अलुगुसमासप्रकरणम्

Covers SK 958–984 (27 sūtras), Aṣṭādhyāyī 6.3.1–24 (the aluk adhikāra, from the heading to the last ṣaṣṭhī rule before ānaṅ ṛto dvandve 6.3.25 = SK 921) with the three ṣatva riders 8.3.95, 8.3.85, 8.3.84 spliced in where the SK reads them. All numbers present.

aluk-samāsa-prakaraṇa — outline (p24, SK 958–984, all 27 sūtras)

The aluk compounds: by supo dhātuprātipadikayoḥ (2.4.71, SK 650) the case-ending of a compound's first member is elided (luk) — rājñaḥ puruṣaḥ → rājapuruṣaḥ. Under the two-word heading aluk uttarapade (958) a closed set of rules withholds that luk: the first member keeps its vibhakti when a named uttarapada follows. The chapter runs case by case — the pañcamī after stoka etc. (959); the tṛtīyā after ojas/sahas/ambhas/tamas, manas, ātman (960–963); the caturthī in the grammarians' terms ātmanepada / parasmaipada (964–965); the long saptamī section — obligatory in names after a consonant- or a-final stem and in the special lists (966–970, 972–973), optional before bandha, ja, gha/kāla/tana, śaya/vāsa/vāsin (971, 974–976), and switched off before in-final / siddha / baddha / stha (977–978); and the ṣaṣṭhī — in abuse, before putra, and after ṛ-final relation words (979–982). Three ṣatva rules from 8.3 are read alongside because they operate only on the aluk forms: gaviṣṭhira / yudhiṣṭhira (967) and mātuḥṣvasā / mātṛṣvasā (983–984). Only the kaumudī blocks are translated; Bālamanoramā (BM) and Tattvabodhinī (TB) supply the construals and compound-types cited. Ordering: SK order except that (i) 967 gaviyudhibhyāṃ sthiraḥ is moved from after 966 to the closing ṣatva group I, its aluk examples (yudhiṣṭhiraḥ, araṇyetilakāḥ, hṛdispṛk) being cross-referenced in E; (ii) 971 bandhe ca vibhāṣā and 974 vibhāṣā varṣa… are gathered with the other optional saptamī rules in F, so that E holds the obligatory ones.

A. The heading — what "aluk" is and how far it runs — running example: rājñaḥ puruṣaḥ → rājapuruṣaḥ (luk, the default) vs stokāt muktaḥ → stokānmuktaḥ (aluk, under this heading)

• 958 aluguttarapade 6.3.1 — an adhikāra, not a vidhi (as a vidhi it would keep the sup in rājapuruṣa and make 959 pointless — BM): two words are held over. aluk — "the sup's luk by 2.4.71 does not happen" — governs up to but not including ānaṅ ṛtaḥ (6.3.25, SK 921); uttarapade — "when the last member of a compound follows" — governs to the end of 6.3 (the Bhāṣya fixes the extent). Every rule below is read as "the *n*th vibhakti of the first member is not elided when uttarapada X follows". On the running form: rājan + as + puruṣa → luk of -as → rājapuruṣaḥ; stoka + āt + mukta → the heading plus 959 withhold the luk → stokānmuktaḥ.

B. The pañcamī kept — stoka, antika-words, dūra-words, kṛcchra — running example: stokāt muktaḥ → stokānmuktaḥ

• 959 pañcamyāḥ stokādibhyaḥ 6.3.2 — after stoka, words meaning antika, words meaning dūra, and kṛcchra (the list of stokāntikadūrārthakṛcchrāṇi ktena 2.1.39, SK 701, which makes the compound), the pañcamī is aluk before the uttarapada. On the running form: the pañcamī -āt of stokāt is the target; mukta after it is the uttarapada; -āt stays (t → n before m): stokānmuktaḥ. BM's further forms: antikād āgataḥ, abhyāśād āgataḥ, dūrād āgataḥ, viprakṛṣṭād āgataḥ, kṛcchrād āgataḥ, alpān muktaḥ. Why 'uttarapade'? niṣkrāntaḥ stokāt → nistokaḥ (the nirādi-vārttika compound): stoka is itself the last member, nothing follows it, so luk. Vārttika brāhmaṇācchaṃsina upasaṃkhyānam: brāhmaṇāt + śaṃsin → brāhmaṇācchaṃsī — an ṛtvij who recites the śastras "of the Brāhmaṇa" (brāhmaṇāni by upacāra); the pañcamī stands for the dvitīyā by the very force of the upasaṃkhyāna. (Textual: the source's k3 reads brāhmaṇacchaṃsī; the vārttika and the sense require -ṇāc-.)

