तद्धिताधिकारे अपत्याधिकारप्रकरणम्

Covers SK 1079–1201 (123 sūtras): all present. Aṣṭādhyāyī 4.1.87–178 (the apatya section of the taddhitas) with 4.1.78–81 (ṣyaṅ for female gotra descendants) read at the end, and the rules from other pādas that the derivations need spliced in where the SK reads them: 2.4.59–70 (luk of apatya affixes), 5.3.113, 6.4.135/147/151/166–174, 7.3.2–3/19/28–29/50.

taddhitādhikāre apatyādhikāraprakaraṇam — outline (p27, SK 1079–1201, all 123 sūtras)

This is the offspring (apatya) section. After a short prelude (1079–1087: the last of the common affixes, and whether an apatya affix survives when a further taddhita is added), tasyāpatyam (1088) sets up the sense "the offspring of that". The SK then brings forward 4.1.162–165 (1089–1092) to define the two technical terms that the whole section depends on: gotra (a descendant from the grandson onward) and yuvan (a later descendant while an elder is still alive). The rest assigns affixes by base class: the default iñ, then cphañ, phak, añ, yañ, phañ, aṇ, ḍhak, ḍhrak, ḍhañ, yat, gha, kha, ṭhak, ṇya, phiñ, phin. Each is taught together with the stem rules its forms need, and with the 2.4 rules that drop the affix in the plural. The section closes with the tadrāja affixes (offspring and king of peoples named after their janapada) and with ṣyaṅ for female gotra descendants. Only the kaumudī blocks are translated (SK-TRANSLATE §25); the readings cited as BM (Bālamanoramā) and TB (Tattvabodhinī) are the ones recorded in the unit notes. Where an audit correction applies (1080, 1088, 1094, 1132, 1151, 1158, 1200, and minor ones), the corrected reading is followed. Ordering: SK order throughout; nothing is reordered.

Affix shapes used below (7.1.2 āyaneyīnīyiyaḥ phaḍhakhachaghāṃ pratyayādīnām, 7.3.50): ph → āyan, ḍh → ey, kh → īn, ch → īy, gh → iy, ṭh → ik. A ñ-, ṇ- or k-marker brings ādivṛddhi (7.2.117–118, SK 1075–1076), and a stem-final a/ā/i/ī is deleted before the affix by yasyeti ca (6.4.148).

A. Prelude: the strī / puṃs affixes, and whether an apatya affix survives inside a dvigu or before a further taddhita — running example: gargāṇāṃ chātrāḥ → gārgīyāḥ (gotra affix kept) vs glaucukāyanasya chātrāḥ → glaucukāyanāḥ (yuvan affix dropped)

• 1079 strīpuṃsābhyāṃ nañsnañau bhavanāt 4.1.87 — the last of the sādhāraṇa affixes. In the senses taught before dhānyānāṃ bhavane (SK 1802; the "up to" is exclusive), strī takes nañ and puṃs takes snañ. strī + nañ → ñit, so ī → ai and n → ṇ after the r: straiṇaḥ. puṃs + snañ → pauṃsnaḥ. These affixes are not used in the vati sense (known from the jñāpaka strī puṃvac ca, SK 932): strīvat, puṃvat.
• 1080 dvigor lug anapatye 4.1.88 — luk of the taddhita that occasions (is the nimitta of) a dvigu, provided it is ac-initial, prāgdīvyatīya and not in the offspring sense. BM/TB take the genitive as one of cause (hetutva): the taddhita causes the dvigu. pañcasu kapāleṣu saṃskṛtaḥ: the aṇ of saṃskṛtaṃ bhakṣāḥ occasions the dvigu, so the aṇ is elided and ādivṛddhi does not happen: pañcakapālaḥ. Counter-examples: pāñcakapālam (the aṇ of tasyedam is added to the finished dvigu, so it does not occasion it); pañcagargarūpyam (rūpya is not ac-initial); dvaimitriḥ (iñ, which is in the offspring sense, is kept).
• 1081 gotre 'lug aci 4.1.89 — a gotra affix is not dropped (aluk) when an ac-initial prāgdīvyatīya affix is intended. On the running form: gārgya (garga + yañ) in the plural would lose its yañ by 1108 (giving gargāḥ). Because cha (vṛddhāc chaḥ, SK 1337) is intended, the yañ is kept: gārgya + īya. BM attaches the kaumudī's two "why?" questions to this rule. Counter-examples: the cha of tasmai hitam is not prāgdīvyatīya, so the yañ is elided and no vṛddhi remains: gargīyam; rūpya is not ac-initial: gargarūpyam.
• 1082 āpatyasya ca taddhite 'nāti 6.4.151 — the y of an apatya affix standing after a consonant (hal) is deleted before a taddhita that does not begin with ā. On the running form: gārgya + īya → the a is deleted by yasyeti ca → gārgy-īya → the y of yañ, after the consonant g and before ī, is deleted: gārgīyāḥ. Before the ā-initial āyana the y stays: gārgyāyaṇaḥ (1103). (Textual note: the source prints the counter-example as gārgīyam. BM requires gargīyam, while TB supports the transmitted form, so the commentators' texts disagree.)
• 1083 yūni luk 4.1.90 — a yuvan affix is dropped (luk) when an ac-initial prāgdīvyatīya affix is intended. glucuka + phin (1184) → glucukāyaniḥ (the gotra form; phin carries no ñ, so there is no vṛddhi). Adding the yuvan aṇ gives glaucukāyanaḥ. For his pupils, the yuvan aṇ is dropped, leaving glucukāyani. That stem is not vṛddha, so cha does not come; the tasyedam aṇ comes instead: glaucukāyanāḥ [chātrāḥ].
• 1084 pailādibhyaś ca 2.4.59 — luk of the yuvan affix after paila and the rest. pīlā + aṇ (1121) → paila. The yuvan phiñ (aṇo dvyacaḥ, 1180) is dropped, so father and son are both pailaḥ. By the gaṇa-sūtra tadrājāc cāṇaḥ, the yuvan phiñ is also dropped after āṅga, whose aṇ is a tadrāja (1188): āṅgaḥ for father and son.
• 1085 iñaḥ prācām 2.4.60 — the yuvan affix is dropped after the iñ of an Eastern gotra. pannāgāra + iñ (1095) → pānnāgāri. The yuvan phak (1103) is dropped, so father and son are both pānnāgāriḥ. For a non-Eastern gotra the two differ: dākṣiḥ (father), dākṣāyaṇaḥ (son).
• 1086 na taulvalibhyaḥ 2.4.61 — blocks 1085 for taulvali and the rest: tulvala + iñ → taulvaliḥ (father); the phak is kept → taulvalāyanaḥ (son).
• 1087 phakphiñor anyatarasyām 4.1.91 — the luk of 1083 becomes optional when the yuvan affix is phak or phiñ. kātyāyana (with phak) + cha gives kātīyāḥ (phak dropped, then y-lopa by 1082) or kātyāyanīyāḥ. yaska + aṇ (śivādi) → yāskaḥ; + phiñ (1180) → yāskāyaniḥ; his pupils are yāskīyāḥ or yāskāyanīyāḥ.

