेट्ठक् प्राप्तः । साहरुआमिति । सहरुओण क्रीतमिति विग्रहः ।सङ्ख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः॑ इति कन् प्राप्तः । वासनमिति । वसनेन क्रीतिमिति विग्रहः । अत्र ठक् प्राप्तः ।

translator notes

commentary BM distributes the three blocked affixes: in śātamānam ṭhañ was obtained; viṃśatika ('bought with twenty', viṃśatyā krītam) is a name (saṃjñā), with kan by the split of 'viṃśatitriṃśadbhyām' (SK 1689), and vaiṃśatikam is analysed 'viṃśatikena krītam': if viṃśatika names a particular measure ṭhañ was obtained, if it names anything else ṭhak; sāhasram, 'sahasreṇa krītam', where kan was obtained by 'saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ' (SK 1687); vāsanam, 'vasanena krītam', where ṭhak was obtained. Followed for construing 'ṭhañṭhakkanām apavādaḥ' distributively; the kaumudī itself gives only the analysis of śātamānam.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1691.t1 (lemma 'ṭhañṭhakkanām'): śatamāna is a measure, so ṭhañ was obtained; viṃśatika, 'bought with twenty', is a name, since if it were not a name ḍvun would come by 'viṃśatitriṃśadbhyām …' (SK 1689); if it names a measure ṭhañ was obtained, if something else ṭhak; from vasana only ṭhak; sahasra, being a numeral word, would take kan by 'saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ'. TB calls this the distribution (vivekaḥ). Agrees with BM.

SK 1693 · A 5.1.28V

अध्यर्धपूर्वद्विगोर्लुगसंज्ञायाम् ॥ १६९३ ॥

adhyardhapūrvadvigorlugasaṃjñāyām

adhyardhapūrvadvigor lug asaṃjñāyām — After [a word] having adhyardha as its first member, and after a dvigu, there is luk [of an ārhīya affix], except when a name (saṃjñā) [is meant].

Rule. After a word whose first member is adhyardha, and after a dvigu, a following ārhīya affix undergoes luk. It does not happen when the derived word is a name.

Example.

dvābhyāṃ kaṃsābhyāṃ krītam "bought with two kaṃsas" → a dvigu in the sense of the taddhita (SK 728): dvikaṃsa

→ dvikaṃsa + ṭiṭhan (SK 1690) → luk of ṭiṭhan (this rule) → dvikaṃsam.

adhyardhakaṃsena krītam "bought with one and a half kaṃsas" → adhyardhakaṃsa + ṭiṭhan → luk → adhyardhakaṃsam.

Applies when / blocked by. In a name, the affix stays: pāñcakalāpikam "having five kalāpas as its measure" (see SK 1683).

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read dvigoḥ as an ablative, "after a dvigu". They say the luk falls only on the affix that caused the dvigu. The ṭhañ of dviśaurpikam (SK 1683) did not cause its dvigu, so it is not deleted.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes a strain here. Bhaṭṭoji's own gloss speaks of the luk of any ārhīya affix after a dvigu. But it must still be read as the luk of the affix that caused the dvigu. Otherwise the ṭhañ of dviśaurpikam would be deleted too.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अध्यर्धपूर्वाद्द्विगोश्च परस्यार्हीयस्य लुक् स्यात् । अध्यर्धकंसम् । द्विकंसम् । संज्ञायां तु पाञ्चाकलापिकम् ॥

After [a word] having adhyardha ('one and a half') as its first member, and after a dvigu, luk of a following ārhīya [affix] takes place: adhyardhakaṃsam, dvikaṃsam. But when a name [is meant]: pāñcakalāpikam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 292

—अध्यर्धपूर्व—। अध्यारूढमर्थं यस्मिन् तदध्यर्थम् ‘प्रादिभ्यो धातुजस्य—’ इत्युत्तरपदलोपः । अध्यर्धशब्दः पूर्वो यस्मिन्निति बहुत्रीहिगर्भवहुत्रीहौ कृते अध्यर्धपूर्वं च द्विगुच्चेति द्वन्द्वः । सौत्रं पुंस्त्वम् । द्विगोरिति पञ्चमी न तु षष्ठीत्याशयेन व्याचष्टे— अध्यर्धपूर्वादित्यादि । एतच्च वृत्तिकाररीत्या व्याख्यातम् ॥ अत्र वार्तिकं ‘द्विगोर्लुकि तन्निमित्तग्रहणे’ द्विगोर्निमित्तं यस्तद्धितस्तस्य लुगिति वक्तव्यम् । द्वाभ्यां शूर्पाभ्यां कीतं द्विशूर्पम् । द्विशूर्पेण कीतं द्विशौर्पिकमिति ॥ पूर्वोक्तोदाहरणे तु ठनो लुङ् माभूदिति ॥ ननु द्वयोः शूर्पयोः समाहारो द्विशूर्पी तया कीतमिति विग्रहे द्विशूर्पमिति रूपं न स्यात् । तद्धितस्यात्र द्विगोरनिमित्ततया ‘अध्यर्ध—’ इति लुकोऽप्रवृत्तेः । द्विगोः परस्येति व्याख्यायां तु नः सिद्धमिष्टमिति चेत् । मैवम् । ‘अर्थविशेषासंप्रत्यये अतन्निमित्तादपि’ इति वचनान्तरस्य वार्तिककृतैवोक्तत्वात् । यत्र तद्धितार्थद्विगुना सह अर्थो न भिद्यते तत्र स तद्धितो यस्य निमित्तं न भवति तस्मादपि द्विगोः परस्य लुगिति वक्तव्यमिति तस्मार्थः ॥ एवं च द्विशूर्पमिति तद्धितार्थद्विगुना सह द्विशूर्प्यां कीतमित्यस्यार्थो न भिद्यते इति समाहाराद्विगोः परस्य तद्धितस्य अग् भवत्येवेति न काप्यनुपपत्तिः ॥ वस्तुतस्तु सूत्रे द्विगोरिति षष्ठीमाश्रित्य ‘द्विगोर्निमित्तं यस्तद्धितः’ इति व्याख्यायां प्रथमं वार्तिकं प्रत्याख्यातुं शक्यम् । ‘द्विशूर्प्यां कीतम्’ इति विग्रहे तु द्विशूर्पादेव प्रत्ययो भवति । अजाविकन्यायात्, ‘न तु द्विशूर्पाशब्दात्’ इत्याश्रित्य द्वितीयमपि प्रत्याख्यातुं शक्यम् ॥ नन्वर्ध्यशब्दः संख्यावाच्येव । तथा च लोके गण्यते ‘एकोऽध्यर्थो द्वौ’ इति ॥ अत एव अध्यर्थकमिति कन्, अध्यर्थकंसमिति तद्धितार्थं द्विगुः, अध्यर्थसांवत्सरिकमित्यादौ ‘संख्यायाः संवत्सरसंख्यस्य च’ इत्युत्तरपदवृद्धिश्च भवति । तत्किमध्यर्थपूर्वग्रहणेनेति चेत् । अत्राहुः । ‘संख्याकार्यमेतत्स्य किञ्चिन्न’ इति ज्ञापनार्थमिदम् । तेन कन्द्विगुसमासवृद्धिभ्योऽन्यत्र भवति । तद्यथा अध्यर्थं करोति । नेह कृत्वमुच् । यः सकृत्फलान्तां कियामभिनिर्वर्त्य पुनस्तामेव कुर्वन् मध्ये निवर्तते स एवमुच्यते इति ॥—पाञ्चकलापिकमिति । पञ्च कलापाः परिमाणमस्येति विग्रहे ‘तद्धितार्थं—’ इति समासः । ‘तदस्य परिमाणम्’ इति ठञ् । एवं पाञ्चलोहितिकमपि बोध्यम् । पञ्च लोहिन्यो गुज्जाः परिमाणमस्येति विग्रहे पूर्ववत्समासतद्धितौ । ‘भस्याढे तद्धिते’ इति पुंवद्भावाल्लोहिनीशब्दस्येकारनकारयोरभावः । परिमाणविशेषस्य नामधेये एते । असंज्ञाग्रहणं प्रत्ययान्तस्य विशेषणं न तु द्विगोः । एतच्च वृत्तिकृता सूत्राशयमनुरुध्य वर्णितमिति इहापि तथैवोक्तम् । भाष्यवार्तिकयोस्लसंज्ञाग्रहणं प्रत्याख्यातम् । तथा हि द्विगुविशेषणमसंज्ञाग्रहणम् । पञ्चकलापपञ्चलोहितशब्दौ च द्विगू कृततद्धितलुकावेव संज्ञे । यस्तु ताभ्यामुत्पद्यते ठक् स श्रूयते इति द्विगोरनिमित्तत्वेन तस्य लुगभावादिति

Bālamanoramā

अध्यर्धपूर्वद्विगोर्लुगसंज्ञायाम् - अध्यर्धपूर्व । अध्यर्थशब्दः पूर्वो यस्य स अध्यर्धपूर्वः, सच द्विगुश्चेति समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । सौत्रं पुंस्त्वम् । तदाह — अध्यर्धपूर्वाद्द्विगोश्चेति । आर्हीयस्येति । प्रत्यासात्तिलभ्यम् । अध्यर्थकंसमिति । अध्यारूढमर्द्धं यस्मिन् तत् अध्यर्धम् ।प्रादिभ्यो धातुजस्ये॑ति बहुव्रीहौ पूर्वखण्डे उत्तरपदलोपः । सार्धमित्यर्थः । अध्यर्धेन कंसेन क्रीतमिति विग्रहः । तद्धितार्थे द्विगुः ।संख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः॑ इति कन् । तस्यानेन लुगिति भावः । द्विकंसमिति । द्वाभ्यां कंसाभ्यां क्रीतमिति विग्रहः । तद्धितार्थे द्विगुः ।संक्याया अतिशदन्तायाः॑ इति कन् । तस्यानेन लुगिति भावः । द्विकंसमिति । द्वाभ्यां कंसाभ्यां क्रीतमिति विग्रहः । ठको लुक् । नच अध्यर्थकंसमित्यत्रापि द्विगुत्वादेव सिद्धमिति वाच्यं, किञ्चित्संख्याकार्यं कृत्वसुजादिकमध्यर्धशब्दस्य नेति ज्ञापनार्थत्वात् । पाञ्चकलायिकमिति । पञ्च कलायाः परिमाणमस्येति । विग्रहे 'तद्धितार्थ' इति द्विगुः ।तदस्ये॑तिठञ् । सङ्ख्यासंज्ञासूत्रभाष्ये तुअध्यर्धपूर्वा॑दिति पाठो दृश्यते । नच द्वाभ्यां शूर्पाभ्यां क्रीतं द्विशूर्पं, तेन क्रीतं द्विशौर्पिकमित#इ पूर्वोक्तोदाहरणे ठञो लुक् स्यादिति वाच्यं, द्विगुनिमित्तस्यार्हीयस्य लुगिति व्याख्यानादित्यलम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: adhyardhapūrva is a bahuvrīhi ('that of which adhyardha is the first member'), joined with dvigu in a collective dvandva (samāhāradvandva) in the fifth case; the masculine is sūtra usage. 'ārhīyasya' is got by proximity (pratyāsatti). BM closes by saying the luk is of an ārhīya affix that is the cause (nimitta) of the dvigu, so that ṭhañ in dviśaurpikam (SK 1683) is not deleted. Followed for the ablative construal ('after') and for supplying '[of an ārhīya affix]'.
commentary TB: 'dvigoḥ' is a fifth case, not a sixth, and the kaumudī's 'adhyardhapūrvāt…' explains it so, following the Vṛttikāra. TB adds the vārttika 'dvigor luki tannimittagrahaṇe' (the luk is of the taddhita that causes the dvigu), which keeps dviśaurpikam, and notes that taking 'dvigoḥ' as a sixth case would make that vārttika unnecessary. Followed for the ablative construal; the restriction to a dvigu-causing affix is the commentators' and is not added to the kaumudī.
commentary BM: adhyardha is 'that on which a half is mounted', i.e. with a half added (sārdha), a bahuvrīhi with loss of the final member of the first part by 'prādibhyo dhātujasya…'; adhyardhakaṃsam is 'bought with one and a half kaṃsas', a dvigu in a taddhita sense, and the affix after it is deleted by this rule; dvikaṃsam is 'bought with two kaṃsas'. Since adhyardha is itself counted as a numeral, the mention of it indicates (jñāpaka) that some numeral operations, such as kṛtvasuc, do not apply to it. pāñcakalāpikam: 'having five kalāpas as its measure', a dvigu in a taddhita sense with ṭhañ by 'tad asya parimāṇam' (SK 1723). Followed for 'one and a half'.
commentary TB: in pāñcakalāpikam (and likewise pāñcalohitikam) the words are names of particular measures; 'asaṃjñāyām' qualifies the affix-final word, not the dvigu, as the Vṛttikāra explains it and as the kaumudī follows; the Bhāṣya and vārttika reject the mention of 'asaṃjñā'. Followed for keeping 'when a name [is meant]' unattached in the English.
textual The digital source reads 'pāñcākalāpikam'; NSP p. 292 reads 'pāñcakalāpikam', as do the kaumudī at SK 1683 and TB here. The long ā after pāñc- has no grammatical basis (the form is pañca-kalāpa with initial vṛddhi only), and the translation follows NSP.

SK 1694 · A 5.1.29V

विभाषा कार्षापणसहस्राभ्याम् ॥ १६९४ ॥

vibhāṣā kārṣāpaṇasahasrābhyām

vibhāṣā kārṣāpaṇasahasrābhyām — [After a dvigu, or a word with adhyardha as its prior member, ending in] kārṣāpaṇa or sahasra, [luk of the ārhīya affix takes place] optionally.

Rule. After the same kinds of word, ending in kārṣāpaṇa or sahasra, the luk is optional (vibhāṣā). So both a luk form and a full form are correct.

Example. For kārṣāpaṇa, the affix is the ṭiṭhan added by the vārttika under SK 1690:

adhyardhakārṣāpaṇa + ṭiṭhan → with luk adhyardhakārṣāpaṇam; without, adhyardhakārṣāpaṇikam.

dvikārṣāpaṇa + ṭiṭhan → with luk dvikārṣāpaṇam; without, dvikārṣāpaṇikam.

For sahasra, the affix is the aṇ of SK 1692:

adhyardhasahasra + aṇ → adhyardhasahasram or adhyardhasāhasram.

dvisahasra + aṇ → dvisahasram or dvisāhasram.

Applies when / blocked by. With the substitute prati there is no luk at all: adhyardhapratikam, dvipratikam. Prati comes only tied to ṭiṭhan (SK 1690), so ṭiṭhan must stay. Such a substitute is called saṃniyogaśiṣṭa, "taught in conjunction with" an affix.

Watch out. Where aṇ stays after sahasra, the vṛddhi falls on the last member: sa → sā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the rule: saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃvatsarasaṃkhyasya ca (SK 1752, next chapter).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लुग्वा स्यात् । अध्यर्धकार्षाणम् । अध्यर्धकार्षापणिकम् । द्विकार्षापणम् । औपसंख्यानिकस्यटिठनो लुक् । पक्षेऽध्यर्धप्रतिकम् । द्विप्रतिकम् । अध्यर्धसहस्रम् । अध्यर्धसाहस्रम् । द्विसहस्रम् । द्विसाहस्रम् ॥

luk takes place optionally. adhyardhakārṣāpaṇam, adhyardhakārṣāpaṇikam; dvikārṣāpaṇam, [dvikārṣāpaṇikam]. [The luk is] luk of the ṭiṭhan taught by upasaṃkhyāna. In the alternative [with the substitute prati] (pakṣe): adhyardhapratikam, dvipratikam. adhyardhasahasram, adhyardhasāhasram; dvisahasram, dvisāhasram.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 292

—विभाषा ॥—टिठनो लुगिति । प्रत्यादेशपक्षे तु लुङ् न भवति प्रत्यादेशस्य प्रत्ययसंनियोगशिष्टलादिति वोध्यम् ॥—अध्यर्धसहस्रमिति । ‘शतमानविंशतिक—’ इति विहितस्याणो लुक् ॥ तदभावपक्षे तु ‘संख्यायाः संवत्सरसंख्यस्य च’ इत्युत्तरपदवृद्धिः । अध्यर्धशब्दः संख्यावाचीत्यधुनैवोक्तलात्

Bālamanoramā

विभाषा कार्षापणसहस्राभ्याम् - विभाषा । लुग्वेति ।आर्हीयस्ये॑ति शेषः । औपसंख्यानिकस्येति.॒कार्षापणाट्ठिन् वक्तव्यः॑ इत्युक्तस्येत्यर्थः । अध्यर्धप्रतिकमिति । प्रत्यादेशस्य टिठन्संनियोगशिष्टत्वात्प्रत्यादेशपक्षे टिठनो न लुगिति भावः । अध्यर्धसहरुआमिति ।शतमाने॑ति विहितस्याऽणो लुक् । लुगभावे तुसङ्ख्यायाः संवत्सरसङ्ख्यस्य चे॑त्युत्तरपदवृद्धिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: with 'luk vā' supply 'of the ārhīya [affix]'; 'aupasaṃkhyānika' means the ṭiṭhan stated by the vārttika 'kārṣāpaṇāṭ ṭiṭhan vaktavyaḥ' (SK 1690). On adhyardhapratikam: because the substitute prati is enjoined in conjunction with ṭiṭhan (saṃniyogaśiṣṭa), ṭiṭhan does not undergo luk in the option with the prati substitute. On adhyardhasahasram: luk of the aṇ taught by 'śatamāna…' (SK 1692); where there is no luk, the uttarapada takes vṛddhi by 'saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃvatsarasaṃkhyasya ca' (A 7.3.15). Followed for '[of the ārhīya affix]' in sutra_en and for '[with the substitute prati]'.
commentary TB: in the option with the substitute prati there is no luk, because the substitute is enjoined together with the affix (pratyayasaṃniyogaśiṣṭa); in adhyardhasahasram the aṇ of 'śatamānaviṃśatika…' (SK 1692) is elided, and in the option without luk the uttarapada takes vṛddhi by 'saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃvatsarasaṃkhyasya ca', since adhyardha has just been stated to be a number word (under SK 1693). Followed for '[with the substitute prati]'.
translator The condition '[after a dvigu, or a word with adhyardha as its prior member]' and 'luk' are supplied from 'adhyardhapūrvadvigor luk asaṃjñāyām' (SK 1693), which the kaumudī's 'luk vā syāt' and its examples presuppose; the commentaries state only 'of the ārhīya [affix]'.
textual The source reads 'adhyardhakārṣāṇam' and gives no non-luk form after 'dvikārṣāpaṇam'. NSP p. 292 (printed 282) reads 'adhyardhakārṣāpaṇam' and adds 'dvikārṣāpaṇikam' after 'dvikārṣāpaṇam'. The source form has lost the syllable pa, and the paired luk / non-luk pattern of the other examples calls for dvikārṣāpaṇikam. Translated as adhyardhakārṣāpaṇam, with dvikārṣāpaṇikam supplied in square brackets from NSP.

SK 1695 · A 5.1.30V

द्वित्रिपूर्वान्निष्कात् ॥ १६९५ ॥

dvitripūrvānniṣkāt

dvitripūrvān niṣkāt — After [a dvigu ending in] niṣka and having dvi or tri as first member, [luk of the ārhīya affix optionally takes place].

Rule. After a dvigu ending in niṣka, whose first member is dvi "two" or tri "three", the luk of the ārhīya affix is optional.

Example. The affix is ṭhañ, since a compound cannot take ṭhak (SK 1682):

dvābhyāṃ niṣkābhyāṃ krītam → dviniṣka + ṭhañ

→ with luk → dviniṣkam

→ without luk, the last member niṣka takes vṛddhi (SK 1683) → dvinaiṣkikam.

Likewise triniṣkam or trinaiṣkikam.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds bahu "many" as a first member: bahupūrvāc ceti vaktavyam. So bahuniṣkam or bahunaiṣkikam.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says dvigoḥ is connected here. This rules out a genitive compound like dvayor niṣkaḥ "the niṣka of two people". Such a word takes no luk.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लुग्वा स्यात् । द्विनिष्कम्-द्विनैष्किकम् । त्रिनिष्कम्-त्रिनैष्किकम् ।

Luk optionally takes place: dviniṣkam or dvinaiṣkikam, triniṣkam or trinaiṣkikam.

vārttika

बहुपूर्वाच्चेति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) bahupūrvāc ceti vaktavyam — It should be stated: 'and after [niṣka] having bahu as first member'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ बहुनिष्कम् । बहुनैष्किकम् ॥

bahuniṣkam, bahunaiṣkikam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 292

— द्वित्रिपूर्वात्—अध्यर्धग्रहणमुत्तरार्थमनुवृत्तमपीह न संबध्यते । ‘द्विगोः’ इति तु संबध्यत एव षष्ठीसमासं व्यावर्तयितुम् । अत्र च व्याख्यानमेव शरणम् ॥ ‘द्वित्रिभ्यां निष्कात्’ इत्येव सिद्धे पूर्वग्रहणं चिन्त्यप्रयोजनमिति हरदत्तः ॥— द्विनैष्किकमिति—। ‘प्राग्वतेष्टश्च’ मतान्तरे तु ठगिति मनोरमायाम् । निष्कादिभ्यः समासे ठगभावात् ‘परिच्छेदकमात्रं गृह्यते’ इति मतान्तरेऽपि ठबेव भवति, तन्मते उन्मानस्यापि परिमाणत्वात् ‘अगोपुच्छ—’ इत्यादिना पर्युदस्तलाद्वाभावे निष्कादिभ्यष्टवि प्राप्ते असमासे ठगिवधानेऽपि समासे ठब एव प्राप्तलादित्यन्ये ॥ ‘परिमाणान्तस्य’ इत्युत्तरपदवृद्धिः ॥ ‘द्विगोः’ इति संबन्धान्नेह लुक् । द्वयोर्निष्को द्विनिष्कस्तेन कीर्तं द्विनैष्किकम् । ‘अध्यर्धपूर्व—’ इत्यसंबन्धादध्यर्धनैष्किकमित्यत्राप्यनेन लुङ् न भवति

Bālamanoramā

द्वित्रिपूर्वान्निष्कात् - द्वित्रिपूर्वान्निष्कात् । लुग्वा स्यादिति ।आर्हीयस्ये॑ति शेषः । द्विनिष्कमिति । ठञो लुक्, समासाट्ठकोऽसंभवात् ।

translator notes

commentary TB: 'adhyardha', though carried forward for the sake of the following rules, is not connected here; 'dvigoḥ' is connected, to exclude a genitive compound, and on this only the explanation of the tradition (vyākhyāna) is authority. So there is no luk in dvinaiṣkikam meaning 'bought with the niṣka of two [persons]' (dvayor niṣkaḥ dviniṣkaḥ), and none by this rule in adhyardhanaiṣkikam. TB reports Haradatta: since 'dvitribhyāṃ niṣkāt' would have sufficed, the purpose of the word 'pūrva' needs consideration. Followed for '[a dvigu ending in]' in sutra_en.
commentary BM supplies 'ārhīyasya' ('of the ārhīya affix') with the kaumudī's 'luk vā'. Followed for '[luk of the ārhīya affix]' in sutra_en.
commentary BM on dviniṣkam: it is luk of ṭhañ, since ṭhak cannot arise after a compound (SK 1682). Followed in taking the optionally elided affix as ṭhañ.
commentary TB on dvinaiṣkikam: the affix is ṭhañ by 'prāgvateṣ ṭhañ' (SK 1680); TB reports that the Manoramā gives ṭhak on another view, and that others hold ṭhañ even on the view that 'parimāṇa' in SK 1681 covers every measure, since ṭhak is taught for niṣka etc. only outside compounds. The uttarapada vṛddhi of dvinaiṣkikam is by 'parimāṇāntasya' (SK 1683). Recorded as background to the retained forms; nothing is added to the English.
textual The source prints the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' with a double daṇḍa at the head of k3, closing the vārttika in k2; it is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1696 · A 5.1.31V

बिस्ताच्च ॥ १६९६ ॥

bistācca

bistāc ca — And after bista [preceded by dvi or tri, luk of the ārhīya affix optionally comes].

Rule. The luk of the ārhīya affix is also optional after bista, a unit, when dvi, tri or bahu stands before it.

Example.

dvābhyāṃ bistābhyāṃ krītam "bought with two bistas" → dvibista + ṭhañ

→ with luk → dvibistam

→ without luk, vṛddhi on bista → dvibaistikam.

Bhaṭṭoji adds "and so on", which covers tri and bahu.

Applies when / blocked by. Bahu comes here from the vārttika under SK 1695, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. The other commentator explains the word ca. It draws in dvitripūrvāt from SK 1695. A word drawn in by ca does not go on into the next rule.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्वित्रिबहुपूर्वाद्विस्तादार्हीयस्य लुग्वा स्यात् । द्विबिस्तम् । द्विबैस्तिकमित्यादि ॥

After bista preceded by dvi, tri or bahu, luk of the ārhīya [affix] comes optionally. dvibistam, dvibaistikam, and so on.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 292

—विस्ताच्च । चकारेण ‘द्वित्रिपूर्वात्—’ इत्यनुकृष्यते तत्फलं तु ‘चानुकृष्टं नोत्तरत्र’ इत्युत्तरत्रानुवृत्त्यभावः

Bālamanoramā

बिस्ताच्च - विस्ताच्च ।आर्हीयस्य लुग्वे॑ति शेषः । द्विबिस्तं द्विबैस्तिकमिति । द्वाभ्यां बिस्ताभ्यां क्रीतमिति विग्रहः । ठञः पाक्षिको लुक् । इत्यादीति । बहुविस्तं बहुबैस्तिकमित्युदाहार्यम् ।बहुपूर्वाच्चे॑ति वार्तिकस्य अत्राप्यनुवृत्तेर्भाष्ये उक्तत्वात् ।

translator notes

commentary TB: by the word ca, 'dvitripūrvāt' (SK 1695) is drawn in (anukṛṣyate); the effect of this is that, by the maxim 'what is drawn in by ca does not continue into the next rule' (cānukṛṣṭaṃ nottaratra), it does not carry forward (anuvṛtti) into the following rule. Followed for the bracket in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'luk of the ārhīya [affix] optionally' is to be supplied. dvibistam and dvibaistikam are analysed 'dvābhyāṃ bistābhyāṃ krītam' ('bought with two bistas'), with optional luk of ṭhañ. By 'and so on' bahubistam, bahubaistikam are to be cited, because the Bhāṣya states that the vārttika 'bahupūrvāc ca' (under SK 1695) continues here too. Followed for reading the kaumudī's 'bahu' as coming from that vārttika and for the sense of 'and so on'.
textual The source spells the base with v in 'dvitribahupūrvād vistād' but with b in 'dvibistam, dvibaistikam' and in the sūtra; BM's lemma likewise wavers (bistāc ca / vistāc ca). The 1915 print (NSP p. 292) has v throughout in the OCR, which does not reliably separate ba and va. A ba/va spelling variant, not a corruption; rendered bista throughout, following the sūtra.