C. The tṛtīyā kept — ojas / sahas / ambhas / tamas, manas, ātman — running example: ojasā kṛtam → ojasākṛtam (also manasā guptā → manasāguptā, ātmanā pañcamaḥ → ātmanāpañcamaḥ)

• 960 ojaḥsaho'mbhastamasas tṛtīyāyāḥ 6.3.3 — after ojas, sahas, ambhas, tamas (a samāhāra-dvandva in the sūtra) the tṛtīyā is aluk. On the running form: the compound is by kartṛkaraṇe kṛtā bahulam (2.1.32, SK 694); the tṛtīyā -ā of ojasā is the target, kṛta the uttarapada; -ā survives: ojasākṛtam. 'ityādi' (BM): sahasākṛtam, ambhasākṛtam, tamasāvṛtam (tamovṛtam is asādhu — TB defends Bhāravi's naiśatamovṛtam only as a ṣaṣṭhī-samāsa with the bhāva-ka vṛta). Vārttika añjasa upasaṃkhyānam: añjasā + kṛta → añjasākṛtam "done straightforwardly (ārjavena)". Vārttika puṃsānujo januṣāndha iti ca: two set forms with the tṛtīyā kept — puṃsānujaḥ (younger because the elder is male, puṃsā hetunā), januṣāndhaḥ (blind by birth, jātyandha).
• 961 manasaḥ saṃjñāyām 6.3.4 — 'tṛtīyāyāḥ' carried: after manas the tṛtīyā is aluk when the compound is a name: manasā + guptā → manasāguptā (a woman's name); not a name → manoguptā (luk).
• 962 ājñāyini ca 6.3.5 — 'manasaḥ' carried; for the non-name case: manasā + ājñāyin (ṇini by supy ajātau 3.2.78, yuk by 7.3.33) → manasājñāyī "one whose habit is to direct by the mind".
• 963 ātmanaś ca 6.3.6 — after ātman the tṛtīyā is aluk; vārttika pūraṇa iti vaktavyam limits it to an uttarapada ending in a pūraṇa (ordinal) affix: ātmanā + pañcama → ātmanāpañcamaḥ "himself the fifth". Why 'pūraṇe'? ātmakṛtam (luk). janārdanas tv ātmacaturtha eva is a bahuvrīhi, not this rule. (The sutraani text reads the sūtra as ātmanaś ca pūraṇe; the SK has ātmanaś ca with pūraṇe as vārttika — the unit's textual note.)

D. The caturthī kept in the grammarians' own terms — running example: ātmane padam → ātmanepadam (also parasmai padam → parasmaipadam)

• 964 vaiyākaraṇākhyāyāṃ caturthyāḥ 6.3.7 — 'ātmanaḥ' carried: after ātman the caturthī is aluk in a technical designation of the grammarians (vaiyākaraṇī ākhyā — aṇ by 4.3.73, TB). On the running form: the caturthī -e of ātmane (tādarthya, "the word for oneself") is kept before pada: ātmanepadam; likewise ātmanebhāṣāḥ (a Dhātupāṭha term, TB). The compound itself rests on a yogavibhāga of 'caturthī' out of caturthī tadarthārthabalihitasukharakṣitaiḥ (2.1.36, SK 698), since there is no prakṛti–vikṛti relation (TB: or on the sāmarthya of the aluk provision itself).
• 965 parasya ca 6.3.8 — 'caturthyāḥ' and 'vaiyākaraṇākhyāyām' carried: after para too: parasmai + pada → parasmaipadam, parasmaibhāṣāḥ.

E. The saptamī kept obligatorily — in names after a consonant- or a-final stem, and in the listed cases — running example: tvaci sāraḥ → tvacisāraḥ (also kaṇṭhe kālaḥ → kaṇṭhekālaḥ, stambe ramate → stamberamaḥ)

