Vaiyākaraṇa-siddhānta-kaumudī — pūrvakṛdantaprakaraṇam

SK 2895 · A 3.1.133V

ण्वुल्तृचौ ॥ २८९५ ॥

ṇvultṛcau

ṇvultṛcau — [After a dhātu — by the adhikāra dhātoḥ, SK 2829 —] ṇvul and tṛc [come, in the sense of the agent, by kartari kṛt, SK 2832].

Rule. After a dhātu, the affixes ṇvul and tṛc come. Bhaṭṭoji: "these two come after a dhātu, in the sense of the agent, by kartari kṛt (SK 2832)". The heading "after a dhātu" is SK 2829. In ṇvul the ṇ and l are markers, leaving vu. By SK 1247 (yuvor anākau), vu becomes aka. In tṛc the c is a marker, leaving tṛ.

Example.

kṛ + ṇvul → markers go → kṛ + vu

→ SK 1247 → kṛ + aka

→ the ṇ-marked affix brings vṛddhi (SK 254), with r (SK 70) → kār + aka → kārakaḥ.

kṛ + tṛc → kṛ + tṛ → guṇa (SK 2168) → kartṛ → kartā.

Feminines: kārikā, kartrī.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the markers. The ṇ of ṇvul is for vṛddhi. The l is for an accent rule. The c of tṛc keeps tṛc apart where a rule names only tṛ.

Bhaṭṭoji also gives voḍhum arhaḥ voḍhā "one fit to carry". Both commentators explain: this tṛc is in the sense "deserving to", by SK 2822 (arhe kṛtyatṛcaś ca).

Bhaṭṭoji then shows root changes taught for verbs, working here too:

By SK 2461 tṛc counts as ṅ-marked after kuṭ and its group, so there is no guṇa: kuṭitā. That rule excepts affixes marked with ñ or ṇ. So ṇvul is not ṅ-marked: koṭakaḥ.
By SK 2536 (vija iṭ): vijitā. One commentator explains that the affix with iṭ counts as ṅ-marked after vij, so there is no guṇa.
SK 2574 gives t for the n of han: ghātakaḥ. SK 2761 gives yuk after an ā-final root: dāyakaḥ.
By SK 2763 there is no vṛddhi for śam and dam: śamakaḥ, damakaḥ. But yam does not take iṭ, and it has vṛddhi: niyāmakaḥ.
SK 2512 bars vṛddhi for jan and vadh: janakaḥ, vadhakaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji cites vadha "to strike" as a root. One commentator adds that it is a separate root of the bhū class, not the substitute for han.
num comes in randhakaḥ, jambhakaḥ (SK 2302). By SK 2516 radh has radhitā and raddhā. By SK 2517, num: maṅktā, naṃṣṭā; with iṭ, no num: naśitā. By SK 2581: rambhakaḥ, rabdhā. By SK 2582: lambhakaḥ, labdhā.
By SK 2340, iṭ is optional: eṣitā / eṣṭā, sahitā / soḍhā.
daridrā loses its ā: daridritā. But not before ṇvul: daridrāyakaḥ. One commentator says both points rest on vārttikas.

Next, Bhaṭṭoji reads SK 2841 as kṛtyalyuṭaḥ alone. The word bahulam is split off as its own rule (yogavibhāga). It then lets any kṛt vary its sense. So ṇvul can denote the object: pādābhyāṃ hriyate pādahārakaḥ "one carried by the feet". One commentator reports that the source has only the statement kṛto bahulam here; scholars discuss this.

A vārttika: no iṭ for a kṛt in the agent sense after kram when it is in the domain of the ātmanepada endings: prakrantā. Not in the agent sense: prakramitavyam. Not ātmanepada: saṃkramitā. Bhaṭṭoji explains "domain" as "invariably". kram takes ātmanepada only optionally by SK 2716, so it keeps iṭ: kramitā. Some allow krantā too.

In SK 2401 and SK 2348, Bhaṭṭoji says, the word "parasmaipada" means "where there is no ātmanepada ending or āna". So these rules still work before a kṛt, where no verb-ending follows. saṃjigamiṣitā keeps the iṭ of SK 2401 in its desiderative san. vivṛtsitā lacks it there by SK 2348.

Last, ṇvul after a root with yaṅ. The lost a of yaṅ still counts (sthānivat), so there is no vṛddhi: pāpacakaḥ. After a yaṅluk stem nothing stands in the way: pāpācakaḥ.

Watch out. Do not think tṛc and ṇvul behave alike. ṇvul is ṇ-marked, so it brings vṛddhi and is never ṅ-marked: kārakaḥ, koṭakaḥ. tṛc brings guṇa: kartā, and after kuṭ none at all: kuṭitā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

