After this chapter you will be able to derive the words Sanskrit uses for a person's offspring and descendants. dakṣasyāpatyam "the offspring of dakṣa" is one word, dākṣiḥ; gargasya gotrāpatyam "a descendant of garga" is gārgyaḥ; his young descendant is gārgyāyaṇaḥ. You will know the two technical terms the whole section rests on: gotra, a descendant from the grandson onward, and yuvan, a later descendant while an elder is still alive. You will know which affix a given base takes: the default iñ, or one of about twenty special affixes (phak, yañ, añ, aṇ, ḍhak, ḍhañ, phiñ, ṇya and the rest). You will know the stem rules those forms need, and the rules that drop the affix again in the plural (gārgyaḥ but gargāḥ). The chapter closes with the affixes that name the offspring or the king of a people (pāñcālaḥ), and with ṣyaṅ, which makes the feminine of a family name (kaumudagandhyā). There are 123 sūtras, and every one is worked on a concrete word.
gargāṇāṃ chātrāḥ → gārgīyāḥ (gotra affix kept) vs glaucukāyanasya chātrāḥ → glaucukāyanāḥ (yuvan affix dropped)This group opens the offspring section with nine rules of preparation. SK 1079 gives the last of the common affixes of chapter 26. The rest settle one question: when a further affix is added to a word that already has an offspring affix, does the first affix stay? On the running example, the pupils of the Gargas are gārgīyāḥ: the family affix yañ stays, and only its y is lost. The pupils of Glaucukāyana are glaucukāyanāḥ: the young-descendant affix vanishes.
Rule. After strī "woman" the affix nañ occurs, and after puṃs "man" the affix snañ, in that order. They come in all the senses taught before dhānyānāṃ bhavane (SK 1802); that later rule is itself not included. These are the last of the affixes shared by all those senses.
Example.
striyā apatyam "offspring of a woman" (also "existing among women", "a collection of women") → strī + nañ → the ñ is a marker, so the affix is ñit
→ first-vowel vṛddhi by SK 1075: ī → ai → strai + na
→ n becomes ṇ after the r → straiṇaḥ.
puṃso 'patyam "offspring of a man" → puṃs + snañ → vṛddhi u → au → pauṃsnaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. These affixes are not used in the sense of vati, "like". The proof is the wording of SK 932, strī puṃvac ca: it uses the plain form puṃvat "like a man". That wording is a jñāpaka, a wording that reveals a principle. So strīvat, puṃvat. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that the hint covers both affixes, though it shows only the plain puṃvat.
Watch out. Why teach snañ with its own s? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain that the word puṃs, treated as a finished word, loses its final s. The s heard in pauṃsna is the affix's own. With a bare nañ the form would have been punna.
Rule. A taddhita that is the cause of a dvigu compound disappears by luk. Four conditions hold: the affix causes the dvigu, it begins with a vowel, it is prāgdīvyatīya, and its sense is not "offspring". A dvigu is formed in the sense of a taddhita, so a taddhita can be its cause.
Example.
pañcasu kapāleṣu saṃskṛtaḥ puroḍāśaḥ "a cake prepared in five potsherds"
→ the sense "prepared in" is given by aṇ (A 4.2.16) → this sense makes pañca + kapāla a dvigu → pañcakapāla + aṇ
→ the aṇ caused the dvigu, begins with a vowel, is prāgdīvyatīya and does not mean offspring → luk of aṇ
→ the affix is gone, so there is no vṛddhi → pañcakapālaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Each condition has its counter-example.
pañcakapālasyedaṃ khaṇḍam "a piece of the five-potsherd cake" → the aṇ of "belonging to" is added to the finished dvigu. It did not cause the compound, so it stays and brings vṛddhi: pāñcakapālam.pañcagargarūpyam "come from five Gargas". The affix rūpya causes the dvigu but begins with a consonant, so it stays.dvayor mitrayor apatyam "offspring of two Mitras" → the iñ of offspring stays → dvaimitriḥ.Bhaṭṭoji gives no counter-example for "prāgdīvyatīya". His commentators supply pañcakapālīyam "good for five potsherds", whose cha comes from a later sense and is kept.
Rule. A gotra affix (an affix meaning a descendant; the term is defined at SK 1089) is not dropped when a vowel-initial prāgdīvyatīya affix is intended. Aluk means "no luk". The word "intended" matters: the new affix need not have arrived yet.
Example.
gargāṇāṃ chātrāḥ "the pupils of the Gargas" → the gotra word is gārgya (garga + yañ, SK 1107)
→ in the plural its yañ would be dropped by SK 1108, leaving garga
→ but the pupil-sense brings cha by vṛddhāc chaḥ (SK 1337), which is heard as īya and so begins with a vowel
→ because it is intended, the yañ stays → gārgya + īya, finished at SK 1082.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain why "intended" and not "following". If the luk waited for cha to arrive, the yañ would already be gone. Then the base garga would not be vṛddha (a word whose first vowel is a vṛddhi vowel), cha could not come, and only aṇ would follow. Bhaṭṭoji's two "why?" questions for this rule stand under SK 1082.
Rule. The y of an offspring affix, standing after a consonant, is deleted before a taddhita. The exception: a taddhita beginning with ā.
Example.
gārgya + īya (from SK 1081) → the final a is deleted by yasyeti ca → gārgy + īya
→ the y of yañ stands after the consonant g, and īya does not begin with ā → the y is deleted → gārg + īya
→ gārgīyāḥ "the pupils of the Gargas". The first vowel keeps its vṛddhi, because the affix yañ was never dropped.
Applies when / blocked by. Before an affix in ā, the y stays: gārgya + āyana → gārgyāyaṇaḥ (SK 1103).
Bhaṭṭoji tests the conditions of SK 1081 here:
gargebhyo hitam "good for the Gargas" → the cha of tasmai hitam comes from a later sense → the yañ is dropped in the plural, and with it the vṛddhi → gargīyam. The printed text gives this form differently, and scholars discuss the reading.gargebhya āgatam "come from the Gargas" → rūpya begins with a consonant → the yañ is dropped → gargarūpyam.Rule. A yuvan affix (an affix meaning a young descendant; defined at SK 1090) disappears by luk when a vowel-initial prāgdīvyatīya affix is intended.
Example.
glucukasya gotrāpatyam "a descendant of glucuka" → glucuka + phin (SK 1184) → ph → āyan → glucukāyaniḥ. Phin has no ñ, so there is no vṛddhi.
His young descendant: glucukāyani + aṇ → vṛddhi u → au, yasyeti ca → glaucukāyanaḥ.
glaucukāyanasya chātrāḥ "his pupils" → a vowel-initial affix is intended → the yuvan aṇ is dropped → the base is glucukāyani again
→ it is not vṛddha, so cha does not come → the aṇ of "belonging to" comes → glaucukāyanāḥ.
Watch out. The pupil's name looks the same as the young descendant's: glaucukāyanaḥ. So why drop the affix at all? Because of cha. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain: without the luk, glaucukāyana would be vṛddha and would take cha. The luk removes the vṛddhi first, so the base is no longer vṛddha and cha cannot come.
Rule. After paila and the rest of its list, a yuvan affix disappears by luk. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that this luk does not wait for a vowel-initial affix, unlike SK 1083.
Example.
pīlāyā apatyam "offspring of pīlā" → pīlā + aṇ (SK 1121) → paila.
His young descendant → paila + phiñ (SK 1180) → luk of the phiñ → pailaḥ.
So father and son are both pailaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A class-rule inside the list (a gaṇa-sūtra), tadrājāc cāṇaḥ, adds: after a tadrāja aṇ too (the name is taught at SK 1192). āṅga has the aṇ of SK 1188, a tadrāja. Its young descendant would take phiñ by SK 1180 → luk → father and son are both āṅgaḥ.
Rule. After a word ending in the gotra affix iñ, a yuvan affix disappears by luk, provided the gotra belongs to the Easterners (prācām). Here prācām names the family's region; it does not make the rule optional.
Example.
pannāgārasyāpatyam → pannāgāra + iñ (SK 1095) → pānnāgāri, the gotra descendant.
His young descendant → pānnāgāri + phak (SK 1103) → Pannāgāra was an Easterner → luk of the phak → pānnāgāriḥ.
Father and son are both pānnāgāriḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. For a family that is not Eastern the two differ: dākṣiḥ the father (iñ), dākṣāyaṇaḥ the son (phak kept).
Rule. After taulvali and the rest of its list, a yuvan affix is not dropped. The luk of SK 1085 would otherwise have applied.
Example.
Tulvala is an Easterner. tulvala + iñ → taulvaliḥ, the father (the gotra form).
His son → taulvali + phak (SK 1103) → SK 1085 would drop the phak → this rule blocks it → taulvalāyanaḥ.
Rule. The luk of SK 1083 becomes optional when the yuvan affix is phak or phiñ. SK 1083 made it obligatory (nitya); this rule makes it vikalpa, an option.
Example.
kata + yañ → kātya (gotra); kātya + phak → kātyāyana (yuvan).
kātyāyanasya chātrāḥ "the pupils of Kātyāyana" → cha by SK 1337 is intended
→ with luk of the phak: kātya + īya → yasyeti ca, then y-deletion by SK 1082 → kātīyāḥ
→ without luk: kātyāyana + īya → kātyāyanīyāḥ.
yaskasyāpatyam → yaska is in the śiva list, so aṇ (SK 1115) → yāskaḥ.
His young descendant → yāska + phiñ (SK 1180) → yāskāyaniḥ.
His pupils → yāskīyāḥ (phiñ dropped) or yāskāyanīyāḥ (phiñ kept).
upagor apatyam → aupagavaḥ; along the Garga line, gārgyaḥ (gotra) → gārgyāyaṇaḥ (yuvan)This group sets up the sense "offspring" and defines the words for generations. SK 1088 states the sense. SK 1089–1092, brought forward from later in the Aṣṭādhyāyī, name the gotra and the yuvan. SK 1093–1094 restrict how many offspring affixes a word may carry. On the running example, upagor apatyam "the offspring of upagu" is aupagavaḥ; along the Garga line the descendant is gārgyaḥ and the young descendant gārgyāyaṇaḥ.
Rule. After a samartha word in the sixth case (the genitive), whose sandhi is already done, affixes come in the sense "its offspring", optionally. They are the affixes already stated (aṇ and the rest, SK 1073–1079) and those still to be stated (iñ and the rest).
Example.
upagor apatyam "the offspring of upagu" → upagu + aṇ (the default, SK 1073)
→ first-vowel vṛddhi: u → au → aupagu + a
→ the final u takes guṇa by or guṇaḥ: u → o → av before a → aupagava → aupagavaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji explains each word of the rule, with an example.
bhānor apatyam → bhānavaḥ, not a cha-form.sūtthitasyāpatyam → the finished sūtthita takes iñ → sautthitiḥ. Without the condition, a paribhāṣā called akṛtavyūha (the affix comes before sandhi) would give sāvutthitiḥ. Scholars discuss whether that paribhāṣā exists.vastram upagor apatyaṃ caitrasya "the garment is upagu's, the offspring is Caitra's". Here upagoḥ goes with vastram, so no affix comes after it.upagor apatyam stays correct.upagvapatyam is also correct. Its option comes from anyatarasyām in SK 1201, carried back.aupagavī.The closing examples show affixes already stated: āśvapataḥ, daityaḥ, autsaḥ (chapter 26), straiṇaḥ, pauṃsnaḥ (SK 1079).
Watch out. In aupagavaḥ only the first vowel takes vṛddhi. The final u does not take vṛddhi, and the a before v does not become ā. Bhaṭṭoji states that first-vowel vṛddhi blocks the vṛddhi of the final and of the penultimate.
Rule. Offspring from the grandson (pautra) onward is named gotra, when it is meant as offspring. The son is not gotra; he is the anantarāpatya, the immediate offspring.
Example.
Garga's son → gārgiḥ (immediate offspring, iñ).
Garga's grandson and later descendants → gotra → garga + yañ (SK 1107) → gārgyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that gotra is relative. A man is gotra only with respect to the ancestor of whom he is grandson or later.
Rule. When a forebear (vaṃśya: the father, grandfather and so on) is alive, the offspring of a grandson or later is named yuvan only, not gotra. Counting the root ancestor as the first, this is the fourth descendant onward.
Example.
Garga (first) → his grandson gārgyaḥ (third, gotra) → the grandson's son (fourth), while his father is alive → yuvan → gārgya + phak (SK 1103) → gārgyāyaṇaḥ.
Watch out. The word tu "but" means "only". A yuvan is never gotra at the same time.