• 966 haladantāt saptamyāḥ saṃjñāyām 6.3.9 — after a first member ending in a hal or in a, the saptamī is aluk when the compound is a name. On the running form: tvac is hal-final; its saptamī -i (tvaci) is the target, sāra the uttarapada; -i stays: tvacisāraḥ "pith in the bark" = bamboo (Amara), a bahuvrīhi of non-coreferential members licensed by this very form as jñāpaka (BM). The other hal-final name yudhiṣṭhiraḥ and the a-final araṇyetilakāḥ are given under 967 (group I). Why haladantāt? — the ī-final and i-final counter-cases come under 968 (nadīdohaḥ) and 971 (guptibandhaḥ).
• 968 kāranāmni ca prācāṃ halādau 6.3.10 — a niyama on 966 (which would already give these): in a tax-name (kāra) of the easterners, aluk of the saptamī after a hal/a-final stem only before a consonant-initial uttarapada — and 966's aluk there only in a tax-name, only among the easterners, only before a consonant (BM's three-fold niyama). mukuṭe + kārṣāpaṇa → mukuṭekārṣāpaṇam; dṛṣadi + māṣaka → dṛṣadimāṣakaḥ. Why kāranāmni? abhyāhitapaśuḥ (an eastern name, but not of a tax). Why prācām? yūthapaśuḥ. Why halādau? avikaṭoraṇaḥ (uraṇa vowel-initial; avikaṭa = flock, kaṭac by saṅghāte kaṭac). Why haladantāt? nadyāṃ dohaḥ → nadīdohaḥ (ī-final: luk).
• 969 madhyād gurau 6.3.11 — for the non-name case (966 covered names): after madhya the saptamī is aluk when guru follows: madhye + guru → madhyeguruḥ "heavy in the middle". Vārttika antāc ca: ante + guru → anteguruḥ.
• 970 amūrdhamastakāt svāṅgād akāme 6.3.12 — 'saṃjñāyām' carried (BM — which is why the hṛd-vārttika under 967 is needed for non-names): after a svāṅga-word other than mūrdhan / mastaka, the saptamī is aluk, but not before kāma: kaṇṭhe + kāla → kaṇṭhekālaḥ (Śiva), urasi + loman → urasilomā (someone's name) — vyadhikaraṇa-bahuvrīhis, this rule their jñāpaka. Why amūrdhamastakāt? mūrdhaśikhaḥ, mastakaśikhaḥ (luk). Why akāme? mukhe kāmo 'sya → mukhakāmaḥ.
• 972 tatpuruṣe kṛti bahulam 6.3.14 — in a tatpuruṣa whose uttarapada ends in a kṛt, the saptamī is aluk variously (bahulam), in names ('saptamyāḥ', 'saṃjñāyām' carried — BM): stambe + rama (ac by stambakarṇayo ramijapoḥ 3.2.13, SK 2927; upapada-samāsa) → stamberamaḥ "the elephant"; karṇe + japa → karṇejapaḥ "the informer". 'kvacin na' from bahulam: kuru + cara (ṭa by careṣ ṭaḥ 3.2.16) → kurucaraḥ (luk; BM: so 'haladantāt' need not be carried here).
• 973 prāvṛṭśaratkāladivāṃ je 6.3.15 — after prāvṛṣ, śarad, kāla, div the saptamī is aluk before ja: prāvṛṣi + ja → prāvṛṣijaḥ; śaradijaḥ, kālejaḥ, divijaḥ — a prapañca (elaboration) of 966, which would give them anyway.

F. The saptamī kept optionally — before bandha, ja (after varṣa…), gha/kāla/tana (after time-names), śaya/vāsa/vāsin — running example: haste bandhaḥ → hastebandhaḥ / hastabandhaḥ (also pūrvāhṇe tare → pūrvāhṇetare / pūrvāhṇatare, khe śayaḥ → kheśayaḥ / khaśayaḥ)