धातोरेतौ स्तः । कर्तरि कृत् SK 2832 इति कर्त्रर्थे । युवोरनाकौ SK 1247 । कारकः । कर्ता । वोढुमर्हो वोढा । कारिका । कर्त्री । गाङ्कुटा - SK 2461 इति ङित्त्वम् । कुटिता । अञ्णिदित्युक्तेर्न ङित्त्वम् । कोटकः । विज इट् SK 2536 । विजिता । हनस्तोऽचिण्णलोः SK 2574 । घातकः । आतो युक् SK 2761 । दायकः । नोदात्तोपदेशस्य SK 2763 इति न वृद्धिः । शमकः । दमकः । अनिटस्तु नियामकः । जनिवध्योश्च SK 2512 । जनकः । वध हिंसायाम् । वधकः । रधिजभोरचि SK 2302 । रन्धकः । जम्भकः । नेट्यलिटि रधेः SK 2516 । रधिता । रद्धा । मस्जिनशोः SK 2517 इति नुम् । मङ्क्ता । नंष्टा । नशिता । रभेरशब्लिटोः SK 2581 । रम्भकः । रब्धा । लभेश्च SK 2582 । लम्भकः । लब्धा । तीषसह-SK 2340 इति वेट् । एषिता । एष्टा । सहिता । सोढा । दरिद्रातेरालोपः । दरिद्रिता । ण्वुलि न । दरिद्रायकः । कृत्यल्युट SK 2841 इत्येव सूत्रमस्तु । यत्र विहितास्ततोऽन्यत्रापि स्युरित्यर्थात् । एवं च बहुलग्रहणं योगविभागेन कृन्मात्रस्यार्थव्यभिचारार्थम् । पादाभ्यां ह्रियते पादहारकः । कर्मणि ण्वुल् ।

[Now the section on words ending in kṛt affixes (kṛdanta-prakaraṇa).]

These two come after a dhātu, in the sense of the agent, by kartari kṛt (SK 2832). [Their vu is replaced by] yuvor anākau (SK 1247). kārakaḥ, kartā "maker". voḍhum arhaḥ voḍhā "one who deserves to carry: voḍhā". [Feminine:] kārikā, kartrī.

By gāṅkuṭā… (SK 2461) [tṛc] is ṅit: kuṭitā. Because [that rule] says "not ñit or ṇit" (añṇit), [ṇvul] is not ṅit: koṭakaḥ.

vija iṭ (SK 2536) [makes the iṭ-initial suffix ṅit]: vijitā.

hanas to 'ciṇṇaloḥ (SK 2574): ghātakaḥ.

āto yuk (SK 2761): dāyakaḥ.

By nodāttopadeśasya (SK 2763) there is no vṛddhi: śamakaḥ, damakaḥ. But from an aniṭ [root]: niyāmakaḥ.

janivadhyoś ca (SK 2512): janakaḥ. vadha hiṃsāyām "vadh, to strike" [is a root]: vadhakaḥ.

radhijabhor aci (SK 2302): randhakaḥ, jambhakaḥ. neṭy aliṭi radheḥ (SK 2516): radhitā, raddhā.

By masjinaśoḥ (SK 2517), num: maṅktā, naṃṣṭā; naśitā.

rabher aśabliṭoḥ (SK 2581): rambhakaḥ, rabdhā. labheś ca (SK 2582): lambhakaḥ, labdhā.

By tīṣasaha… (SK 2340), iṭ is optional: eṣitā, eṣṭā; sahitā, soḍhā.

daridrā loses its ā: daridritā. Not before ṇvul: daridrāyakaḥ.

Let the sūtra be just "kṛtyalyuṭaḥ" (SK 2841), since [that alone gives] the meaning "they may occur also elsewhere than where they are prescribed". And so the word bahula, by a split of the rule (yogavibhāga), serves to let the sense of every kṛt affix whatever vary. pādābhyāṃ hriyate pādahārakaḥ "one who is carried by the feet: pādahāraka" — ṇvul in the object (karman).

vārttika

क्रमेः कर्तर्यात्मनेपदविषयात्कृत इण्निषेधो वाच्यः

(vārttika) It should be stated that iṭ is prohibited for a kṛt [affix] in the agent [sense] after kram when [kram] is in the domain of ātmanepada.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ प्रक्रन्ता ॥ कर्तरीति किम् । प्रक्रमितव्यम् । आत्मनेपदेति किम् । संक्रमिता । अनन्यभावे विषयशब्दः । तेन अनुपसर्गाद्वा SK 2716 इति विकल्पार्हस्य न निषेधः । क्रमिता । तदर्हत्वमेव तद्विषयत्वम् । तेन क्रन्तेत्यपीति केचित् । गमेरिट्-SK 2401इत्यत्र परस्मैपदग्रहणं तङानयोरभावं लक्षयति । संजिगमिषिता । एवं न वृद्भ्यश्चतुर्भ्यः SK 2348 । विवृत्सिता । यङन्तात् ण्वुल् । अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वान्न वृद्धिः । पापचकः । यङ्लुगन्तात्तु पापाचकः ॥

prakrantā. Why "in the agent"? prakramitavyam. Why "ātmanepada"? saṃkramitā. The word viṣaya ("domain") [is used] in the sense of "not occurring otherwise" (ananyabhāva). Hence [kram], which is liable to the option [of ātmanepada] under anupasargād vā (SK 2716), is not subject to the prohibition: kramitā. Some say that "being liable to it" (tadarhatva) is itself "being in its domain" (tadviṣayatva), so that krantā is also [correct].

In gamer iṭ parasmaipadeṣu (SK 2401), the mention of parasmaipada indicates (lakṣayati) the absence of taṅ and āna: saṃjigamiṣitā. Likewise in na vṛdbhyaś caturbhyaḥ (SK 2348) [the parasmaipada carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2401 indicates the same]: vivṛtsitā.

