Vaiyākaraṇa-siddhānta-kaumudī — alugusamāsaprakaraṇam

SK 958 · A 6.3.1 उत्तरपदाधिकारः

अलुगुत्तरपदे ॥ ९५८ ॥

aluguttarapade

aluguttarapade — [Heading:] aluk (non-elision of the case-ending of the first member) … [and] when an uttarapada follows.

Rule. This sūtra is an adhikāra, a heading. Its two words are read into the rules that follow: aluk, "the luk of the case-ending by SK 650 does not take place", and uttarapade, "when the last member of a compound follows". The two words do not run equally far. Aluk governs up to, but not including, the rule ānaṅ ṛtaḥ (A 6.3.25, SK 921). Uttarapade governs to the end of this quarter (pāda) of the Aṣṭādhyāyī, A 6.3; Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the Bhāṣya, the ancient commentary, is the authority for that extent. Every rule below is therefore to be read as "the *n*th case-ending of the first member is not elided when the last member X follows".

Example.

rājñaḥ puruṣaḥ "the king's man" → compound rājan + as + puruṣa → the ending as is elided by luk (SK 650), the default → rājapuruṣaḥ.

stokāt muktaḥ "freed from a little" → compound stoka + āt + mukta → this heading, together with SK 959, withholds the luk → stokānmuktaḥ (Section B).

Watch out. The heading is not a vidhi, an operative rule that does something by itself. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators point out that if it were, it would keep the case-ending in rājapuruṣa and every other compound, and SK 959 would then have nothing left to do. It only holds two words over for the rules that follow.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अलुगधिकारः प्रागानङः उत्तरपदाधिकारस्त्वापादसमाप्तेः ॥

The adhikāra of aluk [extends] up to [but not including] ānaṅ [i.e. up to 'ānaṅ ṛtaḥ', A 6.3.25]; the adhikāra of 'uttarapade', however, [extends] to the end of the pāda.

Bālamanoramā

अलुगुत्तरपदे - अथाऽलुक्समासो निरूप्यते — अलुगुत्तरपदे । नाऽयं विधिः, 'राजपुरुष' इत्यादावतिप्रसङ्गात्,पञ्चम्याः स्तोकादिभ्यः॑ इत्याद्यारम्भाच्च । किंतु पदद्वयमधिक्रियते । अस्य कियत्पर्यन्तमनुवृत्तिरित्याह-अलुगधिकारः प्रागानङ इति । 'आनङृतः' इत्यतः प्रागित्यर्थः । उत्तरपदेति । षष्ठस्य तृतीये पादे अद्यमिदं सूत्रम् । #इत उत्तरमेतत्पादपरिसमाप्तिपर्यन्तमुत्तरपदाधिकार इत्यर्थः । अत्रोतत्रपदादिकारनियमे भाष्येमेव प्रमाणम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is not a vidhi (that would over-apply to rājapuruṣa etc., and 'pañcamyāḥ stokādibhyaḥ' would then be pointless); rather two words are held as adhikāra. 'prāg ānaṅaḥ' = before the sūtra 'ānaṅ ṛtaḥ' (A 6.3.25). 'uttarapade': this is the first sūtra of the third pāda of the sixth adhyāya, and the uttarapada-adhikāra runs from here to the end of that pāda; the Bhāṣya is the authority for fixing the extent of that adhikāra. Followed.

SK 959 · A 6.3.2V

पञ्चम्याः स्तोकादिभ्यः ॥ ९५९ ॥

pañcamyāḥ stokādibhyaḥ

pañcamyāḥ stokādibhyaḥ — After stoka and the rest, the fifth (pañcamī) [is not elided (aluk) when an uttarapada follows].

Rule. After stoka and the rest — that is, stoka, words meaning antika, words meaning dūra, and kṛcchra, the list of SK 701 — the pañcamī is not elided when an uttarapada follows.

Example.

stokāt muktaḥ "freed from a little" → compound by SK 701 → stoka + āt + mukta → the pañcamī -āt is the ending this rule protects; mukta is the uttarapada → the luk does not happen → stokāt-mukta → the final t becomes n before m → stokānmuktaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators fill in the rest of the list: antikād āgataḥ, abhyāśād āgataḥ "come from near", dūrād āgataḥ, viprakṛṣṭād āgataḥ "come from far", kṛcchrād āgataḥ "come out of hardship", and alpān muktaḥ beside stokānmuktaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Only when an uttarapada follows. In niṣkrāntaḥ stokāt → nistokaḥ "gone out from a little", stoka is itself the last member and nothing follows it, so its ending is elided as usual. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that the dual and plural, stokān muktau, stokān muktāḥ, are not compounded at all, simply because usage does not have them.

A vārttika adds one more form: brāhmaṇācchaṃsina upasaṃkhyānam, "brāhmaṇācchaṃsin is to be added". An upasaṃkhyāna is an addition to a rule. brāhmaṇāt + śaṃsin → brāhmaṇācchaṃsī, the name of a particular officiating priest (ṛtvij). The śastras, recitations prescribed in the Brāhmaṇa, are themselves figuratively called brāhmaṇāni. He who recites (śaṃsati) them is the brāhmaṇācchaṃsī. The word is properly an object, so the case should be the dvitīyā; that the pañcamī stands in its place follows from the very fact of the addition.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यः पञ्चम्या अलुक्स्यादुत्तरपदे । स्तोकान्मुक्तः । एवमन्तिकार्थदूरार्थकृच्छ्रेभ्यः । उत्तररपदे किम् । निष्क्रान्तः स्तोकान्निस्तोकः ।

After these [stoka and the rest], the pañcamī is not elided (aluk) when an uttarapada follows. stokān muktaḥ. Likewise after [words] meaning antika, [words] meaning dūra, and kṛcchra. Why 'when an uttarapada follows'? niṣkrāntaḥ stokāt → nistokaḥ [where stoka is itself the last member and no uttarapada follows it].

vārttika

ब्राह्मणाच्छंसिन उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) brāhmaṇācchaṃsina upasaṃkhyānam — brāhmaṇācchaṃsin is to be added [as a case of non-elision of the pañcamī].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ब्राह्मणे विहितानि शस्त्राणि उपचारात् ब्राह्मणानि तानि शंसतीति ब्राह्मणच्छंसी ऋत्विग्विशेषः । द्वितीयार्थे पञ्चम्युपसंख्यानादेव ॥

(vārttika) The śastras [recitations] prescribed in the Brāhmaṇa are, by figurative usage (upacāra), [called] 'brāhmaṇāni'; he who recites (śaṃsati) them is brāhmaṇācchaṃsī, a particular officiating priest (ṛtvij). The pañcamī in the sense of the dvitīyā [follows] from this very addition (upasaṃkhyāna).

Bālamanoramā

पञ्चम्याः स्तोकादिभ्यः - पञ्चम्याः स्तोकादिभ्यः । एभ्य इति । स्तोकादिभ्यः परा या पञ्चमी तस्या 'सुपो धातु' इति लुङ् न स्यादित्यर्थः । उत्तरपदे इति । उत्तरशब्दः समासचरमावयवे रूढः, 'पदे' इत्येव सिद्धे उत्तरग्रहणात् । स्तोकान्मुक्त इति । एवमल्पान्मुक्तः ।स्तोकान्तिकदूरार्थकृच्छ्राणि क्तेने॑ति समासः । अत्र पञ्चम्या अलुक् । एवमिति । आदिपदेन समासविधौ गृहीतानामन्तिकादीनां ग्रहणादिति भावः । अन्तिकादागतः, अभ्याशादागतः, दूरादागतः, विप्रकृष्टादागतः, कृच्छ्रादागतः । निःस्तोक इति ।निरादयः क्रान्ताद्यर्थे पञ्चम्ये॑ति समासः । अत्र स्तोकशब्दस्य उत्तरपदपरकत्वाऽभावात्पञ्चम्या अलुक् न । 'स्तोकान्मुक्तः' इत्यादौ समासप्रयोजनं तु समासस्वरः, सर्वस्मात्स्तोकान्मुक्त इति विशेषणयोगाऽभावश्च । किंच स्तोकान्मुक्तस्यापत्यं स्तौकामुक्तिरित्यादौ समुदायात्तद्धितोत्पत्तिश्च । स्तोकान्मुक्तौ, स्तोकान्मुक्ता इति द्विबहवचनान्तैर्न समासः, अनभिधानादिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । ब्राआहृणाच्छंसिन उपसङ्ख्यानमिति ।पञ्चम्या अलु॑गिति शेषः । ननु ब्राआहृणानि शंसतीत्यर्थे कथं पञ्चमी । विधायकवाक्यानि हि ब्राआहृणशब्देनोच्यन्ते,कर्मचोदना ब्राआहृणानि॑ इति कल्पसूत्रात्,शेषे ब्राआहृणशब्दः॑ इति मन्त्रभिन्नवेदभागे ब्राआह्णशब्दस्य जैमिनिना सङ्केतितत्वाच्च । एतादृशब्राआहृणभागस्य न क्लापि शंसनं विहितम्ऋचः शंसति निविदः शंसती॑ति श्रुतिष्वित्यत आह — ब्राआहृणे इति । शस्त्राणीति । ऋचा निविदां च सङ्घः शस्त्रम् । उपचारादिति । लक्षणयेत्यर्थः । द्वितीयार्थे इति । पञ्चम्या अलुगुपसङ्ख्यानबलादेव द्वितीयार्थे पञ्चमीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'aluk' here means that the luk of the sup by 'supo dhātuprātipadikayoḥ' (A 2.4.71) does not take place for the pañcamī that follows stoka etc.; 'uttarapada' is the conventional term for the last member of a compound (hence 'uttara' is added to 'pade'). The compound stokān muktaḥ is by 'stokāntikadūrārthakṛcchrāṇi ktena' (A 2.1.39), and 'evam' means that antika etc., taken in that compound rule by 'ādi', are meant here too: BM's examples antikād āgataḥ, abhyāśād āgataḥ, dūrād āgataḥ, viprakṛṣṭād āgataḥ, kṛcchrād āgataḥ (also alpān muktaḥ). Followed.
commentary BM: nistokaḥ is a compound by the vārttika 'nirādayaḥ krāntādyarthe pañcamyā'; there the word stoka is not followed by an uttarapada, so the pañcamī is not retained — this is the point of the counter-example. BM adds from the Bhāṣya that the purpose of compounding stokān muktaḥ at all is the compound accent, the impossibility of a qualifier (sarvasmāt), and taddhita formation from the whole (staukānmuktiḥ, with ādivṛddhi on stoka; BM's text as printed reads staukāmuktiḥ), and that dual and plural forms (stokān muktau, stokān muktāḥ) are not compounded, for want of usage (anabhidhāna).
commentary BM: supply 'pañcamyā aluk' to the vārttika. BM raises the objection that 'brāhmaṇa' denotes injunctive sentences (Kalpasūtra 'karmacodanā brāhmaṇāni'; Jaimini's 'śeṣe brāhmaṇaśabdaḥ'), and reciting such a portion is nowhere enjoined (the śruti says 'ṛcaḥ śaṃsati, nividaḥ śaṃsati') — hence Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: the śastras (a group of ṛcs and nivids) prescribed in the Brāhmaṇa are called brāhmaṇāni by lakṣaṇā ('upacāra'). 'dvitīyārthe' = the pañcamī stands for the dvitīyā by the very force of the upasaṃkhyāna of aluk. Followed.
textual The source reads brāhmaṇacchaṃsī (short a before -cchaṃsī), an OCR/transmission slip; the vārttika (k2) and the sense (aluk of the pañcamī brāhmaṇāt) require brāhmaṇācchaṃsī, which the English gives.

SK 960 · A 6.3.3V

ओजःसहोऽम्भस्तमसस्तृतीयायाः ॥ ९६० ॥

ojaḥsaho'mbhastamasastṛtīyāyāḥ

ojaḥsaho'mbhastamasas tṛtīyāyāḥ — After ojas, sahas, ambhas and tamas, the third (tṛtīyā) [is not elided when an uttarapada follows].

Rule. After ojas "strength", sahas "might", ambhas "water" and tamas "darkness", the tṛtīyā is not elided when an uttarapada follows. The sūtra's first word packs the four nouns into one group-dvandva (samāhāra-dvandva), as Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note.

Example.

ojasā kṛtam "done by strength" → compound by SK 694 → ojas + ā + kṛta → the tṛtīyā -ā is kept before the uttarapada kṛta → ojasākṛtam.

Bhaṭṭoji writes "and so on"; his commentators spell it out: sahasākṛtam, ambhasākṛtam, tamasāvṛtam "covered by darkness". They add that tamovṛtam, with the ending dropped, is simply incorrect; a poet's use of a form like it is defended in another way, and scholars discuss this.

Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas widen the list. Añjasa upasaṃkhyānam: after añjas too — añjasā kṛtam → añjasākṛtam "done straightforwardly", añjas meaning straightness (ārjava). Puṃsānujo januṣāndha iti ca: two set forms — puṃsānujaḥ "the younger, because his elder is a male (pumān)", with the tṛtīyā puṃsā kept, and januṣāndhaḥ "blind by birth (januṣā)", that is, blind from birth on.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ओजसाकृतमित्यादि ।

ojasākṛtam, and so on.

vārttika

अञ्जस उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) añjasa upasaṃkhyānam — añjas is to be added.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अञ्जसाकृतम् । आर्जवेन कृतमित्यर्थः ।

(vārttika) añjasākṛtam — that is, done with straightforwardness (ārjava).

vārttika

पुंसानुजो जनुषान्ध इति च

(vārttika) puṃsānujo januṣāndha iti ca — And [the forms] puṃsānuja and januṣāndha [are to be added].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ यस्याग्रजः पुमान् स पुंसानुजः । जनुषान्धो जात्यन्धः ॥

(vārttika) He whose elder [sibling] is a male (pumān) is puṃsānujaḥ. januṣāndhaḥ [is] one blind from birth (jātyandha).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 222

—ओजःस— ओजसाकृतमिति । ‘कर्तृकरणे कृता’ इति समासः । कथं तर्हि ‘सततनैशतमोवृतमन्यतः’ इति भारविः । अत्राहुः । ‘वृतु वर्तने’ इत्यस्मात् ‘घञर्थे कविधानम्’ इति भावे कप्रत्यये तदन्तेन षष्ठीसमासाश्रयणान्न दोष इति ॥ यत्तु केवलपदाधिकार एव तदन्तविधिर्न तूत्तरपदाधिकारे । तथा च ‘नैशतमसा’ इति तृतीयाया अलङ्कृतमवतीति दुर्घटवृत्त्यादावुक्तम् । तन्न । ‘पदाङ्गाधिकारे’ इत्यत्र ‘इष्टकचित्तं, पक्वेष्टकचित्तम्’ इति भाष्योदाहरणादुत्तरपदाधिकारेऽपि तदन्तविधिप्रवृत्तेः ॥ —जनुषेति । ‘जनुर्जननजन्मानि’ इत्यमरः ॥—आत्मनापञ्चम इति । ‘तृतीया’ इति योगविभागात् समासः ॥ इह प्रकृत्यादिलात्प्रथमार्थे तृतीयेत्येके ॥ ‘आत्मना कृतः पञ्चमः’ इति करोतिक्रियापेक्षा सेत्यन्ये ॥—वहुव्रीहिर्वोध्य इति । एकस्याप्यौपाधिकभेदं परिकल्प्य वर्तिपदार्थत्वमन्यपदार्थत्वं च विवक्षणीयमिति भावः

Bālamanoramā

ओजःसहोऽम्भस्तमसः तृतीयायाः - ओजस् ।ओजस्,सहस्,अम्भस्,तमस्-एषां समाहारद्वन्द्वः । एभ्य परस्यास्तृतीयाया अलुक् स्यादुत्तरपदे इत्यर्थः । ओजसाकृतमिति ।कर्तृकरणे कृता बहुल॑मिति समासः । 'ओजो दीप्तौ बले' इत्यमरः । इत्यादीति ।सहसाकृतम्, 'अम्भसाकृतम्'तमसावृत्तम् । तमोवृत्तमिति तु असाध्वेव । शेषषष्ठआ वा समासः । अञ्जस उपसङ्ख्यानमिति । अञ्जश्शब्दात्तृतीयाया अलुक उपसङ्ख्यानमित्यर्थः । अञ्जसाकृतमिति । अञ्जश्शब्द आर्जवे वर्तते, यथा क्षेत्रज्ञोऽञ्जसा नयतीत्यादौ तथा दर्शनात् । तदाह -आर्जवेनेति । पुंसानुजः ।तृतीयाया अलुकि साधु॑रिति शेषः । यस्येति । यस्य पुमान् पूर्वजः स पुंसा हेतुना अनुजः कनीयान् इत्यर्थः । जनुषेति ।जनुर्जननजन्मानी॑त्यमरः जनुषा=जन्मना हेतुना अन्ध इत्यर्थः । फलितमाह — जात्यन्ध इति । ब्राआहृण्यादिजातितुल्याऽन्ध्वानित्यर्थः । उत्पत्तिप्रभृत्यन्ध इति यावत् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra's first word is a samāhāra-dvandva of ojas, sahas, ambhas, tamas; the tṛtīyā following them is not elided when an uttarapada follows. ojasākṛtam is a compound by 'kartṛkaraṇe kṛtā bahulam' (A 2.1.32) (TB agrees). BM expands 'ityādi' as sahasākṛtam, ambhasākṛtam, tamasāvṛtam, adding that tamovṛtam is simply incorrect (asādhu) — or else a compound with the śeṣa-ṣaṣṭhī. Not added to the English, which keeps only the form the Kaumudī gives.
commentary TB records the defence of Bhāravi's 'satatanaiśatamovṛtam': vṛta there is the bhāva affix ka from vṛtu by 'ghañarthe kavidhānam' and the compound is a ṣaṣṭhī-samāsa with that; TB rejects the Durghaṭavṛtti's claim that tadanta-vidhi does not hold in the uttarapada-adhikāra, citing the Bhāṣya's iṣṭakacitam / pakveṣṭakacitam.
commentary BM: the vārttika adds non-elision of the tṛtīyā after añjas; añjas means ārjava (straightforwardness), as in 'kṣetrajño 'ñjasā nayati'. Followed for 'ārjavena'.
commentary BM: supply 'is correct with non-elision of the tṛtīyā' to the vārttika; 'yasya' = he who has a male as his elder is, with that as cause (puṃsā hetunā), the younger, anuja; januṣā = janmanā hetunā, 'blind by reason of birth' (TB likewise cites Amara 'janur jananajanmāni'); jātyandha = blind from birth onward, as if by caste. Followed.

SK 961 · A 6.3.4V

मनसः संज्ञायाम् ॥ ९६१ ॥

manasaḥ saṃjñāyām

manasaḥ saṃjñāyām — [The tṛtīyā] after manas [is not elided before an uttarapada] when [the compound] is a name.

Rule. After manas "mind", the tṛtīyā is not elided when an uttarapada follows and the compound is a name. The word tṛtīyāyāḥ is carried forward from SK 960.

Example.

manasā guptā "guarded by the mind" → compound manas + ā + guptā → the ending -ā is kept because the compound is a name → manasāguptā, the name of some woman.

Applies when / blocked by. Only in a name. When the same words do not form a name, the ending is elided: manoguptā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मनसागुप्ता ॥

manasāguptā [a name, with the tṛtīyā retained].

Bālamanoramā

मनसः संज्ञायाम् - मनसः संज्ञायां । मनसस्तृतीयाया अलुक् स्यादुत्तरपदे इत्यर्थः । मनसागुप्तेति । कस्याश्चित्संज्ञेयम् । असंज्ञायां तु-मनोगुप्ता ।

translator notes

commentary BM construes the sūtra as 'the tṛtīyā after manas is not elided (aluk) when an uttarapada follows' — 'tṛtīyāyāḥ' carried forward from 'ojaḥsaho'mbhastamasas tṛtīyāyāḥ' (A 6.3.3); manasāguptā is the name of some woman; when not a name, manoguptā. Followed.

SK 962 · A 6.3.5V

आज्ञायिनि च ॥ ९६२ ॥

ājñāyini ca

ājñāyini ca — And [the tṛtīyā after manas is not elided] when ājñāyin follows.

Rule. And after manas, the tṛtīyā is not elided when ājñāyin follows. Manasaḥ is carried forward from SK 961. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take this rule as serving the case that is not a name, which SK 961 does not cover.

Example.

manasā ājñātuṃ śīlam asya "whose habit is to direct by the mind" → manas + ā + ājñāyin → the ending -ā is kept → manasājñāyī. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators derive ājñāyin with the affix ṇini (A 3.2.78) and the augment yuk (A 7.3.33). An augment (āgama) is an element inserted into an affix or stem, replacing nothing; yuk supplies the y of ājñāyin.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मनस इत्येव । मनसा आज्ञातुं शीलमस्य मनसाज्ञायी ॥

'manasaḥ' [is carried forward] just as before. One whose habit is to direct (ājñātum) by the mind (manasā) — manasājñāyī.

Bālamanoramā

आज्ञायिनि च - आज्ञायिनि च । मनस इत्येवेति । अनुवर्तत एवेत्यर्थः । मनसस्तृतीयाया अलुक् स्यादाज्ञायिनि परे इत्यर्थः । असंज्ञार्थमिदम् । ज्ञातुमिति । प्रेरयितुमित्यर्थः । मनसाज्ञायीति । 'सुप्यजातौ' इति णिनिः ।आतो युक्चिण्कृतो॑रिति युक् । अत्र सूत्रभाष्येआत्मनश्च पूरणे उपसङ्ख्यान॑मिति वार्तिकं पठितम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'manasa ity eva' means that the word manasaḥ continues by anuvṛtti; the tṛtīyā after manas is not elided when ājñāyin follows, and the rule is for the non-name case (asaṃjñārtham) [6.3.4 having covered names]. 'jñātum' = prerayitum, 'to impel, direct'. In manasājñāyī the affix is ṇini by 'supy ajātau' (A 3.2.78) and the augment yuk by 'āto yuk ciṇkṛtoḥ' (A 7.3.33). BM also records that the Bhāṣya on this sūtra reads the vārttika 'ātmanaś ca pūraṇe upasaṅkhyānam' here. Followed.

SK 963 · A 6.3.6V

आत्मनश्च ॥ ९६३ ॥

ātmanaśca

ātmanaś ca — And [the tṛtīyā] after ātman [is not elided before an uttarapada].

Rule. After ātman "self", the tṛtīyā is not elided when an uttarapada follows. A vārttika, pūraṇa iti vaktavyam, restricts this: only when the uttarapada ends in a pūraṇa affix, the affix that makes an ordinal number ("fifth").

Example.

ātmanā pañcamaḥ "himself the fifth" → ātman + ā + pañcama → pañcama ends in a pūraṇa affix, so the ending -ā is kept → ātmanāpañcamaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Only before an ordinal. Otherwise the ending is elided: ātmakṛtam "done by oneself". In the phrase janārdanas tvām ātmacaturtha eva, the word ātmacaturtha is a bahuvrīhi, not a case of this rule, so its ending is dropped. Scholars discuss how the tṛtīyā in ātmanāpañcamaḥ is to be construed, and whether pūraṇe belongs to the sūtra itself or to the vārttika, as the Kaumudī has it.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आत्मनस्तृतीयाया अलुक्स्यात् ॥

The tṛtīyā after ātman is not elided (aluk).

vārttika

पूरण इति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) pūraṇa iti vaktavyam — '[Only] when a pūraṇa follows' should be stated.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पूरणप्रत्ययान्ते उत्तरपदे इत्यर्थः । आत्मनापञ्चमः । जनार्दनस्त्वामात्मचतुर्थ एवेति बहुव्रीहिर्बोध्यः । पूरणे किम् । आत्मकृतम् ॥

(vārttika) The meaning is: when the uttarapada ends in a pūraṇa affix [an ordinal]. ātmanāpañcamaḥ ['himself the fifth']. janārdanas tvām ātmacaturtha eva — [here ātmacaturtha] is to be understood as a bahuvrīhi [and so is not an instance of this rule]. Why 'when a pūraṇa follows'? ātmakṛtam.

translator notes

textual source.json lists pūraṇe as a third pada in the padaccheda of this sūtra; the sūtra itself is ātmanaś ca alone, pūraṇe being the word of the vārttika (k2).
commentary TB (printed in the OCR layer under sk.960.t1, lemmata 'ātmanāpañcama iti' and 'bahuvrīhir bodhya iti'): ātmanāpañcamaḥ is compounded by yogavibhāga of 'tṛtīyā' (A 2.1.30); some take the tṛtīyā as standing for the prathamā (prakṛtyādi, A 2.3.18), others as governed by karoti ('ātmanā kṛtaḥ pañcamaḥ'). On 'bahuvrīhir bodhyaḥ': even for a single referent, a conditional (aupādhika) distinction is posited so that it is intended both as a member-word's meaning and as the anyapadārtha. Followed for the bahuvrīhi reading; the two views on the tṛtīyā are recorded, not chosen.

SK 964 · A 6.3.7V

वैयाकरणाख्यायां चतुर्थ्याः ॥ ९६४ ॥

vaiyākaraṇākhyāyāṃ caturthyāḥ

vaiyākaraṇākhyāyāṃ caturthyāḥ — [After ātman,] the fourth (caturthī) [is not elided] in a technical designation of the grammarians.

Rule. After ātman (carried forward from SK 963), the caturthī is not elided in a technical designation of the grammarians (vaiyākaraṇī ākhyā). The caturthī here means "for the purpose of" (tādarthya): the ending is "for oneself".

Example.

ātmane padam "the ending for oneself" → ātman + e + pada → the caturthī -e is kept because this is a grammarians' term → ātmanepadam.

Likewise ātmanebhāṣāḥ, "roots conjugated for oneself"; Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that this term is not in the Aṣṭādhyāyī but occurs in the Dhātupāṭha.