B. The offspring heading, the generation terms gotra / yuvan, and the one-affix restrictions — running example: upagor apatyam → aupagavaḥ; along the Garga line, gārgyaḥ (gotra) → gārgyāyaṇaḥ (yuvan)

• 1088 tasyāpatyam 4.1.92 — after a samartha word in the sixth case whose sandhi is already done, in the sense "its offspring", the affixes already stated (aṇ etc., 1073–1079) and those still to be stated (iñ etc.) occur, optionally. upagoḥ + aṇ (1073) → ādivṛddhi turns the first u into au; this ādivṛddhi blocks both final-vowel and penultimate vṛddhi. The final u takes guṇa (or guṇaḥ 6.4.146), giving av: aupagavaḥ. The śloka-vārttika justifies the separate rule (rather than leaving the sense to tasyedam): it blocks the cha that vṛddha bases would otherwise take. The conditions, each with its example:
• The rule-split gives bhānavaḥ.
• kṛtasandheḥ ("sandhi already done") gives sautthitiḥ (sūtthita + iñ). It stops sāvutthitiḥ, which the akṛtavyūha-paribhāṣā (affix before sandhi) would otherwise produce.
• Under the samartha condition, no affix comes in vastram upagor apatyaṃ caitrasya.
• prathamāt stops the affix from coming after the word for the offspring.
• vā keeps the analytic phrase available.
• 'anyatarasyām', carried back from daivayajñi-… (SK 1201, A 4.1.81; the source's cross-reference "SK 1209" is wrong), allows the compound upagvapatyam.
• The feminine, being a jāti, takes ṅīṣ: aupagavī.
• The closing examples illustrate the affixes already stated: āśvapataḥ, daityaḥ, autsaḥ, straiṇaḥ, pauṃsnaḥ.
• 1089 apatyaṃ pautraprabhṛti gotram 4.1.162 — saṃjñā: offspring from the grandson onward, taken as offspring, is gotra. On the Garga line, the grandson onward is gārgyaḥ (yañ, 1107).
• 1090 jīvati tu vaṃśye yuvā 4.1.163 — saṃjñā: while a forebear (the father or the like) is alive, the offspring of a grandson or later descendant (the fourth onward) is yuvan only, not gotra → gārgyāyaṇaḥ (1103).
• 1091 bhrātari ca jyāyasi 4.1.164 — likewise, the fourth descendant onward is yuvan while an elder brother is alive.
• 1092 vānyasmin sapiṇḍe sthaviratare jīvati 4.1.165 — optionally yuvan while another, more senior sapiṇḍa is alive (senior in both position and age: a paternal uncle, the maternal grandfather, or a brother who is not one's own), the descendant himself also being alive: gārgyāyaṇaḥ or gārgyaḥ. If the sapiṇḍa is junior, or either person is dead, only gārgyaḥ. Two vārttikas:
• vṛddhasya ca pūjāyām — a gotra descendant is called yuvan to show respect: tatrabhavān gārgyāyaṇaḥ.
• yūnaś ca kutsāyām — a yuvan is called gotra to show contempt: gārgyo jālmaḥ.
• 1093 eko gotre 4.1.93 — niyama: for a gotra descendant, only one apatya affix, added directly to the root base: aupagavaḥ, gārgyaḥ, nāḍāyanaḥ for every gotra descendant. Without this rule, on either view of apatya (offspring of the father only, or of all the forebears), a chain of iñ and phak would build up, with 99 or 98 affixes by the hundredth descendant.
• 1094 gotrād yūny astriyām 4.1.94 — niyama: a yuvan affix comes only after the gotra-affix-final stem: gārgya + phak → gārgyāyaṇaḥ; not after garga itself or after the immediate-offspring form. By a rule-split, astriyām is a separate statement: a female is not termed yuvan. A young woman of the line is therefore gotra and takes one affix only: gārgī.

C. iñ — the default after a-final stems and bāhvādi, with akaṅ and the aic-augment — running example: dakṣasyāpatyam → dākṣiḥ (also vyāsa → vaiyāsakiḥ)

• 1095 ata iñ 4.1.95 — after a sixth-case word whose stem is an a-final prātipadika, iñ in the offspring sense. dakṣa + iñ → ādivṛddhi turns the first a into ā; the final a is deleted by yasyeti ca → dākṣiḥ. This is the default that most of the following rules make exceptions to.
• 1096 bāhvādibhyaś ca 4.1.96 — iñ also after bāhu and the rest, which are not a-final. bāhu + iñ → or guṇaḥ → bāhaviḥ; auḍulomiḥ. The list is an ākṛtigaṇa (open-ended), which later justifies baidiḥ, śauriḥ and saumitriḥ.
• 1097 sudhātur akaṅ ca 4.1.97 — after sudhātṛ, iñ (carried in by "ca") with akaṅ replacing the final: sudhātaka + iñ → saudhātakiḥ. A vārttika extends this to vyāsa, varuḍa, niṣāda, caṇḍāla and bimba: vyāsa → vyāsaka + iñ, which feeds 1098.
• 1098 na yvābhyāṃ padāntābhyāṃ pūrvau tu tābhyām aic 7.3.3 — the vowel after a pada-final y or v does not take vṛddhi; instead ai / au is added before the y / v. In vyāsaka the y belongs to the pada vi, so the ā does not take vṛddhi and ai is placed before the y: vaiyāsakiḥ. vāruḍakiḥ (and naiṣādakiḥ, cāṇḍālakiḥ, baimbakiḥ) are just the vārttika's akaṅ forms with ordinary vṛddhi; their v is not pada-final (TB).