ṇvul after a yaṅ-final [stem]: because the deletion of a (allopa) is sthānivat, there is no vṛddhi: pāpacakaḥ. But after a stem whose yaṅ has undergone luk (yaṅlugantāt): pāpācakaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 497–498

ण्वुल्तृचौ ॥ णकारो वृद्ध्यर्थः । लकारो ‘लिति’ इति स्वरार्थः । तृचश्चकारस्तु ‘तुरिष्ठेमेयस्सु’ ‘तुश्छन्दसि’ इत्यादौ सामान्यग्रहणविघातार्थः । ‘चितः’ इत्यन्तोदात्तार्थस्तु न भवति, ‘आद्युदात्तश्च’ इत्यनेनैव सिद्धेः । एवं च ‘अमृन्-’ इति सूत्रे तृन्तृचोः पृथग्ग्रहणं विहाय अप्तृस्वस्य इत्येव सुवचमित्येके । अन्ये तु सामान्यग्रहणेऽपि क्वचिद्विशेषस्यैव ग्रहणं भवतीति ज्ञापनार्थम् ‘अप्तृन्-’ इति सूत्रे तृन्तृचोरुभयोर्ग्रहणम् । तेन कोपधग्रहणेन तद्धिततुग्रहणमित्येतत्सिद्धमित्याहुः ॥—वोढेति । ‘अर्हे कृत्यतृचश्च’ इति तृच्, ढलादयस्तु वोढव्य इत्यत्रेवात्राप्यूह्याः ॥—रधितेति । ‘रधादिभ्यश्च’ इति वेट् ॥—रद्धेति । इह ‘नेट्यलिटि-’ इति निषेधाप्रवृत्तावपि ‘रधि-’ इत्यनेन अच्परत्वाभावान्नुम्न ॥ —मङ्क्तेति । टुमस्जो शुद्धौ । अस्मात् तृच् ‘मस्जि-’ इति नुम् अन्त्यात्पूर्वः । ‘स्कोः-’ इति सलोपः । जस्य कुत्वे चर्त्वम् अनुस्वारपरसवर्णौ । ‘बहूनां समवाये द्वयोर्द्वयोः संयोगः’ इति पक्षे तु नुमागमस्याच्परत्वेऽपि ‘स्कोः—’ इति सलोपो भवत्येवेति ज्ञेयम् ॥—नंष्टेति । रधादित्वादिडभावपक्षे नुम् ॥—लब्धेति । ‘झषस्तथोः’ इति धः, भकारस्य जश्त्वम् । ‘लभेश्च’ इति नुम् तु न भवति, अचीत्यनुवर्तनात् ॥—ण्वुलि नेति । ‘सनि ण्वुलि ल्युटि च न’ इति वचनात् ॥—योगविभागेनेति । ‘कृत्यल्युटो बहुलम्’ इति सूत्रे कृतो बहुलमित्येवाकरे स्थितम् । तथा च योगविभागं विनैव सर्वेष्टसिद्धिरित्याहुः ॥—प्रक्रन्तेति । ‘प्रोपाभ्यां समर्थाभ्याम्’ इति क्रमेरात्मनेपदविषयता —अनन्यभावे विषयशब्द इति । तदन्याविषयत्वे सति तद्विषयत्वमनन्यभावः । तथा च विकल्पार्हस्य क्रमेः परस्मैपदात्मनेपदोभय-प्राप्तिविषयत्वान्निषेधो नेति भावः ॥—संजिगमिषितेति । संपूर्वाद्गमेः सन् ‘सन्यङ्गोः’ इति द्वित्वे हलादिःशेषे ‘सन्यतः’ इत्यभ्यासस्येत्त्वम् । ‘आर्धधातुकस्य—’ इति सन इट्, षत्वं, सनन्तात्तृच् पुनरिट् ॥—अल्लोपस्येति । प्राचा तु ‘न धातुलोप—’ इति सूत्रे इक इत्यनुवृत्तेर्वृद्धेरनिषेधः पापाचक इत्युक्तं, तन्न । यङन्ते अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वेन वृद्धेः प्राप्त्यभावात् । ननु यङ्लुकि पापाचकरूपाभिप्रायेण तथोक्तम् । तत्र हि आकारविशिष्टस्यैव यङो लुगिति सर्वसंमतत्वेन स्थानिवत्त्वाभावादिति चेत् । मैवम् । एवं तर्हि आर्धधातुकस्य धात्ववयवलोपनिमित्तत्वाभावेन यङ्लुगन्ते ‘न धातुलोप—’ इति निषेधस्य प्रसक्त्यभावात्