Applies when / blocked by. The compound itself needs a licence. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that a compound might be doubted here. The members show no relation of material and product (prakṛti–vikṛti), the relation on which SK 698 compounds a dative. Bhaṭṭoji obtains the compound by yogavibhāga: splitting the rule SK 698 so that its first word caturthī works on its own. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that the very provision of aluk would also justify the compound, and that vaiyākaraṇī is formed with the affix aṇ (A 4.3.73).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आत्मन इत्येव । आत्मनेपदम् । आत्मनेभाषाः । तादर्थ्ये चतुर्थेषा । चतुर्थीति योगविभागात्समासः ॥

'ātmanaḥ' [is carried forward] as before. ātmanepadam. ātmanebhāṣāḥ. This caturthī is in the sense of 'for the purpose of' (tādarthya). The compound is by splitting the rule (yogavibhāga), [taking] 'caturthī' [by itself from 'caturthī tadarthārthabalihitasukharakṣitaiḥ' (A 2.1.36)].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 222

—वैयाकरणा—व्याकरणे भवा वैयाकरणी । ‘अणृगयनादिभ्यः’ इत्यण् । सा चासावाख्या चेति कर्मधारयः ॥—आत्मन इत्येवेति । इह ‘आत्मनः’ इत्यनुवर्त्य ‘वैयाकरणाख्यायां चतुर्थ्या अलङ्क्’ इति व्याख्याने तु ‘परस्य च’ इत्युत्तरसूत्रं त्यक्तुं शक्यमित्याहुः ॥ —आत्मनेभाषा इति । यद्यपीयमाख्या अष्टाध्याय्यां नास्ति, तथापि धातुपाठेऽस्तीति भावः ॥ प्रकृतिविकृतिभावविरहात् ‘रन्धनाय स्थाली’ इतिवत्समासाभावमाशङ्क्याह—योगविभागादिति । इहालुविधिसामर्थ्यादपि समासः सुवचः

Bālamanoramā

वैयाकरणाख्यायां चतुर्थ्याः परस्य च - परस्य च । वैयकरणाख्यायां परशब्दस्यापि चतुथ्र्या अलुगित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB: vaiyākaraṇī = 'vyākaraṇe bhavā', with aṇ by 'aṇ ṛgayanādibhyaḥ' (A 4.3.73), in karmadhāraya with ākhyā; 'ātmana ity eva' = ātmanaḥ is carried forward from 'ātmanaś ca' (A 6.3.6). TB adds that ātmanebhāṣā, though not a designation found in the Aṣṭādhyāyī, occurs in the Dhātupāṭha. Followed.
commentary TB on 'yogavibhāgāt': since there is no prakṛti–vikṛti relation, a compound might be doubted, as in randhanāya sthālī; hence Bhaṭṭoji resorts to yogavibhāga; TB adds that the compound could equally be justified by the force of the aluk provision itself (aluk-vidhi-sāmarthya). TB also records the view of some that, if the rule were explained as 'aluk of the caturthī in a grammarians' designation' [without ātmanaḥ — the OCR reads 'anuvartya', where 'ananuvartya' seems intended], the next sūtra 'parasya ca' could be dispensed with.
textual The balamanorama block attached to this unit (pratīka 'vaiyākaraṇākhyāyāṃ caturthyāḥ parasya ca') is Vāsudeva's comment on the next sūtra 'parasya ca' (A 6.3.8, SK 965), not on this one; BM contributes nothing to this unit's reading.

SK 965 · A 6.3.8V

परस्य च ॥ ९६५ ॥

parasya ca

parasya ca — And [the caturthī] after para [is not elided] in a grammarians' designation.

Rule. And after para "another", the caturthī is not elided in a grammarians' designation. Both caturthyāḥ and vaiyākaraṇākhyāyām are carried forward from SK 964.

Example.

parasmai padam "the ending for another" → the caturthī of para is parasmai → parasmai + pada → the ending is kept → parasmaipadam.

Likewise parasmaibhāṣāḥ, roots conjugated with those endings.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

परस्मैपदम् । परस्मैभाषाः ॥

parasmaipadam ['the word for another' — the active endings]. parasmaibhāṣāḥ [roots so conjugated].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 222

—परस्य च । परशब्दस्य च या चतुर्थी तस्या अलङ्क् स्याद्वैयाकरणाख्यायाम्

translator notes

commentary TB construes: the caturthī after the word para is not elided (aluk) in a grammarians' designation (vaiyākaraṇākhyāyām) — both 'caturthyāḥ' and 'vaiyākaraṇākhyāyām' carried forward from 'vaiyākaraṇākhyāyāṃ caturthyāḥ' (A 6.3.7). Followed. (The OCR reads 'alaṅk' for aluk.)

SK 966 · A 6.3.9V

हलदन्तात् सप्तम्याः संज्ञायाम् ॥ ९६६ ॥

haladantāt saptamyāḥ saṃjñāyām

haladantāt saptamyāḥ saṃjñāyām — The saptamī after [a first member] ending in a hal or in a [is not elided] when [the compound] is a name.

Rule. After a first member ending in a hal (a consonant) or in a, the saptamī is not elided when an uttarapada follows and the compound is a name.

Example.

tvaci sāraḥ "pith in the bark" → tvac ends in a consonant → tvac + i + sāra → the saptamī -i is kept because the compound is a name → tvacisāraḥ, a name of bamboo. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that this is a bahuvrīhi whose two members are not in the same case (a vyadhikaraṇa bahuvrīhi), and that this very form is the jñāpaka that licenses such a compound.

The second consonant-final example, yudhiṣṭhiraḥ, and the a-final example, araṇyetilakāḥ, are given under SK 967 (Section I), where the ṣatva rule that they also need is taught.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "ending in a hal or in a"? A first member ending in ī or i gets no aluk: nadīdohaḥ (SK 968) and guptibandhaḥ (SK 971).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हलन्ताददन्ताच्च सप्तम्या अलुक् संज्ञायाम् । त्वचिसारः ॥

After [a first member] ending in a hal and after one ending in a, the saptamī is not elided (aluk) when [the compound] is a name. tvacisāraḥ ['pith in the bark' — bamboo].

Bālamanoramā

हलदन्तात् सप्तम्याः संज्ञायाम् - हलदन्तात् । त्वचिसार इति । अत एव ज्ञापकाद्व्यधिकरणपदो बहुव्रीहिः ।वंशे त्वक्सारकर्मारत्वचिसारतृणध्वजाः॑ इत्यमरः । अथ हलन्तस्योदाहरणान्तरं वक्ष्यति — युधिष्ठिर इति । अत्रअजिरशिशिसस्थिरे॑त्युणादिसूत्रेण स्थाधातोः किरचि स्थिरशब्दो व्युत्पादितः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: tvacisāraḥ is a bahuvrīhi with non-coreferential members (vyadhikaraṇapada), sanctioned by this very form as a jñāpaka; Amara lists it among names of bamboo ('vaṃśe tvaksārakarmāratvacisāratṛṇadhvajāḥ'). tvacisāraḥ illustrates the hal-final case (tvac); BM says a further hal-final example, yudhiṣṭhiraḥ, will be given later (under 'gaviyudhibhyāṃ sthiraḥ', A 8.3.95, SK 967), where sthira is derived from sthā by the uṇādi affix kirac. The a-final example is araṇyetilakāḥ, also under SK 967.

SK 967 · A 8.3.95V

गवियुधिभ्यां स्थिरः ॥ ९६७ ॥

gaviyudhibhyāṃ sthiraḥ

gaviyudhibhyāṃ sthiraḥ — After gavi and yudhi, [the s] of sthira [becomes ṣ].

Rule. After gavi and yudhi, the s of sthira "firm" becomes ṣ. Gavi and yudhi are the seventh-case forms of go "cow, ox" and yudh "battle", quoted in the sūtra as they sound (an anukaraṇa, an imitation). The genitive saḥ "of s" is carried forward from saheḥ sāḍaḥ saḥ (A 8.3.56), and Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read the nominative sthiraḥ as a genitive: "the s of sthira".

Example.

gavi sthiraḥ "firm on the ox" → go + i → the o gives way to the substitute av → gavi, the saptamī kept → gavi + sthira → the s of sthira stands after i and is not word-final → it becomes ṣ → gaviṣthira → the th after ṣ becomes the retroflex ṭh (this retroflexing of a dental after ṣ is ṣṭutva) → gaviṣṭhiraḥ.

yudhi sthiraḥ "firm in battle" → yudh is a consonant-final stem, so SK 966 keeps its saptamī -i in a name → yudhi + sthira → s becomes ṣ → yudhiṣṭhiraḥ, the name of Dharmaputra. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that yudh here is the root with the affix kvip in the sense of the action, and that sthira is made from sthā with the affix kirac of the Uṇādi list.

araṇye tilakāḥ → araṇya is a-final, so SK 966 keeps its saptamī in a name → araṇyetilakāḥ. The locative compound rests on saṃjñāyām (SK 721), since tilaka is not in the śauṇḍādi list.

Applies when / blocked by. Two things are special about gaviṣṭhiraḥ. First, the keeping of the ending rests on nothing but the sūtra's own wording gavi: Bhaṭṭoji says the aluk "follows from the very word gavi". His commentators explain why no ordinary rule could give it. The luk of the ending is an outer (bahiraṅga) operation, and by a maxim it beats even inner (antaraṅga) ones. So it would apply before the av of gavi ever arose, and there would be no consonant-final stem for SK 966 to work on. Second, the ṣatva itself needs a rule of its own, because the general ṣatva rule for an s that is a substitute or part of an affix, ādeśapratyayayoḥ (A 8.3.59), is blocked here by sāt padādyoḥ (A 8.3.111).

A vārttika, hṛddyubhyāṃ ca, adds two non-names: after hṛd "heart" and div "sky" the saptamī is not elided. SK 970 cannot give hṛdispṛk from the body-part word hṛd, because it carries saṃjñāyām.

hṛdi + spṛś "touching the heart" → hṛdispṛk; the stem hṛd replaces hṛdaya before the ending by A 6.1.63.

divi + spṛś "touching the sky" → divispṛk.

Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note, from the Bhāṣya, that in both the saptamī stands for the object by the very force of the aluk provision.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आभ्यां स्थिरस्य सस्य षः स्यात् । गविष्ठिरः । अत्र गवीति वचनादेवालुक् । युधिष्ठिरः । अरण्येतिलकाः । अत्र संज्ञायाम् SK 721इति सप्तमीसमासः ।

After these two, ṣ replaces the s of sthira. gaviṣṭhiraḥ. Here the non-elision (aluk) [of the saptamī] follows from the very wording 'gavi' [in the sūtra]. yudhiṣṭhiraḥ. araṇyetilakāḥ. Here the saptamī-compound is by 'saṃjñāyām' (SK 721).

vārttika

हृद्द्युभ्यां च

(vārttika) hṛddyubhyāṃ ca — And after hṛd and div [the saptamī is not elided].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ हृदिस्पृक् । दिविस्पृक् ॥

(vārttika) hṛdispṛk. divispṛk.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 222

—गवियुधि—स्थिरशब्दोऽयम् ‘अजिरशिशिर—’ इत्यौणादिकः किरच्प्रत्ययान्तस्तिष्ठतेर्निष्पन्नः । ‘सात्पदाद्योः’ इति निषेधे प्राप्ते वचनारम्भः ॥ —वचनादेवेति । न च लुकं वाधित्वा परत्वादन्तरङ्गत्वाच्चावादेशे ‘हलदन्तात्सप्तम्याः—’ इत्येवालुक् सिध्यतीति वाच्यम् । ‘अन्तरङ्गानपि विधीन् वहिरङ्गो लुग् वाधते’ इति लुको वलीयस्त्वादिति भावः ॥—हृदिस्पृक् दिविस्पृगिति । हृदयं दिवं च स्पृशतीति विग्रहः । अलुविधिसामर्थ्यात्कर्मणि सप्तमी, कर्मणोऽधिकरणत्वविवक्षया वा