D. The gotra affixes cphañ and phak, and phak as the yuvan affix — running example: naḍasya gotrāpatyam → nāḍāyanaḥ (yuvan: gārgya → gārgyāyaṇaḥ)

• 1099 gotre kuñjādibhyaś cphañ 4.1.98 — after kuñja and the rest, in the gotra sense, cphañ (āyana; c and ñ are markers), an exception to iñ. kuñja + cphañ → kauñjāyana-. The kaumudī gives no prose here; the example is completed under 1100.
• 1100 vrātacphañor astriyām 5.3.113 — after words for a vrāta and after cphañ-final words, ñya in the word's own sense, but not in the feminine. (ñya is carried from pūgāñ ñyo 'grāmaṇīpūrvāt 5.3.112, TB.) kauñjāyana + ñya → kauñjāyanyaḥ; also brādhnāyanyaḥ. In the plural the ñya, being a tadrāja, is dropped (1193). Feminine: kauñjāyanī (ṅīṣ, since a gotra word is a jāti). Immediate offspring: kauñjiḥ (iñ).
• 1101 naḍādibhyaḥ phak 4.1.99 — "gotre" continues. naḍa + phak (ph → āyan) → nāḍāyanaḥ; cārāyaṇaḥ. Immediate offspring: nāḍiḥ.
• 1102 haritādibhyo 'ñaḥ 4.1.100 — after the añ-final forms of harita and the rest (a sub-list inside bidādi), phak. Although this falls under the gotra heading, the phak can only be yuvan here, because no gotra affix follows a gotra affix (sāmarthya): hārita + phak → hāritāyanaḥ.
• 1103 yañiñoś ca 4.1.101 — after words ending in the gotra affixes yañ or iñ, phak (yuvan). gārgya + phak: āyana begins with ā, so the y-lopa of 1082 does not apply; ṇatva follows → gārgyāyaṇaḥ. dākṣi + phak → dākṣāyaṇaḥ.
• 1104 śaradvacchunakadarbhād bhṛguvatsāgrāyaṇeṣu 4.1.102 — after śaradvat, śunaka and darbha, gotra phak when the descendant is, respectively, a Bhārgava, a Vātsya or an Āgrāyaṇa. It replaces añ for śaradvat and śunaka (both bidādi) and iñ for darbha. śāradvatāyanaḥ (a Bhārgava) / otherwise śāradvataḥ; śaunakāyanaḥ / śaunakaḥ; dārbhāyaṇaḥ / dārbhiḥ.
• 1105 droṇaparvatajīvantād anyatarasyām 4.1.103 — gotra phak optionally: drauṇāyanaḥ – drauṇiḥ, pārvatāyanaḥ – pārvatiḥ, jaivantāyanaḥ – jaivantiḥ. The Droṇa meant is one "without a beginning" (anādi); calling Aśvatthāman, his immediate son, drauṇāyana is figurative (upacāra).

E. añ, yañ and phañ in the gotra sense, and the plural luk of yañ / añ — running example: gargasya gotrāpatyam → gārgyaḥ, plural gargāḥ

• 1106 anṛṣyānantarye bidādibhyo 'ñ 4.1.104 — after bida and the rest, añ in the gotra sense; for the members that are not ṛṣis, añ in the sense of the immediate offspring. bida → baidaḥ (gotra), while the immediate offspring is baidiḥ (iñ via the bāhvādi ākṛtigaṇa). putra → pautraḥ; dauhitraḥ.
• 1107 gargādibhyo yañ 4.1.105 — gotra yañ: garga + yañ → ādivṛddhi, a-lopa → gārgyaḥ; vātsyaḥ.
• 1108 yañañoś ca 2.4.64 — luk of the gotra yañ / añ in a plurality caused by that affix, but not in the feminine: gargāḥ, vatsāḥ, bidāḥ, ūrvāḥ. Counter-examples: priyagārgyāḥ (the plurality comes from the bahuvrīhi, not the affix); gārgyaḥ striyaḥ (feminine); dvaipyāḥ, autsāḥ (the yañ / añ there is not a gotra affix). "Gotra" here means the gotra known from the pravara chapters, so pautrāḥ and dauhitrāḥ keep their añ. (This is a 2.4 luk rule read early; its companion rules are group J.)
• 1109 madhubabhrvor brāhmaṇakauśikayoḥ 4.1.106 — yañ after madhu for a Brāhmaṇa and after babhru for a Kauśika: mādhavyaḥ / otherwise mādhavaḥ; bābhravyaḥ / bābhravaḥ. For babhru the rule is a niyama, since babhru is already in gargādi. That listing serves the lohitādi feminine bābhravyāyaṇī.
• 1110 kapibodhād āṅgirase 4.1.107 — yañ after kapi and bodha when the descendant is an Āṅgirasa: kāpyaḥ, baudhyaḥ. Otherwise kāpeyaḥ (ḍhak by 1125) and baudhiḥ (iñ; TB: either because bodha is not a ṛṣi or because it is bāhvādi).
• 1111 vataṇḍāc ca 4.1.108 — yañ after vataṇḍa for an Āṅgirasa: vātaṇḍyaḥ. For a non-Āṅgirasa, vataṇḍa is read in both gargādi and śivādi, giving vātaṇḍyaḥ – vātaṇḍaḥ.
• 1112 luk striyām 4.1.109 — in the feminine, the yañ of 1111 is dropped; śārṅgaravādi ṅīn follows → vataṇḍī. For a non-Āṅgirasa: vātaṇḍyāyanī (ṣpha, lohitādi), and with aṇ vātaṇḍī (no ṣyaṅ, because vataṇḍa is a ṛṣi name).
• 1113 aśvādibhyaḥ phañ 4.1.110 — gotra phañ: āśvāyanaḥ. Gaṇa-sūtra puṃsi jāte: the base jāta must be masculine: jātāyanaḥ, but from the feminine jātā → jāteyaḥ.
• 1114 bhargāt traigarte 4.1.111 — phañ after bharga when the descendant is a Traigarta: bhārgāyaṇaḥ; otherwise bhārgiḥ.