Bālamanoramā

ण्वुल्तृचौ - अथ कृदन्तप्रकरणं । ण्वुल्तृचौ । अनयोर्वर्तमानकालादन्यत्र न प्रयोग इति भाष्यम् । वोढुमर्ह इति ।अर्हे कृत्यतृचश्चे॑त्युक्तेरिति भावः । वोढेति । वहेस्तृच्यनुदात्तत्वादिडभावे ढत्वधत्वष्टुत्वढलोपेषुसहिवहो॑रित्योत्त्वम् । कुटितेत्यत्र लघूपधगुणमाशङ्क्याह — गाङिति । तर्हि ण्वुलि कोटक इत्यत्रापि गुणो न स्यादित्यत आह — अञ्णिदित्युक्तेरिति । विजितेत्यत्र लघूपधगुणमाशङ्क्याह — विज इडिति ।इति ङित्त्व॑मिति शेषः । विजितेति । ङित्त्वान्न गुणः अनिट्स्त्विति । तस्यानुदात्तोपदेशत्वादिति भावः । 'जनक' इत्यत्रोपधावृद्धिमाशङ्क्य वृद्धिनिषेधं स्मारयत — जनिवध्योश्चेति । वध हिंसायामिति,- धात्वन्तरं भौवादिकं,भ्वादेराकृतिगणत्वात् । नत्वयं हन्तेर्वधादेशः । तथा सतिजनिवध्योश्चे॑ति वृद्धिनिषेधसूत्रे वधिग्रहणवैयथ्र्यात्, वधादेशस्याऽदन्ततया अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वादेव वृद्ध्यभावसिद्धेः । वधक इति ।जनिवध्योश्चे॑ति वृद्धिनिषेधः । रन्धकः जम्भक इत्यत्र इदित्त्वाऽभावादप्राप्ते नुमि तद्विधिं स्मारयति — रधिजभोरचीति । रधितेत्यत्ररधिजभो॑रिति नुममाशङ्क्याह — नेट्यलिटीति । रधिता रद्धेति ।रधादिभ्यश्चे॑ति वेट् । मस्ज् तृ इति स्थिते आह — मस्जिनशोरिति । नुम्विधिरयम् । मङ्क्तेति । मस्ज् तृ इति स्थितेमस्जेरन्त्यात् पूर्वो नुम् वाच्यः॑ इतिसकारादुपरि जकारात् प्राङ्नुम् । मस्न्ज् तृ इति स्थितेस्को॑रिति सलोपः, जस्य कुत्वेन गः, तस्य चर्त्वेन कः, अनुस्वारः, परसवर्णेन ङ इति भावः । नंष्टा नशितेति । रधादित्वाद्वेट् । इडभावपक्षेमस्जिनशो॑रिति नुमि, नन्श् तृ इति स्थितेव्रश्चे॑ति शस्य षः । नस्याऽनुस्वारः । ष्टुत्वम् । रभेरशब्लिटोरिति नुम्विधिरयम् । लब्धेति ।झषस्तथो॑रिति तस्य धः, जश्त्वेन भस्य बः । तीषसहेति । इड्विकल्पोऽयम् । सोढेति । ढत्वधत्वष्टुत्वढलोपाः ।सहिवहो॑रित्योत्त्वम् । दरिद्रातेरालोप इति ।दरिद्रातेरालोपो वक्तव्यः॑ इत्यनेनेति भावः । ण्वुलि नेति । दरिद्रातेर्ण्वुलि आलोपो नेत्यर्थः । 'न दरिद्रायके लोपः' इति वार्तिकादिति भावः । दरिद्रायक इति ।अतो यु॑गिति युगिति भावः । पादाभ्यां ह्रियते पादहारक इत्यत्र कर्मणि ण्वुलं साधयितुमाह — कृत्यल्युट इत्येवेति । 'कृत्यल्युटः' त्येतावतैव पुनर्वचनबलाद्येष्वर्थेषु ते कृत्यल्युटो विहितास्ततोऽन्यष्वप्यर्थेषु भवन्तीत्यर्थलाभाद्बहुलग्रहणं योगविभागार्थं — कृत्प्रत्यया येष्वर्थेषु विहितास्ततोऽन्यत्रापि क्वचिद्भवन्ती॑ति । एवं च कर्मण्यपि ण्वुल् सिध्यतीत्यर्थः ।कृतो बहुल॑मिति वार्तिकं तु एतद्योगविभागसिद्धकथनपरमिति भावः । क्रमेरिति । आत्मनेपदविषयात्क्रमेः परस्य कर्तरि कृतो नेडित्यर्थः ।स्नुक्रमो॑रिति सूत्रस्थमिदं वार्तिकम् । प्रक्रन्तेति ।प्रोपाभ्यां समर्थाभ्या॑मित्यात्मनेपदविषयोऽयम् । नन्वेवं सति क्रमितेत्यत्र कथमिडित्यत आह — अनन्यभावे विषयशब्द इति । 'वर्तते' इति शेषः । आत्मनेपदाऽविनाभाव इति यावत् ।क्रमेः कर्तर्यात्मनेपदिन॑ इत्येतावतैव सिद्धे विषयपदोपादानादयमर्थो लभ्यते इति भावः । तथा च नित्यमात्मनेपदिन इति फलितम् । तेनेति ।क्रमिते॑त्यत्र क्रमेः 'अनुपसर्गाद्वे' त्यात्मनेपदविकल्पविधानान्नित्यमात्मनेपदित्वाऽभावादिण्निषेधो नेत्यर्थः । मतान्तरमाह — तदर्हत्वमेवेति । आत्मनेपदार्हत्वमेवात्मनेपदविषयत्वम् । ततश्च आत्मनेपदपक्षे इण्निषेधे सति प्रक्रन्तेति रूपम्, आत्मनेपदाऽभावपक्षे तु क्रम इटि क्रमितेति रूपमिति केचिदाहुरित्यर्थः । अत्र पक्षे विषयपदस्य न प्रयोजनमित्यस्वरसः । ननु संजिगमिषितेत्यत्र सनः कथमिट्, गमेरनिट्सु पाठात्, सनः परस्मैपदपरत्वाऽभावेनगमेरिट् परस्मैपदेषु॑ इत्यस्याऽप्रवृत्तेरित्यत आह — गमेरिडित्यत्रेति । एवमिति ।न वृद्ध्यश्चतुभ्र्यः॑ इत्यत्रापि परस्मैपदग्रहणमनुवृत्तं तङानयोरभावं लक्षयतीत्यर्थः । विवृत्सितेति । वृतेः सनि रूपम् ।हलन्ताच्चे॑ति कित्त्वान्न गुणः । यङन्तादिति । पचिधातोर्यङन्तात् पापच्येत्यस्माण्ण्वुलित्यर्थः । तस्य अकादेशे 'यस्य हलः' इति यकारलोपे अतो लोपे पापच् अक इति स्थिते उपधावृद्धिमाशङ्क्याह — स्थानिवत्त्वान्न वृद्धिरिति । यङ्लुगन्तात्त्विति । यङः सङ्घातस्य लुकोऽजादेशत्वाऽभावेन स्थानिवत्त्वाऽसंभवादुपधावृद्धिर्निर्बाधा । 'न धातुलोपे' इति निषेधस्तु न, यङ्लुकोऽनैमित्तिकत्वादुपधावृद्धेरिग्लक्षणत्वाऽभावाच्च ।