Bālamanoramā

गवियुधिभ्यां स्थिरः - तत्रआदोशप्रत्यययो॑रिति षत्वस्यसात्पदाद्यो॑रिति निषेधे प्राप्ते इदमारभ्यते — गवियुधिभ्यां स्थिरः । गवीसि युधीति च सप्तम्या अनुकरणम् । 'स्थिर' इति प्रथमा षष्ठर्थे । 'सहेः साडः सः' इत्यस्मात्स इति षष्ठन्तमनुवर्तते ।अपदान्तस्य मूर्धन्यः॑ इत्यधिकृतम् । तदाह — आभ्यामिति । ननुअन्तरङ्गानपि विधीन्बहिरङ्गो लुग्बाधते॑ इति परिभाषयाऽवादेशात्पूर्वमेव ङेर्लुकि प्रवृत्ते हलन्तत्वाऽभावात्कथमिहाऽलुगित्यत आह — अत्र गवीति । युधिष्ठिर इति । युध्धातोर्भावे क्विपि युध्शब्दात्सप्तम्येकवचनम् । हलन्तत्वादलुक्, षत्वं च । पाण्डवस्य धर्मपुत्रस्य नामेदम् । तदेवं हलन्तादलुकं प्रापञ्च्य अदन्तादलुकमुदाहरति — अरण्येतिलका इति । ननु तिलकशब्दस्य शौण्डादिगणेऽभावात्कथं तेन सप्तमीसमास इत्यत आह — अत्र संज्ञायामिति । ह्मद्युभ्यां चेति । ह्मच्छब्दाद्दिव्शब्दाच्च सप्तम्या अलुग्वक्तव्य इत्यर्थः । असंज्ञार्थमिदम् । ह्मदिस्पृगिति ।पद्द॑न्निति ङौ ह्मदयस्य ह्मदादेशः । ह्मदयं स्पृशतीत्यर्थः । दिविस्पृगिति । दिवं स्पृशतीत्यर्थः । इहोभयत्रापि सप्तम्या अलुग्विधानबलादेव कर्माणि सप्तमीति भाष्यम् ।अमूर्धमस्तका॑दित्यनेन त्वलुङ्न सिध्यति, तत्र संज्ञायामित्यनुवृत्तेः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the rule is begun because the ṣatva due by 'ādeśapratyayayoḥ' (A 8.3.59) is blocked by 'sāt padādyoḥ' (A 8.3.111); 'gavi' and 'yudhi' are imitations (anukaraṇa) of saptamī forms; 'sthiraḥ' is a nominative in the sense of the genitive; 'saḥ' (genitive) is carried forward from 'saheḥ sāḍaḥ saḥ' (A 8.3.56) and 'apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ' (A 8.3.55) governs — hence 'ābhyāṃ sthirasya sasya ṣaḥ'. Followed.
commentary BM and TB on 'vacanād eva': the objection is that by the paribhāṣā 'antaraṅgān api vidhīn bahiraṅgo luk bādhate' the luk of ṅi would apply before the av-substitute, leaving no consonant-final stem for 'haladantāt saptamyāḥ saṃjñāyām' (A 6.3.9), so aluk in gaviṣṭhira can rest only on the sūtra's own form 'gavi'. TB adds that one cannot argue that av, being para and antaraṅga, precedes luk, precisely because the luk is the stronger by that paribhāṣā. Followed.
commentary BM: yudhiṣṭhira = saptamī singular of yudh (kvip in bhāva); being consonant-final it keeps the saptamī and takes ṣatva; the name of Dharmaputra. Having illustrated aluk after a consonant-final stem, Bhaṭṭoji illustrates it after an a-final stem with araṇyetilakāḥ; since tilaka is not in the śauṇḍādi list, the saptamī-compound rests on 'saṃjñāyām' (A 2.1.44). TB: sthira is the uṇādi kirac formation from sthā ('ajiraśiśira…').
commentary BM: the vārttika states aluk of the saptamī after hṛd and div, for non-names (asaṃjñārtham), since 'amūrdhamastakāt' (A 6.3.12) cannot give it, 'saṃjñāyām' being carried forward there; hṛd for hṛdaya before ṅi by 'paddan…' (A 6.1.63); hṛdispṛk = touches the heart, divispṛk = touches the sky; in both the saptamī stands for the object (karman) by the very force of the aluk provision — so the Bhāṣya. TB: the same, or by treating the object as a locus (adhikaraṇa).

SK 968 · A 6.3.10V

कारनाम्नि च प्राचां हलादौ ॥ ९६८ ॥

kāranāmni ca prācāṃ halādau

kāranāmni ca prācāṃ halādau — And in a name of a tax (kāra) [current] among the easterners, when a consonant-initial [uttarapada] follows, [the saptamī after a consonant-final or a-final stem is not elided].

Rule. In a name of a tax (kāra, the king's share) current among the easterners (prāñcaḥ), the saptamī after a consonant-final or a-final first member is not elided when a consonant-initial uttarapada follows.

Example.

mukuṭe kārṣāpaṇam "a kārṣāpaṇa coin on the crown" → mukuṭa + e + kārṣāpaṇa → kārṣāpaṇa begins with a consonant; the compound is an eastern tax-name → the saptamī -e is kept → mukuṭekārṣāpaṇam.

dṛṣadi māṣakaḥ "a māṣaka on the grindstone" → dṛṣad + i + māṣaka → dṛṣadimāṣakaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. These forms are names after a consonant- or a-final stem, so SK 966 would already give them. The sūtra therefore works as a niyama, a restriction, and Bhaṭṭoji reads it three ways: only in a tax-name, only among the easterners, only before a consonant-initial member. The counter-examples show each limit. abhyāhitapaśuḥ is an eastern name, but of something other than a tax: no aluk. yūthapaśuḥ is not eastern: no aluk. avikaṭoraṇaḥ has a vowel-initial last member (uraṇa "a ram"; avikaṭa "a flock of sheep" is formed with the affix kaṭac): no aluk. And nadyāṃ dohaḥ → nadīdohaḥ, the tax levied at a river-crossing, has an ī-final first member: no aluk.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रचां देशे यत्कारनाम तत्र हलादावुत्तरपदे हलदन्तात्सप्तम्या अलुक् । मुकुटेकार्षापणम् । दृषदिमाषकः । पूर्वेण सिद्धे नियमार्थम् । कारनाम्न्येव, प्राचामेव, हलादावेवेति । कारनाम्नि किम् । अभ्याहितपशुः । कारादन्यस्यैतद्देशस्य नाम । प्राचां किम् । यूथपशुः । हलादौ किम् । अविकटोरणः । हलदन्तात्किम् । नद्यां दोहो नदीदोहः ॥

In whatever is a name of a tax (kāra) in the country of the easterners (prāñcaḥ), the saptamī after a consonant-final or a-final [stem] is not elided when a consonant-initial uttarapada follows. mukuṭekārṣāpaṇam. dṛṣadimāṣakaḥ. Since [this] is already established by the preceding [rule, 'haladantāt saptamyāḥ saṃjñāyām' (A 6.3.9)], [the sūtra] serves a restriction (niyama): only in a name of a tax, only among the easterners, only when a consonant-initial [uttarapada] follows. Why 'in a name of a tax'? abhyāhitapaśuḥ — [this is] the name of something of that country other than a tax. Why 'among the easterners'? yūthapaśuḥ. Why 'when a consonant-initial follows'? avikaṭoraṇaḥ. Why 'after a consonant-final or a-final'? nadyāṃ dohaḥ → nadīdohaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 222–223

—अवि- कटोरण इति । ‘संघाते कटच्’ इति कटच्छ्रत्ययान्तः । उरणो मेषः

Bālamanoramā

कारनाम्नि च प्राचां हलादौ - कारनाम्नि । यत्रकारनामेति । राजग्राह्रो भागः करः, स एव कारः, तद्विशेषवाचक इत्यर्थः । नियमार्थमिति ।प्राचां देशे हलादौ यदि भवति कारनाम्न्येव,॑कारनाम्नि हलादौ चेत्प्राचामेव,॑प्राचां कारनाम्नि चेद्धलादावेवे॑ति नियमत्रयार्थमित्यर्थः । अविकटोरण इति । अविशब्दासङ्घाते कटच् । उपणो मेषः । नद्यामिति । नद्युत्तारणे तात्कालिको दोहः-करः ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 223 १ मतुष्विति—हरदत्तानुसारेणायं पाठः । मतिष्विति युक्तः पाठः । एकवच्चेत्यस्यातिप्रसङ्गव्याजेनाप्सुचरादिवदस्य अप्सुमतिरिति माथ्ये उपन्यासात् । २ मूर्खे इति—इदं सिद्धहेमचन्द्रशब्दानुशासनादौ न दृश्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kāra = the king's share, kara; the sūtra means a word denoting a particular kind of it. The three-fold niyama: in the easterners' country before a consonant-initial member, only if it is a tax-name; if a tax-name before a consonant-initial member, only among the easterners; if a tax-name of the easterners, only before a consonant-initial member. Followed for the three 'eva' clauses.
commentary BM and TB: avikaṭoraṇa — kaṭac after avi in the sense of a collection, by the vārttika 'saṅghāte kaṭac' (SK 1830); uraṇa = ram. BM: nadīdoha = the tax (doha) levied at the time of crossing a river.
textual The source reads 'pracāṃ deśe' for prācāṃ deśe (transmitted as is). The editorial_notes attached to this unit (on 'matuṣu' / 'mūrkhe') belong to SK 976 and SK 979, not here.

SK 969 · A 6.3.11V

मध्याद्गुरौ ॥ ९६९ ॥

madhyādgurau

madhyād gurau — [The saptamī] after madhya [is not elided] when guru follows.

Rule. After madhya "middle", the saptamī is not elided when guru "heavy" follows. Saptamyāḥ is carried forward. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take this rule as serving the non-name case, since SK 966 has already covered names.

Example.

madhye guruḥ "heavy in the middle" → madhya + e + guru → the saptamī -e is kept → madhyeguruḥ.

A vārttika, antāc ca, adds anta "end": ante guruḥ → anteguruḥ "heavy at the end".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मध्येगुरुः ।

madhyeguruḥ.

vārttika

अन्ताच्च

(vārttika) antāc ca — And after anta.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अन्तेगुरुः ॥

(vārttika) anteguruḥ.

Bālamanoramā

मध्याद्गुरौ - मध्याद्गुरौ । गुरुशब्दे परे मध्यशब्दात्सप्तम्या अलुक् स्यादित्यर्थः । असंज्ञार्थमिदम् । अन्ताच्चेति । सप्तम्या अलुक्स्याद्गुरौ परे इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM construes: the saptamī after the word madhya is not elided (aluk) when the word guru follows — 'saptamyāḥ' carried forward; and the rule serves the non-name case (asaṃjñārtham), 6.3.9 having covered names. The vārttika likewise: the saptamī [after anta] is not elided when guru follows. Followed.

SK 970 · A 6.3.12V

अमूर्धमस्तकात् स्वाङ्गादकामे ॥ ९७० ॥

amūrdhamastakāt svāṅgādakāme

amūrdhamastakāt svāṅgād akāme — [The saptamī] after [a word for] a svāṅga other than mūrdhan and mastaka [is not elided], provided kāma does not follow.

Rule. After a word for a part of the body (svāṅga) other than mūrdhan and mastaka, both meaning "head", the saptamī is not elided when an uttarapada follows, provided that uttarapada is not kāma "desire". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read saṃjñāyām "when a name" into this rule as well.

Example.

kaṇṭhe kālaḥ "black in the throat" → kaṇṭha + e + kāla → the saptamī -e is kept → kaṇṭhekālaḥ, a name of Śiva.

urasi lomā "hair on the chest" → uras + i + loman → urasilomā, someone's name.

Both are bahuvrīhis whose members are not in the same case, and Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take this rule as the jñāpaka that licenses them.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "other than mūrdhan and mastaka"? mūrdhaśikhaḥ, mastakaśikhaḥ "with a tuft on the head": the ending is elided. Why "not before kāma"? mukhe kāmo 'sya → mukhakāmaḥ "whose desire is in the mouth": elided.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कण्ठेकालः । उरसिलोमा । अमूर्धमस्तकात् किम् । मूर्धशिखः । मस्तकशिखः । अकामे किम् । मुखे कामोऽस्य मुखकामः ॥

kaṇṭhekālaḥ. urasilomā. Why 'other than mūrdhan and mastaka'? mūrdhaśikhaḥ. mastakaśikhaḥ. Why 'provided kāma does not follow'? mukhe kāmo 'sya → mukhakāmaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

अमूर्धमस्तकात् स्वाङ्गादकामे - अमूर्धमस्तकात् । मूर्धंमस्तकशब्दवर्जितात्स्वाङ्गवाचकात्सप्तम्या अलुक्स्यात्, नतु कामशब्दे उत्तरपदे इत्यर्थः । अत्र संज्ञायामित्यनुवर्तते । अत एवह्मद्द्युभ्यां चे॑त्यत्र ह्मद्ग्रहणमर्थवत् । कण्ठेकाल इति । शिवस्य नाम । उरसिलोमेति । कस्यचिन्नाम । अत एव ज्ञापकाद्व्यधिकरणपदो बहुव्रीहिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM construes: the saptamī after a word denoting a svāṅga, excluding the words mūrdhan and mastaka, is not elided (aluk), but not when the word kāma is the uttarapada; and 'saṃjñāyām' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) into this rule — which is precisely what gives point to the mention of hṛd in the vārttika 'hṛddyubhyāṃ ca' (SK 967). kaṇṭhekālaḥ is a name of Śiva; urasilomā is someone's name; both are bahuvrīhis with non-coreferential members, licensed by this very jñāpaka. Followed.

SK 971 · A 6.3.13V

बन्धे च विभाषा ॥ ९७१ ॥

bandhe ca vibhāṣā

bandhe ca vibhāṣā — And when bandha follows, [the saptamī after a consonant-final or a-final stem is] optionally [not elided].

Rule. And when bandha "binding" follows, the saptamī after a consonant-final or a-final first member is optionally not elided. Bhaṭṭoji supplies haladantāt from SK 966; his commentators take bandha as the noun formed with the affix ghañ.