• 971 bandhe ca vibhāṣā 6.3.13 (moved down from between 970 and 972) — 'haladantāt' carried: after a hal/a-final stem the saptamī is optionally aluk before bandha (ghañ-final): haste + bandha → hastebandhaḥ / hastabandhaḥ (BM: saptamī-tatpuruṣa by saṃjñāyām 2.1.44, SK 721; TB: a bahuvrīhi, the tatpuruṣa being barred by 977). Why haladantāt? guptibandhaḥ (i-final: luk only).
• 974 vibhāṣā varṣakṣaraśaravarāt 6.3.16 (moved down from between 973 and 975) — 'saptamyāḥ' and 'je' carried: after varṣa, kṣara, śara, vara the saptamī is optionally aluk before ja: varṣe + ja → varṣejaḥ / varṣajaḥ; kṣarejaḥ / kṣarajaḥ, śarejaḥ / śarajaḥ, varejaḥ / varajaḥ.
• 975 ghakālataneṣu kālanāmnaḥ 6.3.17 — after a name of a time, the saptamī is optionally aluk before gha (= tarap, tamap, 1.1.22), kāla, or tana: pūrvāhṇe + tara → pūrvāhṇetare / pūrvāhṇatare, pūrvāhṇetame / pūrvāhṇatame (tarap/tamap added to the saptamī-ending word — BM); pūrvāhṇekāle / pūrvāhṇakāle; pūrvāhṇetane / pūrvāhṇatane (ṭyu with tuṭ by vibhāṣā pūrvāhṇāparāhṇābhyām 4.3.24, SK 1392).
• 976 śayavāsavāsiṣv akālāt 6.3.18 — after a non-time-word the saptamī is optionally aluk before śaya, vāsa, vāsin: khe + śaya → kheśayaḥ / khaśayaḥ; grāme + vāsa → grāmevāsaḥ / grāmavāsaḥ; grāme + vāsin → grāmevāsī / grāmavāsī. 'haladantāt' still carried: bhūmi + śaya → only bhūmiśayaḥ. Vārttika apo yoniyanmatuṣu: after ap the saptamī is aluk before yoni, the affix yat, or matup: apsu + yoni → apsuyoniḥ "whose origin is in the waters"; apsu + yat (digādi, 4.3.54) → apsavyaḥ (guṇa 6.4.146, av 6.1.79 — BM's derivation); apsu + matup → apsumantau (the two ājyabhāga mantras containing 'apsu').

G. Where the saptamī is not kept — before in-final, siddha, baddha, and stha — running example: sthaṇḍile śāyī → sthaṇḍilaśāyī (also same sthaḥ → samasthaḥ)

• 977 nensiddhabadhnātiṣu ca 6.3.19 — before an uttarapada ending in in, or siddha, or a form of badhnāti, there is no aluk of the saptamī: sthaṇḍila + e + śāyin → luk → sthaṇḍilaśāyī; sāṃkāśye + siddha → sāṃkāśyasiddhaḥ; cakre + baddha (compound by the vārttika sādhanaṃ kṛtā — BM) → cakrabaddhaḥ. TB: 'tatpuruṣe' carried, so the bar holds in the tatpuruṣa and 971's option survives in the bahuvrīhi.
• 978 sthe ca bhāṣāyām 6.3.20 — before stha, in the spoken language, no aluk: same + stha → samasthaḥ. Why bhāṣāyām? Vedic kṛṣṇo 'syākhareṣṭhaḥ — ākhare kept (and ṣatva). BM: by the anantarasya maxim this negates 972 tatpuruṣe kṛti bahulam only, not 970 (the Bhāṣya's kaṇṭhe-stha under 2.2.24 keeps its saptamī).

H. The ṣaṣṭhī kept — in abuse, before putra, after ṛ-final relation words, before svasṛ / pati — running example: caurasya kulam → caurasyakulam (also dāsyāḥ putraḥ → dāsyāḥputraḥ / dāsīputraḥ, hotuḥ putraḥ)