translator notes

textual The 1915 print opens the prakaraṇa with the heading 'atha kṛdantaprakaraṇam 64' in kaumudī type just above SK 2895 (NSP p. 487, scan page-0497); our text lacks it. Supplied in brackets. BM's own opening reads 'atha kṛdantaprakaraṇaṃ'. p67/intro is misplaced Uṇādi material and does not supply it.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag at the head of k3 is editorial. The print marks only the vārttika itself (k2) with a sign and runs prakrantā on as Bhaṭṭoji's prose (NSP p. 488, scan page-0498). The vārttika is labelled in k2 and no label is put on k3.
commentary BM: 'voḍhum arhaḥ' because of the statement arhe kṛtyatṛcaś ca (SK 2822). voḍhā is from vah with tṛc, with no iṭ because the root is anudātta, then ḍha, dha, ṣṭutva and ḍha-deletion, and o by sahivahor od avarṇasya. Followed in keeping the sense 'deserves to'.
commentary TB, sk.2895.t1: voḍhā takes tṛc by arhe kṛtyatṛcaś ca; ḍhatva and the rest are as in voḍhavya. In ṇvul the ṇ is for vṛddhi and the l for the accent rule 'liti'; the c of tṛc keeps tṛc apart where only tṛ is mentioned. Followed in keeping the sense 'deserves to'.
commentary BM: gāṅ… answers the expectation of guṇa of the light penultimate in kuṭitā, and 'añṇit' answers the doubt that guṇa would then fail in koṭaka too. 'vija iṭ' is given 'with "iti ṅittvam" supplied (śeṣa)', so the iṭ-initial suffix is ṅit and there is no guṇa in vijitā. Followed in supplying 'makes … ṅit'.
commentary BM on 'aniṭas tu': yam is anudāttopadeśa, so nodāttopadeśasya (SK 2763) does not stop vṛddhi in niyāmaka. On 'vadha hiṃsāyām': this is a separate bhvādi root (bhvādi being an ākṛtigaṇa), not the vadha-substitute of han. Were it the substitute, vadhi in janivadhyoś ca would be pointless, since vadha ends in a and the sthānivat a-deletion would already stop vṛddhi. Followed in rendering 'vadha hiṃsāyām' as the citation of a root.
commentary TB, sk.2895.t1: radhitā has optional iṭ by radhādibhyaś ca. In raddhā, although neṭy aliṭi does not apply, there is no num because no ac follows. In labdhā, labheś ca gives no num because 'aci' continues into it. maṅktā has num before the final [j] (antyāt pūrvaḥ) by masji…, then s-deletion by skoḥ, kutva, cartva, anusvāra and parasavarṇa. naṃṣṭā has num where there is no iṭ (radhādi). Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the forms.
commentary BM: ā-deletion for daridrā is by the vārttika 'daridrāter ālopo vaktavyaḥ'. 'ṇvuli na' means daridrā does not lose its ā before ṇvul, by the vārttika 'na daridrāyake lopaḥ'. daridrāyaka has yuk by āto yuk. Followed in reading 'ṇvuli na' as 'no ā-deletion before ṇvul'.
commentary TB, sk.2895.t1: 'ṇvuli na' rests on the statement 'sani ṇvuli lyuṭi ca na'. Recorded; TB cites the exception in this wording and BM cites 'na daridrāyake lopaḥ'.
commentary BM on 'kṛtyalyuṭa ity eva': by 'kṛtyalyuṭaḥ' alone, through the force of restatement, the sense that kṛtyas and lyuṭ occur also in senses other than those for which they are prescribed is obtained. So bahula serves a split of the rule: 'kṛt affixes occur sometimes elsewhere than the senses for which they are prescribed'. Hence ṇvul in the object is established. The vārttika 'kṛto bahulam' only states what this split establishes. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.2895.t1: in the authoritative source (ākara), only 'kṛto bahulam' stands at the sūtra kṛtyalyuṭo bahulam, and so [some] say that everything desired is achieved without any split of the rule. Recorded; the English follows the kaumudī's split.
commentary BM: the vārttika means that iṭ does not come to a kṛt in the agent after kram that is in the domain of ātmanepada. It stands under the sūtra snukramor… (A 7.2.36). prakrantā is in the ātmanepada domain by propābhyāṃ samarthābhyām. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.2895.t1: prakrantā is in the ātmanepada domain by propābhyāṃ samarthābhyām. Ananyabhāva means being in the domain of that [ātmanepada] while not being in the domain of anything else. kram, which is liable to the option, falls within the domain of both parasmaipada and ātmanepada, so the prohibition does not apply. Followed.
commentary BM: 'ananyabhāve viṣayaśabdaḥ' is read with 'vartate' supplied (śeṣa). It means inseparability from ātmanepada, i.e. being invariably ātmanepadin, a sense obtained because 'viṣaya' is used where 'ātmanepadinaḥ' would have sufficed. kramitā therefore keeps iṭ, since anupasargād vā makes ātmanepada optional. On 'kecit': being liable to ātmanepada is being in its domain, so krantā in the ātmanepada option and kramitā otherwise. BM adds that on this view the word viṣaya has no purpose, which is a sign of dissatisfaction (asvarasa). Followed in the construal; the 'some' view is kept as reported.
commentary BM on gamer iṭ…: Objection: how does san take iṭ in saṃjigamiṣitā, when gam is among the aniṭ roots and gamer iṭ parasmaipadeṣu cannot apply, because the san is not followed by a parasmaipada ending? The answer is the kaumudī's sentence. 'evam' means that in na vṛdbhyaś caturbhyaḥ too the mention of parasmaipada, carried forward (anuvṛtta), indicates the absence of taṅ and āna. vivṛtsitā is from vṛt with san, which is kit by halantāc ca, so there is no guṇa. Followed in the bracketed anuvṛtti.
commentary TB, sk.2895.t1: saṃjigamiṣitā is sam + gam + san, reduplicated by sanyaṅoḥ, with halādiḥ śeṣaḥ and i in the abhyāsa by sany ataḥ. The san takes iṭ by ārdhadhātukasyeḍ valādeḥ, then ṣatva, and the san-final stem takes tṛc with iṭ again. Recorded.
commentary BM: ṇvul comes after pāpacya, the yaṅ-final of pac. aka replaces vu, y is deleted by yasya halaḥ and a by ato lopaḥ, giving pāpac + aka, where vṛddhi of the penultimate is answered by sthānivattva. In the yaṅluk form, luk of the whole yaṅ is not a substitute for an ac, so it cannot be sthānivat and the penultimate vṛddhi is unhindered. na dhātulopa… does not stop it, because yaṅluk is not conditioned [by the ārdhadhātuka] and the penultimate vṛddhi is not taught with reference to ik. Followed in taking allopa as the deletion of the a of yaṅ.
commentary TB, sk.2895.t1: the earlier author (prāc) said that because 'ikaḥ' continues into na dhātulopa…, vṛddhi is not prohibited, giving pāpācaka. TB rejects this: in the yaṅ-final the sthānivat a-deletion means vṛddhi does not arise at all. If that was said with the yaṅluk form in mind, where yaṅ is deleted together with its a and so is not sthānivat, then in the yaṅluganta the ārdhadhātuka does not cause the loss of any part of the dhātu, so na dhātulopa… does not come into question at all. Agrees with BM; recorded.
translator Bhaṭṭoji cites most rules here by pratīka only (gāṅkuṭā…, hanas to 'ciṇṇaloḥ, āto yuk, masjinaśoḥ, tīṣasaha…). The English keeps the pratīkas and adds only what the kaumudī states ('iti ṅittvam', 'iti na vṛddhiḥ', 'iti num', 'iti veṭ'). It does not construct the remaining steps of each derivation (§9).