SK 1697 · A 5.1.32V

विंशतिकात् खः ॥ १६९७ ॥

viṃśatikāt khaḥ

viṃśatikāt khaḥ — After viṃśatika [at the end of a dvigu, or of a word preceded by adhyardha], kha [comes, in the ārhīya senses].

Rule. After a word ending in viṃśatika, the affix kha comes. The condition of SK 1693 still holds: the word begins with adhyardha or is a dvigu. Kha is heard as īna (SK 475). It brings no vṛddhi.

Example.

adhyardhaviṃśatikena krītam → adhyardhaviṃśatika + kha

→ kh → īn → the final a deleted (SK 311) → adhyardhaviṃśatikīnam.

Likewise dviviṃśatikīnam.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kha replaces two things. One is the aṇ of SK 1692. The other is the luk of that aṇ which would follow.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji says the condition of SK 1693 "holds here all the same". Did it lapse in SK 1695–1696 and come back here, or run on without a break? Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अध्यर्धपूर्वाद्द्विगोरित्येव । अध्यर्धविंशतिकीनम् । द्विविंशतिकीनम् ॥

'After [a word] preceded by adhyardha, and after a dvigu' (adhyardhapūrvād dvigoḥ, SK 1693) holds here all the same. adhyardhaviṃśatikīnam; dviviṃśatikīnam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 292

—विशतिकात्स्वः । ‘शतमानविंशतिक—’ इत्यापि प्राप्ते तत्स्वात्मकलुकि प्राप्ते स्वोऽत्र विधीयते

Bālamanoramā

विंशतिकात् खः - विशतिकात्खः । अद्यर्धपूर्वाद्द्विगोरित्येवेति । पूर्वसूत्रयोरध्यर्धपूर्वादित्यस्याऽसंभवाद्द्विगोरित्यस्य प्रयोजनाऽभावादननुवृत्तावपि इह तदनुवर्तत इति भावः । अध्यर्थविंशतिकीनमिति । अध्यर्धर्विंशत्या क्रीतमध्यर्थविंशतिकम् ।विशतितिंरशद्भ्या॑मिति योगविभागात्कन् । अध्यर्थविंशतिकेन क्रीतमिति विग्रहः । द्विविंशतिकीनमिति । द्वाभ्यां विंशतिकाभ्यां क्रीतमिति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'adhyardhapūrvād dvigor ity eva': in the two preceding rules (SK 1695, SK 1696) 'adhyardhapūrvāt' was impossible and 'dvigoḥ' served no purpose, so it did not carry forward there; nevertheless here it is carried forward (anuvartate). adhyardhaviṃśatika is 'bought with one and a half twenties' (adhyardhaviṃśatyā krītam), with kan by the split of 'viṃśatitriṃśadbhyām' (SK 1689); adhyardhaviṃśatikīnam is analysed 'adhyardhaviṃśatikena krītam', dviviṃśatikīnam 'dvābhyāṃ viṃśatikābhyāṃ krītam'. Followed for the two-member reading of 'adhyardhapūrvād dvigoḥ' (BM on SK 1693: a samāhāra-dvandva in the fifth case).
commentary TB: aṇ being obtained by 'śatamānaviṃśatika…' (SK 1692), and luk of that being obtained, kha is prescribed here. Recorded as the rule interaction; the kaumudī does not state which affix kha displaces. BM's view that 'dvigoḥ' lapsed in SK 1695–1696 and is resumed here is not TB's: TB on SK 1695 (sk.1695.t1) says that only 'adhyardha[pūrvāt]' is not connected there, while 'dvigoḥ' is connected there, to exclude a genitive compound. On TB's view 'dvigoḥ' runs through without a gap. The English 'holds here all the same' renders 'ity eva' without deciding between BM and TB (§16).
translator The luk that TB says kha forestalls is presumably the luk of the ārhīya affix after a dvigu taught by 'adhyardhapūrvadvigor luk …' (SK 1693); TB does not name the rule.

SK 1698 · A 5.1.33V

खार्या ईकन् ॥ १६९८ ॥

khāryā īkan

khāryā īkan — After [a dvigu, or a compound with adhyardha as prior member, ending in] khārī, īkan [comes].

Rule. After a word ending in khārī, a large grain measure, the affix īkan comes. The word begins with adhyardha or is a dvigu. Īkan is heard as īka. It brings no vṛddhi. It comes where ṭhañ and its luk would otherwise apply.

Example.

dvikhārī + īkan → the final ī of the stem is deleted (SK 311) → the affix's ī remains → dvikhārīkam.

Likewise adhyardhakhārīkam.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds khārī on its own: kevalāyāś ceti vaktavyam. So khārīkam "bought with a khārī".

Watch out. Why is the affix īkan, with a long ī? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. With kan, the ī of khārī would be shortened before ka (SK 834). With ikan, the ī would be deleted (SK 311). Neither gives the wanted form.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अध्यर्धखारीकम् । द्विखारीकम् ।

adhyardhakhārīkam, dvikhārīkam.

vārttika

केवलायाश्चेति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) kevalāyāś ceti vaktavyam — It should be stated: 'and after [khārī] by itself'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ खारीकम् ॥

khārīkam.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 293

—खार्याः—। ‘तदस्य परिमाणम्’ इति ठञि प्राप्ते तस्य च लुकि प्राप्ते इक्न् विधीयते ॥ कन्विधौ ‘केणः’ इति ह्रस्वः स्यात् ॥ इकन्विधावपि ‘यस्येति च’ इति लोपादिष्टं न सिद्ध्यतीति भावः

Bālamanoramā

खार्या ईकन् - खार्या ईकन् ।अध्यद्र्धपूर्वा॑दिति द्विगोरिति चानुवर्तत इत्यभिप्रेत्योदाहरति — अध्यर्थखारीकं, द्विखारीकमिति ।तदस्य परिमाण॑मिति ठञि तस्य च लुकि प्राप्ते ईकन् ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 293 १ ईकसिति—अभेद एव पारमार्थिकः भेदस्तु काल्पनिक इति भावः । २ क्रीतमिति—क्रयो नाम द्रव्यदानपूर्वकं वस्त्व-न्तरग्रहणम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the kaumudī gives adhyardhakhārīkam and dvikhārīkam as examples on the understanding that 'adhyardhapūrvāt' and 'dvigoḥ' are carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'adhyardhapūrvadvigor luk asaṃjñāyām' (SK 1693). īkan is taught where ṭhañ by 'tad asya parimāṇam' (SK 1723) and its luk would otherwise apply. Followed for the bracket in sutra_en.
commentary TB: īkan is taught where ṭhañ by 'tad asya parimāṇam' and its luk would apply. If kan were taught, 'ke 'ṇaḥ' (SK 834) would shorten the ī; if ikan were taught, 'yasyeti ca' (SK 311) would elide it; in neither case would the desired form result, hence īkan. Agrees with BM on the rule interaction; recorded.
translator Neither BM nor TB comments on the vārttika. 'By itself' (kevalāyāḥ) is taken as 'not at the end of a dvigu or of a compound with adhyardha as prior member', in contrast to the sūtra's examples. The luk that BM and TB say īkan forestalls is presumably that taught by 'adhyardhapūrvadvigor luk …' (SK 1693); neither names the rule.

SK 1699 · A 5.1.34V

पणपादमाषशताद्यत् ॥ १६९९ ॥

paṇapādamāṣaśatādyat

paṇapādamāṣaśatād yat — After paṇa, pāda, māṣa and śata [as final member of a dvigu or of a compound with adhyardha as first member], yat [comes in the ārhīya senses].

Rule. After a word ending in paṇa, pāda, māṣa or śata, the affix yat comes. Bhaṭṭoji's examples all begin with adhyardha or are dvigus.

Example.

adhyardhapaṇa + yat → the final a deleted → adhyardhapaṇyam; likewise dvipaṇyam.

dvipāda + yat → the final a deleted → dvipādyam; likewise adhyardhapādyam.

Applies when / blocked by. In dvipādyam, pāda is not replaced by pat (SK 414). The deletion of its final a by SK 311 counts as if the a were still there. Treating a substitute, here a deletion, as the original it replaced is called sthānivadbhāva.

Nor is pāda replaced by pad (SK 991). That rule takes pāda only as a limb of a living being, the foot. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that here pāda, named with paṇa and māṣa, is a measure.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अध्यर्धपण्यम् । द्विपण्यम् । अध्यर्धपाद्यम् । द्विपाद्यम् । इह पादः पत् SK 414 इति न । यस्य-SK 311 इति लोपस्य स्थानिवद्भावात् । पद्यत्यतदर्थे SK 991 इत्यपि न, प्राण्यङ्गार्थस्यैव तत्र ग्रहणात् ॥

adhyardhapaṇyam, dvipaṇyam; adhyardhapādyam, dvipādyam. Here [the substitution of pad by] 'pādaḥ pat' (SK 414) does not take place, because the elision [of the final a of pāda] by 'yasya-' (SK 311) is treated as the original (sthānivadbhāva). Nor [does the substitution by] 'pad yaty atadarthe' (SK 991) [take place], because there only [pāda] meaning a limb of a living being (prāṇyaṅga) is taken.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 293

—प्राण्यङ्गार्थस्यैवेति । अयं भावः । ‘पादस्य पदाज्यातिगोपहतेषु’ इत्यत्र प्राण्यङ्गस्यैव हि पादस्य ग्रहणं तस्यैवाज्यातिभिर्गतिवचनैः संबन्धसंभवात् । तथा च ‘पद्यति’— इत्यादावपि तस्यैवानुवृत्तिः । इह तु पणमाषाभ्यां साहचर्यात्परिमाणवाचिनो ग्रहणमिति ॥—पक्षे ठञिति । यद्यपि शाण उन्मानम् । तथापि ‘आर्हात्’— इति सूत्रे परिमाणग्रहणेन परिमीयते परिच्छिद्यते अनेनेति योगवृत्त्या परिच्छेदकमात्रं गृह्यते इति वादिनां मते अस्यापि पर्युदासाङ्गभावे ठञिति भावः ॥ मुख्यमते तु ठगेव वोध्यः ॥ ‘शाणाद्वा’ इति सूत्रे ‘शताच्चेति वक्तव्यं’ पूर्वेण नित्यं प्राप्ते विकल्पार्थम् ॥ एवं च पूर्वसूत्रे शतग्रहणमकृत्वा शतशाणाभ्यां वेत्येव वक्तुं युक्तमित्याहुः ॥ अध्यर्धशत्यम् । अध्यर्धशतम् । पञ्चशत्यम् । पञ्चशतम् । यदभावे संख्यालक्षणस्य कनो लुक् । ‘शताच्च ठन्यतौ’ इति तु न प्रवर्तते, तत्रासमासग्रहणस्यानुवर्तनात्

Bālamanoramā

पणपादमाषशतादत् - प्राण्यङ्गार्थस्येति । व्याख्यानादिति भावः । इह सूत्रे पणमाषसाहचर्यात्पादशब्दोऽपि परिमाणविशेषवाची गृह्रते ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'prāṇyaṅgārthasya': this restriction rests on the explanation of the tradition (vyākhyāna); in the present sūtra the word pāda, by its association (sāhacarya) with paṇa and māṣa, is taken as denoting a particular measure. Followed for keeping pāda here as a measure, not the foot.
commentary TB: in 'pādasya padājyātigopahateṣu' only pāda as a limb of a living being is taken, since only that can be connected with the words of motion āji, āti etc.; the same [pāda] is carried forward (anuvṛtti) into 'pad yati…' (SK 991); here, by association with paṇa and māṣa, pāda denoting a measure is taken. Followed for 'there only [pāda] meaning a limb of a living being is taken' as a statement about the scope of SK 991 inherited by anuvṛtti.
translator The bracketed '[as final member of a dvigu or of a compound with adhyardha as first member]' is supplied from the kaumudī's examples, all of which are of that shape, and from BM on the two preceding sūtras (SK 1697, 1698), which says 'adhyardhapūrvāt' and 'dvigoḥ' continue there; no commentator states the anuvṛtti for this sūtra in so many words. TB's remarks on śata filed under this unit (adhyardhaśatyam / adhyardhaśatam, pañcaśatyam / pañcaśatam, with luk of kan where yat does not come) presuppose the same context.

SK 1700 · A 5.1.35V

शाणाद्वा ॥ १७०० ॥

śāṇādvā

śāṇād vā — [After a dvigu, or a word with adhyardha as its prior member, ending in] śāṇa, [yat comes] optionally.

Rule. After a word ending in śāṇa, a weight, yat comes optionally. In the other option ṭhañ comes, and that ṭhañ undergoes luk (SK 1693).

Example.

adhyardhaśāṇa + yat → the final a deleted → adhyardhaśāṇyam.

adhyardhaśāṇa + ṭhañ → luk of ṭhañ → adhyardhaśāṇam.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that śāṇa is a weight. On the main view it should then take ṭhak, not ṭhañ. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

यत्स्यात् । पक्षे ठञ् । तस्य लुक् । अध्यर्धशाण्यम् । अध्यर्धशाणम् ॥

yat comes. In the other option (pakṣe), ṭhañ, and luk of that [ṭhañ]. adhyardhaśāṇyam, adhyardhaśāṇam.

Bālamanoramā

शाणाद्वा (द्वित्रिपूर्वादण् च) - अथ शाणान्तद्विगोरुदाहरणं वक्ष्यन्विशेषमाह — द्वित्रिपूर्वादण् । च वार्तिकमिदम् । चाद्यदिति । पाक्षिको यत् चकारेण समुच्चीयत इत्यर्थः । ततश्च यतो ।ञभावे ठञपि लभ्यते । तदाह-तेन त्रैरूप्यमिति । अणा, यता, ठञा चेत्यर्थः । अणि परिमाणान्तस्येत्युत्तरपदवृद्धिमाशङ्क्याह — परिमाणान्तस्येति । ठञादयस्त्रयोदशेति ।प्राग्वते॑रिति ठञ्,आर्हा॑दिति ठक्,शताच्चे॑ति ठन्यतौ, 'संज्ञायाः' इति कन्,विंशतितिंरशद्भ्या॑ति ड्बुन्,कंसा॑दिति टिठन्,शूर्पा॑दित्यञ्,शतमाने॑त्यण्, 'विंशतिकात्खः' इति खः, खार्याः॑ इति ईकन्,पणपादे॑ति यत्,द्वित्री॑ति वार्तिकोक्ताऽण् । इत्येव त्रयोदशेत्यर्थः । प्रकृता इति । प्रक्रान्ता इत्यर्थः । समर्थविभक्तय इति ।समर्थानां प्रथमाद्वे॑ति सूत्रलभ्यसमर्थविशेषणीभूतप्रथमोच्चारिततत्तद्विभक्तय इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM is silent on SK 1700. The BM block filed under sk.1700.b1 comments on the following sūtra, 'dvitripūrvād aṇ ca' (SK 1701); its opening, 'now, intending to give an example of a dvigu ending in śāṇa, he states a special rule', introduces the examples of SK 1701 (dvaiśāṇam etc.), not this sūtra. Not relied on here; the bracket in sutra_en rests on the grounds given in the translator's note.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1699.t1, on 'pakṣe ṭhañ': although śāṇa is a weight (unmāna), those who hold that in 'ārhād…' (SK 1681) the word parimāṇa, by its etymological sense 'that by which [something] is measured', covers every kind of measure (paricchedakamātra) exclude śāṇa too from ṭhak, so ṭhañ comes; on the principal view it should be ṭhak. TB adds that under 'śāṇād vā' the statement 'śatāc ca' is to be made, so that yat, obligatory after śata by the previous rule, becomes optional, and reports the view that it would therefore have been proper to leave śata out of the previous sūtra and phrase this one 'śataśāṇābhyāṃ vā' (giving adhyardhaśatyam / adhyardhaśatam, pañcaśatyam / pañcaśatam). The kaumudī's 'ṭhañ' is translated as printed.
translator The luk of ṭhañ is that of 'adhyardhapūrvadvigor luk asaṃjñāyām' (SK 1693); the kaumudī does not name the rule. adhyardhaśāṇyam is the yat form, adhyardhaśāṇam the form with ṭhañ elided. The condition in the brackets of sutra_en is likewise supplied from SK 1693 and the adjacent rules (SK 1697–1699), which the kaumudī's examples presuppose.

SK 1701 · A 5.1.36V

द्वित्रिपूर्वादण् च ॥ १७०१ ॥

dvitripūrvādaṇ ca

dvitripūrvād aṇ ca — And aṇ [comes after śāṇa in a word] having dvi or tri as its first member.

Rule. After śāṇa with dvi or tri as first member, aṇ comes. The word ca brings in yat as well. Where neither comes, ṭhañ comes and undergoes luk. So there are three forms. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators call this a vārttika that was set among the sūtras.

Example.

dviśāṇa + aṇ → vṛddhi on the first syllable only → dvaiśāṇam.

dviśāṇa + yat → dviśāṇyam.

dviśāṇa + ṭhañ → luk of ṭhañ → dviśāṇam.

Applies when / blocked by. Why does the aṇ form take vṛddhi on the first syllable, not on śāṇa? Because SK 1683 excludes śāṇa from vṛddhi of the last member.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji now sums up. Thirteen affixes, ṭhañ and the rest, have been introduced. What is still awaited is their samarthavibhakti, the case of the word they are added to, and their senses. These are stated from SK 1702 onward.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the thirteen:

ṭhañ (SK 1680) and ṭhak (SK 1681);
ṭhan and yat (SK 1686), kan (SK 1687) and ḍvun (SK 1689);
ṭiṭhan (SK 1690), añ (SK 1691) and aṇ (SK 1692);
kha (SK 1697), īkan (SK 1698), yat (SK 1699) and the aṇ of this rule.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शाणात्इत्येव । चाद्यत् । तेन त्रैरूप्यम् । परिमाणान्तस्यासंज्ञाशाणयोः SK 1683 इति पर्युदासादादिवृद्धिरेव । द्वैशाणम् । द्विशाण्यम् । द्वीशाणम् । इह ठञादयस्त्रयोदश प्रत्ययाः प्रकृतास्तेषां समर्थविभक्तयोऽर्थास्चाकाङ्क्षितास्त इदानीमुच्यन्ते ॥

'śāṇāt' is still in force (ity eva). By 'ca', yat [is also brought in]. Hence three forms. Because of the exclusion (paryudāsa) [of śāṇa] in 'parimāṇāntasyāsaṃjñāśāṇayoḥ' (SK 1683), there is only vṛddhi of the first syllable (ādivṛddhi): dvaiśāṇam, dviśāṇyam, dviśāṇam. Here thirteen affixes, ṭhañ and the rest, have been introduced; their samarthavibhaktis [the case-endings of the words to which they are added] and their senses are awaited (ākāṅkṣita). These are now stated.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 293

—द्वित्रिपूर्वादण् च । वार्तिकमिदं वृत्तिकृता सूत्रेषु प्रक्षिप्तम् ॥ भाष्यादिप्रामाण्याच्छतग्रहणमिह न संबध्यत इत्याशयेनाह—शाणादित्येवेति । न्यासकृता स्वण्विधायके वार्तिके सूत्रलभ्रमेण व्याख्यातम्—‘शतशाणाभ्यां वा’ इति सूत्रयितव्ये ‘पणपाद’— इति पूर्वसूत्रे शतग्रहणं क्रियते तस्येदं फलं शतशब्दः स्वरितत्वेनानुवर्तमानोऽपि ‘शाणाद्वा’ इत्यत्रैव संबध्यते, तदुत्तरसूत्रे ‘द्वित्रिपूर्वादण् च’ इत्यत्र तु न संबध्यते, तेन शतशब्दादण् न—इति ॥ तदिदं सामर्थ्यवर्णनमण्विधायकं यदि सूत्रं स्यात् तदा संगच्छते नान्यथेत्यास्तां तावत् ॥—त्रैरूप्यमिति । तदेतदर्शयति—द्वैशाणमित्यादिना । अण्येकं, ठञो लुकि द्वितीयं, यति तृतीयम् ॥—ठञादयस्त्रयोदशेति । ननु एकादशैव प्रत्ययाः प्रकृताः सूत्रभेदेन विहितलाद्यत्प्रत्ययस्य द्विर्गणने तु द्वादशेति त्रयोदशेत्येतदुरुपपादमेव । न च ‘शूर्पादञ्चत्परस्याम्’ इत्यन्यतरस्यांग्रहणलभ्यठञमादाय त्रयोदशत्वं सूपपादमिति वाच्यम् । तुल्यन्यायेन ‘शाणाद्वा’ इति सूत्रलभ्ययङ्गञोर्ग्रहणेन पञ्चदशलप्रसङ्गात् । नापि सूत्रोपात्तैर्द्वादशभिः सह ‘द्वित्रिपूर्वादण् च’ इति वार्तिकोपात्ताण्प्रत्ययस्य गणनेन निर्वाहः । उक्तरीत्या ‘कंसाटिठन्’ इति सूत्रे ‘अर्धाच्चेति वक्तव्यं’ ‘कार्षापणाटिठन् वक्तव्यः’ इत्यादिवार्तिकोक्तटिठन्प्रत्ययस्यापि ग्रहणप्रसङ्गादिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । ‘कंसाटिठन्’ इति सूत्रस्थ एव टिठन् अर्धकार्षापणशब्दाभ्यां परामृष्ट इति न भिद्यते । ‘द्वित्रिपूर्वादण् च’ इति स वार्तिकस्थोऽण् तु भिद्यते, ‘शतमानविंशतिक’— इत्यणो दूरस्थत्वेन परामर्षुमशक्यत्वादिति

translator notes

commentary TB: this is a vārttika that the Vṛttikāra inserted among the sūtras. Relying on the Bhāṣya and other works, the kaumudī's 'śāṇād ity eva' means that 'śata' [from 'paṇapādamāṣaśatād yat', SK 1699] is not connected here; TB rejects the Nyāsa's account, which treats the vārttika as if it were a sūtra. Followed for supplying only śāṇa in sutra_en and for 'śāṇāt is still in force'.
commentary BM, printed under sk.1700.b1 (sk.1701 carries no BM block), also calls this a vārttika. By 'ca' the optional yat is gathered in, and where yat does not come ṭhañ is also got; hence three forms, with aṇ, yat and ṭhañ. Anticipating final-member vṛddhi before aṇ, the kaumudī answers with 'parimāṇāntasya…'. BM's thirteen are: ṭhañ ('prāgvateḥ', SK 1680), ṭhak ('ārhāt', SK 1681), ṭhan and yat ('śatāc ca', SK 1686), kan ('saṃkhyāyāḥ', SK 1687), ḍvun ('viṃśatitriṃśadbhyām'), ṭiṭhan ('kaṃsāt', SK 1690), añ ('śūrpāt', SK 1691), aṇ ('śatamāna…', SK 1692), kha ('viṃśatikāt khaḥ'), īkan ('khāryāḥ'), yat ('paṇapāda…', SK 1699) and the aṇ of this vārttika. 'prakṛtāḥ' means 'begun'; samarthavibhaktis are the particular case-endings, first uttered [in each rule], that qualify the word in construction, as got from 'samarthānāṃ prathamād vā' (SK 1072). Followed for 'introduced' and for the gloss on samarthavibhakti.
commentary TB: the three forms are aṇ (one), ṭhañ with luk (the second) and yat (the third). TB raises the objection that only eleven affixes have been introduced, or twelve if yat is counted twice, and replies that the aṇ of this vārttika is counted separately, because the aṇ of 'śatamānaviṃśatika…' is too far off to be referred to, whereas the vārttika ṭiṭhan after ardha and kārṣāpaṇa is the same ṭiṭhan as in 'kaṃsāṭ ṭiṭhan'. Followed for reading dviśāṇam as the ṭhañ-form with luk; the kaumudī itself does not name the affixes.
translator The luk of ṭhañ in dviśāṇam comes by 'adhyardhapūrvadvigor luk…' (SK 1693), since the word is a dvigu; the kaumudī does not name the rule, and TB says only 'ṭhañ with luk'.
textual The digital source reads 'dvīśāṇam' for the third form; NSP p. 293 reads 'dviśāṇam'. A long ī has no source here: the form is dvi-śāṇa with ṭhañ deleted by luk (TB), so no vṛddhi or lengthening applies. The translation follows NSP. The digital source also reads 'arthāscākāṅkṣitāḥ'; NSP p. 293 reads 'arthāś cākāṅkṣitāḥ', which the translation follows.

SK 1702 · A 5.1.37V

तेन क्रीतम् ॥ १७०२ ॥

tena krītam

tena krītam — 'Bought with that': [in this sense the affixes ṭhañ etc. come, as prescribed, after a third-case word (tṛtīyānta)].

Rule. After a word in the third case, tena "with that", the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "bought with that".

Example. With ṭhañ, for the bases that SK 1681 shuts out of ṭhak:

gopucchena krītam "bought with a cow's tail" → gopuccha + ṭhañ → gaupucchikam.

saptatyā krītam "bought with seventy" → saptati + ṭhañ → sāptatikam.

prasthena krītam "bought with a prastha" → prastha + ṭhañ

→ vṛddhi a → ā → ṭh → ik → the final a deleted → prāsthikam.

With ṭhak, by SK 1682:

niṣkeṇa krītam "bought with a niṣka" → niṣka + ṭhak → naiṣkikam.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators restrict the third case here. It must be the karaṇa, the instrument: the price paid. "Bought by Devadatta" takes no affix. One of them adds "bought with the hand". The affix is not used to express those senses. When usage does not express a sense by an affix, the affix does not come; this is called anabhidhāna.