F. aṇ in the plain offspring sense: śivādi, names of rivers and women, seers and clans, and special stems — running example: yamunāyā apatyam → yāmunaḥ (vs ḍhak in vāsavadatteyaḥ)

• 1115 śivādibhyo 'ṇ 4.1.112 — "gotre" stops here. After śiva and the rest, aṇ: śaivaḥ. From gaṅgā: gāṅgaḥ, or gāṅgāyaniḥ (phiñ, tikādi), or gāṅgeyaḥ (ḍhak, śubhrādi).
• 1116 avṛddhābhyo nadīmānuṣībhyas tannāmikābhyaḥ 4.1.113 — aṇ after non-vṛddha names of rivers and of human women, an exception to ḍhak (1123). yamunā + aṇ → ādivṛddhi, ā-lopa → yāmunaḥ; nārmadaḥ; caintitaḥ. Counter-examples: vāsavadatteyaḥ (vṛddha), vainateyaḥ (neither a river nor a human woman), śaubhaneyaḥ (not a name).
• 1117 ṛṣyandhakavṛṣṇikurubhyaś ca 4.1.114 — aṇ after names of ṛṣis (seers of mantras) and of Andhaka, Vṛṣṇi and Kuru men: vāsiṣṭhaḥ, vaiśvāmitraḥ; śvāphalkaḥ; vāsudevaḥ, āniruddhaḥ (the source prints aniruddhaḥ); nākulaḥ, sāhadevaḥ. By the principle of the exception placed in the middle, it overrides only iñ: śauriḥ still has iñ through bāhvādi, and atri takes ḍhak because that rule comes later: ātreyaḥ.
• 1118 mātur ut saṃkhyāsambhadrapūrvāyāḥ 4.1.115 — for mātṛ preceded by a numeral, sam or bhadra, u replaces the final ṛ (followed by r), together with aṇ: dvi-mātṛ + aṇ → dvaimāturaḥ; ṣāṇmāturaḥ, sāṃmāturaḥ, bhādramāturaḥ. The rule exists for the substitute; the aṇ already comes from the general rule. The feminine citation limits it to mātṛ meaning "mother", so not dhānyamātṛ ("measurer of grain"). Counter-examples: saumātraḥ; dvaimātreyaḥ has ḍhak through śubhrādi (BM).
• 1119 kanyāyāḥ kanīna ca 4.1.116 — aṇ (an exception to ḍhak) after kanyā, with kanīna replacing the stem: kānīnaḥ, said of Vyāsa and of Karṇa (offspring of an unmarried woman).
• 1120 vikarṇaśuṅgacchagalād vatsabharadvājātriṣu 4.1.117 — aṇ after vikarṇa, śuṅga and chagala when the descendant is, respectively, a Vātsya, a Bhāradvāja or an Ātreya: vaikarṇaḥ / otherwise vaikarṇiḥ; śauṅgaḥ / śauṅgiḥ; chāgalaḥ / chāgaliḥ. Those who read śuṅgā (ā-final) form the counter-example with ḍhak: śauṅgeyaḥ.
• 1121 pīlāyā vā 4.1.118 — for pīlā, ḍhak by dvyacaḥ (1124) had displaced the aṇ that 4.1.113 gives after names of rivers and human women; this rule brings aṇ back as an option: pailaḥ – paileyaḥ.
• 1122 ḍhak ca maṇḍūkāt 4.1.119 — after maṇḍūka, ḍhak and aṇ (by "ca"), and iñ as the alternative ("vā" continuing): māṇḍūkeyaḥ, māṇḍūkaḥ, māṇḍūkiḥ.

G. ḍhak (→ -eya) after feminine stems and two-vowel i-final stems, with the vṛddhi rules its forms need — running example: vinatāyā apatyam → vainateyaḥ

• 1123 strībhyo ḍhak 4.1.120 — ḍhak after words ending in a feminine affix. vinatā + ḍhak → ḍh → ey, ādivṛddhi (it is kit), ā-lopa → vainateyaḥ. Special cases: saumitriḥ (bāhvādi iñ) and sāpatnaḥ (śivādi aṇ).
• 1124 dvyacaḥ 4.1.121 — ḍhak after a two-vowel word ending in a feminine affix, even when it is a woman's name (so it overrides the aṇ of 4.1.113): dattā → dātteyaḥ. pārthaḥ gets its aṇ from tasyedam instead.
• 1125 itaś cāniñaḥ 4.1.122 — ḍhak after a two-vowel word ending in i, but not one ending in iñ: dauleyaḥ, naidheyaḥ.
• 1126 śubhrādibhyaś ca 4.1.123 — ḍhak after śubhra and the rest: śaubhreyaḥ.
• 1127 vikarṇakuṣītakāt kāśyape 4.1.124 — ḍhak when the descendant is a Kāśyapa: vaikarṇeyaḥ, kauṣītakeyaḥ; otherwise vaikarṇiḥ, kauṣītakiḥ.
• 1128 bhruvo vuk ca 4.1.125 — bhrū takes the augment vuk along with ḍhak: bhrū-v + eya → bhrauveyaḥ.
• 1129 pravāhaṇasya ḍhe 7.3.28 — before ḍha, vṛddhi of the first vowel of the uttarapada, and optionally of the pūrvapada: prāvāhaṇeyaḥ / pravāhaṇeyaḥ.
• 1130 tatpratyayasya ca 7.3.29 — the same vṛddhi applies to pravāhaṇeya (the ḍha-final word) before a further taddhita: + iñ → prāvāhaṇeyiḥ / pravāhaṇeyiḥ (the source repeats one form). The rule is needed because an option that depends on ḍha could not block the vṛddhi triggered by the outer taddhita.
• 1131 kalyāṇyādīnām inaṅ 4.1.126 — inaṅ replaces the final of kalyāṇī and the rest, and ḍhak follows: kalyāṇin + eya → kālyāṇineyaḥ; bāndhakineyaḥ.
• 1132 kulaṭāyā vā 4.1.127 — only the inaṅ is optional here. ḍhak remains obligatory by the preceding rule, strībhyo ḍhak (SK 1123), per BM; kulaṭā is not in the kalyāṇyādi list: kaulaṭineyaḥ – kaulaṭeyaḥ. For the kulaṭā who "roams from house to house" (kulāny aṭati) for unchastity, ḍhrak comes optionally by 1137: kaulaṭeraḥ.
• 1133 hṛdbhagasindhvante pūrvapadasya ca 7.3.19 — in compounds ending in hṛd, bhaga or sindhu, both members take vṛddhi of their first vowel before a taddhita marked ñ, ṇ or k: sauhārdaḥ; subhagā (kalyāṇyādi, so inaṅ + ḍhak) → saubhāgineyaḥ; sāktusaindhavaḥ.

