tasilādiṣvākṛtvasucaḥ — tasilādiṣvākṛtvasucaḥ. The expression "striyāḥ
puṃvat" ("the feminine [is treated] like the masculine") is carried forward
(anuvṛtti). The "āṄ" in "ā kṛtvasuc" has the sense of abhividhi (inclusive
limit), meaning "pervading up to that [affix, inclusive]." Hence he says: "When
the affixes beginning with tasi and ending in kṛtvasuC [follow]." — The meaning
is: before the affixes enjoined by the sūtras from "pañcamyās tasil" [5.3.7] up
to "saṃkhyāyāḥ kriyābhyāvṛttigaṇane kṛtvasuc." Since there is no following
member (uttarapada), [the general] "striyāḥ puṃvat" would not obtain; this
statement [i.e. the present sūtra] is made for that non-obtaining [case].
Objection: Since til, thyan, and śas are read only after (paratra) kṛtvasuC [in
the Aṣṭādhyāyī sequence], they are not included among "tasi etc."; so when they
follow, the puṃvadbhāva would not obtain in "vṛkatiḥ," "ajathyā," "bahuśaḥ" —
this is under-application (avyāpti). And since "deśya" (from "īṣadasamāptau
kalpabdeśyadeśīyaraḥ") and "rūpya" (from "ṣaṣṭhyā rūpya ca") are included among
"tasi etc.," when they follow, the puṃvadbhāva would [wrongly] obtain in
"paṭvīdeśya" and "śubhrārūpya" — this is over-application (ativyāpti). To this
he says: "parigaṇana" (an enumeration [must be made]). — "avyāpti and ativyāpti":
non-application in a desired locus is avyāpti (under-application); application in
an undesired locus is ativyāpti (over-application). He states the manner of the
enumeration by "tratasau" etc.
bahvīṣu → bahutra — In the sense "among many [females]," from the word
bahvī, by "saptamyās tral" the affix traL [is added]; upon puṃvadbhāva the ṄīṢ
having dropped, the form is bahutra. bahutaḥ — From bahvī, by "pañcamyās
tasil" the affix tasiL; the ṄīṢ drops on account of the puṃvadbhāva.
darśanīyatarā — In the sense "she [who] is the more beautiful of these two,"
from the word darśanīyā, by "dvivacanavibhajyopapade tarabīyasunau" the affix
tarap; upon puṃvadbhāva the ṬāP drops. darśanīyatamā — In the sense "she
[who] is the most beautiful of these [women]," from darśanīyā, by "atiśāyane
tamabiṣṭhanau" the affix tamap; upon puṃvadbhāva the ṬāP drops.
Objection: From the word paṭvī, before tarap and tamap too — in "paṭvītarā,
paṭvītamā" — upon puṃvadbhāva with the ṄīṢ dropping, one would [wrongly] get
"paṭutarā, paṭutamā." To this he says: gharūp[...]. And so, the puṃvadbhāva
being blocked by the shortening (hrasva) [rule], the ṄīṢ does not drop, and upon
its shortening the form is paṭvitarā, paṭvitamā.
paṭucarī — From paṭvī, by "bhūtapūrve caraṭ" [the affix caraṬ]; upon
puṃvadbhāva the ṄīṢ drops. The meaning is "formerly paṭvī [clever]." paṭujātīyā
— From paṭvī, by "prakāravacane jātīyar" [the affix jātīyaR]; upon puṃvadbhāva
the ṄīṢ drops. Meaning: "resembling a clever [woman]." darśanīyakalpā — From
the word darśanīyā, by "īṣadasamāptau [kalpabdeśyadeśīyaraḥ]" the affix kalpaP;
upon puṃvadbhāva the [ṄīṢ] drops. Meaning: "almost beautiful." darśanīyadeśīyā
— From darśanīya, by "īṣadasamāptau" the affix deśīyaR; upon puṃvadbhāva the ṬāP
drops; meaning "fit to be looked at as praiseworthy." darśanīyapāśā — From
darśanīyā, by [the affix] pāśaP in the sense of the contemptible (yāpya); upon
puṃvadbhāva the ṬāP drops. Meaning: "unfit to be looked at, being contemptible."
bahuthā — From bahvī, by "prakāravacane thāl" the affix thāL; upon
puṃvadbhāva the ṄīṢ drops. Meaning: "in many ways."