Example.

haste bandhaḥ "a binding on the hand" → hasta + e + bandha → the option: keep the saptamī → hastebandhaḥ; or let it be elided → hastabandhaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "after a consonant-final or a-final"? After the i-final gupti only guptibandhaḥ is formed. Bhaṭṭoji names no compound type for hastebandhaḥ; scholars discuss whether it is a tatpuruṣa made by saṃjñāyām (SK 721) or a bahuvrīhi, given the bar in SK 977.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हलदन्तात्सप्तम्या अलुक् । हस्तेबन्धः हस्तबन्धः हलदन्तेति किम् । गुप्तिबन्धः ॥

[Optionally,] the saptamī after a consonant-final or a-final [stem] is not elided. hastebandhaḥ, hastabandhaḥ. Why 'after a consonant-final or a-final'? guptibandhaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 223–224

—वन्धे च विभाषा । वन्ध इति घञन्तः ॥—हस्तेवन्ध इति । बहुव्रीहिरयम् । तत्पुरुषे तु ‘नेन्सिद्धवभ्रातिषु च’ इति वक्ष्यमाणेन निषेध एवेत्याहुः ॥—अप्सव्य इति । दिगादिलावति ओर्गुणे वान्तादेशः ॥ प्राचा तु यतः स्थाने जं पठित्वा ‘अप्सुजः’ इत्युदाहतं तदाकरविरुद्धम् । ‘जे चरे च वक्तव्यम् । अप्सुजः अप्सुचरः’ इति भाष्ये वचनान्तरदर्शनाच्च ॥ केचित्तु ‘अप्सुजः’ इत्युक्तोदाहरणद्वयेऽपि ‘हलदन्तात्’—इत्यलुकमाहुः ॥—अप्सुमन्ताविति । कारीर्याम् ‘अप्सुग्रे सधिष्ठव’ ‘अप्सु मे सोमो अव्रवीत्’ इत्याज्यभागमन्त्रौ स्तः । तत्र ह्यप्सुशब्दोऽस्तीति तद्वारा आज्यभागयोरप्यप्सुमत्त्वम् ॥ प्राचा तु ‘मतिषु’ इति पठित्वा ‘अप्सुमतिः’ इत्युदाहतम् ॥ अत्र केचित् । अप्स्वित्येतदनुकरणशब्दः, सप्तम्यन्तो वा । आद्ये सप्तम्यन्तात्प्रथमाया अभावेन मतुवेव दुर्लभः । अन्त्ये तु लुकः प्राप्तिरेव नास्ति सप्तम्यभावात् । तथा च ‘मतिषु’ इति प्राचोक्तः पाठ एव युक्तः । न च स पाठो भाष्यादौ न दृष्ट इति वाच्यम् । ‘मतिषु’ इति पाठस्य ‘अप्सुमतिः’ इत्युदाहरणस्य च भाष्यवृत्त्यादिपुस्तकेषु दृश्यमानत्वेन मतुष्विति पाठस्यैव काप्यदर्शनात् व्यर्थत्वाच्च । ‘अस्यवामीयम्’ ‘कथाशुभीयम्’ इत्यादाविव लुकिकर्तव्ये ‘प्रकृतिवदनुकरणम्’ इत्यतिदेशाप्रवृत्त्यैवेष्टसिद्धेरित्याहुः ॥—नेन्सिद्धव—॥—चक्रवन्ध इति । ‘तत्पुरुषे’ इत्यनुवृत्तेस्तत्पुरुष एवायं निषेधः । बहुव्रीहौ तु ‘वन्धे च विभाषा’ इति विकल्प एव ॥—पश्यतोहर इति । ‘पश्यन्तमनादृत्य हरति’ इत्यर्थः । ‘षष्ठी चानादरे’ इति षष्ठी ॥—देवानामिति । मूर्खा हि देवानां प्रीतिं जनयन्तीति देवपशुत्वादिति मनोरमा । अयं भावः । ब्रह्मज्ञानरहितत्वात्संसारिणो मूर्खाः । ते तु यागादिकर्माण्यनुतिष्ठन्तः पुरोडाशादिप्रदानद्वारा देवानामत्यन्तं प्रीतिं जनयन्ति । ब्रह्मज्ञानिनस्तु न तथा, तेषां यागाद्यनुष्ठानाभावात् । अतो गवादिस्थानापन्नत्वान्मूर्खा एव देवपशव इति ॥—शेषपुच्छेति । शुन इव शेषमस्य शुनःशेषः ॥ यद्यपि शेषसशब्दः सकारान्तः ‘गौर्लिङ्गं चिह्नशेषसोः’ इत्यमरप्रयोगात् । तथापि शीडो निपातनादौणादिके पप्रत्यये अकारान्तोऽप्यस्त्येव ॥ तथा च मन्त्रः ‘यस्यामुशन्तः प्रहराम शेषम्’ इति ॥ ‘चिह्नशेषयोः’ इति पाठे तु शेषशब्दस्य सकारान्तत्वशङ्कैव नास्तीति वोध्यम् ॥ शुनःपुच्छ इत्यादा- वपि बहुत्रीहिः, त्रयोऽप्यमी ऋषिविशेषाणां संज्ञाः ॥—‘मानुःपितृभ्याम्’ इति सूत्रे ‘समासेऽङ्कलैः सङ्गः’ इत्यतः समास इत्यनुवर्तितम् । तत्फलं दर्शयति—असमासे त्विति । बाक्ये चैकल्पिकमपि षट्वं नेत्यर्थः ॥ इत्यलङ्कृतसमासः ॥ घरूपकल्प-| ‘तरप्तमपौ घः’-'। ‘प्रशंसायां रूपप्’ । ‘चिल वसने’ । ‘चेलद्’ इति पञ्चादौ टित्पठ्यते, डीबर्धम् ॥— प्रत्ययेष्विति । लेखग्रहणेन ‘उत्तरपदाधिकारे प्रत्ययग्रहणे तदन्तप्रहणं नास्ति’ इति ज्ञापयिष्यत इति भावः ॥—ब्राह्मणितरेति । ‘जातेश्च’ इति निषेधात् ‘तसिलादिषु’-' इति न पुंबद्भावः ॥—चैलीति । पञ्चादौ ‘चेलद्’ इति पाठात् ‘टिङ्गा’-' इति डीप् ॥—आमलकीति । आमलकीकुवलीशब्दौ वृक्षे नित्यस्त्रीलिङ्गौ

Bālamanoramā

बन्धे च विभाषा - बन्धे च विभाषा । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — हलदन्तादिति । बस्तेबन्ध इति । संज्ञायामिति सप्तमीत्तपुरुषोऽयम् । इह तत्पुरुष इति संबध्यते, 'बन्ध' इति घञन्तम्, अन्यत्र तुनेन्सिद्धे॑ति निषेध इति स्पष्ट भाष्ये ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 224 सामान्या जिष्ठक् । तदाह—अदन्त आदेश इति । तेन ‘पदगः’ इत्यादि सिद्धम् ॥—पद्या इति । ‘विध्यत्यधनुषा’ इति यत् ॥—पाद्यमिति । ‘पादार्घाभ्यां च’ इति यत् । पूर्वसूत्रे आज्यात्यादिषु प्राण्यङ्गस्यैव करणत्वसंभवादिहापि तद्वचन एव पादशब्दो गृह्यते, न परिमाणवचनः । तेन ‘द्वाभ्यां पादाभ्यां क्रीतं द्विपाद्यं, त्रिपाद्यम्’ इत्यत्र ‘पणपादभाष—’ इति यति पदादेशो न भवति ॥ एतच्च वृत्तिहरदत्तग्रन्थयोः स्पष्टम् ॥—पत्कार्षाति । ‘सुध्यजातौ—’ इति णिनिः ॥—पद्धति-रिति । कर्मणि क्तिन् ॥—ऋचः शो । ‘शे’ इति शस्प्रत्ययस्येदमनुकरणम्, लोमादिषु पादशब्दस्य पाठाभावान्मत्वर्थं शो १ उगितः परेति—विहितेत्यर्थः, तेनेपुमतोऽपत्यं स्त्री ऐपुमती, ततस्तरेत्यत्र नित्यहस्व इति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: Bhaṭṭoji explains the sūtra by supplying its remainder, 'haladantāt' [carried forward from A 6.3.9]; both BM and TB take bandha as ghañ-ending. Followed.
commentary BM and TB differ on the compound hastebandhaḥ. BM: it is a saptamī-tatpuruṣa by 'saṃjñāyām' (A 2.1.44); 'tatpuruṣe' is connected here, 'bandha' is the ghañ formation, and elsewhere [i.e. for forms of badhnāti] the prohibition 'nensiddhabadhnātiṣu ca' (A 6.3.19) applies — so, BM says, the Bhāṣya makes clear. TB: hastebandhaḥ is a bahuvrīhi, since in a tatpuruṣa the prohibition by the forthcoming 'nensiddhabadhnātiṣu ca' would apply (and under that sūtra TB says the prohibition is confined to the tatpuruṣa because 'tatpuruṣe' is carried forward, the option of 'bandhe ca vibhāṣā' holding in the bahuvrīhi). The Kaumudī names no compound type; translated neutrally.

SK 972 · A 6.3.14V

तत्पुरुषे कृति बहुलम् ॥ ९७२ ॥

tatpuruṣe kṛti bahulam

tatpuruṣe kṛti bahulam — In a tatpuruṣa, [the saptamī is] variously (bahulam) [not elided] when [an uttarapada ending in] a kṛt follows.

Rule. In a tatpuruṣa whose uttarapada ends in a kṛt affix, the saptamī is variously (bahulam) not elided. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators carry saptamyāḥ and saṃjñāyām forward, so the rule is for names.

Example.

stambe ramate "delights in a clump of grass" → the kṛt affix ac is added to the root by stambakarṇayo ramijapoḥ (A 3.2.13, SK 2927), and stambe is its upapada → upapada compound stamba + e + rama → the saptamī -e is kept → stamberamaḥ "the elephant".

karṇe japati "whispers in the ear" → the same affix ac → karṇa + e + japa → karṇejapaḥ "the informer".

Applies when / blocked by. "Variously" means that in some cases the ending is elided after all. kuruṣu carati "who moves among the Kurus" → affix ṭa by careṣ ṭaḥ (A 3.2.16) → kurucaraḥ, with luk. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators observe that this absence of aluk is secured by bahulam alone, so haladantāt need not be carried into this rule.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्तम्बेरमः । कर्णेजपः । क्वचिन्न । कुरुचरः ॥

stamberamaḥ. karṇejapaḥ. In some cases [there is] no [aluk]: kurucaraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

तत्पुरुषे कृति बहुलम् - तत्पुरुषे कृति । तत्पुरुषे सप्तम्या बहुलमलुक्स्यात्कृदन्ते उत्तरपदे संज्ञायामित्यर्थः । स्तम्बेरम इति । तृणसमूहः स्तम्बः, तस्मिन् रमत इति स्तम्बेरमो हस्ती । कर्णेजप इति । कर्णे जपति=परदोषमुपांआआविष्करोतीति कर्णेजपः पिशुनः ।स्तम्बकर्णयो रमिजपो॑रित्यच् । उपपदसमासः । क्वचिन्नेति । बहुवग्रहणादिति भावः । कुरुचर इति । 'चरेष्टः' इत्यधिकरण उपपदेः चरेष्टः । उपपदसमासः । यद्यपि हलदन्तादित्यनुवृत्त्यैव सिद्धमिदं, तथापि बहुलग्रहणादेव सिद्धेहलदन्ता॑दिति नानुवर्तनीयमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM construes: in a tatpuruṣa, when the uttarapada ends in a kṛt, the saptamī is variously (bahulam) not elided, when a name — 'saptamyāḥ' and 'saṃjñāyām' carried forward. stamberamaḥ = the elephant, which delights (ramate) in a stamba (a clump of grass); karṇejapaḥ = the informer, who whispers (japati) others' faults in the ear; in both the affix is ac by 'stambakarṇayo ramijapoḥ' (A 3.2.13), and the compound is an upapada-samāsa. 'kvacin na' follows from the word bahula. kurucaraḥ takes ṭa by 'careṣ ṭaḥ' (A 3.2.16) with an adhikaraṇa as upapada, again an upapada-samāsa. BM adds: though [the absence of aluk in kurucara] would already follow from the anuvṛtti of 'haladantāt', the intent is that since it is secured by 'bahulam' alone, 'haladantāt' need not be carried forward here.

SK 973 · A 6.3.15V

प्रावृट्शरत्कालदिवां जे ॥ ९७३ ॥

prāvṛṭśaratkāladivāṃ je

prāvṛṭśaratkāladivāṃ je — [The saptamī] after prāvṛṣ, śarad, kāla and div [is not elided] when ja follows.

Rule. After prāvṛṣ "the rains", śarad "autumn", kāla "time" and div "sky", the saptamī is not elided when ja follows.

Example.

prāvṛṣi + ja → the saptamī -i is kept → prāvṛṣijaḥ.

Likewise śaradijaḥ, kālejaḥ, divijaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. All four first members end in a consonant or in a, and the compounds are names, so SK 966 already gives these forms. Bhaṭṭoji calls this sūtra a prapañca, an elaboration of the preceding rule that adds nothing new.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रावृषिजः । शरदिजः । कालेजः । दिविजः । पूर्वस्यायं प्रपञ्चः ॥

prāvṛṣijaḥ. śaradijaḥ. kālejaḥ. divijaḥ. This is [merely] an elaboration (prapañca) of the preceding [rule].

Bālamanoramā

प्रावृट्शरत्कालदिवां जे - प्रावृट्शरत् । प्रावृट्, शरत्, काल, दिव्-एषां सम्या अलुक् स्याज्ज शब्दे परे संज्ञायामित्यर्थः । ननुहलदन्ता॑दित्येव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — पूर्वस्यैवायं प्रपञ्चेति । विस्तर इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM construes: the saptamī after prāvṛṣ, śarad, kāla and div is not elided (aluk) when the word ja follows, when a name ('saṃjñāyām' carried forward). Objection: these are already secured by 'haladantāt' (A 6.3.9) alone, so why this sūtra? Hence 'pūrvasya … prapañcaḥ' — an elaboration (vistara) of the preceding rule, i.e. 6.3.9. Followed. BM's pratīka reads 'pūrvasyaivāyaṃ prapañcaḥ' (with eva) where the Kaumudī text here has 'pūrvasyāyaṃ'; the sense is unaffected.

SK 974 · A 6.3.16V

विभाषा वर्षक्षरशरवरात् ॥ ९७४ ॥

vibhāṣā varṣakṣaraśaravarāt

vibhāṣā varṣakṣaraśaravarāt — Optionally [the saptamī is not elided] after varṣa, kṣara, śara and vara [when ja follows].