SK 2896 · A 3.1.134V

नन्दिग्रहिपचादिभ्यो ल्युणिन्यचः ॥ २८९६ ॥

nandigrahipacādibhyo lyuṇinyacaḥ

nandigrahipacādibhyo lyuṇinyacaḥ — After [the dhātus of] the nandi-group, the grahi-group and the paca-group, lyu, ṇini and ac [come], respectively.

Rule. After the nandi-group comes lyu, after the grahi-group ṇini, after the paca-group ac, in that order. Both commentators say that "ādi" ("and the rest") goes with each of the three. One adds that nandi is the root with ṇi.

Example.

nandi + lyu → the marker l goes → yu becomes ana (SK 1247) → nandanaḥ.

grah + ṇini → markers go → grah + in → vṛddhi of the penultimate a → grāhin → grāhī.

pac + ac → pac + a → pacaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by.

lyu: nandanaḥ, janārdanaḥ "one who torments people", madhusūdanaḥ, vibhīṣaṇaḥ "one who terrifies greatly". One commentator notes that with an object word aṇ (SK 2913) would come in madhusūdana; the listing gives lyu. In lavaṇaḥ the ṇ is by nipātana in the list.

ṇini: grāhī, sthāyī, mantrī. In viśayī the lack of vṛddhi is by nipātana. In viṣayī the ṣ is too. paribhāvī / paribhavī: the lack of vṛddhi is optional.

ac: the paca-group is an ākṛtigaṇa, an open list. Bhaṭṭoji's proof: Pāṇini himself uses ac after kṛ and ghaṭ in SK 3489 and SK 1836. And the deletion of yaṅ before ac is taught at all. Bhaṭṭoji names three reasons for listing some words:

to attach a marker: nadaṭ, coraṭ, devaṭ are ṭ-marked, so nadī, corī, devī;
for fullness of statement;
to block a blocking rule. deva is listed because SK 2897 would give ka after div. jārabharā and śvapacā are listed because SK 2913 would give aṇ.

Because śvapāka is read in another list (nyaṅkvādi), śvapākaḥ is also correct. Both commentators take it as aṇ. One adds that it is the other option.

ac after a yaṅ-stem: yaṅ is lost (SK 2650), and guṇa and vṛddhi are barred (SK 2656). cekriyaḥ, nenyaḥ, loluvaḥ, popuvaḥ, marīmṛjaḥ.