vṛkatiḥ — With "praśaṃsāyām" carried forward (anuvṛtti), by "vṛkajyeṣṭhābhyāṃ
tiltātilau ca chandasi" the affix til [is added] to the word vṛkī — which ends
in ṄīṢ enjoined by the jāti [rule]; upon puṃvadbhāva the ṄīṢ drops. ajathyā —
Under the adhikāra "tasmai hitam," by "ajāvibhyāṃ thyan" the affix thyaN [is
added] to the word ajā; upon puṃvadbhāva the ṬāP drops. In "vṛkatiḥ" and
"ajathyā," the prohibition of puṃvadbhāva by "jāteś ca [...]" does not [apply],
on the strength of the enumeration (parigaṇana-sāmarthya).
śasi — When śas follows, the puṃvadbhāva of a [word] meaning "many" or
"little" should be stated. This statement is [needed] because [śas] is not
included among those enumerated by "tratasau" etc. bahvībhyaḥ — In the sense
"give to many [females]," by "bahvalpārthāc chas kārakād anyatarasyām" the affix
śas [is added] to the word bahvī; upon puṃvadbhāva the ṄīṢ drops. The word
"dehi" ("give") is [added] to bring out the recipient-kāraka (saṃpradāna).
alpaśaḥ — Meaning "give to few [females]"; upon puṃvadbhāva the ṬāP drops.
tvataloḥ — When the affix tva or tal follows, the puṃvadbhāva of a [word]
denoting a substance in which a quality is subordinate (guṇa-upasarjana-dravya-
vācin) should be stated. kartrītvam — Since the word kartrī has an action
(kriyā) as its ground, it is not a guṇavacana. [Hence puṃvadbhāva does not apply
here.] In the Bhāṣya on the sūtra "ā kaḍārāt [...]" it is established that a
meaningful word-form (arthavat-śabda-rūpa) — other than a compound (samāsa), a
kṛt-final, a taddhita-final, an indeclinable (avyaya), a pronoun (sarvanāman), a
genus-word (jāti), a numeral (saṃkhyā), or a technical-name word (saṃjñā-śabda) —
receives the designation guṇavacana; and here, by the word "guṇavacana," just
this [definition] is intended. But the definition of guṇa given in the Bhāṣya on
"voto guṇavacanāt" — "sattve niviśate 'paiti[...]" ("it enters into a substance
and departs [from it]") — does not operate here. Precisely for this reason, what
is stated in the Bhāṣya on "eka taddhite ca" is consistent: namely that in
"ekasyā bhāvaḥ → ekatvam," since the word eka is not a guṇavacana [being a
numeral], the puṃvadbhāva that would not obtain by "tvatalor guṇavacanasya" is
[therefore] enjoined [separately by "eka taddhite ca"]. But "sakhītvam" and the
like are simply incorrect (asādhu) — the details are in the Śabdenduśekhara.
Objection: In "kṛtārtha" — "she by whom the goal (artha) has been accomplished
(kṛta)," i.e. "kṛtyaṃ yayā sā kṛtārthā," "tasyā bhāvaḥ → kṛtārthatā" — how does
puṃvadbhāva [apply], given that the word kṛtārtha, being a compound (samāsa),
lacks the aforesaid guṇavacana status? To this he says: śaradaḥ. In the
manner just stated under "dṛḍhabhaktiḥ," the word kṛtārtha is first derived with
a general purport (sāmānya-abhiprāya) as "that by which the goal has been
accomplished" (kṛto 'rtho yena tat kṛtārtham), of unspecified gender
(avivakṣita-liṅga); and from that [neuter form] the affix tal is derived.