Rule. After varṣa, kṣara, śara and vara, the saptamī is optionally not elided when ja follows. Bhaṭṭoji supplies what the sūtra leaves out: "after these, the saptamī, when ja follows" — saptamyāḥ by anuvṛtti and je from SK 973.

Example.

varṣe + ja → keep the saptamī → varṣejaḥ; or elide it → varṣajaḥ.

Likewise kṣarejaḥ / kṣarajaḥ, śarejaḥ / śarajaḥ, varejaḥ / varajaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यः सप्तम्या अलुक् जे । वर्षेजः । वर्षजः । क्षरेजः । क्षरजः । शरेजः । शरजः । वरेजः । वरजः ॥

After these, the saptamī is [optionally] not elided (aluk) when ja follows. varṣejaḥ / varṣajaḥ. kṣarejaḥ / kṣarajaḥ. śarejaḥ / śarajaḥ. varejaḥ / varajaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

विभाषा वर्षक्षरशरवरात् - विभाषा वर्ष । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — एभ्यस्सप्तम्या इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ebhyaḥ saptamyāḥ' is Bhaṭṭoji's explanation of the sūtra by supplying what it leaves unexpressed (śeṣapūraṇa). BM says no more.
translator The items supplied are 'saptamyāḥ' (by anuvṛtti from A 6.3.9) and 'je' (from the preceding sūtra, A 6.3.15); the optionality is the sūtra's own vibhāṣā, shown by the paired forms. This identification is the translator's, not BM's.

SK 975 · A 6.3.17V

घकालतनेषु कालनाम्नः ॥ ९७५ ॥

ghakālataneṣu kālanāmnaḥ

ghakālataneṣu kālanāmnaḥ — After a name of a time, [the saptamī is optionally not elided] when gha [tarap, tamap], kāla or tana follows.

Rule. After a name of a time, the saptamī is optionally not elided when gha, kāla or tana follows. Gha is the common name of the two comparison affixes tarap "more" and tamap "most" (A 1.1.22). Tana is the affix that makes words like "belonging to the forenoon".

Example. The time-name is pūrvāhṇa "forenoon", and its saptamī is pūrvāhṇe.

Before gha: pūrvāhṇe + tara → pūrvāhṇetare / pūrvāhṇatare; pūrvāhṇe + tama → pūrvāhṇetame / pūrvāhṇatame.

Before kāla: pūrvāhṇe + kāla → pūrvāhṇekāle / pūrvāhṇakāle.

Before tana: pūrvāhṇe + tana → pūrvāhṇetane / pūrvāhṇatane.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that here tarap and tamap are added to the word already carrying its saptamī. They add that pūrvāhṇetane has the affix ṭyu with the augment tuṭ, which supplies the t of tana, by vibhāṣā pūrvāhṇāparāhṇābhyām (A 4.3.24, SK 1392).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सप्तम्या विभाषाऽलुक् स्यात् । घे । पूर्वाह्णेतरे । पूर्वाह्णतरे । पूर्वाह्णेतमे । पूर्वाह्णतमे । काले । पूर्वाह्णेकाले । पूर्वाह्णकाले । तने । पूर्वाह्णेतने । पूर्वाह्णतने ॥

The saptamī is optionally not elided. When gha [follows]: pūrvāhṇetare, pūrvāhṇatare; pūrvāhṇetame, pūrvāhṇatame. When kāla [follows]: pūrvāhṇekāle, pūrvāhṇakāle. When tana [follows]: pūrvāhṇetane, pūrvāhṇatane.

Bālamanoramā

घकालतनेषु कालनाम्नः - घकालतनेषु । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — सप्तम्या इति । घेति घे परे उदाहरणसूचनमिदम् ।तरप्तमपौ घः॑ । पूर्वाह्णेतरे इति । अतिशायने सप्तम्यन्तात्तरप्तमपौ । अत एव तत्तद्विभक्त्यन्तात्तरप्तमपाविति विज्ञायते । कालेति । उदाहरणसूचनमिदम् । पूर्वाह्णेकाले इति । अत एव विशेषणादिसमासोऽपि तत्तद्विभक्त्यन्तानामेव । तनेति । उदाहरणसूचनमिदम् । पूर्वाह्णेतने इति ।विभाषा पूर्वाह्णापराह्णाभ्या॑मिति ठ्युठ्युलौ, तुट् च ।

translator notes

commentary BM: Bhaṭṭoji explains the sūtra by supplying its remainder ('saptamyā vibhāṣā aluk'); 'ghe', 'kāle', 'tane' are headings announcing the examples for each following element (gha = tarap and tamap by 'tarap-tamapau ghaḥ', A 1.1.22). Followed in rendering them as 'When gha [follows]' etc.
commentary BM: in pūrvāhṇetare, tarap/tamap in the sense of excess are added after the saptamī-ending word — from which it is understood that tarap/tamap follow a form ending in its respective vibhakti; likewise the compound with a qualifier etc. (pūrvāhṇekāle) is of forms ending in their respective vibhakti; pūrvāhṇetane has ṭyu/ṭyul with the augment tuṭ by 'vibhāṣā pūrvāhṇāparāhṇābhyām' (A 4.3.24).

SK 976 · A 6.3.18V

शयवासवासिष्वकालात् ॥ ९७६ ॥

śayavāsavāsiṣvakālāt

śayavāsavāsiṣv akālāt — [The saptamī is optionally not elided] after [a word] other than a time-word, when śaya, vāsa or vāsin follows.

Rule. After a first member that is not a time-word, the saptamī is optionally not elided when śaya "lying", vāsa "dwelling" or vāsin "dweller" follows. The option is carried forward from SK 974, as the paired forms show.

Example.

khe śayaḥ "lying in the sky" → kha + e + śaya → kheśayaḥ / khaśayaḥ.

grāme vāsaḥ "dwelling in the village" → grāmevāsaḥ / grāmavāsaḥ.

grāme vāsī "a dweller in the village" → grāmevāsī / grāmavāsī.

Applies when / blocked by. Haladantāt is still carried: after the i-final bhūmi "ground" only bhūmiśayaḥ is formed. A vārttika, apo yoniyanmatuṣu, adds the word ap "water": its saptamī apsu is kept before yoni "origin", before the taddhita affix yat, and before the affix matup "possessing".

apsu yonir utpattir yasya "whose origin is in the waters" → apsuyoniḥ.

apsu bhavaḥ "produced in the waters" → apsu + yat → apsavyaḥ; Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that yat comes by the digādi list (A 4.3.54), and that the u takes guṇa (A 6.4.146), that is, is replaced by o, one of the guṇa vowels a, e, o, and the o then becomes av (A 6.1.79).

apsu + matup → apsumantau, "the two containing apsu", the two ājyabhāga offerings whose mantras have that word.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

खेशयः । खशयः । ग्रामेवासः । ग्रामवासः । ग्रामेवासी । ग्रामवासी । हलदन्तात् इत्येव । भूमिशयः ।

kheśayaḥ / khaśayaḥ. grāmevāsaḥ / grāmavāsaḥ. grāmevāsī / grāmavāsī. 'haladantāt' [is carried forward] just as before: [hence only] bhūmiśayaḥ [bhūmi ending in i].

vārttika

अपो योनियन्मतुषु

(vārttika) apo yoniyanmatuṣu — [The saptamī] after ap [is not elided] when yoni, [the affix] yat, or matup follows.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अप्सु योनिरुत्पत्तिर्यस्य सोऽप्सुयोनिः । अप्सु भवोऽप्सव्यः । अप्सुमन्तावाज्यभागौ ॥

(vārttika) He whose yoni, i.e. origin, is in the waters (apsu) — apsuyoniḥ. What is [produced] in the waters — apsavyaḥ. The two ājyabhāga [offerings], which contain [the word] apsu — apsumantau.

Bālamanoramā

शयवासवासिष्वकालात् - शयवास । शय, वास, वासिन्-एतेषु परेषु कालभिन्नात्सप्तम्या अलुक् स्यादित्यर्थः । अपो योनि । योनिशब्दे यत्प्रत्यये मतुपि च परेऽप्शब्दात्सप्तम्या अलुक् स्यादित्यर्थः । अप्सव्य इति । दिगादित्वाद्यत् । 'ओर्गुणः'वान्तो यी॑त्यवादेशः । अप्सुमन्ताविति । 'अप्सु' इति पदं यदीयमन्त्रयोरस्ति तावप्सुमन्तौ, आज्यभागाविति कर्मविशेषौ ।

translator notes

commentary BM construes: when śaya, vāsa or vāsin follows, the saptamī after [a word] other than a time-word is not elided (aluk). Followed.
translator '[optionally]' in sutra_en: the vibhāṣā of A 6.3.16 is taken as carried forward, inferred from the paired examples (kheśayaḥ / khaśayaḥ etc.); BM does not state it.
commentary BM: the vārttika means that the saptamī after the word ap is not elided when the word yoni, the affix yat, or matup follows. apsavyaḥ: yat because ap is in the digādi group (A 4.3.54); then guṇa by 'or guṇaḥ' (A 6.4.146) and av by 'vānto yi pratyaye' (A 6.1.79) — this derivation is BM's, not the Kaumudī's. apsumantau: the two [mantras] in which the word 'apsu' occurs; ājyabhāgau are two particular rites (karmaviśeṣau). Followed.

SK 977 · A 6.3.19V

नेन्सिद्धबध्नातिषु च ॥ ९७७ ॥

nensiddhabadhnātiṣu ca

nensiddhabadhnātiṣu ca — And [there is] no [aluk of the saptamī] when [an uttarapada] ending in in, siddha, or [a form of] badhnāti follows.

Rule. And there is no aluk of the saptamī when the uttarapada ends in the affix in, or is siddha "accomplished", or is a form of badhnāti "binds". The ending is elided as usual.

Example.

sthaṇḍile śāyī "one who lies on the bare ground" → sthaṇḍila + e + śāyin → śāyin ends in in → the saptamī is elided → sthaṇḍilaśāyī.

sāṃkāśye siddhaḥ "accomplished at Sāṃkāśya" → sāṃkāśyasiddhaḥ.

cakre baddhaḥ "bound to the wheel" → cakrabaddhaḥ; Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that this compound of a saptamī with a kta-word is made by the vārttika sādhanaṃ kṛtā.

Applies when / blocked by. Scholars discuss whether tatpuruṣe is carried into this rule, so that the bar holds in a tatpuruṣa and the option of SK 971 survives in a bahuvrīhi.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इन्नन्तादिषु सप्तम्या अलुङ्न । स्थण्डिलशायी । सांकाश्यसिद्धः । चक्रबद्धः ॥

When [an uttarapada] ending in in and the rest [siddha, and a form of badhnāti] follows, there is no aluk of the saptamī [i.e. the case-ending is elided]. sthaṇḍilaśāyī. sāṃkāśyasiddhaḥ. cakrabaddhaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

नेन्सिद्धबध्नातिषु - नेन्सिद्धबन्धानादिषु च । चक्रबद्ध इति ।साधनं कृते॑ति क्तान्तेन सप्तम्यन्तस्य समासः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: cakrabaddhaḥ is a compound of the saptamī-ending [cakre] with the kta-final [baddha] by the vārttika 'sādhanaṃ kṛtā'. Followed.
textual BM's pratīka in the source reads 'nensiddhabandhānādiṣu ca' against the sūtra's badhnātiṣu; almost certainly a digitization error, left as transmitted.

SK 978 · A 6.3.20V

स्थे च भाषायाम् ॥ ९७८ ॥

sthe ca bhāṣāyām

sthe ca bhāṣāyām — And [there is no aluk of the saptamī] when stha follows, in the spoken language (bhāṣā).

Rule. And there is no aluk of the saptamī when stha "standing" follows, in the spoken language (bhāṣā) as opposed to the Veda.

Example.

same sthaḥ "standing on level ground" → sama + e + stha → the saptamī is elided → samasthaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "in the spoken language"? In the Vedic phrase kṛṣṇo 'syākhareṣṭhaḥ the saptamī of ākhara is kept before stha, and the s then becomes ṣ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators hold that this sūtra negates SK 972 only, not SK 970, by the maxim that a negation bears on the rule immediately before it. Their evidence is that the Bhāṣya accepts kaṇṭhestha with the saptamī kept.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सप्तम्या अलुङ्न । समस्थः । भाषायां किम् । कृष्णोऽस्याखरेष्ठः ॥

There is no aluk of the saptamī [before stha, in bhāṣā]. samasthaḥ. Why 'in bhāṣā'? [In the Veda:] kṛṣṇo 'syākhareṣṭhaḥ [with the saptamī retained].

Bālamanoramā

स्थे च भाषायाम् - स्थे च भाषायाम् ।अनन्तरस्ये॑ति न्यायात्तत्पुरुषे कृती॑त्यस्यैवायं निषेधः । अत एव 'अनेकमन्यपदार्थे' इति सूत्रभाष्येसप्तम्युपमानपूर्वपदस्ये॑ति वार्तिकव्याख्यावसरे कण्ठेस्थः कालो यस्येति विग्रहे कण्ठेस्थशब्दस्य समासत्वमभ्युपगम्य उत्तरपदलोप उपन्यस्तः सङ्गच्छते । यदा तुअमूर्धंमस्तका॑दित्यस्याप्ययं निषेधः स्यात्तर्हि तदसङ्गतिः स्यात्, लुक्प्रसङ्गात् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on rule scope: by the maxim that [a negation or option] bears on the immediately preceding rule (anantarasya), this is a negation of 'tatpuruṣe kṛti bahulam' (A 6.3.14) alone. Evidence: in the Bhāṣya on 'anekam anyapadārthe' (A 2.2.24), while explaining the vārttika 'saptamyupamānapūrvapadasya …', the vigraha 'kaṇṭhe sthaḥ kālo yasya' is given, kaṇṭhestha is accepted as a compound [with the saptamī retained under A 6.3.12], and uttarapada-lopa is proposed — which is coherent only so; were this sūtra a negation of 'amūrdhamastakāt' (A 6.3.12) too, that passage would be incoherent, since luk would then apply. Followed.