Rule. Likewise, when an elder brother is alive, the younger one, from the fourth descendant onward, is named yuvan. This holds even when the father and the other forebears are dead.
Example.
A fourth descendant of Garga whose father has died, but whose elder brother lives → yuvan → gārgyāyaṇaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the need for the rule: a brother is not a vaṃśya, a member of the line of begetters, so SK 1090 does not cover him.
Rule. Optionally, the descendant from the fourth onward is named yuvan while another sapiṇḍa (a close relative), more senior than he, is alive. The descendant himself must also be alive. "More senior" means superior in both position and age: a paternal uncle, the maternal grandfather, or a brother other than one's own.
Example.
gārgyasyāpatyam, with a senior paternal uncle living → gārgyāyaṇaḥ (yuvan) or gārgyaḥ (gotra).
Applies when / blocked by. The rule says jīvati "is living" twice: once of the sapiṇḍa, once of the descendant.
gārgyaḥ.gārgyaḥ.Which "brother" is meant (the maternal grandfather's, or the paternal uncle's son) scholars discuss.
For the ancient grammarians, vṛddha was a name of the gotra. So a gotra descendant is called yuvan to show respect (pūjā).
tatrabhavān gārgyāyaṇaḥ "his honour Gārgyāyaṇa".
Without respect: gārgyaḥ.
A yuvan receives the name gotra when contempt (kutsā) is meant.
gārgyo jālmaḥ "Gārgya the scoundrel".
Without contempt: gārgyāyaṇaḥ.
Rule. For a gotra descendant only one offspring affix occurs. It is added to the root ancestor's name, however many generations lie between. This is a niyama, a restricting rule.
Example.
upagor gotrāpatyam → upagu + aṇ → aupagavaḥ, for every gotra descendant of upagu.
In the same way gārgyaḥ (yañ) and nāḍāyanaḥ (phak, SK 1101).
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji shows, in two verses, what would happen without the rule. There are two views of "offspring".
This rule stops both chains. SK 1094 is read in the same way.
Rule. For a yuvan, the affix comes only after the gotra-affix-final stem. It does not come after the root name, nor after the immediate-offspring form. The word astriyām is read as a separate statement (a yoga-vibhāga, a split of the rule): a female is never named yuvan.
Example.
gargasya yuvāpatyam "the young descendant of garga" → not after garga, but after the gotra form gārgya → gārgya + phak → gārgyāyaṇaḥ.
A young woman of the line is therefore gotra → one affix only (SK 1093) → gārgī.
Watch out. Do not form a feminine gārgyāyaṇī for a young woman of the Garga line. She is not yuvan, so she keeps the one gotra affix.
dakṣasyāpatyam → dākṣiḥ (also vyāsa → vaiyāsakiḥ)This group gives the default offspring affix, iñ, heard as i. It comes after any stem ending in short a, and after the words of the bāhu list. Most of the rules that follow are exceptions to it. On the running example, dakṣasyāpatyam "the offspring of dakṣa" is dākṣiḥ. The group ends with a vṛddhi rule for a y or v at the end of a word-part: vyāsa → vaiyāsakiḥ.
Rule. After a genitive word whose base is a noun stem ending in short a, the affix iñ occurs in the sense "offspring". Iñ is ñit, so it brings first-vowel vṛddhi.
Example.
dakṣasyāpatyam "the offspring of dakṣa" → dakṣa + iñ → vṛddhi of the first vowel: a → ā → dākṣa + i
→ the final a is deleted by yasyeti ca → dākṣi → dākṣiḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note two points. The rule looks at the noun stem, not the case-form, so dakṣayor apatyam "offspring of two Dakṣas" also gives dākṣiḥ. And the t of at limits it to short a: a stem in ā, such as viśvapā, takes aṇ → vaiśvapaḥ.
Watch out. This is the default. Before you apply iñ to an a-stem, check that no special rule below (phak, yañ, añ, aṇ, ḍhak and others) claims the word.
Rule. Iñ also comes after bāhu and the rest of its list, although these words do not end in a. The list is an ākṛtigaṇa: a list open to further words of the same pattern.
Example.
bāhor apatyam → bāhu + iñ → the first vowel is already ā → the final u takes guṇa by or guṇaḥ: u → o → av → bāhaviḥ.
uḍulomno 'patyam → uḍuloman + iñ → the ṭi an is dropped by nas taddhite → vṛddhi u → au → auḍulomiḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Because the list is open, later forms rest on it: baidiḥ (SK 1106), śauriḥ (SK 1117), saumitriḥ (SK 1123). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that bāhu here is the name of a seer, and that only old, established names are taken in such lists.
Rule. After sudhātṛ, iñ occurs, and akaṅ replaces the final of the base. The ca "and" draws in iñ. Akaṅ is heard as aka; its ṅ makes it replace only the last sound.
Example.
sudhātur apatyam → sudhātṛ + iñ → akaṅ replaces the final ṛ → sudhātaka + i
→ vṛddhi u → au, yasyeti ca → saudhātakiḥ.
These words also take iñ with akaṅ in place of the final.
vyāsa + iñ → vyāsaka + i → its vṛddhi is taught in SK 1098 → vaiyāsakiḥ.
varuḍa + iñ → varuḍaka + i → ordinary vṛddhi a → ā → vāruḍakiḥ. So also naiṣādakiḥ, cāṇḍālakiḥ, baimbakiḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take vyāsa as the name Vyāsa, a part of the full name Vedavyāsa.
Rule. A vowel that follows a y or v standing at the end of a pada (a word, or a word-part treated as one) does not take vṛddhi. Instead the vowels ai and au are added before the y and the v, in that order. They are āgamas, augments: sounds added to a form, not replacing anything.
Example.
vyāsaka + i (SK 1097) → the y is pada-final: it ends the part vi → the vowel after it may not take vṛddhi
→ ai is added before the y → vaiyāsaka + i → yasyeti ca → vaiyāsakiḥ.
In the same way Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give svaśvasyāpatyam → au before the v → sauvaśviḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add two points.
dādhyaśviḥ no vṛddhi was due on the vowel after the y, so no augment is added.vāruḍakiḥ takes ordinary vṛddhi.Watch out. Do not write vyāsakiḥ: the ā after the pada-final y takes no vṛddhi, and ai is added before the y: vai-yāsakiḥ.
naḍasya gotrāpatyam → nāḍāyanaḥ (yuvan: gārgya → gārgyāyaṇaḥ)This group gives two affixes heard as āyana: cphañ and phak. Most of them are limited to the gotra sense, so the immediate offspring still takes iñ. One rule, SK 1103, makes phak the regular yuvan affix after a gotra word in yañ or iñ. On the running example, naḍasya gotrāpatyam "a descendant of naḍa" is nāḍāyanaḥ.
Rule. After kuñja and the rest of its list, the affix cphañ occurs in the gotra sense. It is an apavāda of iñ. Its c and ñ are markers, so it is heard as pha, and ph → āyan.
Example.
kuñjasya gotrāpatyam → kuñja + cphañ → kuñja + āyana → vṛddhi u → au (the affix is ñit), yasyeti ca → kauñjāyana.
Bhaṭṭoji gives no prose here. The finished form comes under SK 1100.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the marker c. It lets SK 1100 name this affix alone, so that its ñya does not follow the phañ of SK 1113 (āśvāyanaḥ).
Rule. After a word naming a vrāta (a kind of band), and after a word ending in cphañ, the affix ñya occurs in the word's own sense (svārthe): it adds no new meaning. It does not occur in the feminine.
Example.
kauñjāyana (SK 1099) → kauñjāyana + ñya → the final a is deleted by yasyeti ca → kauñjāyanyaḥ.
In the same way brādhnāyanyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
kauñjāyanī.kuñja + iñ → kauñjiḥ.Rule. After naḍa and the rest of its list, the affix phak occurs in the gotra sense. "In the gotra sense" continues from SK 1099. Phak is kit, heard as āyana.
Example.
naḍasya gotrāpatyam → naḍa + phak → ph → āyan → naḍa + āyana → vṛddhi a → ā (kit), yasyeti ca → nāḍāyanaḥ.
In the same way cārāyaṇaḥ, where the n of āyana becomes ṇ after the r.
Applies when / blocked by. The immediate offspring is not gotra, so it takes iñ: nāḍiḥ.
Rule. After the añ-final forms of harita and the rest, phak occurs. The harita list is a sub-list (antargaṇa) inside the bida list, whose words take añ (SK 1106).
Example.
harita + añ (SK 1106) → hārita, the gotra form.
Its young descendant → hārita + phak → hāritāyanaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. This rule stands under the gotra heading. Yet its phak can only be a yuvan affix. The base already ends in a gotra affix, and no gotra affix follows another (SK 1093). Bhaṭṭoji calls this sāmarthya: the rule has no other possible application.
Rule. After a word ending in yañ or iñ, where these are gotra affixes, phak occurs. As in SK 1102, this phak has the yuvan sense.
Example.
gārgyasyāpatyaṃ yuvā → gārgya + phak → gārgya + āyana
→ āyana begins with ā, so the y is kept (SK 1082 does not apply) → yasyeti ca deletes the a → n → ṇ after the r → gārgyāyaṇaḥ.
dākṣer apatyaṃ yuvā → dākṣi + phak → dākṣāyaṇaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The yañ or iñ must itself be a gotra affix. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give sautaṅgamiḥ, whose iñ means "near Sutaṅgama": its offspring takes no phak.
Rule. After śaradvat, śunaka and darbha, phak occurs in the gotra sense when the descendant is, respectively, a Bhārgava, a Vātsya or an Āgrāyaṇa. For śaradvat and śunaka, both in the bida list, it is an apavāda of añ. For darbha it is an apavāda of iñ.
Example.
śaradvat + phak → śāradvatāyanaḥ, if he is a Bhārgava; any other descendant → śāradvataḥ (añ).
śunaka + phak → śaunakāyanaḥ, if he is a Vātsya; another → śaunakaḥ.
darbha + phak → dārbhāyaṇaḥ, if he is an Āgrāyaṇa; another → dārbhiḥ (iñ).
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain: Bhṛgu cannot be the offspring of Śaradvat, who is later than he. So the sūtra's words mean members of those lines: a Bhārgava, a Vātsya, an Āgrāyaṇa.
Rule. After droṇa, parvata and jīvanta, phak occurs optionally in the gotra sense. Otherwise the default iñ comes.
Example.
droṇa + phak → drauṇāyanaḥ, or with iñ → drauṇiḥ.
pārvatāyanaḥ – pārvatiḥ. jaivantāyanaḥ – jaivantiḥ.
Watch out. The Droṇa meant here is one "without a beginning" (anādi). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain that this is a Droṇa other than Aśvatthāman's father. Aśvatthāman is the immediate son of the famous Droṇa. Calling him drauṇāyana is figurative (upacāra), since he is not a gotra descendant.
gargasya gotrāpatyam → gārgyaḥ, plural gargāḥThis group gives three more gotra affixes: añ (heard as a), yañ (heard as ya) and phañ (heard as āyana). All three are ñit. It also reads early a rule from the second book that drops yañ and añ in the plural. On the running example, gārgyaḥ is one descendant of garga; many are gargāḥ, with the affix gone.
Rule. After bida and the rest of its list, añ occurs in the gotra sense. The list also holds words that are not names of ṛṣis (seers), such as putra. After those, añ occurs in the sense of the immediate offspring. The sūtra's ānantarya simply means anantara "immediate".
Example.
bidasya gotrāpatyam → bida + añ → vṛddhi i → ai, yasyeti ca → baidaḥ.
The immediate offspring of Bida → no añ → baidiḥ, with iñ, because the bāhu list is open (SK 1096).
putrasyāpatyam "a son's offspring" → putra is not a seer → putra + añ → pautraḥ "grandson". So also dauhitraḥ "daughter's son".
Watch out. Bida is a seer, so for the immediate offspring the seer-aṇ of SK 1117 might seem due. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain that iñ comes through the open bāhu list instead: baidiḥ.
Rule. After garga and the rest of its list, yañ occurs in the gotra sense. "In the gotra sense" still continues.
Example.
gargasya gotrāpatyam → garga + yañ → vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted by yasyeti ca → gārgyaḥ.
vatsa + yañ → vātsyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note forms such as jāmadagnyaḥ for Rāma, an immediate son. There the gotra status is superimposed on him.
Rule. When a word in the gotra sense ends in yañ or añ, that affix disappears by luk in a plurality caused by the affix itself. It does not disappear in the feminine. This is a rule of the second book, read here early; its companion rules come in Section J.