bhasyāḍhe — When a taddhita other than ḍha follows, the puṃvadbhāva of the
feminine should be stated. The statement is [needed] because it is not included
among those enumerated. hāstikam — Under the adhikāra "tasya samūhaḥ," by
"acittahastidhenor ṭhak" the affix ṭhak; [then] "ṭhasyekaḥ" (the ṭha [of ṭhak] is
replaced by ika). Upon puṃvadbhāva, the ṄīP enjoined by the n-final [rule] drops;
and by "nas taddhite" [there is] elision of the ṭi. — Objection: Even without
puṃvadbhāva, by "yasyeti ca" (elision of the ī-kāra) and the elision of the ṭi,
"hāstikam" is established [anyway]. Response: This should not be said, because
the elision by "yasyeti ca," being an ābhīya operation, is asiddha (suspended),
and by sthānivadbhāva [the elided ī counts as present], so there is no
following-taddhita condition [for the n-stem], and the elision of the ṭi ["nas
taddhite"] would not take place. Nor need one suspect that the establishment
[could come] from the puṃvadbhāva of "ṭhakchasoś ca" [the later vārttika] —
because, by association with "chas" (sāhacarya), only the ṭhak of "bhavataṣ
ṭhakchasau" is taken there, [not this ṭhak of samūha].
rauhiṇeyaḥ — By "varṇād anudāttāt [ṅīp]" the affix ṄīP is added to the word
rohita, and the t becomes n [→ rohiṇī]. In the sense "the offspring of Rohiṇī,"
by "strībhyo ḍhak" the affix ḍhak; the substitute eya [for ḍha]. Were the
puṃvadbhāva of "bhasya[...]" [to apply], both the ṄīP and the n would [wrongly]
drop — hence ḍha is excluded (aḍhe). [The ḍha] is taken [here] — namely [the
ḍha of "strībhyo ḍhak"], on the basis of the [traditional] explanation
(vyākhyāna).
agnāyī — The wife of Agni is agnāyī. By "vṛṣākapyagni[kuśitakumbhapātrāt...]"
the affix ṄīṢ [is added]; the i-kāra of agni is replaced by ai [→ agnāyī]. In
the sense "this [sthālīpāka] whose deity is Agnāyī," by "agner ḍhak" the affix
ḍhak — since, when the prātipadika is mentioned, the gender-qualified form
(liṅgaviśiṣṭa) is also taken; then the substitute eya for ḍha. When puṃvadbhāva
applies, the ṄīṢ and the ai-substitution being removed, once "agni-eya" stands,
by "yasyeti ca" the i-kāra is elided, and by initial vṛddhi (ādi-vṛddhi) the form
is āgneya. But were puṃvadbhāva prohibited [here], one would get "āgnāyeya." — In
truth, however: the ground of application (pravṛtti-nimitta) for the word "agni"
in the masculine is agni-hood (agnitva), whereas in the feminine [agnāyī] it is
the relation-to-Agni (agni-saṃbandha); so, on account of this very difference in
the ground of application (pravṛtti-nimitta-bheda), there is no puṃvadbhāva here.
The word sapatnī [is derived] in three ways — "because of a difference in
derivation (vyutpādana-bheda)" is to be supplied. From [sapatna as] a synonym
for enemy — because of the lexicon (kośa): "ripau vairisapatnāridviṣaddveṣaṇa-
duṣhmadaḥ" [listing synonyms for "enemy"]. This [sapatna] is bhāṣitapuṃska.
The marriage-bond (vivāha-nibandhana) — meaning "grounded in the particular
sacrament produced by marriage," on the authority of the smṛti "patitvaṃ saptame
pade" ("husband-hood [arises] at the seventh step"). After "āśritya" (resting
on), "pravṛtta" (arising) is to be supplied. "samānaḥ patir yasyāḥ" is a
bahuvrīhi; by the irregular formation (nipātana) "nityaṃ sapatnyādiṣu," [samāna
becomes] sa-, with ṅīp and the n-substitution [→ sapatnī]. Inherently feminine
(nitya-strīliṅga) — because the sa-substitution etc. for the "pati" denoting
the marriage-bond is enjoined only when the other-word-referent (anyapadārtha,
i.e. the wife) is feminine; and because of the lexicon "patir nāma ghavaḥ."
Of the first two — meaning: of the two sapatnī-words that arise resting
respectively on the word sapatna (synonym for enemy) and on the word pati
(denoting the marriage-bond).
sāpatna — In the sense "offspring of a co-wife (sapatnī)": setting aside the
aṆ of "tasyāpatyam," the ḍhak of "strībhyo ḍhak" obtains, [but] by "śivādibhyo
'ṇ" the aṆ [applies]; and since the first sapatnī-word is bhāṣitapuṃska, upon
puṃvadbhāva the ṄīN drops, [giving] "sāpatna." But the n-kāra does not also drop,
because — the word sapatna (synonym for enemy) being an underived prātipadika
(avyutpanna) — its n is not grounded in femininity. As for the second
sapatna-word — which arises with ṅīp and the n-substitution — once the śivādi aṆ
is applied, since it is not bhāṣitapuṃska there is no puṃvadbhāva; rather, by the
elision of ṅīp through "yasyeti ca," the form is again "sāpatna." Were
puṃvadbhāva to apply [here], both the ṅīp and the n would drop and one would get
"sāpata."