Watch out. From here the chapter speaks of "the affixes as prescribed". Look back to groups A–D to find which affix a base takes. The sense-rule only adds the meaning and the case.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ठञ् । गोपुच्छेन क्रीतं गौपुच्छिकम् । साप्ततिकम् । प्रास्थिकम् । ठक् । नैष्किकम् ॥

ṭhañ: bought with a cow's tail (gopucchena krītam): gaupucchikam; sāptatikam, '[bought] with seventy'; prāsthikam, '[bought] with a prastha'. ṭhak: naiṣkikam, '[bought] with a niṣka'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 293

—तेन क्रीतम् । तेनेति तृतीयान्तात्क्रीतार्थे यथाविहितं प्रत्ययाः स्युः ॥—ठञिति । ‘आर्हात्’ इति सूत्रे ‘अगोपुच्छ’— इत्यादिपर्युदासाङ्गभावे गोपुच्छसप्ततिप्रस्थेभ्यश्च भवतीत्यर्थः ॥ ननु देवदत्तेन क्रीतं पाणिना क्रीतं संतोषेण क्रीतमित्यादावतिप्रसङ्ग इति चेत् । अत्राहुः—करणे तृतीयैवेह समर्थविभक्तिः, सापि मूल्यद्रव्यसमर्पकाच्छब्दादुत्पन्ना, न त्वन्यापि, अन्यत्र त्वनभिधानान्न प्रत्ययः ॥ एतच्च ‘तद्धिताः’ इति महासंज्ञाकरणाल्लभ्यते तेभ्यः प्रयोगेभ्यो हिता स्तद्धिता इति व्याख्यानादिति

Bālamanoramā

तेन क्रीतम् - तेन क्रीतम् । अस्मिन्नर्थे तृतीयान्ताद्यथाविहितं ठञादयः स्युरित्यर्थः । ठञिति ।उदाह्यियते इति शेषः । गौ पुच्छिकमिति ।अगोपुच्छे॑ति पर्युदासाट्ठगभावे ओत्सर्गिकष्ठञिति भावः । साप्ततिकमिति । सप्तत्या क्रीतमित्यर्थः ।अगोपुच्छसङ्ख्ये॑ति पर्युदासाट्ठगभावे ठञिति भावः । प्रास्थिकमिति । प्रस्थेन क्रीतमित्यर्थः ।अगोपुच्छसङ्ख्यापरिमाणा॑दिति पर्युदासाट्ठगभावे ठञिति भावः । ठगिति । 'उदाह्यियते' इति शेषः । नैष्किकमिति । निष्केण क्रीतमित्यर्थः ।असमासे निष्कादिभ्यः॑ इति ठगिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in this sense ṭhañ etc. come, as prescribed, after a word ending in the third case-ending (tṛtīyānta). Followed for the bracketed supplement in sutra_en.
commentary TB gives the same construal ('tena' = after a tṛtīyānta, in the sense 'bought'), and answers the objection that the affix would then wrongly arise in 'bought by Devadatta', 'bought with the hand', 'bought with satisfaction': the connecting case (samarthavibhakti) here is only the instrumental of the means (karaṇa), and only from a word conveying the substance given as price; elsewhere the affix does not come because the sense is not expressed by it (anabhidhāna), which TB derives from the explanation of the term taddhita as 'suited to (hita) those usages'. Followed in glossing the examples with 'bought with'.
commentary BM, printed under sk.1703.b1: the affixes come in the sense 'bought' only after an instrumental of a word denoting the price-substance (mūladravya), not in the sense 'bought by Devadatta', because [the sense] is not expressed (anabhidhāna), as the Bhāṣya makes clear. Followed with TB in glossing the examples with 'bought with'.
commentary BM: after 'ṭhañ' and after 'ṭhak', 'is exemplified' is to be supplied. gaupucchikam: since gopuccha is excluded (paryudāsa) from ṭhak by 'ārhād agopuccha-' (SK 1681), the general (autsargika) ṭhañ comes; sāptatikam ('bought with seventy') and prāsthikam ('bought with a prastha') likewise take ṭhañ because saṃkhyā and parimāṇa are excluded there; naiṣkikam ('bought with a niṣka') takes ṭhak by 'asamāse niṣkādibhyaḥ' (SK 1682). Followed in taking 'ṭhañ' and 'ṭhak' as headings for the examples that follow each.
commentary TB on 'ṭhañ': it comes after gopuccha, saptati and prastha because they are excluded (paryudāsa) by 'agopuccha-' in 'ārhāt' (SK 1681). Agrees with BM; followed for the grouping of the three ṭhañ examples.

SK 1703 · A 1.2.50V

इद्गोण्याः ॥ १७०३ ॥

idgoṇyāḥ

id goṇyāḥ — In place of [the final ī of] goṇī, i [is substituted, when there is luk of a taddhita].

Rule. This rule comes from Pāṇini's first book. When a taddhita undergoes luk, the final ī of goṇī "a sack" is replaced by i. That ī is the feminine affix. The rule is an apavāda of the luk of the feminine affix by luk taddhitaluki (SK 1408).

Example.

pañcabhir goṇībhiḥ krītaḥ paṭaḥ "a cloth bought with five sacks" → a dvigu pañcagoṇī

→ pañcagoṇī + ṭhak → luk of the ārhīya affix (SK 1693)

→ the ī of goṇī is replaced by i (this rule) → pañcagoṇiḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is this rule needed? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Without it, SK 1408 would remove the feminine ṅīṣ along with the taddhita. The stem would then end in a and take ṭāp, giving the wrong pañcagoṇā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

गोण्या इत्स्यात्तद्धितलुकि । लुकोऽपवादः । पञ्चभिर्गोणीभिः क्रीतः पटः पञ्चगोणिः ॥

In place of [the final ī, the feminine affix, of] goṇī, i is substituted when there is luk of a taddhita (taddhitaluki). [This is] an apavāda of luk. A cloth bought with five goṇīs (pañcabhir goṇībhiḥ krītaḥ paṭaḥ): pañcagoṇiḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 293–294

—लुकोऽपवाद इति । ‘लुकद्धितलुकि’ इति प्राप्तस्य स्त्रीप्रत्ययस्य लुकोऽपवाद इत्यर्थः ॥—पञ्चकमिति । संख्यालक्षणः कन् ॥—आश्मिकमिति । अश्मनो निमित्तमित्यर्थे ठक् ‘नस्तद्धित’ इति टिलोपः

Bālamanoramā

इद्गोण्याः - इद्गोण्याः । लुकोऽपवाद इति ।लुक्तद्धितलुकी॑ति प्राप्तस्येत्यर्थः । पञ्चगोणिरिति । आर्हीयस्य ठको लुकि स्त्रीप्रत्ययस्य इकारः । नच उपसर्जनह्रस्वत्वेनैव इदं सिद्धमिति वाच्यम्, इत्त्वविध्यभावेसुक्तद्धितलुकी॑ति ङीषो निवृत्तावदन्तत्वाट्टापि पञ्चगोणेत्यापत्तेः । मूलद्रव्यवाचिन एव तृतीयान्तात्क्रीतार्थे प्रत्यया भवन्ति, नतुदेवदत्तेन क्रीत॑मित्यर्थे, अनभिधानादिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'an apavāda of luk' means of the luk obtained by 'luk taddhitaluki' (SK 1408). In pañcagoṇiḥ, when the ārhīya ṭhak undergoes luk, the feminine affix becomes i. Objection: this is already secured by the shortening of a subordinate member (upasarjana-hrasva). Not so: without the prescription of i, the ṅīṣ would be removed by 'luk taddhitaluki', and the base, now ending in a, would take ṭāp, giving the unwanted *pañcagoṇā. Followed for '[the final ī, the feminine affix, of]' in sutra_en and k1. (The closing sentence of this BM block, on the Bhāṣya's restriction of the sense 'bought' to a third-case word denoting the price, belongs to SK 1702 and is recorded there.)
commentary TB: 'an apavāda of luk' means an apavāda of the luk of the feminine affix obtained by 'luk taddhitaluki'. Agrees with BM.
translator The kaumudī says only 'goṇyāḥ it'. By 'alo 'ntyasya' (1.1.52) only the final ī of goṇī is replaced, and BM ('strīpratyayasya ikāraḥ') identifies that ī as the feminine affix (ṅīṣ); the brackets in sutra_en and k1 supply this. The sūtra (A 1.2.50) follows 'luk taddhitaluki' (A 1.2.49), and the kaumudī's 'taddhitaluki' is presumably that condition continued by anuvṛtti; neither commentator says so.

SK 1704 · A 5.1.38V

तस्य निमित्तं संयोगोत्पातौ ॥ १७०४ ॥

tasya nimittaṃ saṃyogotpātau

tasya nimittaṃ saṃyogotpātau — [The affixes as taught come after a sixth-case word] in the sense 'the cause (nimitta) of that', when [the cause] is a connection (saṃyoga) or a portent (utpāta).

Rule. After a word in the sixth case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "the cause (nimitta) of that". The cause must be a saṃyoga or an utpāta. Bhaṭṭoji explains saṃyoga as a connection (sambandha). An utpāta is an event that signals good or ill, a portent.

Example.

śatasya nimittaṃ dhanapatisaṃyogaḥ "a connection with a rich man that is the cause of a hundred"

→ śata + ṭhan or śata + yat (SK 1686) → śatikaḥ or śatyaḥ dhanapatisaṃyogaḥ.

śatasya nimittaṃ dakṣiṇākṣispandanam "a throbbing of the right eye that portends a hundred"

→ śatikam or śatyam dakṣiṇākṣispandanam.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the two examples. The connection is contact such as serving the rich man as his priest. A portent is a "cause" only in that it indicates what will come.

Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas add bases. A vārttika that adds to a rule's scope in this way is called an upasaṃkhyāna.

Vātapittaśleṣmabhyaḥ śamanakopanayor upasaṃkhyānam: after vāta "wind", pitta "bile" and śleṣman "phlegm", in the sense "what allays or aggravates it". vātasya śamanaṃ kopanaṃ vā → vātikam. Likewise paittikam and ślaiṣmikam. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the affix is the ārhīya ṭhak.
Saṃnipātāc ceti vaktavyam: also after saṃnipāta, the combined disorder of all three. So sāṃnipātikam.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

संयोगः संबन्धः । उत्पातः - शुभाशुभसूचकः । शतिकः-शत्यो वा धनपतिसंयोगः । शतिकं शत्यं वा दक्षिणाक्षिस्पन्दनम् । शतस्य निमित्तमित्यर्थः ।

saṃyoga is connection (sambandha). utpāta is [an occurrence] that indicates [something] auspicious or inauspicious. śatikaḥ or śatyaḥ dhanapatisaṃyogaḥ, 'a connection with a wealthy man [that is the cause of a hundred]'. śatikam or śatyam dakṣiṇākṣispandanam, 'a throbbing of the right eye [that is the cause of a hundred]'. The meaning is 'the cause of a hundred'.

vārttika

वातपित्तश्लेष्मभ्यः शमनकोपनयोरुपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) vātapittaśleṣmabhyaḥ śamanakopanayor upasaṃkhyānam — After vāta ('wind'), pitta ('bile') and śleṣman ('phlegm'), [the affix] is to be additionally stated (upasaṃkhyāna) in the sense of allaying (śamana) or aggravating (kopana) [them].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वातस्य शमनं कोपनं वा वातिकम् । पैत्तिकम् । श्लैष्मिकम् ।

vātasya śamanaṃ kopanaṃ vā, 'what allays or aggravates wind': vātikam. paittikam. ślaiṣmikam.

vārttika

संनिपाताच्चेति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) saṃnipātāc ceti vaktavyam — It should be stated: 'also after saṃnipāta'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सान्निपातिकम् ॥

sāṃnipātikam.

Bālamanoramā

तस्य निमित्तं संयोगोत्पातौ - तस्य निमित्तम् । तस्य निमित्तं संयोग उत्पातो वेत्यर्थे यथाविहितं षष्ठन्ताट्ठञादयः स्युरित्यर्थः । शत्यः शतिको वेति । शतस्य निमित्तमित्यर्थः ।शताच्चे॑ति यट्ठनौ ।धनपतिसंयोग इति । याजनशुश्रूषादिसम्पर्क इत्यर्थः । उत्पाते उदाहरति — शत्यं शतिकं वा दक्षिणाक्षिस्पन्दनमिति । शतस्य निमित्तमित्यर्थः । सूचकत्वमेवात्र निमित्तत्वमिति भावः । उपसङ्ख्यानमिति । 'आर्हीयस्य ठक्' इति शेषः । कोपनं-वृद्धिः । संन्निपाताच्चेति ।तस्य निमित्तं संयोगोत्पातौ॑ इत्यर्थे ठ॑गिति शेषः । सान्निपातिकमिति । सन्निपातो — वाततित्तश्लेष्मणां दोषाणां सङ्कर इति वैद्यके प्रसिद्ध । तस्य निमित्तं — सान्निपातिकम्, ज्वरप्रकोपादौ अपथ्यभक्षणादिसंयोगः, संनिपातसूचकं जिह्वाकाष्ण्र्यादि च ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in the sense 'the cause of that, being a connection or a portent', the affixes ṭhañ etc. come as taught after a sixth-case word. Followed for the bracketed supplement in sutra_en.
commentary BM: śatyaḥ and śatikaḥ mean 'the cause of a hundred', with yat and ṭhan by 'śatāc ca ṭhanyatāv aśate' (SK 1686); the connection with a wealthy man is contact such as officiating as his priest or serving him (yājanaśuśrūṣādisamparka); in the portent example, being the cause (nimittatva) consists only in being an indicator (sūcakatva). Followed for the bracketed glosses '[that is the cause of a hundred]'.
commentary BM: with this upasaṃkhyāna 'the ārhīya ṭhak' is to be supplied; kopana means increase (vṛddhi). Followed for '[the affix]' and 'aggravating'.
commentary BM: after saṃnipāta, ṭhak is to be supplied in the sense 'tasya nimittaṃ saṃyogotpātau'. saṃnipāta is, as known in medicine (vaidyaka), the combined disorder of the three doṣas, wind, bile and phlegm; its 'cause' (sāṃnipātikam) is a connection such as eating unwholesome food that aggravates fever and the like, or a sign indicating saṃnipāta such as blackness of the tongue.
textual The source prints the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' with a double daṇḍa at the head of k3 and of k5, closing the vārttikas in k2 and k4. NSP p. 293 (scan) has no such tags; it marks the vārttikas with its own sign. The tags are left untranslated, and k3 and k5 are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1705 · A 5.1.39V

गोद्व्यचोऽसंख्यापरिमाणाश्वादेर्यत् ॥ १७०५ ॥

godvyaco'saṃkhyāparimāṇāśvāderyat

godvyaco 'saṃkhyāparimāṇāśvāder yat — After go and after [a word] of two vowels (dvyac), but not after a numeral (saṃkhyā), a measure (parimāṇa) or aśva etc., yat [comes in the sense 'the cause (nimitta) of that, namely a connection or a portent'].

Rule. In the sense "the cause of that", yat comes after go "cow" and after a word of two vowels (dvyac). It does not come after a numeral, a measure, or aśva "horse" and the other words of its list. Yat here is an apavāda of ṭhak.

Example.

gor nimittaṃ saṃyoga utpāto vā "a connection or portent that is the cause of a cow" → go + yat

→ o → av before the y (SK 63) → gavyaḥ.

Words of two vowels: dhanyaḥ "the cause of wealth", yaśasyaḥ "of fame", svargyaḥ "of heaven".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "go and a word of two vowels"? Vijaya "victory" has three vowels, so it takes ṭhak: vijayasya nimittam → vaijayikaḥ.

Why "not after a numeral" and the rest? Each such base keeps its own affix:

numerals take kan: pañcānāṃ nimittam → pañcakam; saptakam.
measures take ṭhañ or their special affix: prāsthikam; khārīkam (SK 1698).
the aśva list takes ṭhak: āśvikam. Another word of that list is aśman "stone": aśman + ṭhak → the ṭi an is deleted (SK 679) → vṛddhi → āśmikam.

A vārttika adds brahmavarcasa "spiritual lustre": brahmavarcasād upasaṃkhyānam. So brahmavarcasyam.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

गोर्निमित्तं संयोग उत्पातो वा गव्यः । द्व्यचः । धन्यः । यशस्यः । स्वर्ग्यः । गोद्व्यचः किम् । विजयस्य वैजयिकः । असंख्या इत्यादि किम् । पञ्चानां पञकम् । सप्तकम् । प्रास्थिकम् । खारीकम् । अश्वादि- आश्विकम् । आस्मिकम् ।

The cause of a cow, [whether] a connection or a portent (gor nimittaṃ saṃyoga utpāto vā): gavyaḥ. [After a word] of two vowels: dhanyaḥ, yaśasyaḥ, svargyaḥ. Why [does the sūtra say] 'go' and 'dvyac'? [Consider] 'of victory' (vijayasya [nimittam]): vaijayikaḥ. Why 'not after a numeral' etc.? 'Of five' (pañcānām): pañcakam; saptakam; prāsthikam; khārīkam. aśva etc.: āśvikam, āśmikam.

vārttika

ब्रह्मवर्चसादुपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) brahmavarcasād upasaṃkhyānam — [yat] is to be additionally enumerated (upasaṃkhyāna) after brahmavarcasa.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ब्रह्मवर्चस्यम् ॥

brahmavarcasyam.

Bālamanoramā

गोद्व्यचोरसंख्यापरिमाणाश्वादेर्यत् - गोद्व्यचः । तस्य निमित्तं संयोग उत्पातो वेत्यर्थे गोशब्दात्,द्व्यश्च षष्ठन्ताद्यत्प्रत्ययः स्यात्, नतु सङ्ख्यायाः परिमाणादआआदेश्चेत्यर्थः । ठकोऽपवादः । द्व्यचेति । 'उदाह्यियते' इति शेषः । धन्य इत्यादि । धनस्य यशसः स्वर्गस्य च निमित्तमित्यर्थः । विजयस्येति ।निमित्त॑मिति शेषः । वैजयिक इति । आर्हीयष्ठक् । पञ्चानामिति ।निमित्त॑मिति शेषः । पञ्चकमिति । 'सङ्ख्यायाः' इति कन् । सप्तकमिति । सप्तानां निमित्तमित्यर्थः । प्रास्थिकमिति । प्रस्थस्य निमित्तमित्यर्थः ।आर्हा॑दिति ठग्विधौ परिमाणपर्युदासात् प्राग्वतीयष्ठञ् । खारीकमिति । खार्या निमित्तमित्यर्थः । आर्हीयष्ठरक् । आश्मकमिति । अश्मनो निमित्तमित्यर्थः । आर्हीयष्ठक् । 'नस्तद्धिते' इति टिलोपः ।ब्राहृवर्चसादिति । 'गोद्व्यचः' इति सूत्रेब्राहृवर्चसाच्चे॑ति वक्तव्यमित्यर्थः । ब्राहृवर्चस्यमिति । ब्राहृवर्चस्य निमित्तमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in the sense 'the cause of that, a connection or a portent' (from 'tasya nimittaṃ saṃyogotpātau', SK 1704), yat comes after go and after a dvyac word in the genitive (ṣaṣṭhyanta), but not after a numeral, a measure or aśva etc.; it is an exception (apavāda) to ṭhak. Followed for the bracketed sense in sutra_en, supplied by anuvṛtti from SK 1704.
commentary BM: after 'dvyacaḥ' supply 'is exemplified'; dhanyaḥ etc. mean the cause of wealth, fame and heaven; with vijayasya and pañcānām supply 'nimittam'. vaijayikaḥ has the ārhīya ṭhak; pañcakam has kan by 'saṃkhyāyāḥ' (SK 1687); saptakam means the cause of seven; prāsthikam, the cause of a prastha, has the prāgvatīya ṭhañ because parimāṇa is excluded in the ṭhak rule 'ārhāt' (SK 1681); khārīkam means the cause of a khārī; the form whose pratīka BM prints as 'āśmakam' means the cause of a stone, with the ārhīya ṭhak and ṭi-lopa by 'nas taddhite' (on the form this yields, see the textual note). BM glosses the vārttika as 'in the sūtra godvyacaḥ, brahmavarcasāc ca is to be stated', and brahmavarcasyam as the cause of brahmavarcasa. Followed for supplying 'nimittam' with the genitives in k1 and for '[yat]' in k2.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1703.t1 (this unit carries no TB block): on pañcakam, kan by the numeral rule (saṃkhyālakṣaṇa); on āśmikam, ṭhak in the sense 'the cause of a stone', with ṭi-lopa by 'nas taddhite'. Followed for reading āśmikam as a ṭhak form from aśman.
textual The source reads 'pañakam' and 'āsmikam'; NSP p. 294 reads 'pañcānāṃ pañcakam' and 'āśmikam'. 'pañakam' is not a possible form of pañcan, and 'āsmikam' cannot come from aśman, whereas āśmikam is the form TB (under sk.1703.t1) names and BM's derivation (ṭhak with ṭi-lopa) yields. Translated as pañcakam and āśmikam.
textual The source prints the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' with a double daṇḍa at the head of k3, closing the vārttika in k2; it is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1706 · A 5.1.40V

पुत्राच्छ च ॥ १७०६ ॥

putrāccha ca

putrāc cha ca — And after putra, cha [comes, in the sense of SK 1704, besides yat].

Rule. After putra "son", cha comes in the sense "the cause of that". By ca, yat also comes. Cha is heard as īya (SK 475) and brings no vṛddhi.

Example.

putrasya nimittam → putra + cha → ch → īy → the final a deleted → putrīyaḥ.

putra + yat → putryaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why the rule is stated. SK 1705 would give putra, a word of two vowels, yat alone.

Watch out. A rite for a son is called putrīyā iṣṭiḥ. But is a rite a connection or a portent? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer that saṃyoga can mean "that by which one is joined". By the rite, the sacrificer is joined with its fruit, a son.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चाद्यत् । पुत्रीयः । पुत्र्यः ॥

By [the word] ca, yat [also comes]. putrīyaḥ [with cha]; putryaḥ [with yat].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 294

—पुत्राञ्छ च । ‘गोद्यचः’ इति नित्यं यति प्राप्ते वचनम् ॥ कथं पुत्रीयः क्रतुरिति । नहि क्रतुः संयोगो नाप्युत्पात इति चेत् ॥ अत्राह हरदत्तः । संयुज्यतेऽनेनेति व्युत्पत्त्या क्रतुपि संयोग एव, यागकरणेन हि पुरुषः फलेन संयुज्यते अतो यागादिरपि संयोगो, न केवलं संवन्ध एवेत्याग्रह इति

Bālamanoramā

पुत्राच्छ च - पुत्राच्छ च । तस्य निमित्तमित्येव । कथं तर्हिआरेभिरे यतात्मानः पुत्रीयामिष्टिमृत्विजः॑ इति । नहीष्टिः संयोग उत्पातो वा । उच्यते — संयुज्यतेऽनेनेति संयोगः इष्टया हि पुत्रेणफलेन युज्यते यष्टा ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tasya nimittam' (SK 1704) holds all the same. BM then asks how the usage 'ārebhire yatātmānaḥ putrīyām iṣṭim ṛtvijaḥ' ('the self-controlled priests began the son-producing sacrifice') is possible, since a sacrifice is neither a connection nor a portent, and answers that saṃyoga means 'that by which one is joined': through the sacrifice the sacrificer is joined with the fruit, a son. Followed for the bracketed sense in sutra_en.
commentary TB: the rule is stated because yat was obtained obligatorily by 'godvyacaḥ …' (SK 1705). TB then asks how putrīyaḥ kratuḥ is possible, since a rite is neither a connection nor a portent, and cites Haradatta: by the derivation 'that by which one is joined' (saṃyujyate 'nena) a rite too is a saṃyoga, for by performing the sacrifice a man is joined with its fruit; one need not insist that saṃyoga is only a connection (sambandha) [in the narrow sense]. Followed, with the kaumudī's 'cād yat', for 'besides yat' in sutra_en and for the labels in k1.

SK 1707 · A 5.1.41V

सर्वभूमिपृथिवीभ्यामणञौ ॥ १७०७ ॥

sarvabhūmipṛthivībhyāmaṇañau

sarvabhūmipṛthivībhyām aṇañau — After sarvabhūmi and pṛthivī, aṇ and añ [respectively, in the sense 'its cause (nimitta), being a connection or a portent'].

Rule. After sarvabhūmi "the whole earth", aṇ comes. After pṛthivī "the earth", añ comes. The sense is still "the cause of that". The two affixes go with the two bases in order.

Example.

sarvabhūmer nimittaṃ saṃyoga utpāto vā → sarvabhūmi + aṇ

→ sarvabhūmi is read in the anuśatikādi list, so both members take vṛddhi (SK 1438): a → ā, ū → au

→ the final i deleted → sārvabhaumaḥ.

pṛthivyā nimittam → pṛthivī + añ → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → the final ī deleted → pārthivaḥ.

Watch out. This rule is an apavāda that carries its own heading. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is why SK 1680 had to be a heading. After such a break, ṭhañ must return.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सर्वभूमेर्निमित्तं संयोग उत्पातो वा सार्वभौमः । पार्थिवः । सर्वभूमिशब्दोऽनुशतिकादिषु पद्यते ॥

A connection (saṃyoga) or a portent (utpāta) that is the cause (nimitta) of the whole earth (sarvabhūmi): sārvabhaumaḥ. [From pṛthivī:] pārthivaḥ. The word sarvabhūmi is read in the anuśatikādi list [hence vṛddhi of both members].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 294

—सर्वभूमि—। आभ्यां यथासंख्यमणऔ स्तः

Bālamanoramā

सर्वभूमिपृथिवीभ्यामणञौ - सर्वभूमि । तस्य निमित्तमित्येव । सर्वभूमि, पृथिवी — आभ्यां यथासङ्ख्यमणञौ स्तः । सार्वभौम इति । ठञोऽपवादोऽण् । पार्थिव इति । पृथिव्या निमित्तं संयोग उत्पातो वेत्यर्थः । स्त्रिया पार्थिवी । सार्वभौमशब्दे कथमुभयपदवृद्धिरित्यत आह — अनुशतिकादिषु पठत इति । तथाचअनुशतिकादीनां चे॑त्युभयपदवृद्धिरिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tasya nimittam' (SK 1704) is carried forward. aṇ and añ come after sarvabhūmi and pṛthivī respectively (yathāsaṃkhyam); in sārvabhaumaḥ, aṇ is an apavāda of ṭhañ. pārthivaḥ = pṛthivyā nimittaṃ saṃyoga utpāto vā; feminine pārthivī. The remark on the anuśatikādi list answers how both members take vṛddhi: by 'anuśatikādīnāṃ ca' (SK 1438). Followed for the sense in sutra_en, for the respective pairing, and for the bracketed '[hence vṛddhi of both members]'.
commentary TB: aṇ and añ come respectively (yathāsaṃkhyam) after the two. TB, printed under sk.1678.t1 (on 'prāg vateṣ ṭhañ'), names this sūtra, with 'śīrṣacchedād yac ca' and others, as an apavāda standing within the ṭhañ section that is itself a heading (adhikāravān); the word 'prāgvateḥ' is used so that even after the break such rules make, ṭhañ alone comes in 'pārāyaṇa…' (SK 1736) and the rest. Agrees with BM; recorded.
textual The source reads 'padyate'; the NSP 1915 print (p. 294) reads 'paṭhyate' ('is read'), and BM's pratīka has 'paṭhata iti'. Translated as paṭhyate.