Example.
gargasyāpatyāni "descendants of garga", many → gārgya → the plurality comes from the affix's own sense → luk of yañ
→ the vṛddhi goes with the affix → garga → gargāḥ.
So also vatsāḥ, bidāḥ, ūrvāḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
priyagārgyāḥ "those to whom Gārgya is dear". The plurality belongs to the bahuvrīhi, not to the affix, so yañ stays.gārgyaḥ striyaḥ "women of the Garga line".dvaipyāḥ "those living on an island" and autsāḥ "those in a spring". Their yañ and añ do not mean a descendant.pautrāḥ "grandsons" and dauhitrāḥ keep their añ.Rule. Yañ occurs in the gotra sense after madhu when the descendant is a Brāhmaṇa, and after babhru when he is a Kauśika.
Example.
madhu + yañ → vṛddhi a → ā, u → o → av before y → mādhavyaḥ, a Brāhmaṇa; another → mādhavaḥ.
babhru + yañ → bābhravyaḥ, the Kauśika seer; another → bābhravaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Babhru is already in the garga list, so it would take yañ anyway. For babhru, then, this rule is a niyama: yañ only for a Kauśika. Its place in the garga list serves the lohita sub-list: the feminine takes ṣpha (SK 476) → bābhravyāyaṇī.
Rule. Yañ occurs in the gotra sense after kapi and bodha when the descendant is an Āṅgirasa.
Example.
kapi + yañ → kāpyaḥ. bodha + yañ → baudhyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. For a descendant who is not an Āṅgirasa:
kapi takes ḍhak by SK 1125 → kāpeyaḥ.bodha takes iñ → baudhiḥ. Why iñ, scholars discuss (because bodha is not a seer, or because it is in the bāhu list).Kapi is also in the garga list, so for kapi this rule too is a niyama; the listing serves the feminine kāpyāyanī.
Rule. Yañ also occurs after vataṇḍa when the descendant is an Āṅgirasa. "When an Āṅgirasa" continues.
Example.
vataṇḍa + yañ → vātaṇḍyaḥ, an Āṅgirasa.
Applies when / blocked by. Vataṇḍa is read both in the garga list and in the śiva list (SK 1115). So for a non-Āṅgirasa both yañ and aṇ come: vātaṇḍyaḥ – vātaṇḍaḥ. The rule is thus a niyama: for an Āṅgirasa, yañ alone.
Rule. In the feminine, the yañ taught by SK 1111 (for an Āṅgirasa) disappears by luk.
Example.
A woman of the Āṅgirasa Vataṇḍa line → vataṇḍa + yañ → luk of yañ → vataṇḍa
→ vataṇḍa is in the śārṅgarava list, so ṅīn (SK 527) → vataṇḍī.
Applies when / blocked by. For a non-Āṅgirasa woman the yañ is not dropped:
vātaṇḍyāyanī;vātaṇḍī. The ṣyaṅ of SK 1198 does not come, because vataṇḍa is a seer's name.Rule. After aśva and the rest of its list, phañ occurs in the gotra sense. It is heard as āyana and is ñit. It is an apavāda of iñ.
Example.
aśvasya gotrāpatyam → aśva + phañ → vṛddhi a → ā → āśvāyanaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A class-rule in the list, puṃsi jāte, says: jāta takes phañ only as a masculine word.
jātasya gotrāpatyam → jātāyanaḥ.
jātāyā apatyam "the offspring of the woman Jātā" → no phañ → ḍhak (SK 1123) → jāteyaḥ.
Rule. After bharga, phañ occurs in the gotra sense when the descendant is a Traigarta.
Example.
bharga + phañ → bhārgāyaṇaḥ, a Traigarta.
Another descendant of Bharga → iñ → bhārgiḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain: Trigarta is a son of Bharga, and his descendants are the Traigartas.
yamunāyā apatyam → yāmunaḥ (vs ḍhak in vāsavadatteyaḥ)From here the affixes are no longer limited to the gotra sense. This group gives aṇ, the default of SK 1073, for bases where some other affix would otherwise come. Mostly that other affix is iñ or the ḍhak of SK 1123. On the running example, the river-name yamunā takes aṇ: yāmunaḥ. The woman's name vāsavadattā is vṛddha and takes ḍhak: vāsavadatteyaḥ.
Rule. After śiva and the rest of its list, aṇ occurs in the sense "offspring". Bhaṭṭoji says the word "gotra" is no longer carried forward from here. How far the gotra heading really reaches, scholars discuss.
Example.
śivasyāpatyam → śiva + aṇ → vṛddhi i → ai, yasyeti ca → śaivaḥ.
gaṅgā + aṇ → gāṅgaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A word can stand in more than one list. Gaṅgā is also in the tika list and in the śubhra list, so it has three forms:
gāṅgaḥ;gāṅgāyaniḥ;gāṅgeyaḥ.Rule. After words that are not vṛddha and are names of rivers or of human women, aṇ occurs. It is an apavāda of ḍhak (SK 1123), which feminine words would otherwise take. Such a name is called tannāmikā, "bearing their name".
Example.
yamunāyā apatyam → yamunā is a river-name and its first vowel is not a vṛddhi vowel → yamunā + aṇ
→ vṛddhi a → ā → the final ā is deleted by yasyeti ca → yāmunaḥ.
narmadā → nārmadaḥ. cintitāyā apatyam (Cintitā, a woman) → caintitaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
vāsavadattā begins with ā, so it is vṛddha → ḍhak → vāsavadatteyaḥ.vainateyaḥ.śobhanāyā apatyam "the offspring of a beautiful woman" → śobhanā is an adjective, not a name → śaubhaneyaḥ.Rule. Aṇ also occurs after the names of ṛṣis, and of men of the Andhaka, Vṛṣṇi and Kuru lines. Bhaṭṭoji defines the ṛṣis as the seers of mantras.
Example.
Seers: vasiṣṭha + aṇ → vāsiṣṭhaḥ; viśvāmitra + aṇ → vaiśvāmitraḥ.
Andhakas: śvāphalkaḥ. Vṛṣṇis: vasudevasyāpatyam → vāsudevaḥ; aniruddha → āniruddhaḥ.
Kurus: nākulaḥ, sāhadevaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
śauriḥ "son of Śūra": Śūra is a Vṛṣṇi, yet the form has iñ, because śūra is in the open bāhu list.atri + ḍhak → ātreyaḥ.Rule. For mātṛ "mother" preceded by a numeral, by sam or by bhadra, u replaces the final ṛ, together with aṇ. A substitute for ṛ comes with r attached, so ṛ becomes ur.
Example.
dvayor mātror apatyam "the offspring of two mothers" → the compound dvimātṛ → dvimātṛ + aṇ
→ u (with r) replaces the ṛ → dvimātur + a → vṛddhi i → ai → dvaimāturaḥ.
So also ṣāṇmāturaḥ (six), sāṃmāturaḥ (a good mother), bhādramāturaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
dhānyamātṛ "measurer of grain".sumātṛ → saumātraḥ.dvaimātreyaḥ is also correct: it has ḍhak, because the word is in the śubhra list (SK 1126).Rule. After kanyā, aṇ occurs, as an apavāda of ḍhak. Together with it, kanīna replaces the base.
Example.
kanyāyā apatyam → kanyā + aṇ → kanīna replaces kanyā → kanīna + a → vṛddhi, yasyeti ca → kānīnaḥ, said of Vyāsa and of Karṇa.
Watch out. How can a kanyā, a maiden, have offspring? Bhaṭṭoji answers: kanyā here means an unmarried woman (anūḍhā).
Rule. After vikarṇa, śuṅga and chagala, aṇ occurs in the offspring sense when the descendant is, respectively, a Vātsya, a Bhāradvāja or an Ātreya.
Example.
vikarṇa + aṇ → vaikarṇaḥ, a Vātsya; another → iñ → vaikarṇiḥ.
śauṅgaḥ, a Bhāradvāja; another → śauṅgiḥ.
chāgalaḥ, an Ātreya; another → chāgaliḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Some read the second word as śuṅgā, ending in ā. For them the counter-example has ḍhak: śauṅgeyaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators agree that "Vatsa" and the rest mean members of those lines; how the sūtra's words come to mean that, scholars discuss.
Rule. After pīlā, aṇ occurs optionally. Pīlā is a two-vowel woman's name, so ḍhak by SK 1124 had set aside the aṇ of SK 1116. This rule gives aṇ back as the alternative.
Example.
pīlāyā apatyam → pīlā + aṇ → pailaḥ, or pīlā + ḍhak → paileyaḥ.
Rule. After maṇḍūka, ḍhak occurs, and aṇ too (by ca). As a further alternative, iñ, because "optionally" continues from SK 1121.
Example.
maṇḍūkasyāpatyam → māṇḍūkeyaḥ (ḍhak), māṇḍūkaḥ (aṇ), māṇḍūkiḥ (iñ).
vinatāyā apatyam → vainateyaḥThis group gives ḍhak, heard as eya and kit. It comes after words ending in a feminine affix, after two-vowel words in i, and after several lists. Three rules from the seventh book are read here for the vṛddhi of compounds. On the running example, vinatāyā apatyam "the offspring of Vinatā" is vainateyaḥ.
Rule. After words ending in a feminine affix (strī-pratyaya, such as ṭāp), ḍhak occurs in the offspring sense.
Example.
vinatāyā apatyam → vinatā + ḍhak → ḍh → ey → vinatā + eya
→ ḍhak is kit, so vṛddhi i → ai → the final ā is deleted by yasyeti ca → vainateyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
saumitriḥ "son of Sumitrā" has iñ, because sumitrā is in the bāhu list.sāpatnaḥ "son of a co-wife" has aṇ, because sapatnī is in the śiva list.dāradaḥ.Rule. After a two-vowel word ending in a feminine affix, ḍhak occurs in the offspring sense. SK 1123 already gives ḍhak; this rule's point is that it wins even over the aṇ of SK 1116 for a woman's name.
Example.
dattāyā apatyam (Dattā, a woman) → a non-vṛddha woman's name, so SK 1116 would give aṇ → but dattā has two vowels → ḍhak → dātteyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. pārthaḥ "son of Pṛthā" seems to break this rule. Bhaṭṭoji explains its aṇ as the aṇ of tasyedam "belonging to her" (SK 1500). Others take it from the śiva list; scholars discuss this.
Rule. After a two-vowel word ending in i, ḍhak occurs in the offspring sense. It does not come after a word ending in the affix iñ.
Example.
duler apatyam → duli + ḍhak → vṛddhi u → au, the final i deleted by yasyeti ca → dauleyaḥ.
nidhi + ḍhak → naidheyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. "Two-vowel" continues from SK 1124. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give udadher apatyam → audadhaḥ: udadhi has three vowels, so it takes no ḍhak.
Rule. Ḍhak also occurs after śubhra and the rest of its list. It sets aside iñ and the other affixes these words would take.
Example.
śubhrasyāpatyam → śubhra + ḍhak → vṛddhi u → au → śaubhreyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Śubhra is not feminine, so SK 1123 could not reach it; hence this rule. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take the list as open, which gives forms such as mārkaṇḍeyaḥ.
Rule. After vikarṇa and kuṣītaka, ḍhak occurs in the offspring sense when the descendant is a Kāśyapa.
Example.
vikarṇa + ḍhak → vaikarṇeyaḥ; kuṣītaka + ḍhak → kauṣītakeyaḥ (Kāśyapas).
Other descendants → iñ → vaikarṇiḥ, kauṣītakiḥ.
Watch out. Vikarṇa now has three forms: vaikarṇaḥ for a Vātsya (SK 1120), vaikarṇeyaḥ for a Kāśyapa, vaikarṇiḥ for anyone else.
Rule. After bhrū, the augment vuk is added to the base, and ḍhak follows (by ca). Vuk is heard as v; its k makes it attach at the end of the base.
Example.
bhruvo 'patyam (Bhrū, a woman) → bhrū + ḍhak → vuk → bhrūv + eya
→ vṛddhi ū → au → bhrauveyaḥ.
Watch out. Without vuk the form would be bhrāveyaḥ, as Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note.
Rule. Before an affix ḍha, the first vowel of the second member (uttarapada) of pravāhaṇa takes vṛddhi. The first vowel of the first member (pūrvapada) takes it only optionally.
Example.
pravāhaṇasyāpatyam → pravāhaṇa is in the śubhra list → pravāhaṇa + ḍhak
→ the second member's first vowel is already ā → the first member pra takes vṛddhi optionally
→ prāvāhaṇeyaḥ or pravāhaṇeyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the second member's vṛddhi, though it changes no sound here, still counts: it blocks the masculine treatment (puṃvadbhāva) of such a word in a compound.