Three vārttikas on ac:

car, cal, pat, vad may be doubled before ac, and the first copy (abhyāsa) takes the augment āk. Since the augment is long, it is not shortened, and SK 2179 does not remove the second consonant: carācaraḥ, calācalaḥ, patāpataḥ, vadāvadaḥ.
han takes these and gh in the first copy. The second copy gets a velar by SK 2430: ghanāghanaḥ.
pāṭi loses its ṇi, takes ūk, and the first copy is long: pāṭūpaṭaḥ.

In the other option: caraḥ, calaḥ, pataḥ, vadaḥ, hanaḥ, pāṭaḥ. By SK 1008, m is optional after rātri: rātriṃcaraḥ / rātricaraḥ.

Watch out. Under this rule the three affixes pair with the three lists in order: nandi takes lyu, not ṇini. And the paca-list is open, so a word not found in it may still take ac.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

नन्द्यादेर्ल्युर्ग्रह्यादेर्णिनिः पचादेरच् स्यात् । नन्दयतीति नन्दनः । जनमर्दयतीति जनार्दनः । मधुसूदनः । विशेषेण भीषयतीति विभीषणः । लवणः । नन्द्यादिगणे निपातनाण्णत्वम् । ग्राही । स्थायी । मन्त्री । विशयी । वृद्ध्याभावो निपातनात् । विषयी । इह षत्वमपि । परिभावी । परिभवी । पाक्षिको वृद्ध्यभावो निपात्यते । पचादिराकृतिगणः । शिवशमरिष्टस्य करे SK 3489 कर्मणि घटोऽठच् SK 1836 इति सूत्रयोः करोतेर्घटेश्चाच् प्रयोगात् । अच् प्रत्यये परे यङिलुग्विधानाच्च । केषांचिद्बाधकबाधनार्थः । पचतीति पचः । नदट् । चोरट् । देवट् । इत्यादयष्टितः । नदी । चोरी । देवी । दीव्यतेः । इगुपध - SK 2897 इति कः प्राप्तः । न्यङ्क्वादिषु पाठात् श्वापकोऽपि । यङोऽचि च SK 2650 इति लुक् । न धातुलोप - SK 2656 इति गुणवृद्धिनिषेधः । चेक्रियः । नेन्यः । लोलुवः । पोपुवः । मरीमृजः ।

lyu comes after [a dhātu of] the nandi-group, ṇini after the grahi-group, and ac after the paca-group.

nandayati iti nandanaḥ "one who gladdens: nandana". janam ardayati iti janārdanaḥ "one who torments people: janārdana". madhusūdanaḥ. viśeṣeṇa bhīṣayati iti vibhīṣaṇaḥ "one who terrifies exceedingly: vibhīṣaṇa". lavaṇaḥ: in the nandi-group list, ṇ [in place of n] is by nipātana.

grāhī, sthāyī, mantrī, viśayī: [in viśayī] the absence of vṛddhi is by nipātana. viṣayī: here ṣ also [is by nipātana]. paribhāvī, paribhavī: optional absence of vṛddhi is nipātita.

The paca-group is an ākṛtigaṇa [an open class], because ac is used after kṛ and ghaṭ in the two sūtras śivaśamariṣṭasya kare (SK 3489) and karmaṇi ghaṭo 'ṭhac (SK 1836), and because luk of yaṅ is prescribed when the suffix ac follows. [The listing of some is for attaching anubandhas; of some, for fullness of statement (prapañca);] of some, for blocking a blocking rule (bādhaka). pacati iti pacaḥ "one who cooks: paca". nadaṭ, coraṭ, devaṭ and so on are ṭ-marked: nadī, corī, devī. After dīvyati, ka by igupadha… (SK 2897) would be expected. [jārabharā, śvapacā: for these two, aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913) would be expected.] Because [the word] is read in the nyaṅku-group (nyaṅkvādi), śvapākaḥ also [is formed].

By yaṅo 'ci ca (SK 2650), luk [of yaṅ]; by na dhātulopa… (SK 2656), guṇa and vṛddhi are prohibited: cekriyaḥ, nenyaḥ, loluvaḥ, popuvaḥ, marīmṛjaḥ.

vārttika

चरिचलिपतिवदीनां वा द्वित्वमच्याक्चाभ्यासस्येति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated that car, cal, pat and vad optionally undergo reduplication (dvitva) when ac follows, and that the abhyāsa receives the augment āk.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ आगमस्य दीर्घत्वसामर्थ्यादभ्यासह्रस्वो हलादिः शेषः SK 2179 च न । चराचरः । चलाचलः । पतापतः । वदावदः ।

Because the augment is [taught as] long, it follows that neither shortening of the abhyāsa nor halādiḥ śeṣaḥ (SK 2179) [applies]: carācaraḥ, calācalaḥ, patāpataḥ, vadāvadaḥ.

vārttika

हन्तेर्घत्वं च

(vārttika) And for han, [besides reduplication and āk,] substitution of gh.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ घत्वमभ्यासस्य उत्तरस्य तु अभ्यासाच्च SK 2430 इति कुत्वम् । घनाघनः ।

The substitution of gh is for the abhyāsa; for the second [member], kutva [comes] by abhyāsāc ca (SK 2430): ghanāghanaḥ.