But from the third — the construction is: from the sapatnī-word that arises
resting on the word pati as a synonym for "master" (svāmi-paryāya), [there
applies] only the ṆyA characterized by "pati" as final member. In the sense
"offspring of a co-wife," setting aside the aṆ of "tasyāpatyam," by
"patyuttarapadāt[... ṇyaḥ]" [there applies] the affix ṆyA alone. Objection: But
the word sapatnī does not have "pati" as its final member! To this he says: "by
the liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā" [a mention of a stem includes its gender-qualified
form, so sapatnī counts as pati-final]. He states what the word "eva" (only)
excludes: "not aṆ." Objection: But the śivādi aṆ is an exception (apavāda) even
to the ṆyA affix! To this he says: "in śivādi, only the two established (rūḍha)
[words]." The word sapatna [as] "enemy" is purely conventional (kevala-rūḍha);
the one resting on the "pati" denoting the marriage-bond is conventional-cum-
etymological (yoga-rūḍha), since the etymology too holds — "he protects (pāti,
rakṣati) [her], the agent of the marriage"; but the one resting on the "pati" as
a synonym for "master" is purely etymological (kevala-yaugika). In śivādi only
the two rūḍha [words] are taken, not the purely etymological one — because
convention (rūḍhi) is stronger than etymology (yoga). "Then what [follows]?" To
this he says: sāpatya. Since the sapatnī-word containing "pati" as a synonym
for "master" is bhāṣitapuṃska, upon puṃvadbhāva the ṅīp and the n being removed,
and by "yasyeti ca" the ī-kāra elided, the form is "sāpatya."
ṭhakchasoś ca — This is a vārttika. "When these two [ṭhak and chas] follow,
the puṃvadbhāva should be stated" is to be supplied. The statement is [needed]
because [puṃvat] would not obtain, there being no bha-status (abhatva).
bhāvatkāḥ, bhavadīyāḥ — Under the adhikāra "tasyedam," by "bhavataṣ ṭhakchasau"
the affixes ṭhak and chas [are added] to the word bhavatī, since the
gender-qualified form is also taken. There, in the ṭhak [case] — Objection: If
puṃvadbhāva [applies] while still at the "ṭha" stage, before the ika-substitution
[for ṭha], then, setting aside the ika-substitution, by "isusuktāntāt [kaḥ]" the
ka-substitution [applies], and "bhāvatka" is established; so why the mention of
ṭhak [in the vārttika]? Response: This should not be objected. For if the
ika-substitution were made first, then — as in "mathitaṃ paṇyam asya → māthitika"
— since it is an al-operation there is no sthānivadbhāva, and by the
saṃnipāta-paribhāṣā the ka-substitution would not take place; therefore the
mention of ṭhak [is needed]. But from the word bhavatī, before chas: since by
"siti ca" [the stem] is a pada, the bha-status is blocked; so, the puṃvadbhāva by
"bhasyāḍhe [taddhite]" not obtaining, the puṃvadbhāva [comes] by this [vārttika].
This [vārttika] — means the vārttika "ṭhakchasoś ca." eka taddhite ca —
its meaning: when a taddhita or a following member (uttarapada) follows, [the ī
of] the word eka is shortened (hrasva): ekasyā bhāvaḥ → ekatvam, ekatā;
ekasyāḥ śāṭī → ekaśāṭī. vṛttimātra (any derivate whatsoever) — kṛt, taddhita,
etc. are the "vṛttis" (derivates); the word "mātra" [here] means totality
(kārtsnya). [The puṃvadbhāva of a pronoun] applies even in the absence of the
conditioning-ground (nimitta) present in the sūtras "striyāḥ puṃvat" etc. By
the Bhāṣyakāra['s mention] — i.e. by the statement of the Bhāṣyakāra; this is
clear in the Bhāṣya on the sūtra "dakṣiṇāttarābhyām." Because [its purpose] is
already accomplished (gatārtha) — meaning: its purpose has lapsed
(nivṛtta-prayojana), being achieved by the mention "sarvanāmnaḥ" alone.