Rule. The same holds for pravāhaṇa already carrying that ḍha (that is, pravāhaṇeya) before a further taddhita. The second member takes vṛddhi; the first member optionally.
Example.
pravāhaṇeyasyāpatyam → pravāhaṇeya + iñ → prāvāhaṇeyiḥ or pravāhaṇeyiḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is the rule needed? The outer affix iñ would bring ordinary first-vowel vṛddhi. An option that rests on ḍha could not block a vṛddhi caused by a different, outer affix. So the option has to be stated again.
Rule. For kalyāṇī and the rest of its list, the substitute inaṅ (heard as in) replaces the final, and ḍhak follows.
Example.
kalyāṇyā apatyam → kalyāṇī + ḍhak → inaṅ replaces the final ī → kalyāṇin + eya
→ vṛddhi a → ā → kālyāṇineyaḥ.
bandhakyā apatyam → bāndhakineyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. For the list's words that end in a feminine affix, ḍhak already comes by SK 1123, so the rule adds only inaṅ. Whether ḍhak adds anything for the other members, scholars discuss.
Rule. For kulaṭā, inaṅ is optional. Only inaṅ is optional: ḍhak stays obligatory by SK 1123. Kulaṭā is not in the kalyāṇī list.
Example.
kulaṭāyā apatyam (here a chaste mendicant woman) → kulaṭā + ḍhak
→ with inaṅ → kaulaṭineyaḥ; without → kaulaṭeyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The word has a second sense: a woman who "roams from house to house" (kulāny aṭati) for unchastity. For her, ḍhrak comes as an alternative by SK 1137: kaulaṭeraḥ.
Rule. In a compound ending in hṛd, bhaga or sindhu, both members take vṛddhi of their first vowel before a taddhita marked with ñ, ṇ or k.
Example.
suhṛdo 'patyam "offspring of a friend" → suhṛd + aṇ → su → sau, and hṛd → hārd → sauhārdaḥ.
subhagāyā apatyam → subhagā is in the kalyāṇī list → subhagin + ḍhak → both members → saubhāgineyaḥ.
saktusindhavaḥ "the Sindhu regions where barley-meal is chief" → teṣu bhavaḥ "one found there" → sāktusaindhavaḥ.
Watch out. Ordinary first-vowel vṛddhi would change only su. Here the second member changes too: sau-hārd-, not sau-hṛd-.
godhāyā apatyam → gaudheraḥ / gaudheyaḥ / gaudhāraḥThis group gives small affixes for single words. Airak is heard as aira; ḍhrak as era; ārak as āra; chaṇ as īya. They name the offspring of a sparrow, of a lizard (godhā), of women "lacking" something, and of a father's or mother's sister. On the running example, godhā has three forms: gaudheraḥ, gaudheyaḥ, gaudhāraḥ.
Rule. After caṭakā "hen-sparrow", the affix airak occurs in the offspring sense. Bhaṭṭoji gives no prose before the vārttikas.
Example.
caṭakasya caṭakāyā vā apatyam "the offspring of a cock-sparrow or a hen-sparrow" → caṭaka + airak → vṛddhi a → ā (kit), yasyeti ca → cāṭakairaḥ.
The rule should name the masculine caṭaka. By the liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā (a word named in one gender also covers its form in the other gender), it then covers the feminine caṭakā as well. So cāṭakairaḥ for the offspring of either.
When the offspring is female, the affix disappears by luk.
tayoḥ stryapatyam "the female offspring of those two" → luk of airak → caṭakā, with ṭāp, because caṭakā is in the ajā list.
Rule. After godhā "lizard", the affix ḍhrak occurs in the offspring sense.
Example.
godhāyā apatyam → godhā + ḍhrak → ḍh → ey → godhā + eyra
→ the y is dropped before the r (a rule Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cite, lopo vyor vali) → vṛddhi o → au, yasyeti ca → gaudheraḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Godhā is also in the śubhra list, so ḍhak comes as the alternative: gaudheyaḥ.
Rule. In the view of the Northerners (udīcām), the affix ārak occurs after godhā.
Example.
godhā + ārak → vṛddhi, yasyeti ca → gaudhāraḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A plain rak would have given the same form gaudhāraḥ. The long ā is pronounced so that the affix can also be added, in some cases, to words not ending in ā:
jaḍasyāpatyam → jaḍa + ārak → jāḍāraḥ.
paṇḍasyāpatyam → pāṇḍāraḥ.
Rule. After words for kṣudrā women, ḍhrak occurs optionally; in the alternative, ḍhak. Bhaṭṭoji defines kṣudrā: a woman lacking a limb, or a woman lacking good conduct.
Example.
kāṇāyā apatyam "the offspring of a one-eyed woman" → kāṇeraḥ (ḍhrak) or kāṇeyaḥ (ḍhak).
In the same way dāseraḥ or dāseyaḥ.
Rule. After pitṛṣvasṛ "father's sister", the affix chaṇ occurs in the offspring sense. It is an apavāda of aṇ. It is heard as īya and is ṇit.
Example.
pitṛṣvasur apatyam → pitṛṣvasṛ + chaṇ → ch → īy → pitṛṣvasṛ + īya
→ vṛddhi i → ai → the final ṛ becomes r before the vowel → paitṛṣvasrīyaḥ.
Rule. Before ḍhak, the final of pitṛṣvasṛ is deleted (lopa). The rule is also a jñāpaka: it shows that ḍhak comes after pitṛṣvasṛ at all.
Example.
pitṛṣvasṛ + ḍhak → pitṛṣvasṛ + eya → the final ṛ is deleted → vṛddhi i → ai → paitṛṣvaseyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. No rule gives ḍhak after pitṛṣvasṛ directly. A deletion "before ḍhak" would be pointless unless ḍhak could come. So the rule itself reveals the affix. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report another view, that ḍhak comes through the śubhra list; scholars discuss this.
Rule. Everything stated for pitṛṣvasṛ holds also for mātṛṣvasṛ "mother's sister": chaṇ, and ḍhak with deletion of the final.
Example.
mātṛṣvasṛ + chaṇ → mātṛṣvasrīyaḥ.
mātṛṣvasṛ + ḍhak → final deleted → mātṛṣvaseyaḥ.
The first vowel of mātṛ is already ā, so vṛddhi changes nothing.
mitrayor apatyam → maitreyaḥ (also kāmaṇḍaleyaḥ)This group gives ḍhañ, heard as eya like ḍhak but ñit. It comes after names of kinds of quadruped and after the gṛṣṭi list. Three stem rules are read with it. One deletes a final u before ḍha; one replaces the y-part of mitrayu; one fixes the correct form maitreya by listing it. On the running example, mitrayor apatyam "the offspring of Mitrayu" is maitreyaḥ.
Rule. After words for particular kinds of quadruped (catuṣpād), ḍhañ occurs in the offspring sense. Its ñ is a marker, so it brings first-vowel vṛddhi.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives no prose here. The example, kāmaṇḍaleyaḥ, is worked under SK 1142.
Rule. Before an affix ḍha, the final u or ū of a bha stem is deleted. The exception is kadrū. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the rule sets aside or guṇaḥ, which would give u guṇa.
Example.
kamaṇḍalor apatyam → kamaṇḍalu + ḍhañ (SK 1141) → ḍh → ey → kamaṇḍalu + eya
→ the final u is deleted before ḍha → vṛddhi a → ā → kāmaṇḍaleyaḥ.
Watch out. Kamaṇḍalu usually means a water-pot, which has no offspring. Bhaṭṭoji explains that here the word names a particular species of quadruped.
Rule. Ḍhañ also occurs after gṛṣṭi and the rest of its list. It is an apavāda of both aṇ and ḍhak: for the seer-names in the list (mitrayu, agasti) it replaces the seer-aṇ of SK 1117; for the others, the ḍhak of SK 1125.
Example.
gṛṣṭer apatyam → gṛṣṭi + ḍhañ → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → gārṣṭeyaḥ.
mitrayor apatyam → Mitrayu is a seer, so aṇ is due → ḍhañ comes instead → mitrayu + eya → continued in SK 1144–1145.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that gṛṣṭi means any female that has given birth once, not only a cow. So SK 1141 alone would not reach it.
Rule. In kekaya, mitrayu and pralaya, the part beginning with y is replaced by iya. This happens before a taddhita marked with ñ, ṇ or k.
Example.
mitrayu + eya (SK 1143) → the part yu would be replaced by iya → mitra + iya + eya
→ a + i → e → the result would be maitreyeya, which is not wanted.
Bhaṭṭoji stops here: "the iya being due", the next rule decides. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the rule's own examples: kaikeyī (from kekaya) and prāleyam "come from pralaya".
Rule. Eleven forms are set down as they stand (nipātana): the rule lists the finished word instead of stating a change. They are dāṇḍināyana, hāstināyana, ātharvaṇika, jaihmāśineya, vāśināyani, bhrauṇahatya, dhaivatya, sārava, aikṣvāka, maitreya and hiraṇmaya.
Example.
mitrayu + eya → maitreya is listed → so, instead of the iya of SK 1144, yu is deleted → mitra + eya → yasyeti ca → mitr + eya → vṛddhi i → ai → maitreyaḥ, dual maitreyau.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the other forms. In dāṇḍināyana and hāstināyana (from daṇḍin, hastin), and in ātharvaṇika, jaihmāśineya and vāśināyani, the ṭi is not dropped. Bhrauṇahatya and dhaivatya have t for n. In sārava (from sarayū), yū becomes v. Aikṣvāka (from ikṣvāku) loses its final u; it is used at SK 1186.
mitrayor apatyāni → mitrayavaḥThis group continues SK 1108. Seven rules of the second book drop a gotra affix in the plural, block that drop, or make it optional. Where the affix is dropped, its vṛddhi goes with it. On the running example, many descendants of Mitrayu are mitrayavaḥ, not maitreyāḥ.
Rule. After yaska and the rest of its list, the offspring affix disappears by luk. This happens in a plurality caused by the affix, and not in the feminine. "Gotra" here is the ordinary gotra of the pravara lists, since the rule stands outside the offspring section; so Bhaṭṭoji says simply "the offspring affix".
Example.
mitrayor apatyāni "descendants of Mitrayu" → maitreya (SK 1143–1145) → plurality from the affix → luk of ḍhañ
→ the vṛddhi and the yu-deletion go with it → mitrayu → nominative plural → mitrayavaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add two counter-examples. priyayāskāḥ "those to whom Yāska is dear": the plurality belongs to the compound. yāskaḥ: a single descendant keeps the affix.
Rule. The same luk of the gotra affix occurs after atri, bhṛgu, kutsa, vasiṣṭha, gotama and aṅgiras: in a plurality caused by the affix, not in the feminine.
Example.
atrer apatyāni → ātreya (ḍhak, SK 1125) → luk → atrayaḥ.
vasiṣṭhasyāpatyāni → vāsiṣṭha (seer-aṇ, SK 1117) → luk → vasiṣṭhāḥ.
So also bhṛgavaḥ, kutsāḥ, gotamāḥ, aṅgirasaḥ.
Rule. The affix iñ disappears by luk after a base of many vowels (bahvac), when it names an Eastern gotra or a Bharata gotra. The conditions of the plural continue from the rules above.
Example.
pannāgārasyāpatyāni (an Eastern family) → pānnāgāri → luk of iñ → pannāgārāḥ.
yudhiṣṭhirasyāpatyāni (a Bharata family) → iñ, because yudhiṣṭhira is in the bāhu list → luk → yudhiṣṭhirāḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. In the singular the iñ stays: yaudhiṣṭhiriḥ.
Rule. After gopavana and the rest of its list, the gotra affix is not dropped. The list is a sub-list inside the bida list, so this rule blocks the luk of añ by SK 1108.
Example.
gopavanasyāpatyāni → gaupavana (añ) → no luk → gaupavanāḥ.
So also śaigravāḥ.
Rule. After tika-kitava and the rest, the gotra affix disappears by luk in the plural in a dvandva. The list names pairs of words, and the luk falls in both members.
Example.
taikāyanayaś ca kaitavāyanayaś ca "the Taikāyanis and the Kaitavāyanis" → each has phiñ (SK 1178)
→ in the dvandva, luk of both *phiñ*s → tikakitavāḥ.
Rule. After upaka and the rest, the gotra affix disappears by luk optionally in the plural. Bhaṭṭoji reads this as holding both in a dvandva and outside one. Advandve only makes clear that "in a dvandva" does not continue.