SK 1708 · A 5.1.42V

तस्येश्वरः ॥ १७०८ ॥

tasyeśvaraḥ

tasyeśvaraḥ — [After sarvabhūmi and pṛthivī, aṇ and añ respectively,] in the sense 'lord (īśvara) of that'.

Rule. The same aṇ and añ come after sarvabhūmi and pṛthivī, in the sense "lord (īśvara) of that". The base is in the sixth case. Bhaṭṭoji gives no comment of his own here; the example is under SK 1709.

Example.

sarvabhūmer īśvaraḥ "lord of the whole earth" → sarvabhūmi + aṇ → sārvabhaumaḥ.

pṛthivyā īśvaraḥ "lord of the earth" → pṛthivī + añ → pārthivaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The word tasya is available from SK 1704, yet it is stated again. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the reason. Restating it cuts off the sense "cause". Otherwise "lord" might be read as one more kind of cause, beside connection and portent.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 294

—तस्येश्वरः । ‘तस्य निमित्तम्—’ इत्यतोऽनुवृत्त्यैव सिद्धे पुनः ‘तस्य’ इति निर्देशो निमित्तरूपप्रत्ययार्थस्य निवृत्तये । अन्यथा हि संयोगोत्पाताविवेश्वरोऽपि प्रत्ययार्थस्य विशेषणं संभाव्येत

Bālamanoramā

तस्येश्वरः - तस्येआरः ।

translator notes

commentary TB: although 'tasya' would be available by anuvṛtti from 'tasya nimittaṃ saṃyogotpātau' (SK 1704), it is restated in order to discontinue the suffix-meaning 'cause' (nimitta); otherwise īśvara too might be taken as a qualifier of the suffix-meaning, like connection (saṃyoga) and portent. Followed in sutra_en, which gives the sense as 'lord of that' without 'cause'.
commentary BM, printed under sk.1709.b1: 'tasyeśvaraḥ' and 'tatra vidita iti ca' are two sūtras. 'sarvabhūmipṛthivībhyām' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) into both, while 'tasya nimittaṃ saṃyogotpātau' is discontinued because 'tasya' is stated again; aṇ and añ come after a sixth-case word in the sense 'lord of that'. Followed for the bracket in sutra_en.
textual The kaumudī gives no text under this sūtra; its examples (sarvabhūmer īśvaraḥ sārvabhaumaḥ, pārthivaḥ) are given jointly under SK 1709. The NSP 1915 print (p. 294) likewise sets 1708 with no kaumudī text.

SK 1709 · A 5.1.43V

तत्र विदित इति च ॥ १७०९ ॥

tatra vidita iti ca

tatra vidita iti ca — And in the sense 'known in that' [aṇ and añ come after sarvabhūmi and pṛthivī respectively].

Rule. The same affixes come after a word in the seventh case, tatra "in that", in the sense "known in that".

Example.

sarvabhūmau viditaḥ "known in the whole earth" → sarvabhūmi + aṇ → sārvabhaumaḥ.

pṛthivyāṃ viditaḥ "known on earth" → pārthivaḥ.

So sārvabhaumaḥ can mean "lord of the whole earth" (SK 1708) or "known in it" (this rule).

Applies when / blocked by. Why are SK 1708 and 1709 two sūtras? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give two reasons. As one rule, the two senses might be paired one-to-one with the two bases. And only "known in that" is to carry into the next rule. The pairing of bases with affixes from SK 1707 still holds.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सर्वभूमेरीश्वरः सर्वभूमौ विदितो वा सार्वभौमः । पार्थिवः ॥

sarvabhūmer īśvaraḥ, 'lord of the whole earth', or sarvabhūmau viditaḥ, 'known in the whole earth': sārvabhaumaḥ. [Likewise] pārthivaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 294

—तत्र विदित इति च । योगविभाग उत्तरार्थो यथासंख्यनिवृत्त्यर्थश्च

Bālamanoramā

तत्र विदित इति च - तत्र विदित इति च । सूत्रद्वयमिदम् । सर्वभूमिपृथिवीभ्यामित्यनुवर्तते ।तस्य निमित्तं संयोगात्पाता॑विति तु निवृत्तम्, पुनस्तस्येत्युक्तेः । तस्येआर इत्यर्थे षष्ठन्तात्, तत्र विदित इत्यर्थे तु सप्तम्यन्तादणञौ स्त इत्यर्थः । योगविभागो यथासङ्ख्यनिवृत्त्यर्थः, उत्तरसूत्रे 'तत्र विदित' इत्यस्यैवानुवृत्त्यर्थश्च ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tasyeśvaraḥ' (SK 1708) and this are two sūtras. 'sarvabhūmipṛthivībhyām' (SK 1707) is carried forward (anuvṛtti) into both; 'tasya nimittaṃ saṃyogotpātau' (SK 1704) ceases, because 'tasya' is stated again. aṇ and añ come after a sixth-case word in the sense 'lord of that' and after a seventh-case word in the sense 'known in that'. The rule is split (yogavibhāga) to stop a one-to-one pairing (yathāsaṃkhya) and so that only 'tatra vidita' carries into the next sūtra. Followed for the bracketed supplement in sutra_en and for reading k1 as covering both senses.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1708.t1: 'tasya' is repeated in 'tasyeśvaraḥ', although it would follow by anuvṛtti from 'tasya nimittam…', in order to stop the affix-sense 'cause' (nimitta), since otherwise 'lord' too might be taken as a qualifier of the affix-sense, like 'connection' (saṃyoga) and 'portent'. TB (sk.1709.t1): the split is for the sake of the next rule and to stop yathāsaṃkhya. Followed.
translator sk.1708 ('tasyeśvaraḥ') has no kaumudī of its own; the first analysis here (sarvabhūmer īśvaraḥ) illustrates that sūtra, the second (sarvabhūmau viditaḥ) this one. The vṛddhi in both members of sārvabhaumaḥ is accounted for at SK 1707 (sarvabhūmi is in the anuśatikādi list).

SK 1710 · A 5.1.44V

लोकसर्वलोकाट्ठञ् ॥ १७१० ॥

lokasarvalokāṭṭhañ

lokasarvalokāṭ ṭhañ — After loka and sarvaloka, ṭhañ [in the sense 'known in that'].

Rule. After loka "the world" and sarvaloka "the whole world", ṭhañ comes in the sense "known in that".

Example.

lokeṣu viditaḥ "known in the world" → loka + ṭhañ → vṛddhi o → au → laukikaḥ.

sarvaloka + ṭhañ → sarvaloka is in the anuśatikādi list, so both members take vṛddhi (SK 1438)

→ sārvalaukikaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the sense is "known in that" only. Because of the split at SK 1708–1709, "lord of that" does not reach this rule.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तत्र विदितः इत्यर्थे । लौकिकः । अनुशतिकादित्वादुभयपदवृद्धिः । सार्वलौकिकः ॥

In the sense 'known in that' (tatra viditaḥ). laukikaḥ. [From sarvaloka,] because it belongs to the anuśatikādi list, both members take vṛddhi: sārvalaukikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

लोकसर्वलोकाट्ठञ् - लोकसर्व । तत्र विदित इत्यर्थं इति । योगविभागसामर्थ्यात्तस्येआर इति नानुवर्तत इति भावः । लौकिक इति । लोकेषु विदित इत्यर्थः । सर्वलोकशब्दे विशेषमाह — अनुशतिकादित्वादिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sense is 'known in that' because, by the force of the split of the rule (yogavibhāga) between SK 1708 and SK 1709, 'tasyeśvaraḥ' is not carried forward here. laukikaḥ = lokeṣu viditaḥ. BM marks the anuśatikādi remark as the special point for sarvaloka. Followed for restricting the sense to 'known in that' in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1709.t1: the split of 'tasyeśvaraḥ' and 'tatra vidita iti ca' serves the following sūtra (uttarārtha) and stops the respective pairing (yathāsaṃkhya). Agrees with BM that only 'tatra viditaḥ' continues here.

SK 1711 · A 5.1.45V

तस्य वापः ॥ १७११ ॥

tasya vāpaḥ

tasya vāpaḥ — [After a word in the sixth case, the affixes as prescribed come] in the sense 'the sowing-ground of that [as the thing sown]' (tasya vāpaḥ).

Rule. After a word in the sixth case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "the sowing-ground (vāpa) of that". Bhaṭṭoji explains vāpa as a field: "that in which [seed] is sown".

Example.

prasthasya vāpaḥ "a field for sowing a prastha of seed" → prastha is a measure, so ṭhañ → prāsthikam.

droṇasya vāpaḥ → droṇa is in the niṣka list, so ṭhak (SK 1682) → drauṇikam.

khāryā vāpaḥ → īkan (SK 1698) → khārīkam.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the sixth case here names the thing sown, not the sower. So "Devadatta's sowing-field" (devadattasya vāpaḥ) takes no affix.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उप्यते अस्मिन्निति वापः क्षेत्रम् । प्रस्थस्य वापः प्रास्थिकम् । द्रौणिकम् । खारीकम् ॥

vāpa [means] a field, [analysed as] 'that in which [seed] is sown' (upyate 'smin). The sowing-ground of a prastha [of seed] (prasthasya vāpaḥ): prāsthikam. [Likewise] drauṇikam, khārīkam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 294

—तस्य वापः । ‘तस्य’ इति वापापेक्षया कर्मणि षष्ठीत्याह—प्रस्थस्येति । कर्तरि षष्ठ्यां तु देवदत्तस्य वापः क्षेत्रमित्यादौ स्यादिति भावः ॥—खारीकमिति । ‘खार्या ईकन्’

Bālamanoramā

तस्य वापः - तस्य वापः । अस्मिन्नर्थे षष्ठन्ताद्यथाविहितं टञादयः स्युरित्यर्थः । प्रास्थिकमिति । प्रस्थपरिमितबीजवापयोग्यं क्षेत्रमित्यर्थः ।आर्हा॑दिति ठग्विधौ परिमाणपर्युदासात् प्राग्वतीष्ठञ् । द्रौणिकमिति । निष्कादित्वाट्ठक् । खारीकमिति । खार्या ईकन् । द्रोणस्य खार्याश्च वाप इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in this sense ṭhañ and the rest come as prescribed after a word in the sixth case. Followed for the bracket in sutra_en.
commentary BM: prāsthikam is a field fit for sowing seed measured by a prastha; since ṭhak is barred for measures (parimāṇa) in 'ārhāt …' (SK 1681), the prāgvatīya ṭhañ (SK 1680) comes. drauṇikam has ṭhak because droṇa belongs to the niṣkādi list (SK 1682); khārīkam has īkan by 'khāryā īkan' (SK 1698); these are analysed 'droṇasya vāpaḥ', 'khāryā vāpaḥ'. Followed for 'a prastha [of seed]' as the sense of prasthasya vāpaḥ; the kaumudī gives the two later forms without analysis.
commentary TB: 'tasya' is a sixth case in the objective sense (karmaṇi ṣaṣṭhī) relative to vāpa, which is why the kaumudī says 'prasthasya'; if the sixth case of the agent were taken, the affix would come in 'devadattasya vāpaḥ kṣetram' and the like. khārīkam by 'khāryā īkan'. Followed for construing prasthasya as the thing sown, not the sower.

SK 1712 · A 5.1.46V

पात्रात् ष्ठन् ॥ १७१२ ॥

pātrāt ṣṭhan

pātrāt ṣṭhan — After pātra, ṣṭhan [in the sense 'the sowing-ground of that'].

Rule. After pātra, a measure of seed, ṣṭhan comes in the sense "the sowing-ground of that". Ṣṭhan is heard as ika. It brings no vṛddhi. Its ṣ is a marker, so the feminine takes ṅīṣ (SK 498).

Example.

pātrasya vāpaḥ kṣetram "a field for sowing a pātra of seed" → pātra + ṣṭhan

→ ṭh → ik → the final a deleted → pātrikam.

Feminine: pātrika + ṅīṣ → pātrikī kṣetrabhaktiḥ "a portion of field sown with a pātra".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पात्रस्य वापः क्षेत्रं पात्रिकम्-पात्रिकी क्षेत्रभक्तिः ॥

A field that is the sowing-ground (vāpa) of a pātra [of seed]: pātrikam; [feminine] pātrikī kṣetrabhaktiḥ, 'a portion of field [sown with a pātra]'.

Bālamanoramā

पात्रात् ष्ठन् - पात्रात् ष्ठन् । तस्य वाप इत्येव । पात्रिकमिति । पात्रस्य वाप इत्यर्थः । षित्त्वं ङीषर्थमित्याह — पात्रिकीति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tasya vāpaḥ' (SK 1711) is carried forward; pātrikam = pātrasya vāpaḥ. The ṣ of ṣṭhan is for ṅīṣ in the feminine, which the kaumudī shows with pātrikī. Followed for the sense in sutra_en and for treating pātrikī as the feminine.

SK 1713 · A 5.1.47V

तदस्मिन् वृद्ध्यायलाभशुल्कोपदा दीयते ॥ १७१३ ॥

tadasmin vṛddhyāyalābhaśulkopadā dīyate

tad asmin vṛddhyāyalābhaśulkopadā dīyate — [The affixes come after a first-case word, 'that',] in the sense 'that is given in this' as interest (vṛddhi), revenue (āya), profit (lābha), duty (śulka) or bribe (upadā).

Rule. After a word in the first case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "that is given in this". What is given must be one of five things. Bhaṭṭoji defines each:

vṛddhi (interest) is what the creditor receives over the principal;
āya (revenue) is the owner's share from villages and the like;
lābha (profit) is what the seller receives over the price;
śulka (duty) is the king's share, the payment for protection;
upadā is a bribe.

The verb dīyate "is given" is singular. Bhaṭṭoji explains that it is connected with each noun in turn: "interest is given", "revenue is given", and so on.

Example.

pañcāsmin vṛddhir āyo lābhaḥ śulka upadā vā dīyate "in which five is given as interest, revenue, profit, duty or bribe"

→ pañcan + kan (SK 1687) → pañcakaḥ.

With a hundred: śatikaḥ or śatyaḥ (SK 1686). With a thousand: sāhasraḥ (aṇ, SK 1692).

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds the sense of the fourth case: caturthyarthe upasaṃkhyānam. So pañcāsmai vṛddhyādir dīyate "to whom five is given as interest etc." → pañcako devadattaḥ.

Or else, Bhaṭṭoji says, the vārttika is not needed. The receiver can be spoken of as a place, a locus. Compare samam abrāhmaṇe dānam "a gift to a non-brāhmaṇa is equal", where the receiver stands in the seventh case.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वृद्धिर्दीयत इत्यादि क्रमेण प्रत्येकं संबन्धादेकवचनम् । पञ्चास्मिन् वृद्धिः आयः लाभः शुल्कमुपदा वा दीयते पञ्चकः । शतिकः-शत्यः । साहस्रः । उत्तमर्णेन मूलातिरिक्तं ग्राह्यं वृद्धिः । ग्रामादिषु स्वामिग्राह्यो भाग आयः । विक्रेत्रा मूल्यादधिकग्राह्यं लाभः । रक्षानिर्वेशो राजभागः शुल्कः । उत्कोच उपदा ।

The singular [in 'dīyate'] is because [the verb] is connected with each [noun] in turn: 'vṛddhi is given', and so on. Pañcāsmin vṛddhir āyo lābhaḥ śulka upadā vā dīyate, 'in which five is given as interest, revenue, profit, duty or bribe': pañcakaḥ. Śatikaḥ, śatyaḥ. Sāhasraḥ. Vṛddhi is what is to be received by the creditor over and above the principal. Āya is the share to be received by the owner from villages and the like. Lābha is what is to be received by the seller over and above the price. Śulka is the king's share, the payment for protection (rakṣānirveśa). Upadā is a bribe (utkoca).

vārttika

चतुर्थ्यर्थ उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) caturthyarthe upasaṃkhyānam — An additional statement (upasaṃkhyāna) [is needed for this affix] in the sense of the fourth case.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पञ्चास्मै वृद्ध्यादिर्दीयते पञ्चको देवदत्तः । सममब्राह्मणे दानमितिवदधिकरणत्वविवक्षा वा ॥

Pañcāsmai vṛddhyādir dīyate, 'to whom five is given as interest and so on': pañcako devadattaḥ. Or else [the vārttika is not needed, since] the relation of locus (adhikaraṇatva) is intended [for the recipient], as in 'samam abrāhmaṇe dānam', 'a gift to a non-brāhmaṇa is equal [in merit]'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 294

—तदस्मिन्—। प्रथमासमर्थात् अस्मिन् इति सप्तम्यर्थे यथाविहितं प्रत्ययो भवति । शुल्कग्रहणं प्रपञ्चार्थं, तस्याप्यायविशेषणत्वात् । तथा च ‘ठगायस्थानेभ्यः’ इति ठग् भवति शौल्कशालिक इति हरदत्तः ॥—उपदा दीयत इति । जसः सस्य रुत्वे यत्वे च यलोपः ॥—साहस्र इति । ‘शतमान—’ इत्यादिनाण् ॥—रक्षानिर्वेश इति । निर्वेशो भृतिः । रक्षानिमित्तको निर्वेशो रक्षानिर्वेशः । संवन्धषष्ठ्या समासः ॥—सममित्यादि । एवं च संप्रदानस्यैवाधिकरणत्वविवक्षयेष्टसिद्धौ उपसंख्यानं नादर्तव्यमिति भावः

Bālamanoramā

तदस्मिन् वृद्ध्यायलाभशुल्कोपदा दीयते - तदस्मिन् । वृद्धि, आय, लाभ, शुल्क, उपदा एषां द्वन्द्वात्प्रथमाबहुवचनम् । ननु तर्हि दीयत इति कथमेकवचनमित्यत आह — वृद्धिर्दीयत इत्यादि क्रेमेणेति । एवंच तदस्मिन्वृद्धिर्दीयते, तदस्मिन् आयो दीयते, तदस्मिन् लाभो दीयते, तदस्मिन् शुल्को दीयते, इत्यर्थेषु प्रतमान्ताद्यथाविहितं ठञादयः स्युरित्यर्थः । पञ्चक इति । 'सङ्ख्यायाः' इति कन् । शतिकः । शत्य इति । शतमस्मिन्वृद्धिः, आयः, लाभः, शुल्कः, उपदा वा दीयते इति विग्रहः ।शताच्च ठन्यतौ॑ । साहरुआ इति । सहरुआमस्मिन्दीयते इत्यादि विग्रहः ।शतमानसहरुओ॑त्यण् । रक्षानिर्वेश इति । रक्षा=प्रजापरिपालनम्, तदर्थे निर्वेशः=भृतिः रक्षानिर्वेशः । उत्कोचेति ।मह्रं किञ्चिद्दत्तं चेत्तव राजद्वारेऽनुरकूलो भवामी॑त्यादि समयं कृत्वा यद्गृह्रते तदुत्कोच इत्युच्यत इत्यर्थः ।चतुथ्र्यर्थ इति । तदस्मै वृद्ध्यादि दीयते इत्युपसंख्यातव्यमित्यर्थः । सममब्राआहृणे इति । एवंच सम्प्रदानस्यैवाधिकरणत्वविवक्षया इष्टसिद्धेरुपसह्ख्यानमिदं नादर्तव्यमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: vṛddhi, āya, lābha, śulka and upadā form a dvandva in the first-case plural, which raises the question of the singular 'dīyate', answered by the kaumudī: the senses are 'that is given in this as vṛddhi', 'as āya', and so on, and the affixes come as taught after a first-case word. pañcakaḥ takes kan by 'saṃkhyāyāḥ' (SK 1687); śatikaḥ and śatyaḥ take ṭhan and yat by 'śatāc ca ṭhanyatāv aśate' (SK 1686); sāhasraḥ takes aṇ by 'śatamāna…' (SK 1692). rakṣā is protecting the subjects and nirveśa is wages (bhṛti); utkoca is what is taken on an understanding such as 'if something is given to me, I will be favourable to you at the king's gate'. Followed for the construal of the singular, for 'payment for protection' and for 'bribe'.
commentary TB: the affix comes after a word in construction in the first case, in the seventh-case sense 'asmin'. The mention of śulka is for elaboration (prapañcārtha), since it is itself a kind of āya; so ṭhak comes by 'ṭhag āyasthānebhyaḥ' (SK 1454), as in śaulkaśālikaḥ (Haradatta). rakṣānirveśa is a compound with the sixth case of relation (sambandha-ṣaṣṭhī), 'wages occasioned by protection'. Followed for 'the payment for protection'.
commentary BM: the vārttika requires the addition of the sense 'that is given to this as interest etc.'; 'samam abrāhmaṇe' shows that the desired form follows by intending the recipient (sampradāna) as a locus (adhikaraṇa), so the vārttika need not be respected. Followed for supplying '[the vārttika is not needed]' in the 'or else' clause.
commentary TB (sk.1713.t1): since the desired result follows by intending the recipient (sampradāna) as a locus (adhikaraṇa), the upasaṃkhyāna need not be respected. Followed for the same supplement.
textual The digital source reads 'śulkam upadā vā'; NSP p. 294 reads 'śulka upadā vā', matching the masculine 'śulkaḥ' later in the block (and BM's 'tadasmin śulko dīyate'). The quotation in k1 follows NSP.
textual The source prints the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' with a double daṇḍa at the head of k3, closing the vārttika in k2; it is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1714 · A 5.1.48V

पूरणार्धाट्ठन् ॥ १७१४ ॥

pūraṇārdhāṭṭhan

pūraṇārdhāṭ ṭhan — After a pūraṇa ('ordinal') [word] and after ardha ('half'), ṭhan [comes, in the sense 'that is given in this as interest, revenue, profit, duty or bribe'].

Rule. After a pūraṇa word, an ordinal, and after ardha "half", ṭhan comes. The sense is "that is given in this" as interest etc. After an ordinal, ṭhan is an apavāda of ṭhak. After ardha, it is an apavāda of ṭiṭhan (SK 1690).

Example.

dvitīyo vṛddhyādir asmin dīyate "in which a second [portion] is given as interest etc." → dvitīya + ṭhan

→ no vṛddhi → the final a deleted → dvitīyikaḥ. Likewise tṛtīyikaḥ.

ardha + ṭhan → ardhikaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says ardha is rūḍha, fixed by usage, as "half a rūpaka". A rūpaka is a coin, the kārṣāpaṇa.

Watch out. Why is ṭhan needed after ardha, which already had ṭiṭhan? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer with the feminine. Ṭiṭhan would give ṅīp, as in ardhikī. But the wanted feminine is ardhikā, with ṭāp after ṭhan.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

यथाक्रम ठक्टिठनोरपवादः । द्वितीयो वृद्ध्यादिरस्मिन्दीयते द्वितीयिकः । तृतीयकः । अर्धिकः । अर्धशब्दो रूपकस्यार्धे रूढः ॥

[This ṭhan] is an apavāda of ṭhak and of ṭiṭhan respectively. dvitīyo vṛddhyādir asmin dīyate, 'that in which the second [portion] is given as interest etc.': dvitīyikaḥ. tṛtīyikaḥ. ardhikaḥ. The word ardha is conventionally fixed (rūḍha) in the sense 'half of a rūpaka'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 294

—पूरणार्थाट्टुन् । पूर्यतेऽनेनेति पूरणोऽर्थस्तद्वाचिनोऽर्थशब्दाच्च ठन् स्यात् ॥—अर्धिक इति । ‘अर्धाच्चेति वक्तव्यम्’ इति टिठन् प्राप्तः, सति च तस्मिन् स्त्रियां ङीप् स्यात् । इव्यते तु टाप् ॥—रूपकस्येति । रूपकं कर्षापणम् ॥—रूढ इति । तथा च भागवद्ग्रन्थसापेक्षत्वेनासामर्थ्यमिह नोद्भावनीयमिति भावः

Bālamanoramā

पूरणार्धाट्ठन् - पूरणार्धाट्ठन् । तदस्मिन् वृद्ध्यादि दीयत इत्यर्थे पूरणप्रत्ययान्तादर्धशब्दाच्च प्रथमान्ताट्ठन् स्यादित्यर्थः । द्वितीयिक तृतीयिकः इति ।आर्हा॑दिति ठकोऽपवादष्ठन् । अर्धिक इति । अर्धमस्मिन् वृद्ध्यादि दीयते इत्यर्थः ।अर्धाच्चेति वक्तव्य॑मिति टिठनोऽपवादष्ठन् । टिठनि सति तु स्त्रियां ङीप् स्यात् । अर्धिकेति तु टाबेवेष्यते । रूपकस्येति । रूप्यस्य कार्षापणस्येत्यर्थः । रूढ इति । अन्यथा अर्धशब्दस्य रूप्यकसापेक्षत्वादसामर्थ्यं स्यादिति भावः । रूप्यकस्यार्धे रूढ इत्यत्र प्रमाणं मृग्यम् । असामर्थ्यं तु नित्यसापेक्षत्वाद्वारयितुं शक्यमित्याहुः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in the sense 'that is given in this as interest etc.' (tad asmin vṛddhyādi dīyate, SK 1713), ṭhan comes after a first-case word ending in a pūraṇa affix and after the word ardha. Followed for the bracketed sense in sutra_en.
commentary TB glosses pūraṇa as the sense 'that by which [something] is filled up' (pūryate 'neneti pūraṇo 'rthaḥ) and has ṭhan come after a word expressing that sense and after the word ardha (the OCR's 'arthaśabdāc ca' is a misreading of 'ardhaśabdāc ca'). sutra_en keeps 'a pūraṇa [word]' so as not to decide between this gloss and BM's.
commentary BM: in dvitīyikaḥ and tṛtīyikaḥ, ṭhan is the apavāda of the ṭhak of 'ārhād…' (SK 1681); in ardhikaḥ, of the ṭiṭhan of the vārttika 'ardhāc ceti vaktavyam' (SK 1690). With ṭiṭhan the feminine would take ṅīp, whereas ardhikā with ṭāp is what is wanted. rūpaka is the rūpya, i.e. the kārṣāpaṇa; 'rūḍha' is said because otherwise ardha, being dependent on rūpaka, would lack syntactic capacity (asāmarthya). BM adds that the evidence for this conventional sense is still to be sought, and that some say the asāmarthya can be averted because ardha is always relational (nityasāpekṣa). Followed for 'respectively' (ṭhak for pūraṇa words, ṭiṭhan for ardha).
commentary TB: with the ṭiṭhan of 'ardhāc ceti vaktavyam', the feminine would take ṅīp, but ṭāp is desired; rūpaka means the kārṣāpaṇa; because ardha is rūḍha, the objection of asāmarthya through dependence on the whole should not be raised here. Followed for 'half of a rūpaka'.
textual The source reads 'tṛtīyakaḥ'. NSP p. 294 (printed 284) reads 'tṛtīyikaḥ' (OCR 'vṛtīyikaḥ'), and BM's pratīka has 'tṛtīyikaḥ'. With ṭhan, as in dvitīyikaḥ, the form is tṛtīyikaḥ; 'tṛtīyakaḥ' would require kan. Translated as tṛtīyikaḥ. The source's 'yathākrama' also lacks the final anusvāra of NSP 'yathākramaṃ'.