H. airak, ḍhrak, ārak and chaṇ after particular feminine and kinship stems — running example: godhāyā apatyam → gaudheraḥ / gaudheyaḥ / gaudhāraḥ

• 1134 caṭakāyā airak 4.1.128 — airak. The kaumudī has no prose before the vārttikas. First vārttika: read caṭaka (masculine); by the liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā it applies after caṭakā as well → cāṭakairaḥ. Second vārttika: luk for a female offspring → caṭakā (ṭāp, because the word is in ajādi).
• 1135 godhāyā ḍhrak 4.1.129 — godhā + ḍhrak (ḍh → ey, plus r) → gaudheraḥ. Being in śubhrādi, it also takes ḍhak: gaudheyaḥ.
• 1136 ārag udīcām 4.1.130 — in the Northerners' view, ārak: gaudhāraḥ. The ā is pronounced (rak alone would have given this form) so that the affix can be added in some cases after other, non-ā-final words: jāḍāraḥ, pāṇḍāraḥ.
• 1137 kṣudrābhyo vā 4.1.131 — ḍhrak optionally after words for kṣudrā women (those lacking a limb, and those lacking good conduct); otherwise ḍhak: kāṇeraḥ – kāṇeyaḥ, dāseraḥ – dāseyaḥ.
• 1138 pitṛṣvasuś chaṇ 4.1.132 — chaṇ (an exception to aṇ): pitṛṣvasṛ + īya → paitṛṣvasrīyaḥ.
• 1139 ḍhaki lopaḥ 4.1.133 — the final of pitṛṣvasṛ is deleted before ḍhak; this rule is also the jñāpaka that ḍhak comes after it at all: paitṛṣvaseyaḥ.
• 1140 mātṛṣvasuś ca 4.1.134 — everything said for pitṛṣvasṛ applies to mātṛṣvasṛ: mātṛṣvasrīyaḥ, mātṛṣvaseyaḥ.

I. ḍhañ after names of quadruped species and gṛṣṭyādi, and the stems it reshapes — running example: mitrayor apatyam → maitreyaḥ (also kāmaṇḍaleyaḥ)

• 1141 catuṣpādbhyo ḍhañ 4.1.135 — ḍhañ after words for particular kinds of quadruped. The kaumudī gives no prose; the example is under 1142.
• 1142 ḍhe lopo 'kadrvāḥ 6.4.147 — before ḍha, the final u / ū of a bha stem is deleted (but not in kadrū). kamaṇḍalu (here the name of a quadruped species) + ḍhañ → kāmaṇḍaleyaḥ.
• 1143 gṛṣṭyādibhyaś ca 4.1.136 — ḍhañ after gṛṣṭi and the rest. It overrides aṇ for the ṛṣi names (mitrayu, agasti) and ḍhak for the others: gārṣṭeyaḥ; mitrayu + ḍhañ → mitrayu + eya … (continued below).
• 1144 kekayamitrayupralayānāṃ yāder iyaḥ 7.3.2 — iya replaces the part beginning with y in kekaya, mitrayu and pralaya before a taddhita marked ñ, ṇ or k. For mitrayu + eya this would give the unwanted maitreyeya. The kaumudī stops at "the iya-substitute being due", which leads into 1145.
• 1145 dāṇḍināyana-hāstināyana-ātharvaṇika-jaihmāśineya-vāśināyani-bhrauṇahatya-dhaivatya-sārava-aikṣvāka-maitreya-hiraṇmayāni 6.4.174 — eleven irregular forms (nipātana). In maitreya the yu is deleted instead of being replaced by iya: maitreyaḥ, maitreyau. (aikṣvāka, also on this list, is used at 1186.)

J. The plural luk of gotra affixes (the 2.4 series continued) — running example: mitrayor apatyāni → mitrayavaḥ

• 1146 yaskādibhyo gotre 2.4.63 — after yaska and the rest, luk of the gotra affix (gotra in the ordinary, pravara sense) in a plurality caused by that affix, not in the feminine. On the running form: the ḍhañ of mitrayu (1143) is dropped, and ādivṛddhi goes with it → plural mitrayavaḥ.
• 1147 atribhṛgukutsavasiṣṭhagotamāṅgirobhyaś ca 2.4.65 — the same luk after these six: atrayaḥ, bhṛgavaḥ, kutsāḥ, vasiṣṭhāḥ, gotamāḥ, aṅgirasaḥ.
• 1148 bahvacaḥ iñaḥ prācyabharateṣu 2.4.66 — luk of the iñ after a base of many vowels, for Eastern and Bharata gotras. The plural and the other conditions are carried down by anuvṛtti: pannāgārāḥ, yudhiṣṭhirāḥ; in the singular the iñ stays: yaudhiṣṭhiriḥ (TB).
• 1149 na gopavanādibhyaḥ 2.4.67 — blocks this luk after gopavana and the rest (a sub-list inside bidādi): gaupavanāḥ, śaigravāḥ.
• 1150 tikakitavādibhyo dvandve 2.4.68 — luk in a dvandva of plurals: taikāyanayaś ca kaitavāyanayaś ca → the phiñ (1178) is dropped → tikakitavāḥ.
• 1151 upakādibhyo 'nyatarasyām advandve 2.4.69 — optional luk, both in a dvandva and outside one. The kaumudī's pairs: aupakāyanāś ca lāmakāyanāś ca (phak, 1101) → upakalamakāḥ — aupakāyanalāmakāyanāḥ; bhrāṣṭrakakapiṣṭhalāḥ — bhrāṣṭrakikāpiṣṭhalayaḥ; outside a dvandva, upakāḥ — aupakāḥ, lamakāḥ — lāmakāḥ (both commentaries read the forms without luk as aupakāyanāḥ, lāmakāyanāḥ). TB's settled reading: upakalamaka and two other upakādi dvandvas are also listed in tikakitavādi. In the dvandva their luk is therefore obligatory by 1150, and this rule's option applies only outside the dvandva. Kaiyaṭa's objection that the tikakitavādi listing is not authoritative (anārṣa) concerns bhrāṣṭrakakapiṣṭhala only, which is why that one keeps an optional dvandva pair.
• 1152 āgastyakauṇḍinyayor agastikuṇḍinac 2.4.70 — in the plural, the aṇ of āgastya and the yañ of kauṇḍinya are dropped, and agasti and kuṇḍinac replace what remains of the stems: agastayaḥ, kuṇḍināḥ.