Example.
aupakāyanāś ca lāmakāyanāś ca → each has phak (SK 1101) → with luk → upakalamakāḥ; without → aupakāyanalāmakāyanāḥ.
bhrāṣṭrakakapiṣṭhalāḥ (with luk) or bhrāṣṭrakikāpiṣṭhalayaḥ (without).
Outside a dvandva: upakāḥ, lamakāḥ (with luk). Without luk Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read aupakāyanāḥ, lāmakāyanāḥ; the printed text has shorter forms here.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives both forms for the dvandva. One of his commentators holds that upakalamaka, also listed in tika-kitava, has obligatory luk in a dvandva (SK 1150); scholars discuss this. The same commentator lets bhrāṣṭrakakapiṣṭhala keep the option even in the dvandva, since its place in the tika-kitava list is held not to be authentic.
Rule. In āgastya and kauṇḍinya, the gotra affix (the aṇ of āgastya, the yañ of kauṇḍinya) disappears by luk in the plural. The remaining base is then replaced, respectively, by agasti and kuṇḍinac (heard as kuṇḍina).
Example.
āgastya → plural → luk of aṇ → the base is replaced by agasti → agastayaḥ.
kauṇḍinya → luk of yañ → kuṇḍina → kuṇḍināḥ.
Watch out. Why two steps, and not one substitute for the whole word? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer with āgastīyāś chātrāḥ "the pupils of the Agastis". Before the vowel-initial cha, SK 1081 keeps the affix, so the word stays vṛddha and takes cha. A single substitute for the whole word would have removed the vṛddhi.
rājño 'patyam → rājanyaḥ (a jāti) / rājanaḥ (not a jāti) / in the bhāva sense rājyamA stem ending in -an loses its ṭi before a taddhita by nas taddhite (chapter 17). This group teaches where it does not. Such a stem is said to stay prakṛtyā, "in its own form" (prakṛtibhāva). On the running example, rājan + yat keeps its an: rājanyaḥ "a kṣatriya". Before aṇ it keeps it too: rājanaḥ. But in the sense "state of a king" it loses it: rājyam.
Rule. After rājan "king" and śvaśura "father-in-law", the affix yat occurs in the offspring sense. Yat has no ñ, ṇ or k, so it brings no vṛddhi. Bhaṭṭoji gives no prose before the vārttika.
After rājan, yat comes only when the whole word names a jāti, a class: here the kṣatriya caste.
rājan + yat → finished in SK 1154.
Rule. Before a taddhita beginning with y, the ending -an stays in its own form. The exception is a taddhita in the sense of bhāva (the state) or karman (the action). So nas taddhite does not drop the ṭi.
Example.
rājño 'patyam (a jāti) → rājan + yat → yat begins with y → an stays → rājanyaḥ.
śvaśurasyāpatyam → śvaśura + yat → yasyeti ca → śvaśuryaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The vārttika says "only a jāti". So one born of a Śūdra or other woman is not a rājanya. He takes aṇ instead → rājanaḥ (SK 1155).
The counter-example for "not bhāva or karman" is given under SK 1155.
Rule. Before aṇ, the ending -an stays in its own form, so the ṭi is not dropped.
Example.
rājan + aṇ (not a jāti) → vṛddhi a → ā → the an stays → rājanaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Here Bhaṭṭoji gives the counter-example for SK 1154:
rājñaḥ karma, bhāve vā "the action of a king, or his state" → a y-initial affix in the sense of action or state → SK 1154 does not keep the an → the ṭi is dropped → rājyam.
Rule. Before aṇ, the ending -in also stays in its own form when a consonant cluster (saṃyoga) stands before it.
Example.
cakriṇo 'patyam "the offspring of Cakrin" → cakrin + aṇ → kr is a cluster before in → in stays
→ vṛddhi a → ā → n → ṇ after the r → cākriṇaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the need. A rule before this one keeps -in before aṇ only outside the offspring sense. So the offspring of cakrin needs this rule.
Rule. An -an preceded by m does not stay in its own form before an aṇ of the offspring sense. So it loses its ṭi. The exception is varman.
Example.
bhadrasāmno 'patyam → bhadrasāman + aṇ → an after m, offspring sense → the ṭi an is dropped → vṛddhi → bhādrasāmaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
sutvan → sautvanaḥ (the an stays).carmaṇā parivṛtaḥ "covered with leather" → cārmaṇo rathaḥ "a leather-covered chariot".cakravarmaṇo 'patyam → cākravarmaṇaḥ.For hitanāman the prohibition is optional.
hitanāmno 'patyam → haitanāmaḥ (ṭi dropped) or haitanāmanaḥ (ṭi kept).
Rule. Bhaṭṭoji splits this sūtra into two rules.
How exactly the sūtra is divided, scholars discuss.
Example.
(i) brahmā devatā asya "whose deity is Brahmā" → brahman + aṇ → ṭi dropped → brāhmaṃ haviḥ "an oblation to Brahmā".
(ii) brahmaṇo 'patyam "the offspring of a brahman", a jāti → brahman + aṇ → ṭi kept → brāhmaṇaḥ.
Why "meaning offspring"? Outside the offspring sense the ṭi is dropped, and the feminine is brāhmī auṣadhiḥ "the brāhmī herb".
Watch out. Why split the rule? Read as one rule, it would limit the prohibition of SK 1157 to a jāti. Then brāhmaṇaḥ, a jāti, would lose its ṭi, and brāhmaṃ haviḥ could not lose it. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give this reason.
Rule. The form aukṣa is set down (nipātana), with ṭi-loss before aṇ, when the sense is not offspring.
Example.
ukṣan + aṇ, in a sense other than offspring → the ṭi an is dropped → vṛddhi u → au → aukṣaṃ padam.
Applies when / blocked by. In the offspring sense the ṭi is kept, and only the a of -an goes (SK 1160): ukṣṇo 'patyam → aukṣṇaḥ.
Rule. Before aṇ, the a of -an in a bha stem is deleted when ṣ stands before it. The same holds for han and for dhṛtarājan.
Example.
ukṣṇo 'patyam → ukṣan + aṇ → SK 1155 keeps -an → but ṣ stands before it → its a is deleted → aukṣṇaḥ.
takṣan → tākṣṇaḥ. bhrūṇahan → bhrauṇaghnaḥ. dhṛtarājño 'patyam → dhārtarājñaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
sāmno 'patyam → sāmanaḥ.tākṣaṇyaḥ, with ṇya (SK 1176).kulasyāpatyam → kulīnaḥ / kulyaḥ / kauleyakaḥThis group gives special affixes for a few words of caste, family and kinship. Gha is heard as iya, kha as īna, khañ as īna with vṛddhi, ḍhakañ as eyaka with vṛddhi. On the running example, kulasyāpatyam "the offspring of a family" is kulīnaḥ, kulyaḥ or kauleyakaḥ.
Rule. After kṣatra, the affix gha occurs in the offspring sense. "When a jāti is meant" still continues from the vārttika under SK 1153.
Example.
kṣatrasyāpatyam, a jāti → kṣatra + gha → gh → iy → kṣatra + iya → the final a deleted by yasyeti ca → kṣatriyaḥ.
Gha has no marker, so there is no vṛddhi.
Applies when / blocked by. When no jāti is meant (one born of a Śūdra woman, say), iñ comes → kṣātriḥ.
Rule. After kula "family", the affix kha occurs in the offspring sense. It also comes after a word ending in kula.
Example.
kula + kha → kh → īn → kula + īna → yasyeti ca → kulīnaḥ.
āḍhyakula "a wealthy family", a karmadhāraya → āḍhyakulīnaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Normally a rule naming a word does not also cover compounds ending in it. How then is āḍhyakulīnaḥ correct? Bhaṭṭoji points to SK 1163, which says "after kula without a first member". That wording would be idle unless kula-final compounds were included here. So it is a liṅga, a sign.
Rule. After kula with no first member (pūrvapada), yat and ḍhakañ occur optionally. In the alternative, the kha of SK 1162 comes.
Example.
kula + yat → kulyaḥ (no vṛddhi).
kula + ḍhakañ → ḍh → ey → vṛddhi → kauleyakaḥ.
kula + kha → kulīnaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why does the rule say pada, "a first word"? Consider bahukula. Its bahu is not a word but the affix bahuc, which stands in front. So bahukula has no first word, and all three affixes come: bahukulyaḥ – bāhukuleyakaḥ – bahukulīnaḥ.
Rule. After mahākula "a great family", añ and khañ occur optionally. "Optionally" continues from SK 1163, so kha comes in the alternative.
Example.
mahākula + añ → māhākulaḥ.
mahākula + khañ → māhākulīnaḥ.
mahākula + kha → no vṛddhi → mahākulīnaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain why "optionally" must continue. Otherwise, where an optional exception leaves room, the general kha would not return, and mahākulīnaḥ would be lost.
Rule. After duṣkula "a bad family", ḍhak occurs optionally; as before, kha in the alternative.
Example.
duṣkula + ḍhak → dauṣkuleyaḥ. duṣkula + kha → duṣkulīnaḥ.
Rule. After svasṛ "sister", the affix cha occurs in the offspring sense.
Example.
svasur apatyam → svasṛ + cha → ch → īy → svasṛ + īya → ṛ → r before the vowel → svasrīyaḥ "a sister's son".
Cha has no marker, so there is no vṛddhi.
Rule. After bhrātṛ "brother", vyat occurs, and cha too (by ca). Both are apavādas of aṇ. The t of vyat serves the accent.
Example.
bhrātur apatyam → bhrātṛ + vyat → bhrātṛvyaḥ.
bhrātṛ + cha → bhrātrīyaḥ.
Both mean "a brother's son".
Rule. After bhrātṛ, vyan occurs in the offspring sense when the base and affix together name an enemy (sapatna).
Example.
bhrātṛ + vyan → bhrātṛvyaḥ "an enemy".
Watch out. The phrase pāpmanā bhrātṛvyeṇa "by sin, the enemy" is not a real case of offspring: sin is nobody's brother's son. Bhaṭṭoji calls it figurative (upacāra); his commentators explain the shared quality as "being harmful".
revatyā apatyam → raivatikaḥ; gārgyā apatyaṃ yuvā → gārgaḥ / gārgikaḥThis group gives ṭhak, whose ṭh is replaced by ik, so it is heard as ika. It then gives affixes for a young descendant named with contempt (kutsā), among them ṇa (heard as a). On the running example, revatyā apatyam "the offspring of Revatī" is raivatikaḥ; the young son of a Garga woman, named with contempt, is gārgaḥ or gārgikaḥ.
Rule. After revatī and the rest of its list, the affix ṭhak occurs in the offspring sense. It is kit.
Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives no prose here. The example, raivatikaḥ, is worked under SK 1170.
Rule. A ṭha that follows an aṅga (a base to which an affix is added) is replaced by ika.
Example.
revatyā apatyam → revatī + ṭhak (SK 1169) → ṭh → ik → revatī + ika
→ ṭhak is kit, so vṛddhi e → ai → the final ī deleted by yasyeti ca → raivatikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give karmaṭhaḥ. Its ṭh is not part of an affix after an aṅga, so it is not replaced.
Rule. After a word for a woman who is gotra, the affixes ṇa and ṭhak occur when contempt is meant. The ca draws in ṭhak from SK 1169. The sense can only be yuvan (sāmarthya), because no gotra affix follows a gotra word (SK 1093).
Example.
gārgyā apatyam "the offspring of Gārgī", named with contempt → by puṃvadbhāva the base is the masculine gārgya
→ gārgya + ṇa or gārgya + ṭhak → the final a deleted by yasyeti ca → the y of yañ deleted by SK 1082
→ gārgaḥ or gārgikaḥ "a wretch" (jālma).
Watch out. Where is the contempt? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain: the son is named after his mother, as if his father were unknown.
Rule. After a vṛddha word naming a Sauvīra gotra, ṭhak occurs variously (bahulam), in the yuvan sense, when contempt is meant. The Sauvīras are the people of the Suvīra country.
Example.
bhāgavitti, a Sauvīra gotra descendant → his young son, with contempt → bhāgavitti + ṭhak → bhāgavittikaḥ.
In the alternative, phak by SK 1103 → bhāgavittāyanaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The rule names ṭhak again, so the ṇa of SK 1171 does not continue here.
Rule. After a Sauvīra gotra word ending in phiñ, cha and ṭhak occur in the offspring sense, when contempt is meant.
Example.
yamundasyāpatyam → yamunda is in the tika list, so phiñ (SK 1178) → yāmundāyaniḥ.