SK 1715 · A 5.1.49V

भागाद्यच्च ॥ १७१५ ॥

bhāgādyacca

bhāgād yac ca — After bhāga, yat also [besides ṭhan, in the sense 'in which that is given as interest, revenue, profit, duty or bribe'].

Rule. After bhāga, yat comes. By ca, the ṭhan of SK 1714 also comes. The sense is "that is given in this" as interest etc. Bhaṭṭoji says bhāga too is fixed by usage as half a rūpaka.

Example.

bhāgo vṛddhyādir asmin dīyate "[a hundred] on which a bhāga is given as interest etc."

→ bhāga + yat → bhāgyam śatam; or bhāga + ṭhan → bhāgikam śatam.

With viṃśati "twenty", a feminine: bhāgyā viṃśatiḥ or bhāgikā viṃśatiḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चाट्ठन् । भागशब्दोऽपि रूपकस्यार्धे रूढः । भागो वृद्ध्यादिरस्मिन्दीयते भाग्यं-भागिकं शतम् । भाग्या भगिका विंशतिः ॥

By ca, ṭhan [also comes]. The word bhāga too is conventional (rūḍha) for half a rūpaka. [A hundred] in which a bhāga is given as interest etc. (vṛddhi etc.): bhāgyam or bhāgikam śatam; [a twenty of that kind]: bhāgyā or bhāgikā viṃśatiḥ.

Bālamanoramā

भागाद्यच्च - भागाद्यच्च । तदस्मिन् वृद्ध्यादि दीयत इत्यर्थे भागशब्दात्प्रथमान्ताद्यत्प्रत्ययश्च स्यादित्यर्थः । चाट्ठनिति ।पूर्वसूत्रादनुकृष्यते॑ इति शेषः । भागशब्दोऽपि रूपकस्यार्ध इति । 'वर्तते' इति शेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in the sense 'tad asmin vṛddhyādi dīyate' (SK 1713), yat also comes after bhāga in the first case; ṭhan is drawn in (anukṛṣyate) from the preceding sūtra (SK 1714) by ca; with 'bhāgaśabdo 'pi rūpakasyārdhe' BM supplies 'vartate' ('is used'). Followed for the sense in sutra_en and for 'by ca, ṭhan [also comes]'.
translator TB has no lemma on SK 1715. TB on SK 1714 (sk.1714.t1) says of ardha that rūpaka is the kārṣāpaṇa and that, because the word is conventional (rūḍha), incapacity (asāmarthya) from dependence on a correlate is not to be raised. Since 'api' here points back to that statement, the same is applied to bhāga by analogy, for taking rūḍha as 'conventional' and rūpaka as the coin.
textual The source reads 'bhagikā'; the NSP 1915 print (p. 294) reads 'bhāgikā', as the ṭhan form of bhāga requires (cf. bhāgikam in the same sentence). Translated as bhāgikā.

SK 1716 · A 5.1.50V

तद्धरति वहत्यावहति भाराद्वंशादिभ्यः ॥ १७१६ ॥

taddharati vahatyāvahati bhārādvaṃśādibhyaḥ

tad dharati vahaty āvahati bhārād vaṃśādibhyaḥ — '[He] carries off, carries or brings that': [in these senses the affixes as prescribed come after a second-case word (dvitīyānta)], after bhāra … vaṃśa etc. (bhārād vaṃśādibhyaḥ) [how the two words are related is explained in two ways in the kaumudī].

Rule. After a word in the second case, the affixes come as prescribed in the senses "carries off (harati) that", "carries (vahati) that" and "brings (āvahati) that". The base is described by bhārād vaṃśādibhyaḥ: bhāra "load" together with vaṃśa "bamboo" and the other words of its list. These are not two separate bases. Bhaṭṭoji gives two ways of reading them together.

Example. First reading: a stem ending in bhāra that comes after vaṃśa etc.

vaṃśabhāraṃ harati vahaty āvahati vā "carries off, carries or brings a load of bamboo"

→ vaṃśabhāra + ṭhak → vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted → vāṃśabhārikaḥ.

Likewise aikṣubhārikaḥ, from ikṣubhāra "a load of sugar-cane".

Second reading: vaṃśa etc. when they are loads (bhārabhūtebhyaḥ).

bhārabhūtān vaṃśān harati "carries off bamboos that are loads" → vaṃśa + ṭhak → vāṃśikaḥ.

ikṣu + ṭhak → vṛddhi i → ai → after the final u, ṭh → k (SK 1221) → aikṣukaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the first reading needs two strained steps. The words must be taken as not in agreement, and their order reversed. Hence the second reading. In it, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say, the singular bhārāt is used because each base is taken one by one.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वंशादिभ्यः परो यो भारशब्दस्तदन्तं यत्प्रातिपदिकं तत्प्रकृतिकाद्द्वितीयान्तादित्यर्थः । वंशभारं हरति वहत्यावहति वा वांशभारिकः । ऐक्षुभारिकः । भाराद्वंशादिभ्यः इत्यस्य व्याख्यान्तरं भारभूतेभ्यो वंशादिभ्यः इति । भारभूतान्वंशान् हरति वांशिकः । ऐक्षुकः ॥

The meaning is: after a second-case word (dvitīyānta) whose base is a prātipadika ending in the word bhāra that follows vaṃśa etc. [— in the senses 'carries off', 'carries' and 'brings', the affix comes as prescribed]. [The one who] carries off, carries or brings a load of bamboo (vaṃśabhāraṃ harati vahaty āvahati vā): vāṃśabhārikaḥ; aikṣubhārikaḥ. Another explanation of 'bhārād vaṃśādibhyaḥ' is 'after vaṃśa etc. that are loads' (bhārabhūtebhyo vaṃśādibhyaḥ). [The one who] carries off bamboos that are loads (bhārabhūtān vaṃśān harati): vāṃśikaḥ; aikṣukaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 294

—भारभूतेभ्यो वंशादिभ्य इति । ननु वंशादयः शब्दास्ते कथं भारभूता इत्यत आह—भारभूतानिति । भारशब्दोऽर्थद्वारा वंशादीनां विशेषणमिति भावः ॥ ‘भारेभ्यः’ इति वक्तव्ये प्रत्येकं संवन्धविवक्षया मूत्रे ‘भारात्’ इति निर्देशः

Bālamanoramā

तद्धरति वहत्यावहति भाराद्वंशादिभ्यः - तद्धरति वहति । वंशाद्भारादिभ्य इत्येकवचनबहुवचनान्तयोः सामानाधिकरण्याऽसम्भावद्वैयधिकरण्येनान्वयः । स च व्युक्रमः, व्याख्यानात् । तदाह — वंशादिभ्यः पर इति ।द्वितीयान्ता॑दित्यनन्तरं हरति वहति आवहतीत्यर्थे यथाविहितं प्रत्ययः स्या॑दिति शेषः । हरणं कथञ्चिद्देशान्तरप्रापणं, चौर्यं वा । शकटादिना प्रापणं वहनम् । स्वसमीपं प्रापणमावहनम्, उत्पादनं वा । वांशभारिक इति ।आर्हा॑दिति ठक् । अत्र पञ्चम्यन्तयोव्र्युक्रमेण वैयधिकरण्येन चान्वये प्रमाणाऽभावादाह — भाराद्वंशादिभ्य इत्यस्य व्याख्यान्तरमिति ।भारात्परेभ्यो वंशादिभ्य॑ इत्यर्थभ्रमव्यावृत्तये व्याख्यान्तरं विशदयति — भारभूतेभ्यो वंशादिभ्य इतीति । वंशादिशब्दानां भारभूतत्वं तु भारबूतवंशादिवृत्तेर्बोध्यम् । अस्मिन्व्याख्याने भारादित्येकवचनमार्षम् । यद्वा प्रत्येकान्वयाभिप्रायम् । वस्तुतो भारबूता ये वंशादयस्तद्वाचिभ्य इति यावत् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on the first explanation: since the singular 'bhārāt' and the plural 'vaṃśādibhyaḥ' cannot be co-referential (sāmānādhikaraṇya), they are construed non-co-referentially (vaiyadhikaraṇya), and with the order inverted (vyutkrama), on the authority of the explanation of the tradition; after 'dvitīyāntāt' supply 'the affix comes as prescribed in the senses harati, vahati, āvahati'. harati is conveying somehow to another place, or stealing; vahati is conveying by cart etc.; āvahati is bringing near oneself, or producing. vāṃśabhārikaḥ has ṭhak by 'ārhāt' (SK 1681). Because there is no authority for the inversion and the non-co-referential construal, the kaumudī gives another explanation; BM says it is spelled out to exclude the mistaken sense 'after vaṃśa etc. that follow bhāra'; the words vaṃśa etc. are 'loads' through denoting bamboos etc. that are loads, and in this explanation the singular 'bhārāt' is an archaism (ārṣa) or means each one severally. Followed for the renderings 'carries off', 'carries', 'brings' and for keeping the two construals distinct.
commentary TB on 'bhārabhūtebhyo vaṃśādibhyaḥ': to the objection that vaṃśa etc. are words and so cannot be loads, the kaumudī answers with 'bhārabhūtān', i.e. the word bhāra qualifies vaṃśa etc. through their meaning; the singular 'bhārāt' is used in the sūtra, where 'bhārebhyaḥ' would be expected, because connection with each one severally is intended. Followed for 'bamboos that are loads'.
translator sutra_en leaves the relation of bhārāt to vaṃśādibhyaḥ open, since it is the subject of the kaumudī's two explanations.

SK 1717 · A 5.1.51V

वस्नद्रव्याभ्यां ठन्कनौ ॥ १७१७ ॥

vasnadravyābhyāṃ ṭhankanau

vasnadravyābhyāṃ ṭhankanau — After vasna and dravya, ṭhan and kan [respectively, in the sense 'carries off, carries or brings that'].

Rule. After vasna "price", ṭhan comes. After dravya "goods", kan comes. The two go with the two bases in order. The senses are those of SK 1716. Neither affix brings vṛddhi.

Example.

vasnaṃ harati vahaty āvahati vā "carries off, carries or brings the price" → vasna + ṭhan

→ no vṛddhi → ṭh → ik → the final a deleted → vasnikaḥ.

dravya + kan → dravyakaḥ.

Watch out. The base is vasna "price", not vastra "cloth". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses it as mūlya, "price".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

यथासंख्यं स्तः । वस्त्रं हरति वहत्यावहति वा वस्त्रिकः । द्रव्यकः ॥

[ṭhan and kan] come respectively. One who carries off (harati), carries (vahati) or brings (āvahati) the price (vasna): vasnikaḥ. [One who does so with goods (dravya):] dravyakaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 294

—वस्त्रिक इति । वस्त्रं मूल्यम्

Bālamanoramā

वस्नद्रव्याभ्यां ठन्कनौ - वस्नद्रव्याभ्याम् । तद्धरतिवहत्वायवहतीत्यनुवर्तते इत्यभिप्रेत्याह — वस्नं हरतीत्यादि ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tad dharati vahaty āvahati' (SK 1716) is carried forward, and on that understanding the kaumudī says 'vasnaṃ harati' etc. (BM's pratīka reads 'vasnaṃ'). Followed for the sense in sutra_en and for the base vasna.
commentary TB glosses the base of the example as 'price' (mūlyam); its OCR prints the word as 'vastra', but the gloss fits vasna ('price'), not vastra ('cloth'). Followed for rendering vasna as 'price'.
textual The source reads 'vastraṃ harati … vastrikaḥ'. The NSP 1915 scan (p. 294) prints 'vasnaṃ … vasnikaḥ' (its OCR has 'vastra' throughout, including in the sūtra, which misreads the sna conjunct). The sūtra's vasna and BM's pratīka confirm vasna. Translated as vasna / vasnikaḥ.

SK 1718 · A 5.1.52V

सम्भवत्यवहरति पचति ॥ १७१८ ॥

sambhavatyavaharati pacati

sambhavaty avaharati pacati — [The affixes come after a second-case word, 'that',] in the senses 'holds (sambhavati) it', 'takes up (avaharati) it' and 'cooks (pacati) it'.

Rule. After a word in the second case, the affixes come as prescribed in three senses. They are "holds (sambhavati) that", "takes up (avaharati) that" and "cooks (pacati) that".

Example.

prasthaṃ sambhavati "holds a prastha" → prastha is a measure, so ṭhañ → prāsthikaḥ kaṭāhaḥ "a pan".

Bhaṭṭoji explains: it lets a prastha be contained in itself.

prastham avaharati pacati vā "takes up or cooks a prastha" → prāsthika + ṅīp (SK 470) → prāsthikī brāhmaṇī.

Applies when / blocked by. Sambhavati usually means "is possible", with no object. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss shows that here it takes an object: the pan "holds" a prastha. So the second case fits. How to read avaharati, scholars discuss.

A vārttika adds a special affix: tat pacatīti droṇād aṇ ca. After droṇa, aṇ comes in the sense "cooks that". By ca, ṭhañ also comes.

droṇaṃ pacati "she cooks a droṇa" → droṇa + aṇ → vṛddhi o → au → feminine ṅīp → drauṇī.

Or droṇa + ṭhañ → drauṇikī.

Watch out. The vārttika names only "cooks". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say this shuts out "holds" and "takes up". In those senses droṇa has no aṇ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रस्थं संभवति प्रास्थिकः कटाहः । प्रस्थं स्वस्मिन्समावेशयतीत्यर्थः । प्रास्थिकी ब्राह्मणी । प्रस्थमवहरति पचति वेत्यर्थः ।

Prasthaṃ sambhavati, 'holds a prastha': prāsthikaḥ kaṭāhaḥ, 'a pan [holding a prastha]'. The meaning is: it lets a prastha be contained in itself. Prāsthikī brāhmaṇī: the meaning is that she takes up (avaharati) or cooks a prastha.

vārttika

तत्पचतीति द्रोणादण् च

(vārttika) tat pacatīti droṇād aṇ ca — And aṇ [comes] after droṇa in the sense 'cooks that'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ चाट्ठञ् । द्रोणं पचतीति द्रौणी-द्रौणिकी ॥

By 'ca', ṭhañ [also comes]. Droṇaṃ pacati, 'she cooks a droṇa': drauṇī, drauṇikī.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 294–295

—संभवत्यवहरति—। आधारप्रमाणादाधेयप्रमाणस्य यद् नाधिक्यं तदुपसर्जनं धारणं संभवतेरर्थः । तेन सकर्मकत्वात्तदिति द्वितीयान्तानुवृत्तिर्न विरुध्यते तदाह—प्रस्थं स्व स्मिन्निति ॥—प्रास्थिकीति । ठवन्तलान्डीप् ॥ अवहरतीत्येतद्व्याचष्टे—अवहरतीति ॥—तत्पचतीति । वार्तिकेऽस्मिन्पचतिग्रहणं संभवत्यवहरतिनिवृत्त्यर्थम् । द्रोणपरिमिते ब्रीह्यादौ द्रोणशब्दो लाक्षणिकः ॥—पक्षे ठञिति । आढकादीनां परिमाणलाट्टइनेति भावः ॥—द्विगोः पृथ्व्यः । धृनिति छेदः, तदाह—षित्वादिति ॥—द्याढकिकीति । ‘नय्वाभ्याम्’—इत्यैजागमो न शङ्क्यः, वृद्धिनिषेधसंनियोगेन तद्विधानाद्बद्धेश्च प्राप्त्यभावात् ॥—अपरिमाणेति । आचितस्य परिमाणत्वेऽपि तस्मिन् सूत्रे विशिष्यग्रहणादिति भावः ॥—द्वैकुलिजिकीति । ‘असंज्ञाशाणयोः’ इत्यत्र कुलिजशब्दोऽपि इष्यते, तेनोत्तरपदवृद्धिनैत्याहुः

Bālamanoramā

सम्भवत्यवहरति पचति - संभवत्यवहरति ।त॑दिति द्वितीयान्तमनुवर्तते । द्वितीयान्तात्संभवतीत्याद्यर्थेषु यथाविहितं प्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । प्रास्थिक इति ।आर्हा॑दित्यत्र परिमाणपर्युदासाट्ठगभावे प्राग्वतीयष्ठञ् । ननुसंभवती॑त्यस्य उपपद्यत इत्यर्थकत्वादकर्मकत्वात्प्रस्थं संभवतीति कथं द्वितीयेत्यत आह — समावेशयतीत्यर्थ इति । उपसर्गवसादिति भावः । प्रास्थिकी ब्राआहृणीति । ठञन्तत्वान्ङीबिति भावः । अवहरतीप्येतीत्यर्थ इति । उपसर्गवशादिति भावः । प्रास्थिकी ब्राआहृणीति । ठञन्तत्वान्ङीबिति भावः । अवहरतीप्येद्व्याचष्टे — उपसंहरतीति । किंचिदूनमपि यया प्रस्थपरिमितं भवति तथा मिमीत इत्यर्थः । तत्पचतीति द्रोणादण् चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । द्वितीयान्तोद्द्रोणशब्दात्पचतीत्यर्तेऽण्च स्यादित्यर्थः । पचतिग्रहणं सम्भवत्यवहरतिनिवृत्त्यर्थम् । चाट्ठञिति ।आर्हा॑दिति ठग्विधौ परिमाणपर्युदासाट्ठगभावे प्राग्वतेष्ठञेव चकारादनुकृष्यत इति भावः । द्रौणीति । अणन्तत्वान्ङीप् । द्रौणिकीति । ठञन्तत्वान्ङीप् ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 295 १ लुगभावे इति—अन्यतरस्यांग्रहणमनुवर्तते इति दृत्यनुरोधेनेदम् । वस्तुतस्तु तदत्र नानुवर्तते, पुनः खग्रहणात् । २ तदस्येति—सोऽस्येत्यनुवर्तमाने तदस्येति स्पष्टार्थम् । ३ पङ्क्तिर्विशतीति—अत्र विंशत्याद्याः संख्यायां संख्येये चैकवचनान्ताः, तेन विंशतिर्गवामित्यादि सिद्धम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tat', the second-case word, is carried forward (anuvṛtti), and the affixes come as taught after a second-case word in these senses. In prāsthikaḥ ṭhak is excluded because measures (parimāṇa) are excepted in 'ārhāt' (SK 1681), so the prāgvatīya ṭhañ comes. To the objection that sambhavati ('is possible') is intransitive, so that 'prasthaṃ' cannot be a second case, the kaumudī's gloss 'samāveśayati' answers that the preverb changes the sense. prāsthikī takes ṅīp because it ends in ṭhañ. Followed for the anuvṛtti of 'tat' in sutra_en and for 'lets be contained'.
commentary TB: the sense of sambhavati is holding in which the quantity of the thing held does not exceed the capacity of the holder; since it is therefore transitive, the anuvṛtti of the second-case 'tat' is not contradicted, and the kaumudī says as much with 'prasthaṃ svasmin…'. prāsthikī takes ṅīp as a ṭhañ-final. Followed for rendering sambhavati as 'holds'.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika: aṇ also comes after droṇa, as a second-case word, in the sense 'cooks'; 'pacati' is named to exclude 'sambhavati' and 'avaharati'. 'ca' draws in ṭhañ, the prāgvatīya affix that comes because ṭhak is barred for measures in 'ārhāt'. drauṇī takes ṅīp as an aṇ-final, drauṇikī as a ṭhañ-final. Followed for 'ṭhañ [also comes]' in k3.
commentary TB: 'pacati' in this vārttika is to exclude 'sambhavati' and 'avaharati'; droṇa stands by implication (lākṣaṇika) for grain and the like measuring a droṇa. Followed for restricting the vārttika to the sense 'cooks'.
textual The source and NSP p. 295 (scan) read 'prastham avaharati pacati vety arthaḥ'. BM, however, says '[the kaumudī] explains avaharati with upasaṃharati' (avaharatīty etad vyācaṣṭe — upasaṃharatīti) and then explains upasaṃharati: she measures so that even [a quantity] somewhat short comes to the measure of a prastha. BM's kaumudī text therefore evidently read 'prastham upasaṃharati' here. TB (sk.1718.t1) prints 'avaharatīty etad vyācaṣṭe — avaharatīti', where a word cannot gloss itself, which may point to the same variant. The transmitted 'avaharati' is translated and not emended; it is rendered 'takes up' here and at SK 1719.
textual The source prints the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' with a double daṇḍa at the head of k3, closing the vārttika in k2; it is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1719 · A 5.1.53V

आढकाचितपात्रात् खोऽन्यतरस्याम् ॥ १७१९ ॥

āḍhakācitapātrāt kho'nyatarasyām

āḍhakācitapātrāt kho 'nyatarasyām — After āḍhaka, ācita and pātra, kha optionally [in the senses 'holds, takes up or cooks that'].

Rule. After āḍhaka, ācita and pātra, kha comes optionally in the senses of SK 1718. In the other option ṭhañ comes. These are measures, so they take no ṭhak.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives feminine forms: a woman who holds, takes up or cooks the measure.

āḍhakaṃ sambhavati avaharati pacati vā → āḍhaka + kha

→ kh → īn → the final a deleted → feminine in -ā (SK 454) → āḍhakīnā.

Or āḍhaka + ṭhañ → feminine ṅīp → āḍhakikī.

From ācita: ācitīnā or ācitikī.

From pātra: pātra + kha → the n after r becomes ṇ (SK 197) → pātrīṇā; or, with ṭhañ, pātrikī. The printed text reads pātrīkī, but ṭhañ (ika) after pātra can only give pātrikī (compare dvipātrikī, SK 1720).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पक्षे ठञ् । आढकं संभवति अवहरति पचति वा आढकीना-आढकिकी । अचितीना । आचितिकी । पात्रीणा पात्रीकी ॥

In the alternative, ṭhañ. [A feminine referent] that holds (sambhavati), takes up (avaharati) or cooks (pacati) an āḍhaka: āḍhakīnā or āḍhakikī; [an ācita:] ācitīnā or ācitikī; [a pātra:] pātrīṇā or pātrikī.

Bālamanoramā

आढकाचितपात्रात् खोऽन्यतरयाम् - आढकाचित । आढक, आचित, पात्र — एभ्यो द्वितीयान्तेभ्य सम्भवत्यवहरतिपचतीत्यर्थेषु खो वा स्यादित्यर्थः । पक्षे ठञिति । 'आर्हाता' इत्यत्रः परिमाणपर्युदासान्न ठगिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kha comes optionally after āḍhaka, ācita and pātra in the second case in the senses 'holds, takes up, cooks' (from SK 1718). In the alternative ṭhañ, not ṭhak, because measures (parimāṇa) are excluded in 'ārhād…' (SK 1681). Followed for the senses in sutra_en and for the rule interaction behind 'in the alternative, ṭhañ'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1718.t1, on 'pakṣe ṭhañ': since āḍhaka etc. are measures, [the ārhīya] ṭhak does not come. Agrees with BM.
translator The three senses are those of SK 1718, where the kaumudī glosses sambhavati as 'contains within itself'; avaharati is rendered neutrally as 'takes up', as at SK 1718. The kaumudī gives only feminine forms; '[a feminine referent]' is supplied to show this (cf. prāsthikī brāhmaṇī under SK 1718).
textual The source reads 'acitīnā'; the NSP 1915 print (p. 295) reads 'ācitīnā', from the base ācita named in the sūtra. The source and the NSP print both read 'pātrīkī' with long ī, which ṭhañ (ika) does not yield from pātra; the form required is pātrikī (cf. dvipātrikī under SK 1720). Translated as ācitīnā and pātrikī; pātrikī is a conjectural correction against both witnesses (NSP p. 295, scan).

SK 1720 · A 5.1.54V

द्विगोः ष्ठंश्च ॥ १७२० ॥

dvigoḥ ṣṭhaṃśca

dvigoḥ ṣṭhaṃś ca — After a dvigu [ending in āḍhaka, ācita or pātra], ṣṭhan and [kha optionally come, in the senses sambhavati etc.].

Rule. After a dvigu ending in āḍhaka, ācita or pātra, ṣṭhan comes, and by ca also kha. Both are optional, in the senses of SK 1718. In the remaining option ṭhañ comes, and it undergoes luk by SK 1693.

Example. Each base gives three feminine forms.

dvyāḍhaka + ṣṭhan → the ṣ marker brings ṅīṣ → dvyāḍhakikī.

dvyāḍhaka + kha → dvyāḍhakīnā.

dvyāḍhaka + ṭhañ → luk of ṭhañ → ṅīp by dvigoḥ (SK 479) → dvyāḍhakī.

From ācita: dvyācitikī and dvyācitīnā. With ṭhañ deleted, SK 480 bars ṅīp after ācita. So the feminine is dvyācitā.

From pātra: dvipātrikī, dvipātrīṇā, dvipātrī.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the luk of SK 1693 takes only ṭhañ. It does not take ṣṭhan or kha. Otherwise teaching them here would be pointless.

Watch out. In dvyāḍhakikī the y of dvy- brings no augment ai by SK 1098. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the reason. That augment comes in place of vṛddhi, and ṣṭhan brings no vṛddhi at all.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आढकाचितपात्रात् इत्येव । आढकाद्यन्ताद्द्विगोः संभवत्यादिष्वर्थेषु ष्ठन्खौ वा स्तः । पक्षे ठञ् । तस्य अध्यर्ध-SK 1693 इति लुक् । षित्वान्ङीष् । द्व्याढकिकी । द्व्याढकीना । द्विगोः-SK 479 इति ङीप् । द्व्याढकी । द्व्याचितिकी । द्व्याचितीना । अपरिमाण-SK 470 इति ङीब्निषेधात् । द्व्याचिता । द्विपात्रिकी । द्विपात्रीणा । द्विपात्री ॥

'āḍhakācitapātrāt' holds here too (ity eva). After a dvigu ending in āḍhaka etc., in the senses sambhavati ('holds') etc., ṣṭhan and kha optionally come. In the alternative, ṭhañ [comes]; its luk [takes place] by 'adhyardha-' (SK 1693). [With ṣṭhan:] because [the affix] has ṣ as it, ṅīṣ [comes]: dvyāḍhakikī. [With kha:] dvyāḍhakīnā. [With ṭhañ elided:] ṅīp by 'dvigoḥ' (SK 479): dvyāḍhakī. [From ācita:] dvyācitikī, dvyācitīnā; [with ṭhañ elided,] because ṅīp is prohibited by 'aparimāṇa-' (SK 480): dvyācitā. [From pātra:] dvipātrikī, dvipātrīṇā, dvipātrī.