K. yat after rājan and śvaśura, and whether -an keeps its ṭi before y-initial affixes and aṇ — running example: rājño 'patyam → rājanyaḥ (a jāti) / rājanaḥ (not a jāti) / in the bhāva sense rājyam

• 1153 rājaśvaśurād yat 4.1.137 — yat after rājan and śvaśura. The kaumudī's only content is the vārttika: after rājan, only when a jāti is meant: rājan + yat.
• 1154 ye cābhāvakarmaṇoḥ 6.4.168 — before a y-initial taddhita, -an keeps its form (so the ṭi-lopa of nas taddhite does not apply), except in the senses of bhāva and karman: rājanyaḥ, śvaśuryaḥ. Because the jāti condition is stated, someone born of a Śūdra woman or the like takes aṇ → rājanaḥ (by 1155).
• 1155 an 6.4.167 — before aṇ, -an keeps its form (no ṭi-lopa): rājanaḥ. The kaumudī also gives here the counter-example for 1154's "not in bhāva or karman": rājyam, "the action or state of a king" (the source reads karma bhāve vā), with ṭi-lopa.
• 1156 saṃyogādiś ca 6.4.166 — -in preceded by a conjunct keeps its form before aṇ: cakrin → cākriṇaḥ.
• 1157 na mapūrvo 'patye 'varmaṇaḥ 6.4.170 — -an preceded by m does not keep its form before an offspring-sense aṇ, except in varman: bhadrasāman → bhādrasāmaḥ. Counter-examples: sautvanaḥ (not after m), cārmaṇo rathaḥ (not the offspring sense), cākravarmaṇaḥ (varman). A vārttika makes it optional for hitanāman: haitanāmaḥ / haitanāmanaḥ.
• 1158 brāhmo 'jātau 6.4.171 — split into two rules. (i) brāhmaḥ is an irregular form (nipātana) with ṭi-lopa before an aṇ outside the offspring sense: brāhmaṃ haviḥ. (ii) jātau: before the offspring-sense aṇ, when a jāti is meant, brahman does not undergo ṭi-lopa: brāhmaṇaḥ (the source's analysis reads brāhmaṇo 'patyam). Outside the offspring sense: brāhmī auṣadhiḥ. BM: the upshot is that the prohibition holds only in a jāti. TB reports others who split off a- as the negation, reading "[ṭi-lopa] does not occur in a jāti", and on that reading 'na' is not carried forward.
• 1159 aukṣam anapatye 6.4.173 — nipātana of ṭi-lopa before an aṇ outside the offspring sense: aukṣaṃ padam. In the offspring sense: aukṣṇaḥ (by 1160).
• 1160 ṣapūrvahandhṛtarājñām aṇi 6.4.135 — before aṇ, the a of -an is deleted in a bha stem when -an is preceded by ṣ, and in han and dhṛtarājan: ukṣan → aukṣṇaḥ, takṣan → tākṣṇaḥ, bhrauṇaghnaḥ, dhārtarājñaḥ. Counter-examples: sāmanaḥ (not after ṣ); tākṣaṇyaḥ (not before aṇ).

L. gha, kha, yat / ḍhakañ, añ / khañ, cha, vyat and vyan after kṣatra, kula words, svasṛ and bhrātṛ — running example: kulasyāpatyam → kulīnaḥ / kulyaḥ / kauleyakaḥ

• 1161 kṣatrād ghaḥ 4.1.138 — gha (→ iya) when a jāti is meant (jātau continues): kṣatriyaḥ; otherwise kṣātriḥ.
• 1162 kulāt khaḥ 4.1.139 — kha (→ īna): kula + kha → kulīnaḥ. It also applies after compounds ending in kula, as the "apūrvapadāt" of 1163 shows: āḍhyakulīnaḥ.
• 1163 apūrvapadād anyatarasyāṃ yaḍḍhakañau 4.1.140 — after bare kula, yat and ḍhakañ optionally, with kha as the alternative: kulyaḥ – kauleyakaḥ – kulīnaḥ. The word "pada" matters: in bahukula the bahu is the affix bahuc, not a pada, so the rule applies: bahukulyaḥ – bāhukuleyakaḥ – bahukulīnaḥ.
• 1164 mahākulād añkhañau 4.1.141 — añ and khañ optionally, with kha as the alternative: māhākulaḥ – māhākulīnaḥ – mahākulīnaḥ.
• 1165 duṣkulāḍ ḍhak 4.1.142 — ḍhak optionally, with kha as the alternative: dauṣkuleyaḥ – duṣkulīnaḥ.
• 1166 svasuś chaḥ 4.1.143 — cha: svasrīyaḥ.
• 1167 bhrātur vyac ca 4.1.144 — vyat, and cha (by "ca"), overriding aṇ: bhrātṛvyaḥ – bhrātrīyaḥ.
• 1168 vyan sapatne 4.1.145 — vyan when the whole word denotes an enemy: bhrātṛvyaḥ "enemy". pāpmanā bhrātṛvyeṇa ("by sin, the enemy") is figurative usage.