His young son, with contempt → yāmundāyani + cha → yāmundāyanīyaḥ; or + ṭhak → yāmundāyanikaḥ.
The printed text gives the ṭhak form with a long ī.
Applies when / blocked by.
yāmundāyaniḥ, the same as the father.taikāyaniḥ, likewise unchanged.Rule. Among the Sauvīras, ṇa and phiñ occur after phāṇṭāhṛti and mimata. "When contempt is meant" no longer continues (so Bhaṭṭoji's commentators).
Example.
phāṇṭāhṛti + ṇa → phāṇṭāhṛtaḥ.
mimata + phiñ → maimatāyaniḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Do the two affixes pair off with the two words in order (yathāsaṃkhya)?
phāṇṭāhṛtaḥ – phāṇṭāhṛtāyaniḥ and maimataḥ – maimatāyaniḥ.phāṇṭāhṛtaḥ (ṇa) and maimatāyaniḥ (phiñ) are correct.hāriṣeṇyaḥ (ṇya) / hāriṣeṇiḥ (iñ, the Northerners' view)This group gives ṇya, heard as ya with vṛddhi, for a list of names and for words naming artisans. The Northerners use iñ for the same words. On the running example, the offspring of Hariṣeṇa is hāriṣeṇyaḥ, or in the Northerners' view hāriṣeṇiḥ.
Rule. After kuru and the rest of its list, ṇya occurs in the offspring sense. The Sauvīra condition has stopped.
Example.
kuror apatyāni (Kuru, a Brāhmaṇa) → kuru + ṇya → the final u takes guṇa → av → vṛddhi u → au → kauravyāḥ brāhmaṇāḥ.
vāvadūkasyāpatyāni → vāvadūkyāḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A class-rule in the list, samrājaḥ kṣatriye: after samrāj, ṇya only for a kṣatriya → sāmrājyaḥ. Any other offspring → sāmrājaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's example is plural and says "Brāhmaṇas" on purpose. The ṇya of SK 1190 is a tadrāja affix and drops in the plural. This ṇya is not, so kauravyāḥ keeps it.
Rule. Ṇya also occurs after a word ending in senā, after lakṣaṇa, and after words for artisans (kāri, "a craftsman").
Example.
hariṣeṇa + ṇya → the s → ṣ is by SK 1023 → vṛddhi → hāriṣeṇyaḥ.
lakṣaṇa + ṇya → lākṣaṇyaḥ.
Artisans: tantuvāya "weaver" → tāntuvāyyaḥ; kumbhakāra "potter" → kaumbhakāryaḥ; nāpita "barber" → nāpityaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the ṣ of hariṣeṇa is treated as not yet made (asiddha), so the word still counts as ending in senā.
Rule. In the view of the Northerners, iñ occurs after the same words as SK 1176.
Example.
hāriṣeṇiḥ, lākṣaṇiḥ, tāntuvāyiḥ, kaumbhakāriḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. After nāpita, only phiñ comes, by SK 1181, because that rule is later (para): nāpitāyaniḥ.
Takṣan "carpenter" is an artisan word. It also takes aṇ.
takṣan + aṇ → an stays (SK 1155), but its a is deleted after ṣ (SK 1160) → tākṣṇaḥ.
In the alternative, ṇya (SK 1176) → an stays before y (SK 1154) → tākṣaṇyaḥ.
tikasyāpatyam → taikāyaniḥThis group gives two affixes heard as āyani. Phiñ is ñit and brings vṛddhi; phin has no ñ and brings none. Two rules add the augment kuk (heard as k) to the base before phiñ. The group closes with the words for "human being" from manu. On the running example, tikasyāpatyam "the offspring of Tika" is taikāyaniḥ.
Rule. After tika and the rest of its list, phiñ occurs in the offspring sense. It is an apavāda of iñ.
Example.
tikasyāpatyam → tika + phiñ → ph → āyan → tika + āyani → vṛddhi i → ai, yasyeti ca → taikāyaniḥ.
Rule. Phiñ also occurs after kausalya and kārmārya, in the offspring sense, overriding iñ. The rule is wanted only after the ultimate base, kosala and karmāra. The shapes kausalya and kārmārya are set down (nipātana) together with the affix.
Example.
kosalasyāpatyam → kosala + phiñ → the base takes the shape kausalya → kausalyāyaniḥ.
karmārasyāpatyam → kārmārya + āyani → kārmāryāyaṇiḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain "only after the ultimate base". The words kausalya and kārmārya already carry offspring affixes. After them, phiñ could only have the yuvan sense.
Phiñ also comes after chāga and vṛṣa. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that a y is added here too, as in kausalya.
chāga + phiñ → chāgyāyaniḥ. vṛṣa + phiñ → vārṣyāyaṇiḥ.
Rule. After a two-vowel word ending in aṇ, phiñ occurs in the offspring sense. It is an apavāda of iñ.
Example.
kārtrasyāpatyam → kārtra has two vowels and ends in aṇ → kārtra + phiñ → n → ṇ after the r → kārtrāyaṇiḥ.
What kārtra itself is (the offspring of kartṛ, or "kartṛ's pupil"), scholars discuss.
Applies when / blocked by.
dākṣāyaṇaḥ. The yuvan of dākṣi takes phak (SK 1103); dākṣi ends in iñ.aupagaviḥ. Aupagava has four vowels, so its young descendant takes iñ.After the pronoun tyad and the rest, phiñ comes optionally.
tyādāyaniḥ or tyādaḥ.
Whether this vārttika is genuine scholars discuss; the printed text reads its first word as tyādādi.
Rule. In the view of the Northerners, phiñ occurs after a vṛddha word that is not a gotra form (that is, does not end in a gotra affix).
Example.
āmraguptasyāpatyam → āmragupta begins with ā, so it is vṛddha → āmraguptāyaniḥ.
For the Easterners: iñ → āmraguptiḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
dākṣiḥ. Dakṣa is not vṛddha. Whether names like dakṣa may also count as vṛddha, scholars discuss.aupagaviḥ. Aupagava is a gotra form, so its young descendant takes iñ, not phiñ.Rule. After vākina and the rest of its list, phiñ occurs optionally in the offspring sense, and the base takes the augment kuk. The option and phiñ continue from SK 1181.
Example.
vākinasyāpatyam → vākina + kuk + phiñ → vākinak + āyani → vṛddhi (the first vowel is already ā) → vākinakāyaniḥ.
Without phiñ → iñ, and then no kuk → vākiniḥ.
Watch out. Kuk comes only with phiñ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that it attaches to the end of the base, so the ph of the affix can still become āyan.
Rule. After a word ending in putra, phiñ already comes optionally (by SK 1181). This rule makes the augment kuk optional before that phiñ.
Example.
gārgīputrasyāpatyam →
gārgīputrakāyaṇiḥ;gārgīputrāyaṇiḥ;gārgīputriḥ.Rule. In the view of the Easterners, phin occurs variously (bahulam) after a word that is not vṛddha. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say "of the Easterners" is a mark of honour here, not a separate option.
Example.
glucukasyāpatyam → glucuka + phin → ph → āyan → phin has no ñ, so no vṛddhi → glucukāyaniḥ (the stem used at SK 1083).
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that, because the rule says "variously", it does not reach every non-vṛddha word: dākṣiḥ keeps iñ.
Rule. After manu, when a jāti is meant, añ and yat occur, and the base takes the augment ṣuk (heard as ṣ). The jāti is the meaning of base and affix together.
Example.
manu + ṣuk + añ → manuṣ + a → vṛddhi a → ā → mānuṣaḥ "a human being".
manu + ṣuk + yat → no vṛddhi → manuṣyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the offspring sense is not part of this rule. Otherwise the plural mānuṣāḥ would lose its añ by SK 1108.
Watch out. The next sūtras of the Aṣṭādhyāyī (A 4.1.162–165) were already read at SK 1089–1092. A 4.1.166–167 (vṛddhasya ca pūjāyām, yūnaś ca kutsāyām) appeared as the two vārttikas under SK 1092. So the Siddhānta-kaumudī goes on with A 4.1.168.
pañcālānāṃ rājā / apatyam → pāñcālaḥ, plural pañcālāḥ, feminine pāñcālīMany names are both the name of a janapada (a country or people) and of its kṣatriya ruling line. This group gives the offspring affixes for such words. The same affixes also mean "its king", and they are named tadrāja (SK 1192). Then come the rules that drop a tadrāja in the plural or in the feminine, and the rule that blocks that drop. On the running example, the offspring or king of the Pañcālas is pāñcālaḥ; many are pañcālāḥ; a woman is pāñcālī.
Rule. After a word that names both a janapada and a kṣatriya, añ occurs in the offspring sense.
Example.
ikṣvākor apatyam → ikṣvāku + añ → its ṭi, the final u, is dropped, by the listed form aikṣvāka in SK 1145 → vṛddhi i → ai → aikṣvākaḥ, dual aikṣvākau.
After a janapada-name that is the same word as a kṣatriya-name, the same affixes also mean "its king". This follows because tadrāja is a meaningful name: "the affix that says 'its king'".
pañcālānāṃ rājā "the king of the Pañcālas" → pañcāla + añ → pāñcālaḥ.
pūru + aṇ → u → o → av, vṛddhi → pauravaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the point is to make this aṇ a tadrāja.
Ḍyaṇ is heard as ya.
pāṇḍu with ḍyaṇ → pāṇḍyaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the pāṇḍu meant is the lord of the janapada, not the father of Yudhiṣṭhira.
Rule. After sālveya and gāndhāri, añ occurs in the offspring sense. SK 1186 would already give it; this rule is needed as an apavāda of the ñyaṅ of SK 1189, which these words would otherwise take.
Example.
sālveya + añ → sālveyaḥ. gāndhāri + añ → gāndhāraḥ.
The same forms mean "its king".
Rule. After a two-vowel word naming both a janapada and a kṣatriya, and after magadha, kaliṅga and sūramasa, aṇ occurs. It is an apavāda of the añ of SK 1186.
Example.
Two vowels: aṅgasyāpatyam → aṅga + aṇ → āṅgaḥ; so vāṅgaḥ, sauhmaḥ.
The named words: māgadhaḥ, kāliṅgaḥ, sauramasaḥ.
The same forms mean "its king".
Rule. Ñyaṅ (heard as ya, ñit) occurs after such words when they are vṛddha, when they end in short i, and after kosala and ajāda.
Example.
Vṛddha words: āmbaṣṭhyaḥ, sauvīryaḥ.
Ending in i: avanti + ñyaṅ → āvantyaḥ.
Named words: kosala → kausalyaḥ; ajādasyāpatyam → ājādyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the i must be short. Kumārī ends in long ī, so it gives kaumāraḥ.
Rule. After kuru, and after such words beginning with n, ṇya occurs, in the senses of offspring and king.
Example.
kuror apatyam or kurūṇāṃ rājā → kauravyaḥ.
niṣadha → naiṣadhyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. In a phrase such as sa naiṣadhasyārthapateḥ, naiṣadha has a different affix: the aṇ of "belonging to" (a śaiṣika affix).
Rule. Iñ occurs after words for the parts of Sālva, and after pratyagratha, kalakūṭa and aśmaka. Sālva is a janapada; its parts are the Udumbaras and the rest. It is an apavāda of añ.
Example.
udumbara + iñ → audumbariḥ.
prātyagrathiḥ, kālakūṭiḥ, āśmakiḥ.
The same forms mean "its king".
Rule. The affixes añ and the rest, taught from SK 1186 onward, are named tadrāja. This is a saṃjñā, a technical name.
Example.
The añ of pāñcālaḥ, the aṇ of āṅgaḥ, the ñyaṅ of āvantyaḥ, the ṇya of kauravyaḥ, the iñ of audumbariḥ: all are tadrāja. SK 1193–1197 use the name.
Applies when / blocked by. Why do the affixes before SK 1186 not get the name? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the section on gotra and yuvan stands between them in the Aṣṭādhyāyī and cuts them off.
Rule. A tadrāja affix disappears by luk in the plural, when the plurality comes from its own sense alone. It does not disappear in the feminine.
Example.
ikṣvākor apatyāni → aikṣvāka → plural → luk of añ → the vṛddhi goes too → ikṣvākavaḥ.
pañcālānāṃ rājānaḥ → pañcālāḥ. So also aṅgāḥ, vaṅgāḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji meets two objections.
kauravyāḥ paśavaḥ "Kauravya cattle", and the verse fragment tasyeva raghoḥ pāṇḍyāḥ, keep ya in the plural. They mean "suited to the Kauravya / the Pāṇḍya": a further, non-tadrāja affix is added, so there is no luk.raghūṇām anvayaṃ vakṣye "I shall tell of the line of the Raghus" and nirudhyamānā yadubhiḥ "held back by the Yadus" use raghu and yadu for their descendants by secondary sense (lakṣaṇā). No offspring affix was added at all.Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the counter-example for "its own sense alone": in priyavāṅgāḥ "those to whom the Vāṅga is dear", the plurality belongs to the compound, so the affix stays.