• 979 ṣaṣṭhyā ākrośe 6.3.21 — 'aluk uttarapade' supplied: the ṣaṣṭhī is aluk when abuse (ākrośa = nindā) is meant: caurasya + kula → caurasyakulam; not in abuse → brāhmaṇakulam (luk). Five vārttikas of fixed forms with the ṣaṣṭhī kept: (1) vāgdikpaśyadbhyo yuktidaṇḍahareṣu — respectively vācoyuktiḥ (vācaḥ + yukti, "use of words"), diśodaṇḍaḥ (śeṣa-ṣaṣṭhī), paśyatoharaḥ (ṣaṣṭhī by ṣaṣṭhī cānādare 2.3.38 — steals while the owner looks on); (2) āmuṣyāyaṇāmuṣyaputrikāmuṣyakuliketi ca — āmuṣyāyaṇaḥ (amuṣya + phak, naḍādi 4.1.99, SK 1101, the sup-luk of the whole barred by nipātana), āmuṣyaputrikā (amuṣyaputra-sya bhāvaḥ, vuñ by manojñādi 5.1.133, SK 1798), āmuṣyakulikā; (3) devānāṃpriya iti ca mūrkhe — devānām + priya → devānāṃpriyaḥ only of a fool, else devapriyaḥ; (4) śepapucchalāṅgaleṣu śunaḥ — śunaḥ + śepa / puccha / lāṅgūla → śunaḥśepaḥ, śunaḥpucchaḥ, śunolāṅgūlaḥ (bahuvrīhis, ṛṣi-names; source reads lāṅgala for lāṅgūla); (5) divasaś ca dāse (BM: divaś ca dāse) — divaḥ + dāsa → divodāsaḥ (a rājarṣi).
• 980 putre 'nyatarasyām 6.3.22 — 'ākrośe' carried (so 'nindāyām'): before putra the ṣaṣṭhī is optionally aluk in reproach: dāsyāḥ + putra → dāsyāḥputraḥ / dāsīputraḥ. Why nindāyām? brāhmaṇīputraḥ (luk only).
• 981 ṛto vidyāyonisambandhebhyaḥ 6.3.23 — after an ṛ-final stem denoting a relation through learning (vidyā) or birth (yoni), the ṣaṣṭhī is aluk: hotṛ + uḥ + antevāsin → hotur antevāsī, hotuḥ putraḥ (hotṛ = a vidyā-relation word); pituḥ + antevāsin → pitur antevāsī, pituḥ putraḥ (yoni-relation). Vārttika vidyāyonisambandhebhyas tatpūrvottarapadagrahaṇam: both members must denote such a relation — so not hotṛdhanam (dhana denotes neither; luk); hotuḥ putraḥ stands, either relation sufficing.
• 982 vibhāṣā svasṛpatyoḥ 6.3.24 — 'ṛdantāt' with the vidyā/yoni restriction carried (so no bhoktṛsvasā): before svasṛ or pati the ṣaṣṭhī is optionally aluk: mātuḥ + svasṛ → mātuḥsvasā (aluk) / mātṛsvasā (luk) — the pair the ṣatva rules of group I then work on.

I. The ṣatva riders on the aluk forms — sthira after gavi / yudhi, svasṛ after mātuḥ / pituḥ and mātṛ / pitṛ — running example: gavi sthiraḥ → gaviṣṭhiraḥ (also mātuḥ svasā → mātuḥṣvasā / mātuḥsvasā, mātṛṣvasā)

• 967 gaviyudhibhyāṃ sthiraḥ 8.3.95 (moved down from after 966) — 'saḥ' (gen.) carried from saheḥ sāḍaḥ saḥ 8.3.56 under apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ 8.3.55: after gavi and yudhi (imitations of saptamī forms) the s of sthira becomes ṣ — needed because ādeśapratyayayoḥ 8.3.59 is blocked by sāt padādyoḥ 8.3.111 (BM). On the running form: go + i → gavi (saptamī kept), + sthira → the s of sthira after the i is the target → ṣ, and t → ṭh by ṣṭutva: gaviṣṭhiraḥ. Here the aluk itself rests on the sūtra's own wording 'gavi': the bahiraṅga luk would otherwise beat the av-substitute and leave no hal-final stem for 966 (BM/TB). yudhiṣṭhiraḥ — yudh (kvip) + i kept by 966 (hal-final name), s → ṣ; Dharmaputra. araṇyetilakāḥ — 966's a-final case, the saptamī-samāsa by saṃjñāyām 2.1.44 (SK 721) since tilaka is not śauṇḍādi. Vārttika hṛddyubhyāṃ ca: after hṛd and div the saptamī is aluk for non-names (970 carries saṃjñāyām): hṛdi + spṛś → hṛdispṛk, divi + spṛś → divispṛk (hṛd for hṛdaya by 6.1.63; the saptamī stands for the object by the force of the aluk provision — Bhāṣya).
• 983 mātuḥpiturbhyām anyatarasyām 8.3.85 — 'svasā' (as genitive), 'saḥ', and 'samāse' (from 8.3.80) carried: after the ṣaṣṭhī-forms mātuḥ and pituḥ (982's aluk alternative) the s of svasṛ becomes ṣ optionally, in a compound: mātuḥ + svasā → mātuḥṣvasā / mātuḥsvasā; pituḥṣvasā / pituḥsvasā. 'lukpakṣe tu' — "but in the luk alternative [a special rule follows]" → 984.
• 984 mātṛpitṛbhyāṃ svasā 8.3.84 — the luk alternative (SK reads the two 8.3 rules in reverse order): after mātṛ and pitṛ the s of svasṛ becomes ṣ obligatorily, in a compound — a special ṣatva rule, the s being neither ādeśa nor affix: mātṛ + svasā → mātṛṣvasā; pitṛṣvasā. 'asamāse tu': in a sentence not even the option — mātuḥ svasā, pituḥ svasā (the fruit of carrying 'samāse'). BM closes the aluk-samāsa section here.