M. ṭhak (→ -ika), and the contempt affixes for a yuvan — running example: revatyā apatyam → raivatikaḥ; gārgyā apatyaṃ yuvā → gārgaḥ / gārgikaḥ

• 1169 revatyādibhyaṣ ṭhak 4.1.146 — ṭhak after revatī and the rest. The kaumudī gives no prose; the example is under 1170.
• 1170 ṭhasyekaḥ 7.3.50 — a ṭha that follows an aṅga is replaced by ika: revatī + ṭhak → raivatikaḥ.
• 1171 gotrastriyāḥ kutsane ṇa ca 4.1.147 — after a word for a woman who is gotra, ṇa and ṭhak when contempt is meant; the sense is yuvan by implication (sāmarthya). gārgī → masculine treatment (bhasyāḍhe taddhite) → gārgya + ṇa / ṭhak → a-lopa (yasyeti ca), y-lopa (1082) → gārgaḥ / gārgikaḥ, "a wretch" (jālma).
• 1172 vṛddhāṭ ṭhak sauvīreṣu bahulam 4.1.148 — after a vṛddha word for a Sauvīra gotra, ṭhak variously (bahulam), yuvan, in contempt: bhāgavittikaḥ; otherwise phak: bhāgavittāyanaḥ.
• 1173 pheś cha ca 4.1.149 — after a phiñ-final Sauvīra gotra word, cha and ṭhak in contempt. yamunda + phiñ (tikādi) → yāmundāyaniḥ; then yāmundāyanīyaḥ / yāmundāyanikaḥ (the source prints -īkaḥ). Without contempt: yāmundāyaniḥ (the general aṇ is dropped by ṇyakṣatriyārṣa…, SK 1276). Not Sauvīra: taikāyaniḥ.
• 1174 phāṇṭāhṛtimimatābhyāṃ ṇaphiñau 4.1.150 — among the Sauvīras, ṇa and phiñ. The Vṛttikāra reads the affixes as not paired in order (no yathāsaṃkhya), which gives phāṇṭāhṛtaḥ – phāṇṭāhṛtāyaniḥ and maimataḥ – maimatāyaniḥ. The Bhāṣya settles on pairing in order, which keeps only phāṇṭāhṛtaḥ (ṇa) and maimatāyaniḥ (phiñ). TB: "kutsane" is not carried into this rule.

N. ṇya and iñ after kuru, senā-final words, lakṣaṇa and words for artisans — running example: hāriṣeṇyaḥ (ṇya) / hāriṣeṇiḥ (iñ, the Northerners' view)

• 1175 kurvādibhyo ṇyaḥ 4.1.151 — ṇya in the offspring sense: kauravyā brāhmaṇāḥ, vāvadūkyāḥ. Gaṇa-sūtra samrājaḥ kṣatriye: sāmrājyaḥ (a kṣatriya); otherwise sāmrājaḥ.
• 1176 senāntalakṣaṇakāribhyaś ca 4.1.152 — ṇya after a word ending in senā, after lakṣaṇa, and after words for artisans. For hariṣeṇya, the s → ṣ is by eti saṃjñāyām… (SK 1023): hāriṣeṇyaḥ; lākṣaṇyaḥ; tāntuvāyyaḥ, kaumbhakāryaḥ, nāpityaḥ.
• 1177 udīcām iñ 4.1.153 — in the Northerners' view, iñ after the same words: hāriṣeṇiḥ, lākṣaṇiḥ, tāntuvāyiḥ, kaumbhakāriḥ. For nāpita, only phiñ, by the later rule udīcāṃ vṛddhād agotrāt (1181): nāpitāyaniḥ. A vārttika adds aṇ after takṣan; 1160 then deletes the a of -an → tākṣṇaḥ, and in the alternative (ṇya) tākṣaṇyaḥ.

O. phiñ and phin (→ -āyani), with the augment kuk; manu's jāti words close the affix rules — running example: tikasyāpatyam → taikāyaniḥ

• 1178 tikādibhyaḥ phiñ 4.1.154 — phiñ (ph → āyan, ñit): taikāyaniḥ.
• 1179 kausalyakārmāryābhyāṃ ca 4.1.155 — phiñ, overriding iñ. It is wanted only after the ultimate base; the stems kausalya and kārmārya are irregular forms that come with the affix: kosala → kausalyāyaniḥ, karmāra → kārmāryāyaṇiḥ. A vārttika extends it to chāga and vṛṣa: chāgyāyaniḥ, vārṣyāyaṇiḥ.
• 1180 aṇo dvyacaḥ 4.1.156 — phiñ after a two-vowel aṇ-final word, overriding iñ: kārtrāyaṇiḥ. The commentators differ on kārtra: TB takes it as the offspring of kartṛ, noting others who say the example should be bhartṛ or hartṛ since kartṛ is kurvādi; BM takes it as "kartṛ's pupil". Counter-examples: dākṣāyaṇaḥ (not aṇ-final), aupagaviḥ (not two vowels). A vārttika makes phiñ optional after tyad and the rest (printed "tyādādi"): tyādāyaniḥ – tyādaḥ.
• 1181 udīcāṃ vṛddhād agotrāt 4.1.157 — in the Northerners' view, phiñ after a vṛddha word that is not a gotra form: āmraguptāyaniḥ; for the Easterners, āmraguptiḥ. Counter-examples: dākṣiḥ (not vṛddha; per TB this holds only in the option where dakṣa is not vṛddha), aupagaviḥ (a gotra form).
• 1182 vākinādīnāṃ kuk ca 4.1.158 — phiñ optionally, with the augment kuk on the stem: vākinakāyaniḥ, otherwise vākiniḥ.
• 1183 putrāntād anyatarasyām 4.1.159 — phiñ after putra-final words already comes optionally (by 1181); this rule makes kuk optional before it: gārgīputrakāyaṇiḥ – gārgīputrāyaṇiḥ – gārgīputriḥ.
• 1184 prācām avṛddhāt phin bahulam 4.1.160 — in the Easterners' view, phin variously after a non-vṛddha word. phin is not ñit, so there is no vṛddhi: glucukāyaniḥ (the stem used at 1083).
• 1185 manor jātāv añyatau ṣuk ca 4.1.161 — after manu, when a jāti is meant by the whole word, añ and yat with the augment ṣuk: mānuṣaḥ – manuṣyaḥ. BM: the offspring sense is not part of this rule; otherwise the plural mānuṣāḥ would take luk by 1108. The next sūtras, 4.1.162–165, were already read at 1089–1092.