Rule. After kamboja, the tadrāja affix disappears by luk, in every number. SK 1193 already covers the plural; this rule adds the singular and dual.
Example.
kambojasyāpatyam → kamboja + añ → luk → kambojaḥ, dual kambojau.
The same luk holds for a list of such words.
colaḥ, śakaḥ: luk of the aṇ of two-vowel words (SK 1188).
keralaḥ, yavanaḥ: luk of añ (SK 1186).
Applies when / blocked by. The reading kambojāḥ samare is straightforward. If one reads it with a long vowel, kāmbojāḥ, it means "those whose ancestral home is Kamboja". That aṇ comes from a later rule (SK 1473) and is not a tadrāja, so it stays.
Rule. In the feminine, the tadrāja affix disappears by luk after avanti, kunti and kuru.
Example.
avantī "a woman (or queen) of Avanti" → ñyaṅ (SK 1189) dropped → ṅīṣ by ito manuṣyajāteḥ (SK 520) → avantī. So also kuntī.
kurūḥ → the ṇya of SK 1190 dropped → the feminine in ū → kurūḥ.
Rule. In the feminine, a tadrāja affix that consists of the sound a disappears by luk.
Example.
śūrasena + añ (a woman of the Śūrasenas) → the tadrāja añ is just a → luk → ṅīṣ → śūrasenī.
So also madrī.
Applies when / blocked by. How then is mādrīsutau "the two sons of Mādrī" correct, with vṛddhi? Haradatta says the true reading has the short vowel, madrī-. Or one may assume that madra belongs to the bharga list of SK 1197.
Watch out. The word "tadrāja" qualifies the a, not the other way round. So ñyaṅ and ṇya, which merely end in a, are not dropped by this rule. That is why SK 1195 is needed for avanti, kunti and kuru.
Rule. After names of Eastern peoples, after bharga and the rest, and after yaudheya and the rest, the tadrāja affix is not dropped in the feminine. This blocks SK 1196.
Example.
Eastern peoples: pāñcālī, vaidarbhī, āṅgī, vāṅgī, māgadhī.
The bharga list: bhārgī, kārūśī, kaikeyī.
The yaudheya list: yudhā + ḍhak (SK 1124) → yaudheya → an añ in its own sense → ṅīn (SK 527) → yaudheyī. So also śaukreyī from śukrā.
Applies when / blocked by.
kekayī, with no vṛddhi, is a different word. Its ṅīṣ comes from association with a male: here the relation of begetter and begotten.yaudheyī, but the accent would differ.kumudagandher apatyaṃ strī → kaumudagandhyāThese four sūtras belong earlier in the Aṣṭādhyāyī, but Bhaṭṭoji reads them here, at the end of the section. They make the feminine of certain family names with ṣyaṅ, heard as ya, followed by cāp (-ā). On the running example, the female descendant of Kumudagandhi is kaumudagandhyā, not kaumudagandhī.
Rule. In the feminine, ṣyaṅ replaces a gotra aṇ or iñ that is not a seer's affix (anārṣa), in a word whose upottama is heavy. The uttama is the last syllable of a word of three or more syllables; the upottama is the one next to it. Ṣ and ṅ are markers, and cāp follows by yaṅaś cāp (SK 528).
Example.
kumudagandher apatyaṃ strī → kumudagandhi + aṇ → kaumudagandha
→ the last syllable dha is the uttama; gan, before a cluster, is the upottama and is heavy
→ ṣyaṅ replaces the aṇ → kaumudagandh + ya → cāp → kaumudagandhyā.
varāha + iñ → vārāhi → upottama rā is heavy → iñ → ya → vārāhyā.
Applies when / blocked by.
vāsiṣṭhī, vaiśvāmitrī.aupagavī. In aupagava the upottama ga is light, so the jāti ṅīṣ comes.ahicchatre jātā "a woman born in Ahicchatra" → āhicchatrī.Whether "gotra" here is the technical term or the ordinary family line, scholars discuss.
Rule. After gotrāvayava words, ṣyaṅ replaces a gotra aṇ or iñ in the feminine. Bhaṭṭoji glosses the term as family names (kulākhyāḥ) that count as gotra names. The rule is for words whose upottama is not heavy.
Example.
puṇikasyāpatyaṃ strī → puṇika + iñ → pauṇiki → the upottama ṇi is light, but puṇika is a family name → ṣyaṅ → cāp → pauṇikyā.
So also bhauṇikyā.
Rule. After krauḍi and the rest of its list, the affix ṣyaṅ occurs in the feminine. Here ṣyaṅ is an affix added after the word, not a substitute. The rule serves words whose upottama is not heavy, and words that do not end in aṇ or iñ.
Example.
krauḍi → it has only two syllables, so it has no upottama at all → this rule gives ṣyaṅ → cāp → krauḍyā.
So also vyāḍyā.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give gaukakṣya (with yañ) as a word the rule reaches though it does not end in aṇ or iñ.
Applies when / blocked by. Two class-rules in the list:
sūtyā.bhojyā.Rule. After the four iñ-final words daivayajñi, śaucivṛkṣi, sātyamugri and kāṇḍeviddhi, ṣyaṅ occurs optionally in the feminine. The rule is meant for the non-gotra sense. Being later (para), it applies in the gotra sense too.
Example.
devayajñasyāpatyaṃ strī → daivayajñi → ṣyaṅ → cāp → daivayajñyā.
In the alternative, ṅīṣ by ito manuṣyajāteḥ (SK 520) → daivayajñī.
So also śaucivṛkṣyā – śaucivṛkṣī and the rest.
Watch out. This is the rule whose anyatarasyām "optionally" SK 1088 carried back, to allow the compound upagvapatyam.
| SK | Sūtra | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1079 | strīpuṃsābhyāṃ nañsnañau bhavanāt | Nañ after strī, snañ after puṃs, in the senses before SK 1802; not in the vati sense. | straiṇaḥ, pauṃsnaḥ |
| 1080 | dvigor lug anapatye | Luk of a vowel-initial prāgdīvyatīya taddhita that causes a dvigu, except in the offspring sense. | pañcakapālaḥ; but dvaimitriḥ |
| 1081 | gotre 'lug aci | A gotra affix stays when a vowel-initial prāgdīvyatīya affix is intended. | gārgya + īya |
| 1082 | āpatyasya ca taddhite 'nāti | The y of an offspring affix after a consonant is deleted before a taddhita not in ā. | gārgīyāḥ; but gārgyāyaṇaḥ |
| 1083 | yūni luk | A yuvan affix is dropped when a vowel-initial prāgdīvyatīya affix is intended. | glaucukāyanāḥ (pupils) |
| 1084 | pailādibhyaś ca | Luk of the yuvan affix after paila etc. and after a tadrāja aṇ. | pailaḥ, āṅgaḥ (father and son) |
| 1085 | iñaḥ prācām | Luk of the yuvan affix after an Eastern gotra in iñ. | pānnāgāriḥ; but dākṣāyaṇaḥ |
| 1086 | na taulvalibhyaḥ | No such luk after taulvali etc. | taulvalāyanaḥ |
| 1087 | phakphiñor anyatarasyām | The luk of SK 1083 is optional for phak and phiñ. | kātīyāḥ – kātyāyanīyāḥ |
| 1088 | tasyāpatyam | The affixes, stated and to be stated, in the sense "its offspring". | aupagavaḥ, aupagavī |
| 1089 | apatyaṃ pautraprabhṛti gotram | Name: offspring from the grandson on is gotra. | gārgyaḥ |
| 1090 | jīvati tu vaṃśye yuvā | Name: the fourth on, while a forebear lives, is yuvan only. | gārgyāyaṇaḥ |
| 1091 | bhrātari ca jyāyasi | Likewise while an elder brother lives. | gārgyāyaṇaḥ |
| 1092 | vānyasmin sapiṇḍe sthaviratare jīvati | Optionally yuvan while a senior sapiṇḍa lives; vārttikas for respect and contempt. | gārgyāyaṇaḥ – gārgyaḥ; gārgyo jālmaḥ |
| 1093 | eko gotre | Only one offspring affix for a gotra, added to the root name. | aupagavaḥ, nāḍāyanaḥ |
| 1094 | gotrād yūny astriyām | A yuvan affix only after the gotra form; a woman is not yuvan. | gārgyāyaṇaḥ; gārgī |
| 1095 | ata iñ | Iñ after an a-final stem: the default. | dākṣiḥ |
| 1096 | bāhvādibhyaś ca | Iñ after the open bāhu list. | bāhaviḥ, auḍulomiḥ |
| 1097 | sudhātur akaṅ ca | Iñ after sudhātṛ, with akaṅ; vārttika for vyāsa etc. | saudhātakiḥ |
| 1098 | na yvābhyāṃ padāntābhyāṃ pūrvau tu tābhyām aic | No vṛddhi after pada-final y/v; ai/au added before them. | vaiyāsakiḥ |
| 1099 | gotre kuñjādibhyaś cphañ | Gotra cphañ after kuñja etc. | kauñjāyana- |
| 1100 | vrātacphañor astriyām | Ñya in its own sense after vrāta words and cphañ-final words; not feminine. | kauñjāyanyaḥ; kauñjāyanī |
| 1101 | naḍādibhyaḥ phak | Gotra phak after naḍa etc. | nāḍāyanaḥ; nāḍiḥ |
| 1102 | haritādibhyo 'ñaḥ | Yuvan phak after the añ-forms of harita etc. | hāritāyanaḥ |
| 1103 | yañiñoś ca | Yuvan phak after gotra yañ/iñ. | gārgyāyaṇaḥ, dākṣāyaṇaḥ |
| 1104 | śaradvacchunakadarbhād bhṛguvatsāgrāyaṇeṣu | Gotra phak for a Bhārgava, Vātsya, Āgrāyaṇa. | śāradvatāyanaḥ |
| 1105 | droṇaparvatajīvantād anyatarasyām | Gotra phak optionally. | drauṇāyanaḥ – drauṇiḥ |
| 1106 | anṛṣyānantarye bidādibhyo 'ñ | Añ after bida etc. (gotra); for non-seers, immediate offspring. | baidaḥ, pautraḥ |
| 1107 | gargādibhyo yañ | Gotra yañ after garga etc. | gārgyaḥ, vātsyaḥ |
| 1108 | yañañoś ca | Luk of gotra yañ/añ in their own plural, not feminine. | gargāḥ, bidāḥ |
| 1109 | madhubabhrvor brāhmaṇakauśikayoḥ | Yañ after madhu (Brāhmaṇa), babhru (Kauśika). | mādhavyaḥ, bābhravyaḥ |
| 1110 | kapibodhād āṅgirase | Yañ after kapi, bodha for an Āṅgirasa. | kāpyaḥ; else kāpeyaḥ |
| 1111 | vataṇḍāc ca | Yañ after vataṇḍa for an Āṅgirasa. | vātaṇḍyaḥ |
| 1112 | luk striyām | That yañ dropped in the feminine. | vataṇḍī |
| 1113 | aśvādibhyaḥ phañ | Gotra phañ after aśva etc. | āśvāyanaḥ, jātāyanaḥ |