Bālamanoramā

द्विगोष्ठंश्च - द्विगोः ष्ठंश्च । ष्ठन्खाविति । चकारेण खस्यानुकर्षादिति भावः । वा स्त इति । अन्यतरस्यामित्यनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । पक्षे ठञिति । 'आर्हात्' इत्यत्र परिमाणपर्युदासान्न ठगिति भावः । षित्त्वान्ङीष् । द्व्याढकिकीति । द्वे आढके सम्भवत्यवहरति पचति वेत्यर्थे 'तद्धितार्थ' इति द्विगुः, ष्ठन्, षित्त्वान्ङीष् । द्व्याढकिकीति । द्वे आढके सम्भवत्यवहरति पचति वेत्यर्थे 'तद्धितार्थ' इति द्विगुः, ष्ठन्, षित्त्वान्हीषित्यर्थः । अत्र 'न य्वाभ्याम्' इत्यैज्न, वृद्धिनिषेधसन्नियोगशिष्टत्वात्, ञ्णित्किदभावेन वृद्धेरप्रसक्तेः । द्व्याकढीनेति । खे रूपम् । द्विगोरिति ङीप् । द्व्याढकीति । ठञिअध्यर्थे॑ति तस्य लुक् । 'द्विगोः' इति ङीबित्यर्थः । प्रत्ययलक्षणमाश्रित्य ठञन्तलक्षणङीप्तु नेतिअपरिमाणविस्ते॑त्यत्रोक्तम् ।अध्यर्धे॑ति लुक्ठञ एव, नतु ष्ठन्खयोरपि, विधिसामर्थ्यात् । द्व्याचितिकी द्व्याचितीनेति । ष्ठनि खे च रूपम् । अथ द्व्याचितशब्दाट्ठञो लुकि द्विगोः॑ इति ङीपमाशङ्क्याह — अपरिमाणेति ङीब्निषेधादिति । [एवं ष्ठन् ख ठञ्लुग्भिः] द्विपात्रिकीत्यादि ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'ṣṭhan and kha': because the 'ca' draws in (anukarṣa) kha; on 'optionally come': because 'anyatarasyām' is carried forward (anuvṛtti). Followed for '[kha optionally come]' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: in the alternative ṭhañ, not ṭhak, because parimāṇa is excluded in 'ārhāt' (SK 1681). dvyāḍhakikī: in the sense 'holds, measures out or cooks two āḍhakas', a dvigu by 'taddhitārthe', then ṣṭhan, and ṅīṣ because of ṣ as it; there is no aij-augment by 'na yvābhyām', since that is taught together with the prohibition of vṛddhi, and vṛddhi does not arise in the absence of ñ, ṇ or k as it. dvyāḍhakīnā is the form with kha; dvyāḍhakī has luk of ṭhañ by 'adhyardha-' and ṅīp by 'dvigoḥ'; the ṅīp conditioned by ṭhañ via pratyayalakṣaṇa does not apply, as stated under 'aparimāṇabista…' (SK 480). The luk by 'adhyardha-' is of ṭhañ only, not of ṣṭhan and kha, since otherwise their being taught would be pointless (vidhisāmarthya). dvyācitikī and dvyācitīnā are the forms with ṣṭhan and kha; for the ṭhañ-luk form the kaumudī forestalls ṅīp by 'dvigoḥ' with the prohibition of 'aparimāṇa-'. dvipātrikī etc. likewise (BM's bracketed words: 'thus with ṣṭhan, kha and luk of ṭhañ'). Followed for the bracketed labels '[With ṣṭhan:]', '[With kha:]', '[With ṭhañ elided:]' and for assigning the three pātra forms in the same order.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1718.t1 (this unit carries no TB block): the affix is to be divided as 'ṣṭhan', as the kaumudī's 'ṣittvāt' shows; in dvyāḍhakikī no aij-augment by 'na yvābhyām' is to be suspected, since it is taught together with the prohibition of vṛddhi and vṛddhi is not applicable; on 'aparimāṇa-', although ācita is a measure, it is named specifically in that sūtra. Followed for the ṣṭhan-form and for the ṅīp prohibition in dvyācitā.
textual The digital source's cross-reference after 'aparimāṇa-' is to SK 470 ('ṭiḍḍhāṇañ…', 4.1.15, a rule that gives ṅīp); NSP p. 295 (scan) prints '480', i.e. 'aparimāṇabistācitakambalyebhyo na taddhitaluki' (4.1.22), the rule that prohibits ṅīp. Cited as SK 480.

SK 1721 · A 5.1.55V

कुलिजाल्लुक्खौ च ॥ १७२१ ॥

kulijāllukkhau ca

kulijāl lukkhau ca — After [a dvigu ending in] kulija, luk and kha [optionally come, in the senses of SK 1718], and also [ṣṭhan].

Rule. After a dvigu ending in kulija, luk and kha come optionally in the senses of SK 1718. The luk is of ṭhañ. By ca, ṣṭhan comes too. Where there is no luk, ṭhañ is heard.

Example. Four feminine forms:

dvikulija + ṭhañ → luk → ṅīp (SK 479) → dvikulijī.
dvikulija + ṭhañ, kept → vṛddhi on the first syllable only → dvaikulijikī.
dvikulija + kha → dvikulijīnā.
dvikulija + ṣṭhan → no vṛddhi → ṅīṣ → dvikulijikī.

Applies when / blocked by. Why does dvaikulijikī take no vṛddhi on kulija? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say kulija too is excluded from SK 1683, like śāṇa.

Watch out. Is "optionally" carried into this rule from SK 1719? Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कुलिजान्ताद्द्विगोः संभवत्यादिष्वर्थेषु लुक्खौ वा स्तः । चात्ष्ठंश्च । लुगभावे ठञः श्रवणम् । द्विकुलिजी-द्वैकुलिजिकी-द्विकुलिजीना-द्विकुलिजिकी ॥

After a dvigu ending in kulija, in the senses 'holds' (sambhavati) and the rest, luk and kha come optionally. By ca, ṣṭhan too. When there is no luk, ṭhañ is heard. dvikulijī [with luk of ṭhañ], dvaikulijikī [with ṭhañ retained], dvikulijīnā [with kha], dvikulijikī [with ṣṭhan].

Bālamanoramā

कुलिजाल्लुक्खौ च - कुलिजाल्लुक्खौ च । अन्यतरस्यामित्यनुवृत्तिमभिप्रेत्याह — लुक्खौ वा स्त इति । 'आर्हात्' इत्यत्र परिमाणपर्युदासाट्ठगभावे प्राग्वहतीयस्य ठञःअध्यर्धे॑ति नित्यं लुकि प्राप्ते लुको विकल्पविधिः । चात्ष्ठंश्चेति । तथाच ठञो लुक्खश्च ष्ठंश्चेति । तथाच ठञो लुक्खश्च ष्ठंश्चेति त्रितयं विकल्प्यते । तत्र ष्ठनः खस्य ठञो लुकश्चाऽभावे ठञः श्रवणं पर्यवस्यति । तदाह — लुगभावे ठञः श्रवणमिति । द्विकुलजीति । ठञो लुकि रूपम् । 'द्विगोः' इति ङीप् । द्विकुलिजीनेति । खे रूपम् । द्विकुलिजिकीति । ष्ठनि रूपम् । द्वौकुलिजिकीति । ठञो लुगभावे रूपम् ।परिमाणान्तस्ये॑त्यत्रअसंज्ञाशाणकुलिजाना॑मित्युक्तेर्नोत्तरपदवृद्धिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the kaumudī's 'optionally' reflects the carrying forward (anuvṛtti) of 'anyatarasyām'. Since ṭhak is barred for measures in 'ārhāt …' (SK 1681), the prāgvatīya ṭhañ comes, and its luk would be obligatory by 'adhyardha…' (SK 1693); this rule makes that luk optional. With ca bringing in ṣṭhan, three things are optional: luk of ṭhañ, kha and ṣṭhan; where none of them applies, ṭhañ is heard. BM assigns the forms: dvikulijī, luk of ṭhañ with ṅīp by 'dvigoḥ' (SK 479); dvikulijīnā, kha; dvikulijikī, ṣṭhan; the form without luk of ṭhañ, with no vṛddhi of the second member because 'parimāṇāntasya …' (SK 1683) is stated as 'asaṃjñāśāṇakulijānām'. Followed for 'luk' as luk of ṭhañ and for the bracketed labels on the four forms.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1718.t1 (lemma 'dvaikulijikī'): in 'asaṃjñāśāṇayoḥ' (SK 1683) kulija too is wanted, hence there is no vṛddhi of the second member. Agrees with BM; followed for dvaikulijikī with vṛddhi of the first syllable only.
textual NSP editorial footnote (p. 295, stored as sk.1718.n1, item 1, keyed by its superscript to 'lugabhāve'): this wording follows the vṛtti, on which the word 'anyatarasyām' continues [into this sūtra]; in fact it does not continue here, because kha is named again. This rejects the anuvṛtti of 'anyatarasyām' that BM assumes and the English follows; recorded, not followed (§16).

SK 1722 · A 5.1.56V

सोऽस्यांशवस्नभृतयः ॥ १७२२ ॥

so'syāṃśavasnabhṛtayaḥ

so 'syāṃśavasnabhṛtayaḥ — [After a nominal in the first case, the affixes as prescribed, in the senses] 'that is its share (aṃśa), price (vasna) or wages (bhṛti)'.

Rule. After a word in the first case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "that is its share, price or wages". Bhaṭṭoji glosses the three. Aṃśa is a share (bhāga). Vasna is a price (mūlya). Bhṛti is wages (vetana).

Example.

pañca aṃśo vasno bhṛtir vāsya "one whose share, price or wages is five" → pañcan + kan (SK 1687) → pañcakaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अंशो भागः । वस्त्रं मूल्यम् । भृतिर्वेतनम् । पञ्च अंशो वस्त्रो भृतिर्वास्य पञ्चकः ॥

aṃśa is a share (bhāga); vasna is price (mūlya); bhṛti is wages (vetana). [One] whose share, price or wages is five: pañcakaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

सोऽस्यांशवस्नभृतयः - सोऽस्यांश । स इति प्रत्येकमंशादिष्वन्वेति । सोऽस्यांशः, तदस्य वस्नम्, सास्य भृतिरित्यर्थेषु प्रथमान्ताद्यथाविहितं प्रत्ययाः स्युरित्यर्थः । पञ्चक इति । 'संख्यायाः' इति कन् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'saḥ' is construed with each of aṃśa etc.: the senses are 'so 'syāṃśaḥ', 'tad asya vasnam', 'sāsya bhṛtiḥ', and the affixes come as prescribed after a word in the first case. pañcakaḥ takes kan by 'saṃkhyāyāḥ'. Followed for sutra_en.
translator BM's 'saṃkhyāyāḥ' is taken as 'saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan' (SK 1687), as at SK 1726.
textual The source reads 'vastraṃ mūlyam … vastro'. The NSP 1915 scan (p. 295) prints 'vasnaṃ mūlyam … vasno' (its OCR has 'vastra' here and in the sūtra, misreading the sna conjunct); the sūtra has vasna, and only vasna means 'price'. Translated as vasna.

SK 1723 · A 5.1.57V

तदस्य परिमाणम् ॥ १७२३ ॥

tadasya parimāṇam

tad asya parimāṇam — [The affixes as taught come after a first-case word] in the sense 'that is the measure (parimāṇa) of this'.

Rule. After a word in the first case, the affixes come as prescribed in the sense "that is the measure of this".

Example.

prasthaṃ parimāṇam asya "that of which a prastha is the measure" → prastha is a measure, so ṭhañ

→ vṛddhi a → ā → prāsthiko rāśiḥ "a heap measuring a prastha".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators widen "measure" here. It covers anything that delimits, number included. SK 1724 shows this, since it speaks of number as a measure. So ṣaṣṭiḥ parimāṇam asya → ṣāṣṭikam "having sixty as its measure". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives ṣāṣṭikaḥ, "whose life-span is sixty".

Watch out. The words tad asya are stated afresh, though so 'sya of SK 1722 is already current. Do they stop the luk of SK 1693 in dviṣāṣṭikaḥ "whose life-span is two sixties"? Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रस्थं परिमाणमस्य प्रास्थिको राशिः ॥

prasthaṃ parimāṇam asya, 'that of which a prastha is the measure': prāsthiko rāśiḥ, 'a heap [measuring a prastha]'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 295

—तदस्य परिमाणम् । इह परिमाणशब्देन परिच्छेदकमात्रं गृह्यते, न तु सर्वतोमानमेव, उत्तरसूत्रे संख्यायाः परिमाणेन विशेषणात् । षष्टिजीवितं परिमाणमस्य षाष्टिकः ‘सोऽस्य’ इति वर्तमाने पुनः ‘तदस्य’ इति ग्रहणात् ‘द्वे षष्टी जीवितं परिमाणमस्य द्विषाष्टिकस्त्रिषाष्टिकः’ इत्यादौ ‘अध्यर्थ’—इति लङ् न भवति । स्पष्टं चेदं काशिकादौ

Bālamanoramā

तदस्य परिमाणम् - तदस्य परिमाणम् । अस्मिन्नर्थे प्रतमान्ताद्यथाविहितं प्रत्ययाः स्युरित्यर्थः । प्रास्थिक इति । 'आर्हात्' इत्यत्र परिमाणपर्युदासात् प्राग्वतीयष्ठञ् । अत्र संख्याऽपि परिमाणम् । यद्यपिअगोपुच्छसंख्यापरिमाणा॑दिति पृथग्ग्रहणात् संख्या न परिमाणम्,तथाप्यत्र परिच्छेदकत्वात् संख्यापि परिमाणम्, उत्तरसूत्रे संख्यायाः परिमाणेन विशेषणाल्लिङ्गात् । तेन षष्टिः परिमाणमस्य षाष्टिकमिति सिद्धम् । द्विषष्टआदिभ्यस्त्वनभिधानान्नेति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in this sense the affixes come as taught after a first-case word. In prāsthikaḥ the prāgvatīya ṭhañ (SK 1680) comes, because parimāṇa is excluded from ṭhak in 'ārhād agopucchasaṃkhyāparimāṇāt' (SK 1681). BM adds that here number too counts as 'measure': although the separate mention in SK 1681 shows that number is not parimāṇa, here it is, because it delimits, as the next sūtra's qualifying of saṃkhyā by parimāṇa indicates (liṅga); hence ṣaṣṭiḥ parimāṇam asya ṣāṣṭikam, while from dviṣaṣṭi etc. the affix does not come, for want of usage (anabhidhāna), as the Bhāṣya makes clear. Followed for the bracketed supplement in sutra_en and for not narrowing 'measure' in the English.
commentary TB: here the word parimāṇa takes in whatever delimits (paricchedakamātra), not only 'all-round measure' (sarvatomāna), because the next sūtra qualifies number by parimāṇa: ṣaṣṭir jīvitaṃ parimāṇam asya ṣāṣṭikaḥ. Because 'so 'sya' (SK 1722) is already current, the fresh wording 'tad asya' has the effect that in dviṣāṣṭikaḥ, triṣāṣṭikaḥ ('whose life-span is two / three sixties') luk by 'adhyardhapūrva…' (SK 1693) does not take place, as the Kāśikā makes clear. Followed for the broad sense of 'measure'.
translator BM denies the affix after 'dviṣaṣṭi etc.' for want of usage, while TB gives dviṣāṣṭikaḥ, triṣāṣṭikaḥ ('whose life-span is two / three sixties') as correct forms. BM's dviṣaṣṭi may be the numeral 'sixty-two', in which case the two do not conflict; if it is the dvigu 'two sixties', BM and TB disagree. The text does not settle which; both are recorded (§16).
textual NSP editorial footnote (p. 295, stored as sk.1718.n1, item 2, keyed by its superscript to 'tad asya'): although 'so 'sya' (SK 1722) is current, 'tad asya' is stated for clarity (spaṣṭārtham). This differs from TB, for whom the fresh 'tad asya' serves to block luk by 'adhyardhapūrva…' (SK 1693) in dviṣāṣṭikaḥ. Recorded only.

SK 1724 · A 5.1.58V

संख्यायाः संज्ञासंघसूत्राध्ययनेषु ॥ १७२४ ॥

saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃjñāsaṃghasūtrādhyayaneṣu

saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃjñāsaṃghasūtrādhyayaneṣu — After a numeral (saṃkhyā) [in the sense 'that is its measure', the affixes come] when a name (saṃjñā), a group (saṃgha), a sūtra[-text] or a recitation (adhyayana) [is meant].

Rule. SK 1723 is carried forward. After a numeral, the affixes come in the sense "that is its measure", when one of four things is meant. It may be a name (saṃjñā), a group (saṃgha), a sūtra-text, or a recitation (adhyayana).

Example.

Name: pañcakāḥ śakunayaḥ "the pañcaka birds".

Group: pañcakaḥ "a group of five".

Sūtra-text: aṣṭakaṃ pāṇinīyam "Pāṇini's text of eight [books]".

Recitation: pañcakam adhyayanam "a recitation done five times".

In each, the numeral takes kan (SK 1687).

Applies when / blocked by. For the name, a vārttika says: saṃjñāyāṃ svārthe pratyayo vācyaḥ. The affix comes svārthe, "in the word's own sense", adding no new meaning. So pañcaiva pañcakāḥ śakunayaḥ "the five themselves are the pañcaka birds".

Or else, Bhaṭṭoji says, the numeral denotes the number alone, as in dvyekayoḥ (SK 186). The affix then comes in the sense of what has that measure: "five is their measure".

Why is sūtra named separately from group? Bhaṭṭoji says the word saṃgha is fixed by usage for a group of living beings. A text is not such a group.

A second vārttika reads stome ḍavidhiḥ. When a stoma is meant, the affix ḍa comes. A stoma, Bhaṭṭoji says, is a laudation sung by the Chandogas in Soma sacrifices, with names such as pṛṣṭhya. The Chandogas are the singers of the Sāmaveda.

pañcadaśa mantrāḥ parimāṇam asya "having fifteen mantras as its measure" → pañcadaśan + ḍa

→ the ḍ marker deletes the ṭi an (SK 316) → pañcadaśaḥ. Likewise saptadaśaḥ.

ekaviṃśati + ḍa → the ti of viṃśati is deleted (SK 844) → ekaviṃśaḥ.

Watch out. Why does ḍa need its ḍ? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers with ekaviṃśaḥ. An n-final stem would lose its ṭi anyway (SK 679). But the ti of viṃśati goes only before a ḍ-marked affix.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूर्वसूत्रमनुवर्तते । तत्र ।

The preceding sūtra ['tad asya parimāṇam', SK 1723] is carried forward (anuvṛtti). On this:

vārttika

संज्ञायां स्वार्थे प्रत्ययो वाच्यः

(vārttika) saṃjñāyāṃ svārthe pratyayo vācyaḥ — When a name [is meant], the affix should be stated [as coming] in the word's own sense (svārthe).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ यद्वा द्व्येकयोरितिवत्संख्यामात्रवृत्तेः परिमाणिनि प्रत्ययः ॥ पञ्चैव पञ्चकाः शकुनयः । पञ्च परिमाणमेषामिति वा । सङ्घे पञ्चकः । सूत्रेऽष्टकं पाणिनीयम् । सङ्घशब्दस्य प्राणिसमूहे रूढत्वात्सूत्रं पृधगुपात्तम् । पञ्चकमध्ययनम् ।

Or else: the affix comes in [the sense of] what has the measure (parimāṇin), after [a numeral] that denotes the number alone, as in 'dvyekayoḥ' (SK 186). Pañcaiva pañcakāḥ śakunayaḥ, 'the five themselves are pañcaka birds'; or, 'five is their measure'. [In the sense of] a group: pañcakaḥ. [In the sense of] a sūtra: aṣṭakaṃ pāṇinīyam, 'Pāṇini's [sūtra-text], having eight [adhyāyas]'. Sūtra is named separately because the word saṃgha is conventionally restricted (rūḍha) to a collection of living beings. Pañcakam adhyayanam, 'a recitation [done] five [times]'.

vārttika

स्तोमे डविधिः

(vārttika) stome ḍavidhiḥ — The affix ḍa is to be enjoined when a stoma [is meant].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पञ्चदश मन्त्राः परिमाणमस्य पञ्चदशः । सप्तदशः । एकविंशः । सोमयागेषु छन्दोगैः क्रियमाणा पृष्ठ्यादिसंज्ञिका स्तुतिः स्तोमः ॥

Pañcadaśa mantrāḥ parimāṇam asya, 'having fifteen mantras as its measure': pañcadaśaḥ. Saptadaśaḥ. Ekaviṃśaḥ. A stoma is a laudation (stuti) performed by the Chandogas in Soma sacrifices, bearing names such as pṛṣṭhya.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 295

—पूर्वसूत्रमिति । तेन पञ्च गावः परिमाणमस्य पञ्चको गोसङ्घ इत्यादि सिद्ध्यति । यदा तु प्रकृत्यर्थस्यैव परिच्छेदिका संख्या पञ्च गावोऽस्य संघस्येति, तदा तु प्रत्ययो न भवति, परिमाणस्य प्रत्ययार्थलाभावात् । एतच्च ‘आर्हादगोपुच्छ’—इति सूत्रे कैयटे स्पष्टम् ॥ स्वार्थे उदाहरति—पञ्चैवेति ॥—स्तोमे डविधिरिति । डित्करणमेकविंश इत्यत्र टिलोपार्थम् । त्रयस्त्रिंशादौ टिलोपार्थं च ॥—पञ्चदश मन्त्रा इति । ‘साम्रा सुवीतं’ ‘एकं साम तृचे क्रियते’ इति हि श्रुतिः । तत्र तृचस्य पञ्चकृत्य आवृत्त्या पञ्चदशमन्त्राः । सप्तदशे स्तोमे अन्त्याया ऋचः सप्तकृत्य आवृत्तिः । प्रथममध्यमयोस्तु पञ्चकृत्य एव । एकविंशे स्तोमे तु तृचस्य सप्तकृत्य आवृत्तिरिति ज्ञेयम् ॥—छन्दोगैरिति । सामगैरित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

संख्यायाः संज्ञासंघसूत्राध्ययनेषु - सङ्ख्यायाः । अनुवर्तत इति । तथाचतदस्य परिमाण॑मित्यर्थे प्रथमान्तात्संख्यात्मकपरिमाणवाचिनो यथाविहितं प्रत्ययाः स्युरित्यर्थः । संज्ञायां स्वार्थे प्रत्ययो वाच्य इति । 'पञ्चकाः शकुनय' इत्यत्र पञ्च परिमाणमेषामित्यर्थो न संभवति, आ दशतः संख्याः संख्येये इति पञ्चन्शब्दस्य संख्येयवृत्तित्वेन पञ्च परिमाणमिति सामानाधिकरण्यानुपपत्तेः । अतः संज्ञायां स्वार्थ #एव संख्यायाः प्रत्यय इति पर्यवस्यतीति भावः । यद्वेति । द्विशब्दस्य एकशब्दस्य च संख्येयवृत्तित्वेऽपि 'द्व्येकयोः' इति समासवृत्तावेकत्वद्वित्वपरत्वमभ्युपगम्यते । अन्यथा 'द्व्येकयोः' इति द्विवचनानुपपत्तेः । तद्वत्पञ्चकाः शकुनय इति तद्धितवृत्तावपि पञ्चन्शब्दस्य पञ्चत्वसंख्यापरतया पञ्चत्वं परिमाणमस्येति सामानाधिकरण्यं स्वीकृत्य पञ्चत्ववाचिनः पञ्चन्शब्दात् पञ्चत्वरूपपरिमाणवति प्रत्यय उपपद्यत इत्यर्थः । तत्र संज्ञायां स्वार्ते उदाहरति — पञ्चैवेति । परिमाणिनि प्रत्ययमुदाहरति — पञ्च परिमाणमिति । पञ्चत्वमित्यर्थः । सङ्घे इति । उदाहरणं वक्ष्यत इत्यर्थः । पञ्चक इति । पञ्चत्वस्य सङ्घस्य परिमाणमित्यर्थः । सङ्घस्य पञ्चत्वं तु अवयवाद्वारा बोध्यम् । सूत्र इति । उदाह्यियत इति शेषः । अष्टकं पाणिनीयमिति ।सूत्र॑मिति शेषः । अष्टावध्यायाः परिमाणमस्येति विग्रहः । अत्राष्टत्वमध्यायद्वार#आ सूत्रेऽन्वेति । सूत्रशब्दश्च सूत्रसंघपरः, एकस्मिन्सूत्रे अष्टकत्वस्याऽसंभवात् । नन्वेवं सति सङ्घग्रहणेनैव सिद्धे सूत्रग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — सङ्घशब्दस्येति । पञ्चकमध्ययनमिति । पञ्चावृत्तयः परिमाणमस्येति विग्रहः । स्तोमे डविधिरिति ।तदस्य परिमाण॑मित्यर्थे सङ्ख्यावाचिन उपसंख्यातव्य॑ इति शेषः । सामाधारमन्त्रसमूहे स्तोमशब्दः शक्त इति कैयटः । मनुष्यादिसमूहे तु स्तोमशब्दो लाक्षणिक इति तदाशयः । तदाह — पञ्चदश मन्त्रा इति । पञ्चदशः स्तोम इति । पञ्चदशन्शब्दाड्डप्रत्ययेटे॑रिति टिलोपः । सामाधारबूतपञ्चदशमन्त्रसमूह इत्यर्थः । ननु ङित्त्वाऽभावेऽपि 'नस्तद्धिते' इत्येव टिलोपसिद्धेर्ङित्त्वं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — एकविंश इति । एकविंशतिर्मन्त्राः परिमाणमस्य समूहस्येति विग्रहः । डप्रत्यये इति ।ति विंशतेर्डिती॑ति टिलोपः । मीमासकास्तु पृष्ठरथन्तरादिशब्दवाच्या प्रगीतमन्त्रसाध्या गुणवत्त्वेन वर्णनात्मिका स्तुतिरेव स्तोमः, स एव डप्रत्ययार्थः । प्रगीतपञ्चदशमन्त्रपरिमाणकः स्तोम इत्यर्थः । पञ्चदशत्वसंख्यात्मकपरिमाणं स्तुतौ मन्त्रद्वारा बोध्यम् । एवंच 'पञ्चदशेन स्तुवते' इत्यादौ धात्वर्थभूतस्तुतिसामानाधिकरण्यं पञ्चदसादिशब्दानामुपपद्यत इत्याहुः । तन्मतमवलम्ब्याह — सोमयागेष्वित्यादि ।

translator notes

commentary BM: with the preceding sūtra carried forward, the rule means that in the sense 'that is its measure' the affixes come as taught after a first-case word denoting a measure consisting in a number. Followed for the bracketed supplement in sutra_en.
commentary TB: because the preceding sūtra is carried forward, pañcako gosaṃghaḥ ('a herd of cows whose measure is five') is formed; but where the number delimits the referent of the base itself ('pañca gāvo 'sya saṃghasya'), no affix comes, since the measure is then not the affix-sense (Kaiyaṭa on 'ārhād agopuccha…'). Followed for the anuvṛtti of 'tad asya parimāṇam' in k1.
commentary BM: in pañcakāḥ śakunayaḥ the sense 'five is their measure' is impossible, because by 'ā daśataḥ saṃkhyāḥ saṃkhyeye' pañcan denotes the things counted and so cannot stand in apposition with 'measure'; hence the vārttika's affix in the word's own sense. 'yadvā': as in the compound 'dvyekayoḥ', where dvi and eka must denote twoness and oneness (otherwise the dual would be unaccountable), so here pañcan can denote fiveness, 'fiveness is their measure' is possible, and the affix comes in the sense of what has that measure. 'pañcaiva' illustrates the first view, 'pañca parimāṇam eṣām' the second. pañcakaḥ is a group whose measure is fiveness, via its members; aṣṭakam supplies 'sūtram', 'having eight adhyāyas as its measure', sūtra meaning the collection of sūtras; pañcakam adhyayanam is 'having five repetitions (āvṛtti) as its measure'. Followed for the two construals and for the glosses in k3.
commentary BM: the vārttika adds ḍa after a numeral in the sense 'that is its measure'. pañcadaśaḥ has ḍa with ṭi-lopa by 'ṭeḥ' (SK 316); to the objection that ṭi-lopa would follow from 'nas taddhite' (SK 679) even without the ḍ, BM answers with ekaviṃśaḥ, where the ti [of viṃśati] is deleted by 'ti viṃśater ḍiti' (SK 844), which requires an affix with ḍ as it (BM's text prints 'ṭilopaḥ' here, apparently for 'tilopaḥ'). For Kaiyaṭa stoma denotes the set of mantras on which the sāman rests; the Mīmāṃsakas take it as the laudation itself, done with sung mantras and denoted by words such as pṛṣṭha and rathantara, and Bhaṭṭoji's definition follows this latter view. Followed for 'laudation' and for 'bearing names such as pṛṣṭhya'.
commentary TB: the ḍ of ḍa serves ṭi-lopa in ekaviṃśaḥ and in trayastriṃśa and the like. The fifteen mantras arise because one sāman is sung on a tṛca repeated five times; in the saptadaśa stoma the last verse is repeated seven times and the first two five times; in the ekaviṃśa the tṛca is repeated seven times. 'chandogaiḥ' means the sāman singers. Followed for 'Chandogas' and for the sense of the numbers.
textual The digital source reads 'pṛdhag upāttam'; NSP p. 295 reads 'pṛthag upāttam', which the translation follows. The source prints the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' with a double daṇḍa at the head of k3 and k5, closing the vārttikas in k2 and k4; it is left untranslated, and k3 and k5 are Bhaṭṭoji's own prose.