He illustrates "sarvanāmno vṛttimātre" in a taddhita-derivate: sarvamaya —
meaning "come from all (sarvā)." Under the adhikāra "tata āgataḥ," by "mayaṭ ca"
the affix mayaṬ; the puṃvadbhāva by "sarvanāmnaḥ." Or the mayaṬ is entirely
svārthika (sense-preserving), as in "cinmaya" etc. Now he illustrates in a
sanādyanta-dhātu derivate: sarvakāmyati — in the sense "he desires all
(sarvā) for himself," by "kāmyac ca" the affix kāmyaC [is added] to sarvā; the
puṃvadbhāva by "sarvanāmnaḥ"; and since by "sanādyantā dhātavaḥ" it is a verbal
root, [it takes] laṬ etc. Since mayaṬ and kāmyaC are not included among those
enumerated by "tratasau" etc., the puṃvadbhāva by "tasilādiṣu" would not
[otherwise] obtain here. He gives another taddhita-derivate: sarvakabhārya —
this is actually a compound-derivate (samāsa-vṛtti). sarvapriya — the
analysis is "sarvā priyā yasya"; this is a compound-derivate; the exclusion of
"priyādi" [in the earlier rule] is of use in [cases] like "rūpavatīpriya."
In truth, however: in the word eka, when the affix aKac is added and the
i-substitution occurs by "pratyayasthāt [...]" → ekikā; "tasyā bhāvaḥ" →
ekikatvam. Here, were puṃvadbhāva [to apply], with the ṭāp and the i-substitution
removed, it would become "ekakatvam," and the i-kāra would not be heard — because
the ṭāp that grounds the i-substitution is removed, as in "pācakajātīya" from
the word pācikā before jātīyar. But upon shortening (hrasva), by sthānivadbhāva
the ṭāp [counts as] present, so the i is heard; since there is this difference in
result (phala-bheda), they say that "eka taddhite ca" does have its own realized
purpose (gatārtha).
Objection: In "taditarā, tadanyā" etc., since the final member (uttarapada) is a
pronoun (sarvanāman), the puṃvadbhāva would [wrongly] apply [to it]. To this he
says: This [rule] pertains to just the prior [member] — meaning: among the
several parts entering into a derivate, this injunction of puṃvadbhāva for a
pronoun pertains only to the [part that is] prior relative to some [other part].
From the indication (liṅga) of "bhastraiṣājājñādvā" — by the sūtra
"bhastraiṣā[...]," the i-substitution before the k [of aKac] is enjoined for the
pre-k [vowel] of "eṣā" and "dvā" even when they bear aKac; otherwise [that sūtra]
would be without scope, since in a taddhita-derivate those two, being pronouns,
would [already] undergo puṃvadbhāva as a rule [removing the ṭāp]. He illustrates
a taddhita-derivate with aKac: sarvikā — from the word sarvā bearing aKac,
upon the i-substitution by "pratyayasthāt [...]," were puṃvadbhāva [to apply],
both the ṭāp and the i-substitution would be removed. He illustrates an
ekaśeṣa-derivate: sarvāḥ — this is the nominative plural of the ṭāp-ending
[stem]; were puṃvadbhāva [to apply], the ṭāp would be removed.
kukkuṭyādīnām aṇḍādiṣu — "the puṃvadbhāva should be stated" is to be supplied.
Indicating that this is for the sake of the non-coreferential (asamānādhikaraṇa)
[case], he illustrates with a genitive-compound (ṣaṣṭhī-samāsa): kukkuṭāṇḍam —
by puṃvadbhāva the ṄīṢ enjoined by the jāti [rule] is removed; and so too in what
follows. mṛgakṣīram — the analysis is "mṛgyāḥ kṣīram" (the doe's milk).
kākaśāvaḥ — the analysis is "kākyāḥ śāvaḥ" (the she-crow's young); as Amara
[says]: "potaḥ pāko 'rbhako ḍimbhaḥ pṛthukaḥ śāvakaḥ śiśuḥ" [synonyms for
"young/offspring"].