| 1114 | bhargāt traigarte | Phañ after bharga for a Traigarta. | bhārgāyaṇaḥ; else bhārgiḥ |
| 1115 | śivādibhyo 'ṇ | Aṇ after śiva etc. | śaivaḥ, gāṅgaḥ |
| 1116 | avṛddhābhyo nadīmānuṣībhyas tannāmikābhyaḥ | Aṇ after non-vṛddha names of rivers and women. | yāmunaḥ; but vāsavadatteyaḥ |
| 1117 | ṛṣyandhakavṛṣṇikurubhyaś ca | Aṇ after names of seers and Andhaka, Vṛṣṇi, Kuru men. | vāsiṣṭhaḥ, vāsudevaḥ |
| 1118 | mātur ut saṃkhyāsambhadrapūrvāyāḥ | U for the ṛ of mātṛ after a numeral, sam, bhadra, with aṇ. | dvaimāturaḥ |
| 1119 | kanyāyāḥ kanīna ca | Aṇ after kanyā, which becomes kanīna. | kānīnaḥ |
| 1120 | vikarṇaśuṅgacchagalād vatsabharadvājātriṣu | Aṇ for a Vātsya, Bhāradvāja, Ātreya. | vaikarṇaḥ; else vaikarṇiḥ |
| 1121 | pīlāyā vā | Aṇ optionally after pīlā. | pailaḥ – paileyaḥ |
| 1122 | ḍhak ca maṇḍūkāt | Ḍhak, aṇ or iñ after maṇḍūka. | māṇḍūkeyaḥ |
| 1123 | strībhyo ḍhak | Ḍhak after a word ending in a feminine affix. | vainateyaḥ |
| 1124 | dvyacaḥ | Ḍhak after a two-vowel feminine, even a woman's name. | dātteyaḥ |
| 1125 | itaś cāniñaḥ | Ḍhak after a two-vowel i-final word, not in iñ. | dauleyaḥ |
| 1126 | śubhrādibhyaś ca | Ḍhak after śubhra etc. | śaubhreyaḥ |
| 1127 | vikarṇakuṣītakāt kāśyape | Ḍhak for a Kāśyapa. | vaikarṇeyaḥ |
| 1128 | bhruvo vuk ca | Ḍhak after bhrū, with augment vuk. | bhrauveyaḥ |
| 1129 | pravāhaṇasya ḍhe | Before ḍha, vṛddhi of the second member; of the first, optionally. | prāvāhaṇeyaḥ – pravāhaṇeyaḥ |
| 1130 | tatpratyayasya ca | The same for pravāhaṇeya before a further taddhita. | prāvāhaṇeyiḥ – pravāhaṇeyiḥ |
| 1131 | kalyāṇyādīnām inaṅ | Inaṅ for the final of kalyāṇī etc., with ḍhak. | kālyāṇineyaḥ |
| 1132 | kulaṭāyā vā | Inaṅ optional for kulaṭā; ḍhak obligatory. | kaulaṭineyaḥ – kaulaṭeyaḥ |
| 1133 | hṛdbhagasindhvante pūrvapadasya ca | Both members take vṛddhi in compounds in hṛd, bhaga, sindhu. | sauhārdaḥ, saubhāgineyaḥ |
| 1134 | caṭakāyā airak | Airak after caṭakā/caṭaka; luk for a female. | cāṭakairaḥ; caṭakā |
| 1135 | godhāyā ḍhrak | Ḍhrak after godhā (also ḍhak). | gaudheraḥ, gaudheyaḥ |
| 1136 | ārag udīcām | Ārak, in the Northerners' view. | gaudhāraḥ, jāḍāraḥ |
| 1137 | kṣudrābhyo vā | Ḍhrak optionally after kṣudrā words. | kāṇeraḥ – kāṇeyaḥ |
| 1138 | pitṛṣvasuś chaṇ | Chaṇ after pitṛṣvasṛ. | paitṛṣvasrīyaḥ |
| 1139 | ḍhaki lopaḥ | Final of pitṛṣvasṛ deleted before ḍhak (a jñāpaka for ḍhak). | paitṛṣvaseyaḥ |
| 1140 | mātṛṣvasuś ca | The same for mātṛṣvasṛ. | mātṛṣvasrīyaḥ, mātṛṣvaseyaḥ |
| 1141 | catuṣpādbhyo ḍhañ | Ḍhañ after names of quadruped species. | (see 1142) |
| 1142 | ḍhe lopo 'kadrvāḥ | Final u/ū of a bha stem deleted before ḍha, except kadrū. | kāmaṇḍaleyaḥ |
| 1143 | gṛṣṭyādibhyaś ca | Ḍhañ after gṛṣṭi etc. | gārṣṭeyaḥ |
| 1144 | kekayamittrayupralayānāṃ yāder iyaḥ | Iya for the y-part of kekaya, mitrayu, pralaya. | (would give maitreyeya) |
| 1145 | dāṇḍināyana… hiraṇmayāni | Eleven forms set down as they stand. | maitreyaḥ, aikṣvākaḥ |
| 1146 | yaskādibhyo gotre | Plural luk of the offspring affix after yaska etc. | mitrayavaḥ |
| 1147 | atribhṛgukutsavasiṣṭhagotamāṅgirobhyaś ca | The same after atri and five others. | atrayaḥ, vasiṣṭhāḥ |
| 1148 | bahvacaḥ iñaḥ prācyabharateṣu | Plural luk of iñ after a many-vowel base, Eastern or Bharata. | yudhiṣṭhirāḥ; yaudhiṣṭhiriḥ |
| 1149 | na gopavanādibhyaḥ | No plural luk after gopavana etc. | gaupavanāḥ |
| 1150 | tikakitavādibhyo dvandve | Plural luk in a dvandva of tika-kitava etc. | tikakitavāḥ |
| 1151 | upakādibhyo 'nyatarasyām advandve | Optional plural luk after upaka etc., in and out of a dvandva. | upakalamakāḥ; upakāḥ |
| 1152 | āgastyakauṇḍinyayor agastikuṇḍinac | Plural luk, with agasti, kuṇḍina for the rest. | agastayaḥ, kuṇḍināḥ |
| 1153 | rājaśvaśurād yat | Yat after rājan (only for a jāti) and śvaśura. | (see 1154) |
| 1154 | ye cābhāvakarmaṇoḥ | -an stays before a y-initial taddhita, except in state/action. | rājanyaḥ, śvaśuryaḥ |
| 1155 | an | -an stays before aṇ. | rājanaḥ; but rājyam |
| 1156 | saṃyogādiś ca | -in after a cluster stays before aṇ. | cākriṇaḥ |
| 1157 | na mapūrvo 'patye 'varmaṇaḥ | -an after m does not stay before offspring aṇ, except varman. | bhādrasāmaḥ; cākravarmaṇaḥ |
| 1158 | brāhmo 'jātau | Brāhma set down outside offspring; brahman keeps its ṭi for a jāti. | brāhmaṃ haviḥ; brāhmaṇaḥ |
| 1159 | aukṣam anapatye | Aukṣa set down outside the offspring sense. | aukṣaṃ padam |
| 1160 | ṣapūrvahandhṛtarājñām aṇi | The a of -an after ṣ, and of han, dhṛtarājan, deleted before aṇ. | aukṣṇaḥ, tākṣṇaḥ |
| 1161 | kṣatrād ghaḥ | Gha after kṣatra, for a jāti. | kṣatriyaḥ; else kṣātriḥ |
| 1162 | kulāt khaḥ | Kha after kula and kula-final words. | kulīnaḥ, āḍhyakulīnaḥ |
| 1163 | apūrvapadād anyatarasyāṃ yaḍḍhakañau | Yat, ḍhakañ optionally after bare kula. | kulyaḥ – kauleyakaḥ – kulīnaḥ |
| 1164 | mahākulād añkhañau | Añ, khañ optionally after mahākula. | māhākulaḥ – māhākulīnaḥ – mahākulīnaḥ |
| 1165 | duṣkulāḍ ḍhak | Ḍhak optionally after duṣkula. | dauṣkuleyaḥ – duṣkulīnaḥ |
| 1166 | svasuś chaḥ | Cha after svasṛ. | svasrīyaḥ |
| 1167 | bhrātur vyac ca | Vyat and cha after bhrātṛ. | bhrātṛvyaḥ – bhrātrīyaḥ |
| 1168 | vyan sapatne | Vyan after bhrātṛ meaning "enemy". | bhrātṛvyaḥ "enemy" |
| 1169 | revatyādibhyaṣ ṭhak | Ṭhak after revatī etc. | (see 1170) |
| 1170 | ṭhasyekaḥ | Ika for ṭha after an aṅga. | raivatikaḥ |
| 1171 | gotrastriyāḥ kutsane ṇa ca | Ṇa, ṭhak after a gotra woman's name, yuvan, in contempt. | gārgaḥ – gārgikaḥ |
| 1172 | vṛddhāṭ ṭhak sauvīreṣu bahulam | Ṭhak variously after a Sauvīra vṛddha gotra, in contempt. | bhāgavittikaḥ |
| 1173 | pheś cha ca | Cha, ṭhak after a Sauvīra phiñ-final word, in contempt. | yāmundāyanīyaḥ |
| 1174 | phāṇṭāhṛtimimatābhyāṃ ṇaphiñau | Ṇa, phiñ after these two, paired in order (Bhāṣya). | phāṇṭāhṛtaḥ, maimatāyaniḥ |
| 1175 | kurvādibhyo ṇyaḥ | Ṇya after kuru etc. | kauravyāḥ brāhmaṇāḥ |
| 1176 | senāntalakṣaṇakāribhyaś ca | Ṇya after senā-final words, lakṣaṇa, artisan words. | hāriṣeṇyaḥ, nāpityaḥ |
| 1177 | udīcām iñ | Iñ for the same, in the Northerners' view; vārttika aṇ after takṣan. | hāriṣeṇiḥ; tākṣṇaḥ |
| 1178 | tikādibhyaḥ phiñ | Phiñ after tika etc. | taikāyaniḥ |
| 1179 | kausalyakārmāryābhyāṃ ca | Phiñ after kosala, karmāra (shapes set down); vārttika chāga, vṛṣa. | kausalyāyaniḥ |
| 1180 | aṇo dvyacaḥ | Phiñ after a two-vowel aṇ-final word. | kārtrāyaṇiḥ |
| 1181 | udīcāṃ vṛddhād agotrāt | Phiñ after a vṛddha non-gotra word, for the Northerners. | āmraguptāyaniḥ |
| 1182 | vākinādīnāṃ kuk ca | Optional phiñ with augment kuk. | vākinakāyaniḥ – vākiniḥ |
| 1183 | putrāntād anyatarasyām | Kuk optional before phiñ after putra-final words. | gārgīputrakāyaṇiḥ |
| 1184 | prācām avṛddhāt phin bahulam | Phin variously after a non-vṛddha word. | glucukāyaniḥ |
| 1185 | manor jātāv añyatau ṣuk ca | Añ, yat with ṣuk after manu, for the jāti. | mānuṣaḥ – manuṣyaḥ |
| 1186 | janapadaśabdāt kṣatriyād añ | Añ after a janapada-and-kṣatriya word; also "its king". | aikṣvākaḥ, pāñcālaḥ |
| 1187 | sālveyagāndhāribhyāṃ ca | Añ after sālveya, gāndhāri (not ñyaṅ). | sālveyaḥ, gāndhāraḥ |
| 1188 | dvyañmagadhakaliṅgasūramasād aṇ | Aṇ after two-vowel such words and three named ones. | āṅgaḥ, māgadhaḥ |
| 1189 | vṛddhetkosalājādāñ ñyaṅ | Ñyaṅ after vṛddha and i-final such words, kosala, ajāda. | āvantyaḥ, kausalyaḥ |
| 1190 | kurunādibhyo ṇyaḥ | Ṇya after kuru and n-initial such words. | kauravyaḥ, naiṣadhyaḥ |
| 1191 | sālvāvayavapratyagrathakalakūṭāśmakād iñ | Iñ after parts of Sālva and three named words. | audumbariḥ |
| 1192 | te tadrājāḥ | Name: the affixes of SK 1186–1191 are tadrāja. | — |
| 1193 | tadrājasya bahuṣu tenaivāstriyām | Plural luk of a tadrāja, not in the feminine. | ikṣvākavaḥ, pañcālāḥ |
| 1194 | kambojāl luk | Luk of the tadrāja after kamboja etc. in every number. | kambojaḥ, colaḥ |
| 1195 | striyām avantikuntikurubhyaś ca | Feminine luk after avanti, kunti, kuru. | avantī, kuntī, kurūḥ |
| 1196 | ataś ca | Feminine luk of a tadrāja that is a. | śūrasenī, madrī |
| 1197 | na prācyabhargādiyaudheyādibhyaḥ | No such luk after Eastern, bharga and yaudheya words. | pāñcālī, kaikeyī, yaudheyī |
| 1198 | aṇiñor anārṣayor gurūpottamayoḥ ṣyaṅ gotre | Ṣyaṅ for a non-seer gotra aṇ/iñ with heavy upottama, in the feminine. | kaumudagandhyā, vārāhyā |
| 1199 | gotrāvayavāt | The same after family names, even with light upottama. | pauṇikyā |
| 1200 | krauḍyādibhyaś ca | Ṣyaṅ as an affix after krauḍi etc. | krauḍyā, sūtyā, bhojyā |
| 1201 | daivayajñiśaucivṛkṣisātyamugrikāṇḍeviddhibhyo 'nyatarasyām | Ṣyaṅ optionally after four iñ-words. | daivayajñyā – daivayajñī |