SK 1725 · A 5.1.59V

पङ्क्तिविंशतित्रिंशच्चत्वारिंशत्पञ्चाशत्षष्टिसप्तत्यशीतिनवतिशतम् ॥ १७२५ ॥

paṅktiviṃśatitriṃśaccatvāriṃśatpañcāśatṣaṣṭisaptatyaśītinavatiśatam

paṅktiviṃśatitriṃśaccatvāriṃśatpañcāśatṣaṣṭisaptatyaśītinavatiśatam — paṅkti, viṃśati, triṃśat, catvāriṃśat, pañcāśat, ṣaṣṭi, saptati, aśīti, navati and śata [are formed as irregular forms (nipātana) in the sense 'that is its measure'].

Rule. Ten words are given ready-made by nipātana, in the sense "that is its measure": paṅkti, viṃśati "twenty", triṃśat "thirty", catvāriṃśat "forty", pañcāśat "fifty", ṣaṣṭi "sixty", saptati "seventy", aśīti "eighty", navati "ninety" and śata "a hundred". Bhaṭṭoji calls them rūḍhiśabda, words fixed by usage.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji sets the words down with no steps. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the derivations of the Bhāṣya, Patañjali's great commentary. For paṅkti the analysis is:

pañca pādāḥ parimāṇam asya "having five pādas as its measure" → pañcan with the ending ti → paṅkti, a metre of five pādas of five syllables each.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that the Bhāṣya concludes these are underived stems.

Watch out. Because these words are rūḍha, one should not insist on the literal sense of each part, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. Paṅkti, for example, can also mean a row or the number ten. Only as the metre does it keep its literal sense.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एते रूढिशब्दा निपात्यन्ते ॥

These conventional words (rūḍhiśabda) are given as irregular formations (nipātana).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 295–296

—पङ्क्तिविंशति—। ‘तदस्य परिमाणम्’ इति वर्तते ॥ पञ्चनशब्दस्य टिलोपः, तिप्रत्ययः, ‘चोः कुः’ इति कुलम् । पञ्च पदानि परिमाणमस्य । पङ्क्तिरुन्द इति काशिका ॥ पदशब्दोऽत्र पादपर्याय इति हरदत्तः ॥—रूढिशब्दा इति । तथा चात्र नावयवार्थेऽभिनिवेष्टव्यम् । पङ्क्तिशब्दो हि नानार्थः । अस्ति क्रमसंनिवेशे ब्राह्मणपङ्क्तिः । पिपीलिकापङ्क्तिरिति । अस्ति च दशसंख्यायां पङ्क्तिरथ इति दशरथ इत्यर्थः । अस्ति हि छन्दोविशेषे यस्य पञ्चाक्षराः पञ्चपादाः । तथा च छन्दोविशेषे एवावयवार्थो नान्यत्रेति बोध्यम् ॥ द्वयोर्दशतोर्विन्भावः शतिश्च प्रत्ययः अपदत्वं च । द्वौ दशतौ परिमाणमस्य विंशतिः । अपदत्वनिपातनान्नकारस्यानुस्वारः ॥ केचित्तु विन्भावमुक्त्वा अपदत्वं चेति न पठन्ति ॥ त्रयाणां दशतां त्रिन्भावः शच्च प्रत्ययः । मतान्तरेतु त्रिभावः ॥ त्रयो दशतः परिमाणमस्य त्रिंशत् ॥ एवं चतुर्णां चत्वारिन् । पञ्चानां पञ्चा । आभ्यामपि शतप्रत्ययः ॥ षण्णां दशतां षष्, तिश्च प्रत्ययः अपदत्वं च । षट् दशतः परिमाणमस्याः षष्टिः ॥ तत्तन्निभ्योऽपि तिप्रत्यय एव । सप्तानां दशतां सप्त, अष्टानां दशतामशी, नवानां दशतां नव, दशानां दशतां शमावः तश्च प्रत्ययः । दश दशतः परिमाणमस्य शतम्

Bālamanoramā

पङ्क्तिविंशतित्रिंशत्चत्वारिंशत्पञ्चाशत्षष्टि- सप्तत्यशीतिनवतिशतम् - पङ्क्तिविंशति । रूढिशब्दा निपात्यन्त शति ।तदस्य परिमाणमित्यर्थे॑ इति शेषः । पञ्च पादाः परिमाणमस्येत्यर्थे पञ्चन्शब्दात्तिप्रत्ययः , प्रकृतेष्टिलोपः, चकारस्य कुत्वम्, अनुस्वारपरसवर्णौ । पङ्क्तिरिति रूपम् ।पञ्चाक्षरा पञ्चपदा पङ्क्ति॑रिति छन्दःशास्त्रे । दशानां वर्गः दशत् ।पञ्चद्दशतौ वर्गे वा॑ इति वक्ष्यते । द्वौ दशतौ परिमाणमस्य सङ्घस्येति विंशतिः । शतिच्प्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेर्विन्भावः, अनुस्वारश्च । अत्र सङ्घग्रहणमनुवर्तते । तथा च गवां विंशतिरिति भवति । सङ्घसङ्घिनोस्तादात्म्यविवक्षायां तु विंशतिर्गाव इति भवति । स्वभावादेकवचनं स्त्रीत्वं च । एवं तिंरशदादावपि ।विंशत्याद्याः सदैकत्वे संख्याः संख्येयसङ्ख्ययो॑रिति,तासु चानवतेः स्त्रियः॑ इति चाऽमरः । त्रयो दशतः परिमाणमस्य सङ्घस्य त्रिशत्, शत्प्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेः त्रिन्भावश्च । चत्वारो दशतः परिमाणमस्य सङ्घस्य चत्वारिंशत् । शत्प्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेः चत्वारिन्भावश्च । पञ्च दशतः परिमाणमस्य सङ्घस्य पञ्चाशत् । शत्प्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेः पञ्चादेशः । षड् दशतः परिमाणमस्य सह्घस्य षष्ठिः । तिप्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेः षष्, जश्त्वाऽभावश्च । सप्त दशतः परिमाणमस्य सङ्घस्य सप्ततिः । तिप्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेः सप्तादेशः । अष्टौ दशतः परिमाणमस्य सङ्घस्य अशीतिः । तिप्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेरशीत्यादेशः । नव दशतः परिमाणमस्य सङ्घस्य नवतिः । तिप्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेर्नवादेशः । दश दशतः परिमाणमस्य सङ्घस्य शतम् । तप्रत्ययः, प्रकृतेः शादेशश्च । एतत्सर्वं भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।एतान्यव्युत्पन्नप्रातिपदिकानी॑ति तु भाष्यनिष्कर्षः ।

translator notes

commentary BM supplies 'in the sense tad asya parimāṇam' (SK 1723) and sets out the Bhāṣya's analyses: paṅkti is pañcan + ti in the sense 'having five pādas as its measure', with ṭi-lopa, kutva, anusvāra and parasavarṇa (a metre of five five-syllable pādas); viṃśati is 'having two daśats as the measure of the group', with śatic and vin for the base; triṃśat has śat and trin; catvāriṃśat śat and catvārin; pañcāśat śat and pañcā; ṣaṣṭi ti and ṣaṣ without jaśtva; saptati, aśīti and navati ti with sapta, aśī and nava; śata ta with śa. 'saṃgha' is carried forward, so gavāṃ viṃśatiḥ; viṃśatir gāvaḥ where group and members are identified; singular number and feminine gender are by nature (Amara cited). BM adds that the Bhāṣya's conclusion is that these are underived stems (avyutpanna prātipadika). Followed for the anuvṛtti in sutra_en; the derivations are not in the kaumudī and are not added to it.
commentary TB: 'tad asya parimāṇam' continues. 'rūḍhiśabdāḥ' means that one should not insist on the etymological sense: paṅkti is polysemous (a row of brāhmaṇas, of ants; ten, as in paṅktiratha = daśaratha; and a metre of five five-syllable pādas), and only in the metre does the etymological sense hold. TB then gives the nipātana analyses of viṃśati to śata, recording variant views (e.g. tri for trin, and some omitting apadatva for viṃśati). Followed for 'conventional words'.
textual NSP editorial footnote (p. 295, stored as sk.1718.n1, item 3, keyed by its superscript to this sūtra): viṃśati etc. take the singular both when they denote the number and when they denote the things numbered; hence 'viṃśatir gavām' and the like are correct. This agrees with BM's citation of Amara. Recorded only.

SK 1726 · A 5.1.60V

पञ्चद्दशतौ वर्गे वा ॥ १७२६ ॥

pañcaddaśatau varge vā

pañcaddaśatau varge vā — pañcat and daśat [are irregularly formed (nipātana), in the sense 'that is its measure'], optionally, when a group (varga) [is denoted].

Rule. When a group (varga) is meant, pañcat and daśat are given optionally by nipātana. The sense is "that is its measure".

Example.

pañca parimāṇam asya "five is its measure" → pañcad vargaḥ "a group of five". Likewise daśat, "a group of ten".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps. The affix is ḍati, whose i is only for pronunciation. Its ḍ deletes the ṭi an of pañcan (SK 316) → pañcat.

In the other option kan comes (SK 1687): pañcakaḥ, daśakaḥ.

Watch out. Pāṇini's next sūtra, A 5.1.61, is Vedic. Bhaṭṭoji keeps it for the Vedic section (SK 3491). So SK 1727 is A 5.1.62.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पञ्च परिमाणमस्य पञ्चद्वर्गः । दशत् । पक्षे पञ्चकः । दशकः ॥

Five is its measure (pañca parimāṇam asya): pañcad vargaḥ, 'a group [of five]'. [Likewise] daśat. In the other option: pañcakaḥ, daśakaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 296

—पञ्चदशतौ—। इमौ डत्यन्तत्वेन निपात्येते वर्गेऽभिधेये । ‘तदस्य परिमाणम्’ इत्यनुवर्तत एव ॥—दशदिति । दश परिमाणमस्य ॥—पक्षे इति । वाग्रहणात् ‘संख्यायाः’ इति कन्नपि भवतीति भावः

Bālamanoramā

पञ्चद्दशतौ वर्गे वा - पञ्चद्दशतौ । पञ्च दश वा परिमाणमस्य वर्गस्येत्यर्थे एतौ निपात्येते इत्यर्थः । पञ्चद्वर्ग इति । पञ्च परिमाणमस्येत्यर्थे पञ्चन्शब्दाड्डतिप्रत्ययः । तत्र इकार उच्चारणार्थः ।टे॑रिति टिलोपः । दशदिति । दश परिमाणमस्य वर्गस्येति विग्रहः । डतिः । डित्त्वाट्टिलोपः । एतदर्थमेव डित्त्वम् । पक्षे इति । डत्यभावपक्षे 'संख्यायाः' इति कन्नित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB: these two are set down by nipātana as ending in ḍati when a group is to be denoted; 'tad asya parimāṇam' (SK 1723) continues (anuvartate) here. Followed for the bracketed sense in sutra_en.
commentary BM: in the sense 'five or ten is the measure of this group' these two are nipātana. pañcad vargaḥ: ḍati after pañcan in the sense 'five is its measure', the i of ḍati being for pronunciation only, with elision of the ṭi by 'ṭeḥ' (SK 316). daśat: analysed 'daśa parimāṇam asya vargasya'; ḍati, and elision of the ṭi because of the it ḍ, which is there for just this purpose. 'In the other option': when ḍati is absent, kan by 'saṃkhyāyāḥ'. Followed for 'a group [of five]' and for taking pañcakaḥ, daśakaḥ as the kan-forms.
commentary TB: daśat means 'ten is its measure'; 'in the other option': because of the word vā, kan by 'saṃkhyāyāḥ' also comes. Agrees with BM.
translator The kan-rule that BM and TB cite by its first word 'saṃkhyāyāḥ' is taken to be 'saṃkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan' (SK 1687), the rule in this section that actually teaches kan; 'saṃkhyāyāḥ saṃjñāsaṃghasūtrādhyayaneṣu' (SK 1724) teaches no affix of its own.

SK 1727 · A 5.1.62V

त्रिंशच्चत्वारिंशतोर्ब्राह्मणे संज्ञायां डण् ॥ १७२७ ॥

triṃśaccatvāriṃśatorbrāhmaṇe saṃjñāyāṃ ḍaṇ

triṃśaccatvāriṃśator brāhmaṇe saṃjñāyāṃ ḍaṇ — After triṃśat ('thirty') and catvāriṃśat ('forty'), ḍaṇ [comes, in the sense 'that is the measure of this'] when a brāhmaṇa [text] is denoted, as a name (saṃjñā).

Rule. After triṃśat "thirty" and catvāriṃśat "forty", ḍaṇ comes in the sense "that is its measure". It comes when a brāhmaṇa text is named. A brāhmaṇa is the part of the Veda other than the mantras. Ḍaṇ is heard as a. Its ṇ brings vṛddhi, and its ḍ deletes the ṭi.

Example.

triṃśad adhyāyāḥ parimāṇam eṣāṃ brāhmaṇānām "brāhmaṇas whose measure is thirty chapters" → triṃśat + ḍaṇ

→ the ṭi at deleted (SK 316) → vṛddhi i → ai → traiṃśāni.

Likewise cātvāriṃśāni brāhmaṇāni.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

त्रिंशदध्यायाः परिमाणमेषां ब्राह्मणानां त्रैंशानि । चात्वारिंशानि ॥

triṃśad adhyāyāḥ parimāṇam eṣāṃ brāhmaṇānām, 'brāhmaṇas whose measure is thirty chapters': traiṃśāni. [Likewise] cātvāriṃśāni [brāhmaṇāni].

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 296

—त्रिंशच्चत्वारिंशतोः—। व्यत्ययेन पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठीद्विवचनम् । ‘चत्वारिंशतो ब्राह्मणे’ इति पाठे तु समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्येकवचनम् ॥ इह ‘ब्राह्मणसंज्ञायाम्’ इति षष्ठीसमासेन निर्देष्टुमुचितम् । तथा हि सति ‘ब्राह्मणस्य चेत्संज्ञा’ इति स्फुटीभवति । अन्यथा तु यस्य कस्यचित्संज्ञायां ब्राह्मणस्थे च प्रयोगे इत्यनिष्ठोऽर्थः संभाव्येत । ततश्च मन्त्रे भाषायां च डण् न सिध्येत् । इष्यते च सः । तस्मादिष्टानुरोधेन षष्ठ्यर्थे सप्तमीति व्याख्येयम् ॥ ‘ब्राह्मणेऽभिधेये’ इति तु काशिकायां व्याख्यातम् ॥—ठञादय इति । ठञ उदाहरणं तु प्रत्ययमर्हति प्रास्थिकः, द्रौणिकः इत्याद्युह्यम् । आदि-शब्दप्राह्यस्य ठक उदाहरणमाह—श्वैतच्छन्निक इति । एवं खारीकः शत्यः शतिकः साहस इत्यादीन्युदाहर्तव्यानि

Bālamanoramā

त्रिंशच्चत्वारिंशतोर्ब्राह्मणे संज्ञायां डण् - तिंरशच्चत्वारिंशतोः । तदस्य परिमाणमित्यर्थे परिमाणिनि ब्राआहृणे वाच्ये त्रिशच्चत्वारिंशद्भ्यां डण्स्यादित्यर्थः । ब्राआहृणं=वेदेषु मन्त्रव्यतिरिक्तो भागः । त्रैंशानीति । डित्त्वात् 'टेः' इति टिलोपः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in the sense 'tad asya parimāṇam' (SK 1723), ḍaṇ comes after triṃśat and catvāriṃśat when a brāhmaṇa is to be expressed as the thing measured (parimāṇin); a brāhmaṇa is the portion of the Veda other than the mantras. Followed for the bracketed sense in sutra_en and for 'brāhmaṇa [text]'.
commentary TB: the sixth-case dual 'triṃśaccatvāriṃśatoḥ' stands for the fifth case by interchange (vyatyaya); on the reading 'catvāriṃśato brāhmaṇe' it is a fifth-case singular of a samāhāra-dvandva. TB says the sūtra would better have read 'brāhmaṇasaṃjñāyām' (a sixth-case tatpuruṣa), so that it is clear the name must be a name of a brāhmaṇa; the seventh-case 'brāhmaṇe' is therefore to be explained as standing for the sixth case. Otherwise the unwanted sense 'a name of anything, [used] within a brāhmaṇa' could arise, and ḍaṇ would then fail in mantra and in ordinary language, where it is desired. TB notes that the Kāśikā explains 'when a brāhmaṇa is denoted' (brāhmaṇe 'bhidheye). Followed for 'when a brāhmaṇa [text] is denoted, as a name'.
commentary BM on traiṃśāni: because the affix has ḍ as it, the ṭi [of triṃśat] is deleted by 'ṭeḥ' (SK 316). The kaumudī gives only the forms; no derivation is added in the translation.
textual NSP p. 296 (printed 286) reads 'cātvāriṃśāni brāhmaṇāni'; the digital source lacks 'brāhmaṇāni'. The English supplies it in brackets from NSP, pending a check of the mūla against a printed copy.

SK 1728 · A 5.1.63V

तद् अर्हति ॥ १७२८ ॥

tad arhati

tad arhati — [After a nominal in the second case, the affixes ṭhañ etc.] in the sense 'deserves that'.

Rule. After a word in the second case, ṭhañ and the rest come in the sense "deserves that". Bhaṭṭoji glosses it as "is fit to obtain".

Example.

śvetacchatram arhati "deserves a white parasol" → śvetacchatra + ṭhak (SK 1681)

→ vṛddhi e → ai → the final a deleted → śvaitacchatrikaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds ṭhañ examples: prāsthikaḥ "deserving a prastha" and drauṇikaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why the gloss "to obtain"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Arhati in the sense "is fit" takes no object. The word "obtain" supplies one, so the base can stand in the second case.

Watch out. Ṭhak comes here because SK 1681 runs up to and including tad arhati. This is the last sense where ṭhak is the default.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लब्धुं योग्यो भवतीत्यर्थे द्वितीयान्ताट्ठञादयः स्युः । श्वेतच्छत्रर्हति श्वैतच्छत्रिकः ॥

In the sense 'is fit to obtain', ṭhañ and the rest come after [a nominal] ending in the second case. [One who] deserves a white parasol (śvetacchatra): śvaitacchatrikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

तद् अर्हति - तदर्हति । अर्हतीत्यस्य योग्यो भवतीत्यर्थे अकर्मकत्वात्तदिति द्वितीया न स्यात् । इष्यते तु द्वितीयान्तादेव प्रत्ययः । तत्राह — लब्धुमिति । औतच्छत्रिक इति । आर्हीयष्ठक् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: arhati in the sense 'is fit' would be intransitive, so 'tat' could not be in the second case; yet the affix is desired only after a second-case word; hence the kaumudī glosses with 'labdhum' ('to obtain'), which supplies an object. śvaitacchatrikaḥ takes the ārhīya ṭhak. Followed for 'is fit to obtain' and for keeping the second case explicit.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1727.t1, on 'ṭhañādayaḥ': examples of ṭhañ are to be supplied, such as prāsthikaḥ ('prastham arhati', so the NSP scan, p. 296; the OCR is garbled) and drauṇikaḥ; śvaitacchatrikaḥ exemplifies ṭhak, which 'ādi' covers; khārīkaḥ, śatyaḥ, śatikaḥ, sāhasraḥ and the like may be added. TB, printed under sk.1681.t1, adds that because ṭhak's heading extends to include (abhivyāpya) 'tad arhati', ṭhak comes in śvaitacchatrikaḥ. Followed for 'ṭhañ and the rest'.
textual The source reads 'śvetacchatrarhati', without the second-case ending; the NSP 1915 print (p. 296) reads 'śvetacchatram arhati'. Translated accordingly.

SK 1729 · A 5.1.64V

छेदादिभ्यो नित्यम् ॥ १७२९ ॥

chedādibhyo nityam

chedādibhyo nityam — After cheda ('cutting') and the rest, constantly (nityam) [— the affixes come in the sense 'constantly deserves that'].

Rule. After cheda "cutting" and the other words of its list, the affixes come in the sense "constantly deserves that". Bhaṭṭoji takes nityam as repetition (ābhīkṣṇya). It qualifies the sense.

Example.

chedaṃ nityam arhati "constantly deserves cutting" → cheda + ṭhak

→ vṛddhi e → ai → chaidiko vetasaḥ "the cane".

The cane deserves it constantly because it grows again after it is cut.

Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra, a rule written inside the word-list, reads virāga viraṅgaṃ ca. Virāga is in the list, and viraṅga also comes in its place.

virāgaṃ nityam arhati → vairāgikaḥ, or with the substitute, vairaṅgikaḥ.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, following the Bhāṣya, read nityam otherwise. For them it means only "not optional", and the sūtra could be dispensed with. Scholars discuss this; this chapter teaches Bhaṭṭoji's reading.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

नित्यमाभीक्ष्ण्यम् । छेदं नित्यमर्हति छैदिको वेतसः । छिन्नप्ररूढत्वात् । (गणसूत्रम् -) विराग विरङ्गं च । विरागं नित्यमर्हति । वैरागिकः । वैरङ्गिकः ॥

'nityam' [here means] repetition (ābhīkṣṇya). Chedaṃ nityam arhati, 'constantly deserves cutting': chaidiko vetasaḥ, 'the cane', because it grows again after being cut. (gaṇasūtra) virāga viraṅgaṃ ca — 'virāga, and [in its place also] viraṅga'. Virāgaṃ nityam arhati, 'constantly deserves virāga': vairāgikaḥ, vairaṅgikaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 296

—छेदादिभ्यो—। नित्यग्रहणमिह ‘नित्यं क्रीडाजीविकयोः’ इत्यत्रेव महाविभाषया प्राप्तस्य वाक्यस्य निवृत्त्यर्थं न भवति, आरम्भसामर्थ्यादेव तन्निवृत्तिसिद्धेः, किं तु प्रत्ययार्थविशेषणमिति ध्वनयति—छेदं नित्यमर्हतीति । भाष्ये तु नित्यग्रहणं प्रत्याख्यातं सूत्रमेव मास्तिति तदाशय इति मनोरमा ॥ अयं भावः । नित्यग्रहणमिह प्रत्ययार्थविशेषणं न भवति । नित्यं छेदमर्हतीत्यस्यासंभवात् । न हि कश्चित्पदार्थो नित्यं छेदमर्हति । योऽपि वेतसादिरर्धच्छिन्नः प्ररोहति, सोऽपि न नित्यं छेदमर्हति । कालान्तर एव तस्य छेदप्रवर्तनात् । न चात्र नित्यग्रहणत्यागेऽपि छेदमर्हतीत्यादिविप्रहवा-क्यनिवृत्तये सूत्रस्यावश्यकत्वात्तत्प्रत्याख्यानं न युज्यत इति शङ्क्यम् । विग्रहवाक्यस्य भाष्यादिसंमतत्वादिति दिक् ॥ छेद भेद द्रोह दोषेत्यादयश्छेदादयः । गणसूत्रमाह—विरागेति

Bālamanoramā

छेदादिभ्यो नित्यम् - छेदादिभ्यो आभीक्ष्ण्यमिति । पौनःपुन्यमित्यर्थः । तन्नित्यमर्हतीत्यर्थे द्वितीयान्तेभ्यश्छेदादिभ्यो यथाविहितं प्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । छैदिको वेतस इति ।आर्हा॑दिति ठक् । 'तदर्हति' इत्येव सिद्धे आभीक्ष्ण एवेति नियमार्थमिदं सूत्रम् । वस्तुतस्तु नित्यमिति नाभीक्ष्ण्यार्थकं प्रत्ययार्थकोटि प्रविष्टं, किंतु अपाक्षिकार्थकम्समर्थानां प्रथमाद्वा॑ इति वाग्रहणानुवृत्तिनिवृत्त्यर्थमित्यभिप्रेत्य विग्रहवाक्यस्यापि लोके दर्शनान्नित्यग्रहणं न कर्तव्यमित्युक्तं भाष्ये । एवंच छेदादिभ्यः पाक्षिकप्रत्ययस्यतदर्हती॑त्येव सिद्धत्वात्सूत्रमेवेदं नारब्धव्यमिति । फलति । विराग विरङ्गं चेति । गणसूत्रमिदम् । उक्तेऽर्थे विरागशब्दो विरङ्गादेशं लभत इत्यर्थः चादार्हीयष्ठक् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ābhīkṣṇya means repeatedness (paunaḥpunya); the affixes come as taught after a second-case word, cheda and the rest, in the sense 'constantly deserves that'; chaidikaḥ takes ṭhak by 'ārhāt' (SK 1681). Since 'tad arhati' (SK 1728) would already give the form, the sūtra is a restriction (niyama) to repetition. BM then states that in fact 'nitya' does not denote repetition as part of the affix-sense but means 'not optional', to stop the anuvṛtti of 'vā' from 'samarthānāṃ prathamād vā' (SK 1072); since the analytic phrase is also found in usage, the Bhāṣya says 'nitya' should not be mentioned, with the result that the sūtra itself need not be made, the optional affix after cheda and the rest being got from 'tad arhati'. On the gaṇasūtra: in the stated sense virāga takes the substitute viraṅga, and the affix is the ārhīya ṭhak. Followed for 'repetition', for the supplement in sutra_en and for '[in its place]' in the gaṇasūtra; that virāga also stands is shown by the kaumudī's citing both vairāgikaḥ and vairaṅgikaḥ.
commentary TB: 'nitya' here is not, as in 'nityaṃ krīḍājīvikayoḥ', for excluding the analytic phrase allowed by the great option (mahāvibhāṣā), since that follows from the very fact that the rule is made; it qualifies the affix-sense, as the kaumudī signals with 'chedaṃ nityam arhati'. TB then reports the Manoramā (Bhaṭṭoji's Prauḍhamanoramā): the Bhāṣya rejects 'nitya', meaning that the sūtra itself should not be made. It goes on ('ayaṃ bhāvaḥ') to explain that 'nitya' cannot qualify the affix-sense, since nothing constantly deserves cutting (even the cane, which grows again when half cut, is cut only at intervals), and that the sūtra is not needed to exclude the analytic phrase, which the Bhāṣya and others accept. So TB, reporting the Manoramā and the Bhāṣya, ends against the construal it ascribes to the kaumudī, as BM also does. The chedādi list includes cheda, bheda, droha, doṣa. The kaumudī is translated on its own terms, with 'constantly' qualifying the sense (§16).
textual The digital source introduces the gaṇasūtra with the tag '(gaṇasūtram -)'; NSP p. 296 prints '(ga)'. Rendered as the label '(gaṇasūtra)'.