SK 979 · A 6.3.21V

षष्ठ्या आक्रोशे ॥ ९७९ ॥

ṣaṣṭhyā ākrośe

ṣaṣṭhyā ākrośe — The sixth (ṣaṣṭhī) [is not elided when an uttarapada follows], when abuse (ākrośa) is meant.

Rule. The ṣaṣṭhī is not elided when an uttarapada follows and abuse (ākrośa, reviling) is meant. Aluk and uttarapade are supplied from the heading.

Example.

caurasya kulam "the family of a thief", said as abuse → caura + asya + kula → the ṣaṣṭhī -asya is kept → caurasyakulam.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "when abuse is meant"? brāhmaṇakulam "a brāhmaṇa's family" is no insult, so the ending is elided. Five vārttikas then lay down fixed forms in which the ṣaṣṭhī is kept:

Vāgdikpaśyadbhyo yuktidaṇḍahareṣu: after vāc, diś and paśyat, before yukti, daṇḍa and hara respectively — vācaḥ + yukti → vācoyuktiḥ "the use of words"; diśaḥ + daṇḍa → diśodaṇḍaḥ; paśyataḥ + hara → paśyatoharaḥ "one who steals while the owner looks on", the ṣaṣṭhī of paśyat coming from ṣaṣṭhī cānādare (A 2.3.38), the rule for a person disregarded.
Āmuṣyāyaṇāmuṣyaputrikāmuṣyakuliketi ca: three ready-made words on amuṣya "of so-and-so". amuṣya apatyam "so-and-so's offspring" → the affix phak, because amuṣya is in the naḍādi list (A 4.1.99, SK 1101) → āmuṣyāyaṇaḥ. amuṣyaputrasya bhāvaḥ "the state of being so-and-so's son" → the affix vuñ, because amuṣyaputra is in the manojñādi list (A 5.1.133, SK 1798) → āmuṣyaputrikā. Likewise āmuṣyakulikā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators call all three nipātana, ready-made forms.
Devānāṃpriya iti ca mūrkhe: devānām + priya → devānāṃpriyaḥ, "dear to the gods", only when it means a fool; otherwise devapriyaḥ.
Śepapucchalāṅgaleṣu śunaḥ: after śvan "dog", whose ṣaṣṭhī is śunaḥ, before śepa, puccha and lāṅgūla "tail" — śunaḥśepaḥ, śunaḥpucchaḥ, śunolāṅgūlaḥ; Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take them as bahuvrīhis that are names of particular sages.
Divasaś ca dāse: after div, before dāsa — divaḥ + dāsa → divodāsaḥ, the name of a royal sage. Scholars discuss the exact wording of this and the preceding vārttika as printed.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चौरस्यकुलम् । आक्रोशे किम् । ब्राह्मणकुलम् ।

caurasyakulam. Why 'when abuse is meant'? brāhmaṇakulam.

vārttika

वाद्गिक्पश्यद्भ्यो युक्तिदण्डहरेषु

(vārttika) vāgdikpaśyadbhyo yuktidaṇḍahareṣu — After vāc, diś and paśyat, [the ṣaṣṭhī is not elided] when yukti, daṇḍa and hara [respectively] follow.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वाचोयुक्तिः । दिशोदण्डः । पश्यतोहरः ।

(vārttika) vācoyuktiḥ. diśodaṇḍaḥ. paśyatoharaḥ.

vārttika

आमुष्यायणामुष्यपुत्रिकामुष्यकुलिकेति च

(vārttika) āmuṣyāyaṇāmuṣyaputrikāmuṣyakuliketi ca — And [the forms] āmuṣyāyaṇa, āmuṣyaputrikā and āmuṣyakulikā.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ आमुष्यापत्यमामुष्यायणः । नडादित्वात्फक् । अमुष्यपुत्रस्य भाव आमुष्यपुत्रिका । मनोज्ञादित्वाद्वुञ् । एवमामुष्यकुलिका ।

(vārttika) The offspring of so-and-so (amuṣya) is āmuṣyāyaṇaḥ; phak, because [amuṣya] belongs to the naḍādi [group]. The state of being so-and-so's son is āmuṣyaputrikā; vuñ, because [amuṣyaputra] belongs to the manojñādi [group]. Likewise āmuṣyakulikā.

vārttika

देवानांप्रिय इति च मूर्खे

(vārttika) devānāṃpriya iti ca mūrkhe — And devānāṃpriya, in the sense of a fool.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अन्यत्र देवप्रियः ।

(vārttika) Otherwise, devapriyaḥ.

vārttika

शेपपुच्छलाङ्गलेषु शुनः

(vārttika) śepapucchalāṅgaleṣu śunaḥ — [The ṣaṣṭhī] after śvan [is not elided] when śepa, puccha or lāṅgūla follows.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ शुनः शेपः । शुनः पुच्छः । शुनोलाङ्गूलः ।

(vārttika) śunaḥśepaḥ. śunaḥpucchaḥ. śunolāṅgūlaḥ.

vārttika

दिवसश्च दासे

(vārttika) divasaś ca dāse — And after div, when dāsa follows.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दिवोदासः ॥

(vārttika) divodāsaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

षष्ठ्या आक्रोशे - षष्ठआ आक्रोशे । 'अलुगुत्तरपदे' इति शेषः । आक्रोशो-निन्दा । वाग्दिक् । वाक्, दिक् , पश्यत्-एतेभ्यः परस्याः षष्ठआ अलुक् स्यात्-युक्ति, दण्ड, हर एतेषु क्रमादुत्तरपदेषु परेष्वित्यर्थः । वाचोयुक्तिरिति । शब्दप्रयोग इत्यर्थः । दिशोदण्ड इति । अधिकरणस्य शेषत्वविवक्षायां षष्ठी । पश्यतोहर इति । पस्यन्तमनादृत्य हरतीत्यर्थः । 'षष्ठी चानादरे' इति षष्ठी । आमुष्यायणेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । एते निपात्यन्ते । अमुष्येति । अमुष्याषत्यमित्यर्थेनडादिभ्यः फगि॑ति फकि आयन्नादेशे आदिवृद्धौ तद्धितान्तत्वात्प्रातिपदिकतया तदवयवत्वात्प्राप्तस्य सुब्लुको निषेधे नस्य णत्वे 'आमुष्यायण' इति रूपमित्यर्थः । अमुष्य पुत्र इति विग्रहे षष्ठीसमासे षष्ठआ अलुकि 'अमुष्यपुत्र' शब्दः । अमुष्यपुत्रस्य भाव इत्यर्थेद्वन्द्वमनोज्ञादिभ्यश्चे॑ति वुञि अकादेशे पुत्रशब्दात्सुपो लुकि आदिवृद्धौ स्त्रीत्वाट्टापिप्रत्ययस्था॑दितीत्त्वे आमुष्यपुत्रिकाशब्द इत्यर्थः । एवमिति । अमुष्य कुलमिति षष्ठीसमासे षष्ठआ अलुकि अमुष्यकुलशब्दाद्बुञादिः पूर्ववदित्यर्थः । देवानामिति । वार्तिकमिदम् ।मूर्खः-अज्ञः ।दिवु क्रीडायाम् । देवाः-क्रीडासक्ता मूर्खाः, तेषां प्रियोषप्रि मूर्ख एव, मूर्खप्रियस्यावश्यं मूर्खत्वादितिअजेर्वी॑त्यत्र कैयटः । शेपपुच्छेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । षष्ठआ अलु॑गिति सेषः । संज्ञायामिति ।भाष्यम् ष शुनश्शेप इति । शुनः शेप इव शेपो यस्येति विग्रहः ।मेढ्रो मेहनशेपसी॑ । शेफशब्दोऽप्यस्ति, 'शेपाय स्वाहा' इति दर्शनात् । शुनःपुच्छ इति । शुनः पुच्छमिव पुच्छं यस्येति विग्रहः । एवं शुनोलाङ्गूल इत्यपि । ऋषिविशेषणां संज्ञा एताः । दिवश्च दासे इति । वार्तिकम् ।षष्ठआ अलु॑गिति शेषः । दिवोदास इति कश्चिद्राजर्षिरयम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: supply 'aluk uttarapade' to the sūtra; ākrośa = reviling (nindā). Followed.
commentary BM: the ṣaṣṭhī after vāc, diś, paśyat is not elided before yukti, daṇḍa, hara respectively (krama); vācoyukti = the use of words (śabdaprayoga); in diśodaṇḍa the ṣaṣṭhī arises when the locus is intended as a mere śeṣa relation; paśyatohara = 'he steals disregarding the one who is watching', the ṣaṣṭhī by 'ṣaṣṭhī cānādare' (A 2.3.38). Followed for 'respectively'.
commentary BM: these three are nipātana. āmuṣyāyaṇa: 'amuṣya apatyam' → phak by 'naḍādibhyaḥ phak' (A 4.1.99) → āyan for phak, ādivṛddhi; the sup-luk that would apply to the whole taddhita-ending prātipadika is prohibited, and n → ṇ. āmuṣyaputrikā: 'amuṣya putraḥ' → ṣaṣṭhī-samāsa with aluk → amuṣyaputra; 'amuṣyaputrasya bhāvaḥ' → vuñ by 'dvandvamanojñādibhyaś ca' (A 5.1.133) → aka, luk of the sup after putra, ādivṛddhi, ṭāp for the feminine, i for a by 'pratyayasthāt kāt pūrvasya…' (A 7.3.44). āmuṣyakulikā the same from 'amuṣya kulam'. Not written into the English, which keeps only the steps the Kaumudī gives.
commentary BM: mūrkha = ignorant; citing Kaiyaṭa under 'ajer vī', devāḥ = fools devoted to play (div = to play), and their favourite is also a fool. Recorded; it does not affect the English. (An alternative explanation attributed to the Tattvabodhinī/Manoramā — fools gratify the gods by sacrifice and are thus the gods' cattle — comes from outside the provided layers; this unit carries no TB block, so it is not relied on.)
commentary BM: supply 'ṣaṣṭhyā aluk' to the vārttika; śunaḥśepa, śunaḥpuccha, śunolāṅgūla are bahuvrīhis ('śunaḥ śepa iva śepo yasya' etc.) and names of particular ṛṣis; BM records the Bhāṣya's condition 'saṃjñāyām' and its form śunaśśepa, and notes the by-form śepha. The source prints śunaḥ śepaḥ and śunaḥ pucchaḥ with a space; written closed in the English as the compounds they are.
commentary BM: supply 'ṣaṣṭhyā aluk'; Divodāsa is a certain royal sage (rājarṣi).
textual The source reads 'śepapucchalāṅgaleṣu' (lāṅgala); the example in k9 and BM's 'śunolāṅgūla' show that lāṅgūla is meant. Transmitted reading kept in the pratīka.
textual The source reads 'divasaś ca dāse'; BM cites the vārttika as 'divaś ca dāse' (after div), which the example divodāsaḥ requires. Transmitted reading kept in the pratīka; the gloss follows BM.

SK 980 · A 6.3.22V

पुत्रेऽन्यतरस्याम् ॥ ९८० ॥

putre'nyatarasyām

putre 'nyatarasyām — [The ṣaṣṭhī is] optionally [not elided] when putra follows [in reproach].

Rule. When putra "son" follows, the ṣaṣṭhī is optionally not elided, in reproach (nindā). The condition of reproach comes from ākrośe carried forward from SK 979.

Example.

dāsyāḥ putraḥ "a slave-girl's son", as a taunt → dāsī + āḥ + putra → keep the ṣaṣṭhī → dāsyāḥputraḥ; or elide it → dāsīputraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "in reproach"? brāhmaṇīputraḥ "a brāhmaṇa woman's son" is not a taunt: only the form with luk.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

षष्ठ्याः पुत्रे परेऽलुग्वा निन्दायाम् । दास्याः पुत्रः । दासीपुत्रः । निन्दायां किम् । ब्राह्मणीपुत्रः ॥

When putra follows, the ṣaṣṭhī is optionally not elided (aluk), in reproach (nindā). dāsyāḥ putraḥ [with the ṣaṣṭhī retained] / dāsīputraḥ. Why 'in reproach'? brāhmaṇīputraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

पुत्रेऽन्यतरस्याम् - पुत्रेऽन्यतरस्यां । निन्दायामिति । 'आक्रोशे' इत्यनुवृत्तिलभ्यमिदम् । स्पष्टं चेदम् 'आनङृतः' इत्यत्र भाष्ये ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'nindāyām' is obtained by the anuvṛtti of 'ākrośe' from 'ṣaṣṭhyā ākrośe' (A 6.3.21); this is made clear in the Bhāṣya on 'ānaṅ ṛtaḥ' (A 6.3.25). Followed.