P. The tadrāja affixes (offspring and king of words naming both a janapada and a kṣatriya) and their luk in the plural and feminine — running example: pañcālānāṃ rājā / apatyam → pāñcālaḥ, plural pañcālāḥ, feminine pāñcālī

• 1186 janapadaśabdāt kṣatriyād añ 4.1.168 — añ after a word that names both a janapada and a kṣatriya. For ikṣvāku, ṭi-lopa by the nipātana of 1145: aikṣvākaḥ, aikṣvākau. Three vārttikas:
• kṣatriyasamānaśabdāj janapadāt tasya rājany apatyavat — the same affixes also mean "its king", since tadrāja is a meaningful name: pāñcālaḥ.
• pūror aṇ → pauravaḥ.
• pāṇḍor ḍyaṇ → pāṇḍyaḥ.
• 1187 sālveyagāndhāribhyāṃ ca 4.1.169 — añ, overriding the ñyaṅ of 1189: sālveyaḥ, gāndhāraḥ; the same in the king sense.
• 1188 dvyañmagadhakaliṅgasūramasād aṇ 4.1.170 — aṇ (overriding añ) after two-vowel words that name both a janapada and a kṣatriya, and after magadha, kaliṅga and sūramasa: āṅgaḥ, vāṅgaḥ, sauhmaḥ, māgadhaḥ, kāliṅgaḥ, sauramasaḥ; the same in the king sense.
• 1189 vṛddhetkosalājādāñ ñyaṅ 4.1.171 — ñyaṅ after vṛddha words, after i-final words, and after kosala and ajāda: āmbaṣṭhyaḥ, sauvīryaḥ; āvantyaḥ; kausalyaḥ, ājādyaḥ.
• 1190 kurunādibhyo ṇyaḥ 4.1.172 — ṇya after kuru and after words beginning with n: kauravyaḥ, naiṣadhyaḥ. The naiṣadha of sa naiṣadhasyārthapateḥ has the śaiṣika aṇ instead.
• 1191 sālvāvayavapratyagrathakalakūṭāśmakād iñ 4.1.173 — iñ (overriding añ) after words for the parts of Sālva (Udumbara and the rest) and after pratyagratha, kalakūṭa and aśmaka: audumbariḥ, prātyagrathiḥ, kālakūṭiḥ, āśmakiḥ; the same in the king sense.
• 1192 te tadrājāḥ 4.1.174 — saṃjñā: añ and the other affixes of 1186–1191 are called tadrāja. The next five rules refer to this name.
• 1193 tadrājasya bahuṣu tenaivāstriyām 2.4.62 — luk of a tadrāja in a plurality produced by its own sense, but not in the feminine: ikṣvākavaḥ, pañcālāḥ. kauravyāḥ paśavaḥ is to be read as "suited to the Kauravya"; raghūṇām and yadubhiḥ use raghu and yadu figuratively (lakṣaṇā) for their descendants.
• 1194 kambojāl luk 4.1.175 — luk after kamboja in every number: kambojaḥ, kambojau. A vārttika extends it to kamboja and the rest: colaḥ, śakaḥ (luk of the two-vowel aṇ), keralaḥ, yavanaḥ (luk of añ). With a long vowel, kāmbojāḥ means "whose ancestral home is Kamboja" (aṇ, SK 1473).
• 1195 striyām avantikuntikurubhyaś ca 4.1.176 — luk of the tadrāja in the feminine after avanti, kunti and kuru: avantī, kuntī, kurūḥ.
• 1196 ataś ca 4.1.177 — in the feminine, luk of a tadrāja that consists of a; the a is qualified by "tadrāja": śūrasenī, madrī. mādrīsutau is explained either by reading a short vowel (Haradatta) or by assuming madra belongs to bhargādi.
• 1197 na prācyabhargādiyaudheyādibhyaḥ 4.1.178 — no luk after Eastern names, bhargādi and yaudheyādi:
• Eastern names: pāñcālī, vaidarbhī, āṅgī, vāṅgī, māgadhī.
• bhargādi: bhārgī, kārūśī (TB reads kāruśī), kaikeyī. In kekayī, by contrast, the ṅīṣ comes from association with a male (puṃyoga), here the relation of begetter and begotten.
• yaudheyādi: yudhā + ḍhak (1124) → yaudheya, + svārthika añ, then ṅīn → yaudheyī, śaukreyī. If 1196's luk applied, the word would end in ḍhak and take ṅīp, giving a different accent.

Q. ṣyaṅ (→ -yā) for female gotra descendants (4.1.78–81, read here at the end) — running example: kumudagandher apatyaṃ strī → kaumudagandhyā

• 1198 aṇiñor anārṣayor gurūpottamayoḥ ṣyaṅ gotre 4.1.78 — in the feminine, ṣyaṅ replaces a gotra aṇ or iñ that is not a ṛṣi affix, in a word whose upottama is heavy. The uttama is the last syllable of a word of three or more syllables; the upottama is the one next to it. By nirdiśyamānasyādeśāḥ, only the aṇ or iñ is replaced. ṣ and ṅ are markers, and cāp follows (yaṅaś cāp, SK 528). On the running form: kaumudagandha (aṇ) → the aṇ becomes ya, + cāp → kaumudagandhyā; also vārāhyā. Counter-examples: vāsiṣṭhī, vaiśvāmitrī (ṛṣi affixes); aupagavī (the upottama is not heavy, so ṅīṣ as a jāti); āhicchatrī (not gotra).
• 1199 gotrāvayavāt 4.1.79 — after gotrāvayava words (family names), ṣyaṅ replaces a gotra aṇ or iñ even when the upottama is not heavy: pauṇikyā, bhauṇikyā.
• 1200 krauḍyādibhyaś ca 4.1.80 — ṣyaṅ, here as an affix, after krauḍi and the rest. The rule is needed for words that are not gurūpottama (krauḍi has only two syllables, so it has no upottama at all; BM) and for words not ending in aṇ or iñ (such as gaukakṣya): krauḍyā, vyāḍyā. Two gaṇa-sūtras: sūta yuvatyām → sūtyā; bhoja kṣatriye → bhojyā.
• 1201 daivayajñiśaucivṛkṣisātyamugrikāṇḍeviddhibhyo 'nyatarasyām 4.1.81 — ṣyaṅ optionally after these four iñ-final words. The rule is for the non-gotra sense, but because it comes later it applies in the gotra sense too. In the alternative, ṅīṣ by ito manuṣyajāteḥ (SK 520): daivayajñyā – daivayajñī, and so on. This is the rule whose 'anyatarasyām' 1088 carried back for upagvapatyam.