SK 1730 · A 5.1.65V

शीर्षच्छेदाद्यच्च ॥ १७३० ॥

śīrṣacchedādyacca

śīrṣacchedād yac ca — After śīrṣaccheda, yat as well [as ṭhak, in the sense 'constantly deserves that'].

Rule. After śīrṣaccheda "beheading", yat comes in the sense "constantly deserves that". By ca, the ārhīya ṭhak comes as well.

Example.

śīrṣacchedaṃ nityam arhati "constantly deserves beheading" → śīrṣaccheda + yat → śīrṣacchedyaḥ.

śīrṣaccheda + ṭhak → vṛddhi ī → ai → śairṣacchedikaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The word for "head" is normally śiras. Its replacement by śīrṣa is given by nipātana, only together with yat and ṭhak. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why this is needed. Otherwise śīrṣaṃś chandasi (SK 3514) allows śīrṣan only in the Veda.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शीरश्च्छेदं नित्यमर्हति शीर्षच्छेद्यः । शैर्षच्छेदिकः । यट्ठकोः संनियोगेन शिरसः शीर्षभावो निपात्यते ॥

[One who] constantly deserves beheading (śīrṣaccheda): śīrṣacchedyaḥ or śairṣacchedikaḥ. The replacement of śiras by śīrṣa is taught as a ready-made form (nipātana) [only] in conjunction with yat and ṭhak.

Bālamanoramā

शीर्षच्छेदाद्यच्च - शीर्षच्छेदाद्यच्च । चादार्हीयदृक् । ननुशीर्षंश्छन्दसी॑ति छन्दस्येव शिरसः शीर्षादेव विधानात्कथमिह शीर्षादेश इत्यत आह — यट्ठकोरिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: by ca, the ārhīya ṭhak [also comes]. Objection: since 'śīrṣaṃś chandasi' (SK 3514) substitutes śīrṣan for śiras only in the Veda, how can śīrṣa appear here? The kaumudī's closing sentence answers this: śīrṣa is a nipātana tied to yat and ṭhak. Followed for '[as ṭhak]' in sutra_en and for '[only] in conjunction with'.
translator 'constantly' (nityam) continues from 'chedādibhyo nityam' (SK 1729), where the kaumudī explains nitya as ābhīkṣṇya (repetition); the continuation is inferred from the kaumudī's example, which repeats nityam.
textual The source reads 'śīraśchedaṃ', which is neither śiraśchedam nor śīrṣacchedam; the NSP 1915 print (p. 296) reads 'śīrṣacchedaṃ nityam arhati'. Translated with śīrṣaccheda.

SK 1731 · A 5.1.66V

दण्डादिभ्यो यत् ॥ १७३१ ॥

daṇḍādibhyo yat

daṇḍādibhyo yat — After daṇḍa ('punishment') etc., [yat, carried forward from 'śīrṣacchedād yac ca' (SK 1730), comes, in the sense 'deserves that'].

Rule. After daṇḍa "punishment" and the other words of its list, yat comes in the sense "deserves that". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say yat is carried forward from SK 1730.

Example.

daṇḍam arhati "deserves punishment" → daṇḍa + yat → the final a deleted → daṇḍyaḥ.

Likewise arghyaḥ "deserving a price or worship" (the printed text appears to read ardhyaḥ; the list word is argha "price, offering"), and vadhyaḥ "deserving death".

Watch out. The affix is yat, not ya. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reject the reading daṇḍādibhyo yaḥ as against the Bhāṣya; one of them adds the accent.

Pāṇini's next sūtra, A 5.1.67, is Vedic. Bhaṭṭoji keeps it for the Vedic section (SK 3492). So SK 1732 is A 5.1.68.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो यत् स्यात् । दण्डमर्हति दण्ड्यः । अर्ध्यः । वध्यः ॥

yat comes after these. daṇḍam arhati, '[one who] deserves punishment': daṇḍyaḥ. arghyaḥ. vadhyaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 296

—दण्डादिभ्यः—। पूर्वसूत्राद्यदनुवर्तत इत्याह—यत्स्यादिति । केचित्तु ‘दण्डादिभ्यो यः’ इति पठन्ति । स चापपाठ एव भाष्यादिविरोधादित्याहुः ॥ तथा हि ‘अचो यत्’ इति सूत्रे भाष्ये उक्तं ‘हनो वा यत् वधादेशश्च’ वध्यः घात्यः । ‘तद्धितो वा’ वधमर्हति वध्य इति ॥ यदि चेह यद्विधीयेत तदैवैतदुपपद्यते पक्षद्वयेपि ‘यतोऽनावः’ इत्याद्युदात्तत्वात् । यदि त्वत्र यो विधीयेत तदा खरो भिद्येत ॥ मनोरमायां तु ‘क्यच्चिधौ हनो वा वधस्तद्धितो वा’ इति भाष्यम् । यदि चेह यद्विधीयेत, तदैवैतदुपपद्यते । क्यप्याद्युदात्तत्वं सत्यपि तद्धिते ‘यतोऽनावः’ इत्याद्युदात्तत्वमित्यादि स्थितम्

Bālamanoramā

दण्डादिभ्यः - दडादिभ्यः । यदित्यनुवर्तते । तदाह — यत्स्यादिति । 'दण्डादिभ्यो यः' इति त्वपपाठः,अचोय॑दिति सूत्रभाष्ये तथैव दर्शनात् । अध्र्य इति । मूल्यं, पूजाविधि वार्हतीत्यर्थः ।मूल्ये पूजाविधावर्धः॑ इत्यमरः । वध्य इति । वधमर्हतीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM's pratīka is 'daṇḍādibhyaḥ': 'yat' is carried forward (anuvartate), and the kaumudī's 'yat syāt' states it. The reading 'daṇḍādibhyo yaḥ' is a wrong reading (apapāṭha), because in the Bhāṣya on 'aco yat' the affix is seen as yat. Followed for taking 'yat' in the heading as supplied by anuvṛtti.
commentary TB: yat is carried forward from the preceding sūtra ('śīrṣacchedād yac ca', SK 1730), which the kaumudī's 'yat syāt' expresses. Some read 'daṇḍādibhyo yaḥ'; that is a wrong reading, against the Bhāṣya, which on 'aco yat' gives 'hano vā yad vadhādeśaś ca' (vadhyaḥ, ghātyaḥ) and alternatively 'taddhito vā' (vadham arhati vadhyaḥ). This works only if yat is enjoined here, since in both options the accent is initial udātta by 'yato 'nāvaḥ'; with ya the accent would differ. TB reports that the Manoramā gives the Bhāṣya's wording differently but draws the same conclusion. Followed for 'yat'.
commentary BM: arghya means 'deserves a price or a rite of worship', citing the Amarakośa 'mūlye pūjāvidhāv arghaḥ'; vadhya means 'deserves death' (vadha). Relied on for reading arghyaḥ (see the textual note); the kaumudī glosses neither form, so none is added.
translator The SK heading (source and NSP p. 296, printed 286) prints 'daṇḍādibhyo yat'; BM and TB both treat yat as brought by anuvṛtti rather than as part of the sūtra's own wording. The IAST heading keeps 'yat' as printed; the English gloss marks it as supplied by anuvṛtti.
textual The source prints 'ardhyaḥ', and so does the NSP OCR (p. 296, printed 286); the scan is not decisive between the dh and gh half-forms. The member of the daṇḍādi list is argha ('price; honorific offering'), as BM's gloss 'deserves a price or a rite of worship' and its Amarakośa citation for argha show; the digital BM shows the same dh for gh in both the pratīka and the citation. Translated as arghyaḥ.

SK 1732 · A 5.1.68V

पात्राद्घंश्च ॥ १७३२ ॥

pātrādghaṃśca

pātrād ghaṃś ca — After pātra, ghan and [yat, in the sense 'deserves that'].

Rule. After pātra "vessel", ghan comes in the sense "deserves that". By ca, yat comes too. Ghan is heard as iya (SK 475).

Example.

pātram arhati "deserves a vessel" → pātra + ghan → gh → iy → the final a deleted → pātriyaḥ.

pātra + yat → pātryaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चाद्यत्तदर्हतीत्यर्थे । पात्रियः । पात्र्यः ॥

By ca, yat [also comes], in the sense 'deserves that' (tad arhati). pātriyaḥ or pātryaḥ ['one who deserves a vessel (pātra)'].

Bālamanoramā

पात्राद्घंश्च - पात्राद्धंश्च । पात्रियः प्रात्र्य इति । पात्रमर्हतीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM glosses both forms as 'pātram arhati' ('deserves a vessel'). Followed for the bracketed gloss.
translator The yat drawn in by ca is that of 'daṇḍādibhyo yat' (SK 1731); 'ghaṃś' is ghan followed by ca in sandhi, and gha is replaced by iya in pātriyaḥ. Neither commentary states this; it is the translator's reading of the sūtra's wording.

SK 1733 · A 5.1.69V

कडङ्करदक्षिणाच्छ च ॥ १७३३ ॥

kaḍaṅkaradakṣiṇāccha ca

kaḍaṅkaradakṣiṇāc cha ca — After kaḍaṅkara and dakṣiṇā, cha too [comes, besides yat, in the sense 'deserves that'].

Rule. After kaḍaṅkara and dakṣiṇā "a sacrificial fee", cha comes in the sense "deserves that". By ca, yat comes too.

The word kaḍaṅkara is itself explained. It is analysed kaḍaṃ karoti "it makes kaḍa". The affix khac is given by nipātana from this very sūtra. It means the stalks of māṣa, mudga and similar pulses, used as fodder.

Example.

kaḍaṅkaram arhati "deserves such fodder" → kaḍaṅkara + cha → kaḍaṅkarīyo gauḥ "a cow".

kaḍaṅkara + yat → kaḍaṅkaryaḥ.

dakṣiṇām arhati "deserves a sacrificial fee" → dakṣiṇīyaḥ or dakṣiṇyaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चाद्यत् । कडं करोतीति विग्रहे अत एव निपातनात्खच् । कडंकरं माषमुद्रादिकाष्ठमर्हतीति कडंकरीयो गौः । कडंकर्यः । दक्षिणामर्हतीति दक्षिणीयः-दक्षिण्यः ॥

By ca, yat [also comes]. On the analysis 'it makes kaḍa' (kaḍaṃ karoti), khac [comes] by nipātana from this very [sūtra]. A cow that deserves kaḍaṅkara, [that is,] the stalks of māṣa, mudga and the like (kaḍaṅkaraṃ māṣamudgādikāṣṭham arhati): kaḍaṅkarīyaḥ [with cha]; kaḍaṅkaryaḥ [with yat]. Deserving a dakṣiṇā (dakṣiṇām arhati): dakṣiṇīyaḥ, dakṣiṇyaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 296

—कङंकरदक्षिणाच्छ च । ‘कङंगर-’ इति पाठस्तूपेक्ष्य इति ध्वनयति—कङं करोतीति । ‘कङ मदे’ कडतीति कङः ॥—माषमुद्रादिकाष्ठमिति । अमरश्चाह ‘कङंकरो वुसं क्लीबम्’ इति ॥—गौरिति । ‘नीवारपाकादिकङंकरीयैः’ इति रघुः

Bālamanoramā

कडङ्गरदक्षिणाच्छ च - कडङ्करदक्षिणाच्छ च । 'कडमदे' कडनं कडः=मजः ।घञर्थे कविधान॑मिति कः । खजिति । तथा चखित्यनव्ययस्ये॑ति मुमिति भावः । कडङ्करं च दक्षिणा चेति समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kaḍa is from the root kaḍa 'to be exhilarated' (mada): kaḍana, i.e. kaḍa, with ka by 'ghañarthe kavidhānam'; on khac: hence mum by 'khity anavyayasya'. The sūtra's fifth case is from a samāhāra-dvandva of kaḍaṅkara and dakṣiṇā. BM's lemma prints the sūtra as 'kaḍaṅgara…' but its gloss reads 'kaḍaṅkara…'. Followed for kaḍa as a noun object of karoti in the analysis.
commentary TB: the analysis 'kaḍaṃ karoti' hints that the reading 'kaḍaṅgara-' is to be disregarded; kaḍa is from 'kaḍa made', 'that which exhilarates'. For 'the stalks of māṣa, mudga and the like' TB cites Amara 'kaḍaṅkaro busaṃ klībam'; for the cow it cites Raghu 'nīvārapākādikaḍaṅkarīyaiḥ'. Followed for the reading kaḍaṅkara and for 'stalks' (straw used as fodder) as the sense of kāṣṭha here.
textual The source reads 'māṣamudrādikāṣṭham' ('mudra' makes no sense in a list of pulses); the 1915 print (NSP p. 296) reads 'māṣamudgādikāṣṭham' (OCR 'māpa' for māṣa), i.e. mudga, green gram. Translated as mudga.

SK 1734 · A 5.1.70V

स्थालीबिलात् ॥ १७३४ ॥

sthālībilāt

sthālībilāt — After sthālībila ('the inside of a cooking-pot'), [cha and yat come in the sense 'deserves that'].

Rule. After sthālībila "the inside of a cooking-pot", cha and yat come in the sense "deserves that". Both affixes are carried forward from SK 1733. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says they are apavādas of ṭhak.

Example.

sthālībilam arhanti "they deserve the inside of a cooking-pot" → sthālībila + cha → sthālībilīyāḥ taṇḍulāḥ.

Or sthālībila + yat → sthālībilyāḥ taṇḍulāḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji explains: grains of rice fit for cooking.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्थालीबिलमर्हन्ति स्थालीबिलीयास्तण्डुलाः-स्थालीबिल्याः । पाकयोग्याः इत्यर्थः ॥

They deserve the inside of a cooking-pot (sthālībilam arhanti): sthālībilīyāḥ or sthālībilyāḥ taṇḍulāḥ, 'grains of rice'. The meaning is: fit for cooking.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 296–297

—स्थालीबिलात् । छयतावनुवर्तते । अस्माच्छयतौ स्तः । ठकोऽपवादः ॥—पाकयोग्या इति । त्रिःफलीकृता इति यावत् ॥—यज्ञमृत्विजं चार्हतीति । अर्थसमर्थो विद्वान् शास्त्रेणापर्युदस्त इत्यर्थः ॥ देशस्यानेवंविधत्वादुपसंख्यानम्—यज्ञियो देश इति । यज्ञानुष्ठाने योग्य इत्यर्थः ॥—ऋत्विगिति । स तु ऋत्विकर्मार्हति, न तु ऋत्विजमिति सूत्रेण खञोऽप्राप्तादुपसंख्यानम् ॥ आर्हीयाणां ठगा-दीनां द्वादशानां गतोऽवधिः ॥ पारायण—। आदित आरभ्य आन्तादविच्छेदेन वेदस्याध्ययनं पारायणम् । तच्च गुरुणा शिष्येण वा निर्वस्ते, अन्यतरासंनिधौ अध्ययनक्रियाया अनिष्पादनात् । तथापि शिष्य एव प्रत्यय इष्यते न तु गुराविलाकरे स्यितम् । तदाह—छात्र इति ॥—यजमान इति । यद्यपि पुरोडाशादिनिर्वर्तनेन कृत्विगपि यज्ञं वर्तयति, तथापि तत्र तौरायणिक इति न प्रयुज्यते, अनभिधानादिति भावः ॥ चान्द्रायणं व्रतविशेषः ॥—विषयीभूतोऽर्थ इति । ‘स्थाणुर्वा पुरुषो वा’ इति संशयविषयीभूते स्थाण्वादावेव प्रत्यय इष्यते, न तु संदेग्धरि, इति भावः ॥ कथं तर्हि ‘सांशयिकः संशयापन्नमानसः’ इति चेत् । अत्राहुः । संशयापन्नं मानसं यस्मिन्विषये स विषयः संशयापन्नमानस इति ॥—ततोऽभिगमनमिति । अत्र पञ्चम्यन्तात्प्रत्ययः

Bālamanoramā

स्थालीबिलात् - स्थालीबिलात् । छयतावनुवर्तेते, तदर्हतीति च ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 297 १ पन्थो ण इति—अणिति पाठस्तु ‘छेदादिभ्यश्च’ इतिसूत्रस्यभाष्यासंमतः । २ कालादिति—कालमध्ये यथाकथंचिदपि कालवोधकस्य महणमिति ‘तदस्य परिमाणम्’ इति सूत्रे भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । अतिप्रसङ्गस्त्वनभिधानात् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: cha and yat are carried forward (anuvṛtti), and so is 'tad arhati' (SK 1728). Followed for the bracketed supplement in sutra_en.
commentary TB: cha and yat are carried forward; after this word cha and yat come, as an exception (apavāda) to ṭhak. On 'pākayogyāḥ': that is, thrice husked (triḥphalīkṛtāḥ). Followed for identifying -īya and -ya in the two forms as cha and yat.
translator sthālībila is rendered 'the inside of a cooking-pot' (bila, 'opening, cavity'); neither commentary glosses the word, and the kaumudī's 'pākayogyāḥ' fixes only the sense of the derivative.

SK 1735 · A 5.1.71V

यज्ञर्त्विग्भ्यां घखञौ ॥ १७३५ ॥

yajñartvigbhyāṃ ghakhañau

yajñartvigbhyāṃ ghakhañau — After yajña ('sacrifice') and ṛtvij ('officiating priest'), gha and khañ [come respectively, in the sense 'deserves that'].

Rule. After yajña "sacrifice", gha comes. After ṛtvij "officiating priest", khañ comes. The two go with the two bases in order. The sense is "deserves that". Gha is heard as iya. Khañ is heard as īna, and its ñ brings vṛddhi.

Example.

yajñam arhati "deserves a sacrifice" → yajña + gha → gh → iy → the final a deleted → yajñiyaḥ.

ṛtvijam arhati "deserves an officiating priest" → ṛtvij + khañ → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → kh → īn → ārtvijīno yajamānaḥ "a sacrificer".

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds a second sense: yajñartvigbhyāṃ tatkarmārhatīty upasaṃkhyānam. The same affixes come in the sense "deserves the work of that".

yajñiyo deśaḥ "a place fit for the work of sacrifice".

ārtvijīna ṛtvik "a priest who deserves an officiating priest's work".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the vārttika shows a principle. In this section the affixes take words only in their primary sense.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji now closes the section. The range of the twelve ārhīya affixes, ṭhak and the rest, has reached its end. From here on, ṭhañ alone continues. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the count: the twelve are the thirteen of SK 1701 minus the heading ṭhañ. Only the ṭhañ of SK 1680 goes on into the next chapter, beginning with pārāyaṇa… (SK 1736).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

यथासंख्यं स्तः । यज्ञमृत्विजं वार्हति यज्ञियः । आर्त्विजीनो यजमानः ॥

They come respectively. yajñam ṛtvijaṃ vā arhati, '[one who] deserves a sacrifice, or an officiating priest': yajñiyaḥ; ārtvijīno yajamānaḥ, 'a sacrificer [who deserves an officiating priest]'.

vārttika

यज्ञर्त्विग्भ्यां तत्कर्मार्हतीत्युपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) yajñartvigbhyāṃ tatkarmārhatīty upasaṃkhyānam — After yajña and ṛtvij [gha and khañ] are to be additionally stated (upasaṃkhyāna) in the sense 'deserves the work of that'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ यज्ञियो देशः । आर्त्विजीन ऋत्विक् ॥ इति आर्हीयाणां ठगादीनां द्वादशानां गतोऽवधिः ॥

yajñiyo deśaḥ, 'a place [that deserves the work of sacrifice]'. ārtvijīna ṛtvik, 'a priest [who deserves the work of an officiating priest]'.

Thus the range of the twelve ārhīya affixes beginning with ṭhak has reached its end. [From here on, ṭhañ alone.]

Bālamanoramā

यज्ञर्त्विग्भ्यां घखञौ - यज्ञत्वग्भ्यां घखञौ । तदर्हतीत्येव । यज्ञमृत्विज्ञं वेति । यज्ञमर्हतीति यज्ञिकः । ऋत्विजमर्हतीत्यात्वजीन इत्यन्वयः । तत्कर्मेति । यज्ञर्मार्हतीत्यर्थे यज्ञशब्दादृत्विक्कर्मार्हतीत्यर्थे ऋत्विक्छब्दाच्च यथासह्ख्यं घखञोरुपसह्ख्यानमित्यर्थः । यद्यपि यज्ञत्वक्छब्दयोस्तत्कर्मणि लक्षणया सिध्यति तथाप्यत्र प्रकरणे मुख्यार्थेभ्य एव प्रत्यय इति ज्ञापनार्थमिदम् । ठगादीनां द्वादशानामिति ।प्राग्वते॑रित्यारभ्यतेन क्रीत॑मित्यतः प्राक्र त्रयोदश प्रत्यया अनुक्रान्ताः । तत्रप्राग्वते॑रिति ठ#ं विनाआर्हा॑दित्यादिविहितानां ठगादीनां द्वादशानां विधिः पूर्ण इत्यर्थः ।***** इति बालमनोरमायामार्हीयाणां द्वादशानां पूर्णोऽवधिः । *****अथ तिङन्ते आत्मनेपदप्रक्रिया ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tad arhati' (SK 1728) still holds (ity eva); the construal is yajñam arhati → yajñiyaḥ, ṛtvijam arhati → ārtvijīnaḥ (BM's gloss prints 'yajñikaḥ'). Followed for 'respectively' and for pairing the two forms with the two objects.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1734.t1, reads the pratīka as 'yajñam ṛtvijaṃ cārhati' and explains the one who 'deserves' them as a man of sufficient means (arthasamartha), learned, and not excluded by śāstra. This refers both forms to the sacrificer, a construal that rests on the NSP/TB reading 'ca'; with the source's 'vā' and its punctuation, the English attaches yajamānaḥ to ārtvijīnaḥ only, and TB's wider construal is recorded here.
commentary BM: the vārttika gives gha after yajña in the sense 'deserves the work of a sacrifice' and khañ after ṛtvij in the sense 'deserves the work of an officiating priest', respectively. Although yajña and ṛtvij could by secondary signification (lakṣaṇā) denote their work, the vārttika makes known that in this section the affixes come only after words in their primary sense. Followed for '[gha and khañ]' and 'the work of that'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.1734.t1: because a place is not of the kind that 'deserves' a sacrifice in the sūtra's sense, the upasaṃkhyāna is needed for yajñiyo deśaḥ, which means 'fit for performing a sacrifice'; the ṛtvij deserves an ṛtvij's work, not an ṛtvij, so khañ is not obtained by the sūtra, hence the upasaṃkhyāna for ārtvijīna ṛtvik. TB repeats the closing sentence on the twelve ārhīya affixes. Followed for the bracketed glosses.
commentary BM on 'ṭhagādīnāṃ dvādaśānām': from 'prāg vateḥ' (SK 1680) up to 'tena krītam' (SK 1702) thirteen affixes were introduced; leaving aside the ṭhañ of 'prāg vateḥ', the injunction of the twelve, ṭhak etc., taught by 'ārhāt' (SK 1681) and the following rules, is complete. BM, printed under sk.1736.b1, takes 'ataḥ paraṃ ṭhañ eva' as a pratīka: the ārhīya affixes ṭhak etc. are apavādas of the prāgvatīya ṭhañ in the ārhīya senses; once those senses have been treated, ṭhak etc. can no longer continue, so only the prāgvatīya ṭhañ continues. Followed for the bracketed last sentence (see the textual note).
textual NSP p. 296 (printed 286) reads 'yajñam ṛtvijaṃ cārhati' ('and') where the source has 'vārhati' ('or'); BM's pratīka has 'vā', TB's 'ca'. The respective construal is the same either way; the source's 'vā' is translated.
textual After 'gato 'vadhiḥ' NSP p. 296 (printed 286) continues 'ataḥ paraṃ ṭhañ eva' ('from here on, ṭhañ alone'), which BM, printed under sk.1736.b1, cites as a pratīka. The digital source lacks the sentence here and at the head of sk.1736; it is supplied in square brackets. NSP also lacks the source's 'iti' before 'ārhīyāṇām'.

तद्धिताधिकारे आर्हीयप्रकरणम्