SK 981 · A 6.3.23V

ऋतो विद्यायोनिसम्बन्धेभ्यः ॥ ९८१ ॥

ṛto vidyāyonisambandhebhyaḥ

ṛto vidyāyonisambandhebhyaḥ — After [a stem] ending in ṛ that denotes a relation through learning (vidyā) or through birth (yoni), [the ṣaṣṭhī is not elided].

Rule. After a first member ending in ṛ that denotes a relation through learning (vidyā-sambandha) or a relation through birth (yoni-sambandha), the ṣaṣṭhī is not elided when an uttarapada follows. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that the sūtra's plural stands for a singular.

Example.

hotuḥ antevāsī "the pupil of a hotṛ" → hotṛ, the priest who performs a particular Ṛgvedic rite, is a word of teaching-relation → hotṛ + uḥ + antevāsin → the ṣaṣṭhī -uḥ is kept → hoturantevāsī (the visarga, the final breath-sound ḥ, becomes r before the vowel).

hotuḥ putraḥ "a hotṛ's son" → hotuḥputraḥ.

pituḥ antevāsī "a father's pupil" → pitṛ is a word of birth-relation → piturantevāsī; pituḥ putraḥ → pituḥputraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika, vidyāyonisambandhebhyas tatpūrvottarapadagrahaṇam, requires that both members, the prior and the last, denote such a relation. So not in hotṛdhanam "a hotṛ's wealth": dhana denotes neither relation, and the ending is elided. Either relation suffices for each member, so hotuḥputraḥ, teaching-word plus birth-word, stands.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विद्यासंबन्धयोनिसंम्बन्धवाचिन ऋदन्तात्षष्ठ्या अलुक् । होतुरन्तेवासी । होतुः पुत्रः । पितुरन्तेवासी । पितुः पुत्रः ।

After an ṛ-final [stem] denoting a relation through learning (vidyā-sambandha) or a relation through birth (yoni-sambandha), the ṣaṣṭhī is not elided. hotur antevāsī. hotuḥ putraḥ. pitur antevāsī. pituḥ putraḥ.

vārttika

विद्यायोनिसंबन्धेभ्यस्तत्पूर्वोत्तरपदग्रहणम्

(vārttika) vidyāyonisambandhebhyas tatpūrvottarapadagrahaṇam — In 'vidyāyonisambandhebhyaḥ', [words denoting] these are to be understood as both the prior and the posterior member.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नेह । होतृधनम् ॥

(vārttika) Not here: hotṛdhanam.

Bālamanoramā

ऋतो विद्यायोनिसम्बन्धेभ्यः - ऋतो विद्यमा । एकत्वे बहुवचनम् ।तदाह-विद्यासंबन्धयोनिसंबन्धवाचिन ऋदन्तादिति । अलुक् स्यादिति ।उत्तरपदे परत॑इति शेषः ।विद्यासंबन्धवाचिनमुदाहरति — होतुरन्तेवासीति । ऋग्वेदविहितकर्मविशेषकर्ता होता । अतो होतृशब्दो विद्यासंबन्धप्रवृत्तिनिमित्तक इति भावः । होतुः पुत्र इति । विद्यासंबन्धवाचिन उदाहरणान्तरमिदम् । अथ योनिसंबन्धवाचिनमुदाहरति — पितुरन्तेवासीति । पितुःपुत्र इति च । ननु 'होतृधनं' पितृधन॒मित्यत्राऽप्यलुक् स्यादित्यत आह — विद्यायोनिसंबन्धेभ्यस्तत्पूर्वोत्तरपदग्रहणमिति ।विद्यायोनिसंबन्धेभ्यः॑ इत्यत्र विद्यासंबन्धयोनिसंबन्धवाचिनोः पूर्वोत्तरपदयोग्र्रहणमित्यर्थः । पूर्वोत्तरपदयोरुभयोरपि विद्यासम्बन्धयोनिसंबन्ध्यान्यतरवाचित्वं विवक्षितमिति भावः ।होतृधनं॒॑पितृधन॑मित्यत्र उत्तरपदस्य विद्यासंबन्धयोनिसंबन्धान्यतरवाचित्वाऽभावान्न षष्ठआ अलुगिति भावः । अन्यतरसंबन्धवाचित्वस्य विवक्षितत्वादेव 'होतुःपुत्र' इत्यादि सिद्धम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the plural in the sūtra stands for a singular; supply 'when an uttarapada follows'. hotṛ, the performer of a particular rite prescribed in the Ṛgveda, is a word whose ground of application is a vidyā-relation, so hotur antevāsī and hotuḥ putraḥ illustrate vidyā-sambandha; pitur antevāsī and pituḥ putraḥ illustrate yoni-sambandha. Followed.
commentary BM: the vārttika answers the objection that hotṛdhanam, pitṛdhanam would also take aluk: both prior and posterior member must denote one or the other relation; in hotṛdhanam the uttarapada denotes neither, so the ṣaṣṭhī is not retained; and because either relation suffices, hotuḥ putraḥ (vidyā + yoni) stands. Followed.

SK 982 · A 6.3.24V

विभाषा स्वसृपत्योः ॥ ९८२ ॥

vibhāṣā svasṛpatyoḥ

vibhāṣā svasṛpatyoḥ — Optionally [the ṣaṣṭhī after an ṛ-final word denoting a relation of learning or of birth is not elided] when svasṛ or pati follows.

Rule. After a first member ending in ṛ, the ṣaṣṭhī is optionally not elided when svasṛ "sister" or pati "husband" follows. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators carry the restriction of SK 981 with ṛdantāt: the first member must denote a relation of learning or of birth.

Example.

mātuḥ svasā "mother's sister" → mātṛ + uḥ + svasṛ → keep the ṣaṣṭhī → mātuḥsvasā; or elide it → mātṛsvasā.

Section I shows what the ṣatva rules then do to the s of svasṛ in each of these two forms.

Applies when / blocked by. Because the restriction is carried, bhoktṛ "an eater", which names no such relation, gets no aluk: bhoktṛsvasā only.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ऋदन्तात्षष्ठ्या अलुग् वा स्वसृपत्योः परयोः ॥

After [a word] ending in ṛ, the ṣaṣṭhī is optionally not elided (aluk) when svasṛ or pati follows.

Bālamanoramā

विभाषा स्वसृपत्योः - विभाषा स्वसृपत्योः । ऋदन्तादिति ।विद्यासंबन्धयोनिसंबन्धान्यतरवाचिन॑ इति शेषः । ततश्चभोक्तृस्वसे॑त्यत्र नातिव्याप्तिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ṛdantāt' is to be completed with 'denoting a relation of learning or a relation of birth' (vidyāsambandhayonisambandhānyataravācinaḥ), carried forward from 'ṛto vidyāyonisambandhebhyaḥ' (A 6.3.23); hence there is no over-application to bhoktṛsvasā. Followed.

SK 983 · A 8.3.85V

मातुःपितुर्भ्यामन्यतरस्याम् ॥ ९८३ ॥

mātuḥpiturbhyāmanyatarasyām

mātuḥpiturbhyām anyatarasyām — After mātuḥ and pituḥ, [the s of svasṛ becomes ṣ] optionally [in a compound].

Rule. After mātuḥ and pituḥ — the sixth-case forms kept by SK 982 — the s of svasṛ optionally becomes ṣ, in a compound. Three words are carried forward: svasā from SK 984 (read as a genitive, "of svasṛ"), the genitive saḥ from A 8.3.56, and samāse "in a compound" from samāse 'ṅguleḥ saṅgaḥ (A 8.3.80).

Example.

mātuḥ + svasā, the aluk form of SK 982 → the option: s becomes ṣ → mātuḥṣvasā; or it stays → mātuḥsvasā.

Likewise pituḥṣvasā / pituḥsvasā.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji closes with "but in the luk alternative —", meaning that for the form with the ending elided a special rule follows: SK 984.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आभ्यां स्वसुः सस्य षो वा स्यात्समासे । मातुःस्वसा । मातुःष्वसा । पितुःष्वसा । पितुःस्वसा । लुक्पक्षे तु ॥

After these two, the s of svasṛ optionally becomes ṣ in a compound. mātuḥsvasā, mātuḥṣvasā; pituḥṣvasā, pituḥsvasā. But in the alternative with luk [of the ṣaṣṭhī] — [the special provision follows].

Bālamanoramā

मातुःपितुर्भ्यामन्यतरस्याम् - पूर्वण नित्ये प्राप्ते विकल्पोऽयम् । अलुक्पक्षे विशेषमाह — मातुःपितुभ्र्यामन्यतरस्याम् ।मातृपितृभ्यामन्यतरस्याम् ।मातृपितृभ्यां स्वसे॑ति पूर्वसूत्रात्स्वसेत्यनुवर्तते । षष्ठर्थे प्रतमा । 'सहेः साडः सः' इति सूत्रात्स इति षष्टन्तं पदमनुवर्तते ।अपदान्तस्य मूर्धन्यः॑ इत्यधिकृतम् । तदाह — आभ्यामिति । 'मातुः'पितु॑रिति षष्ठन्ताभ्यामित्यर्थः । समासे इति ।समासेऽङ्गुलेः सङ्गः॑ इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः ।मातुःष्वसा॒॑पितुःष्वसे॑ति अलुकि षत्वे रूपम् ।मातुःस्वसा॒॑पितुःस्वसे॑त्यलुकि षत्वाभावे रूपम् । लुक्पक्षे त्विति । 'विशेषो वक्ष्यते' इति शेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the preceding rule ['mātṛpitṛbhyāṃ svasā', A 8.3.84] gives obligatory ṣatva; this is the option, stating the special provision for the aluk alternative. 'svasā' is carried forward from that sūtra, as a nominative in the sense of the genitive; the genitive 'saḥ' is carried forward from 'saheḥ sāḍaḥ saḥ' (A 8.3.56); 'apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ' (A 8.3.55) governs; 'mātuḥ', 'pituḥ' are the ṣaṣṭhī-ending forms; 'samāse' is carried forward from 'samāse'ṅguleḥ saṅgaḥ' (A 8.3.80). mātuḥṣvasā, pituḥṣvasā are the forms with aluk and ṣatva; mātuḥsvasā, pituḥsvasā with aluk and without ṣatva. Followed.
commentary BM: to 'lukpakṣe tu' supply 'viśeṣo vakṣyate' — the special rule [for the luk alternative, i.e. 'mātṛpitṛbhyāṃ svasā', SK 984] is about to be stated. Followed in the bracketed supplement.

SK 984 · A 8.3.84V

मातृपितृभ्यां स्वसा ॥ ९८४ ॥

mātṛpitṛbhyāṃ svasā

mātṛpitṛbhyāṃ svasā — [The s of] svasṛ after mātṛ and pitṛ [becomes ṣ, in a compound].

Rule. After mātṛ and pitṛ, the s of svasṛ becomes ṣ, in a compound. This is the luk alternative of SK 982, and here the ṣatva is obligatory. The Kaumudī reads this rule after A 8.3.85, in reverse of the Aṣṭādhyāyī's order.

Example.

mātuḥ svasā "mother's sister" → the ending is elided by SK 982's luk option → mātṛ + svasā → the s becomes ṣ → mātṛṣvasā.

Likewise pitṛṣvasā.

Applies when / blocked by. Only in a compound. In a sentence there is not even the option: mātuḥ svasā, pituḥ svasā, with s unchanged. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators point out that this is the fruit of carrying samāse into the rule. They add why a special rule is needed at all: this s is neither a substitute nor an affix, so no general ṣatva rule reaches it. With this rule the Kaumudī's section on the aluk compounds ends.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आभ्यां परस्य स्वसुः सस्य षः स्यात्समासे । मातृष्वसा । पितृष्वसा । असमासे तु । मातुः स्वसा । पितुः स्वसा ॥

After these two [mātṛ and pitṛ], the s of svasṛ becomes ṣ, in a compound. mātṛṣvasā. pitṛṣvasā. But when there is no compound: mātuḥ svasā. pituḥ svasā.

Bālamanoramā

मातृपितृभ्यां स्वसा - मातृपितृभ्यां स्वसा । स्वसुरिति । सूत्रे षष्ठर्थे प्रथमेति भावः । मातृष्वसा पितृष्वसेति । लुक्पक्षे नित्यमेव षत्वम् । आदेश प्रत्ययसकारत्वाऽभावादप्राप्ते षत्वविधिरयम् । षत्वविधौ समासग्रहमांनुवृत्तेः फलं दर्शयति — असमासे त्विति । वाक्ये वैकल्पिकं षत्वमपि नास्तीत्यर्थः । *****इति बालमनोरमायामलुक्समासः*****अथ तद्धितेष्वपत्याधिकारप्रकरणम् । — — — — — — — — — — — —

translator notes

commentary BM: 'svasuḥ' — in the sūtra the nominative svasā stands in the sense of the ṣaṣṭhī. mātṛṣvasā, pitṛṣvasā are the luk alternative [the aluk forms mātuḥṣvasā etc. fall under A 8.3.85, SK 983], and there the ṣatva is obligatory (nitya). Since the s is neither an ādeśa nor an affix s, ṣatva is not otherwise obtained, so this is a [special] ṣatva rule. 'asamāse tu' shows the fruit of the anuvṛtti of 'samāse' into this ṣatva rule: in a sentence (vākya) not even optional ṣatva occurs. Followed. BM closes the aluk-samāsa section here.

अलुगुसमासप्रकरणम्