vārttika

पाटेर्णिलुक्चोक्च दीर्घश्चाभ्यासस्य

(vārttika) For pāṭi: luk of ṇi, [reduplication,] the augment ūk, and lengthening of the abhyāsa.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पाटुपटः ॥ पक्षे चरः । चलः । पतः । वदः । हनः । पाटः । रात्रेः कृति - SK 1008 इति वा मुम् । रात्रिंचरः । रात्रचरः ॥

pāṭūpaṭaḥ. In the other option: caraḥ, calaḥ, pataḥ, vadaḥ, hanaḥ, pāṭaḥ. By rātreḥ kṛti… (SK 1008), mum optionally: rātriṃcaraḥ, rātricaraḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 498–499

—नन्दिग्रहि—। द्वन्द्वान्ते श्रूयमाण आदिशब्दः प्रत्येकं संवध्यते तदाह—नन्द्यादे’ ल्युरित्यादि ॥—मधुसूदन इति । मधुं दैत्यं सूदयतीति विग्रहः । षूद क्षरणे । इह अर्दिसूदिभ्यां कर्मण्यणि प्राप्ते नन्द्यादिपाठात् ल्युः ॥—विभीषण इति । ‘भियो हेतुभये षुक्’ ॥—ग्राहीति । णिनेर्णित्त्वादुपधावृद्धिः ॥—स्थायीति । आतो युक् ॥—मन्त्रीति । मत्रीति चुरादाविदित्पाठान्नुम्, ‘णेरनिटि’ इति लोपः ॥—विषयीति । षिञ् बन्धने ‘धात्वादेः—’ इति षस्य सत्वे ‘आदेशप्रत्यययोः’ इति प्राप्तस्य षत्वस्य ‘सात्पदाद्योः’ इति निषेधादाह—इह षत्वमपीति । निपातनादित्यनुषज्यते । ‘परिनिविभ्यः—’ इति सूत्रे सितसयेति क्तान्ताजन्तसिनोतेर्ग्रहणाण्णिन्यन्तसिनोतेर्निपातनं विना षत्वं दुर्लभमिति भावः ॥—जारभरेत्यादि । जारं विभर्ति, श्वानं पचतीति विग्रहः ॥—श्वपाकोऽपीति । कर्मण्यणपि पक्षे भवतीति भावः ॥—चेक्रिय इति । संयोगपूर्वत्वात् ‘एरनेकाचः—’ इति न यण् ॥—लोलुव इति । इह सुवभावात् ‘ओः सुपि’ इति यण्नेति ‘अचि श्रुधातु—’ इत्युवङ् ॥—मरीमृज इति । ‘रीगृदुपधस्य च’ इति रीगागमः हलादिःशेषश्च नेति । सति तु हलादिःशेषे आगमस्य आदेशस्य वा विशेषो नास्तीत्यचा चाभ्यासस्येत्येव ब्रूयादिति भावः ॥—पाटेर्णिलुगिति । ‘णेरनिटि’ इति लोपे हि प्रत्ययलक्षणन्यायेन पाटूपट् इत्यत्रोपधावृद्धिः स्यादिति भावः । इहापि पूर्ववद्ध्रस्वहलादिःशेषयोरभावः

Bālamanoramā

नन्दिग्रहिपचादिभ्यो ल्युणिन्यचः - नन्दिग्रहि । नन्दि,ग्रहि, पच एषां द्वन्द्वः । नन्दिग्रहिपचा आदिर्येषामिति विग्रहः । आदिशब्दस्य प्रत्येकमन्वयः फलति । ल्यु , णिनि, अच् - एषां द्वन्द्वात्प्रथमा । यथासङ्ख्यमन्वयः । तदाह — नन्द्यादेरित्यादि । नन्दीति ण्यन्तग्रहणम् । तदाह — नन्दयतीत्यादि । ल्योरनादेशः,णेरनिटी॑ति णिलोपः । मधुं सूदयतीति । मधुः असुरविशेषः, तं सूदयति हन्तीति मधुसूदनः । ल्युः, अनादेशः, णिलोपः । सूत्रे 'ग्रह उपादाने' इत्यस्य ग्रहीति इका निर्देशः । सौत्रत्वात् 'ग्रहिज्ये' ति संप्रसारणं न । ग्राहीति । ग्रहधातोरदुपधाण्णिनिः । नकारादिकार उच्चारणार्थः । उपधावृद्धिः । विशयीति । विपूर्वात् 'शीङ् स्वप्ने' इति धातोर्णिनिः । गुणाऽयादेशौ ।अचोऽञ्णिती॑ति वृद्धिमाशङ्क्याऽऽह — वृद्ध्यभाव इति । विषयीति । 'षिञ् बन्धने' अस्मात्कृतषत्वाण्णिनिः । गुणाऽयादेशौ । नन्विह कथं न वृद्धिः, कथं च षत्वं, पदादित्वादित्यत आह — षत्वमपीति । निपातनाद्वृद्ध्यभावः षत्वं चेत्यर्थः । परिभावी परिभवीत्यत्र णित्त्वान्नित्यवृद्धिमाशङ्क्य आह — पाक्षिक इति । ग्रह्रादयो वृत्तौ पठिताः । पचादिराकृतिगण इति । पच वप इत्यादिकतिपयधातून् पठित्वा आकृतिगण इति गणपाठे वचनादिति भावः । गणपाठे आकृतिगणत्ववचनाऽभावेऽप्याह — शिवशमिति । सूत्रे करशब्दस्य पचादिगणेऽपठितस्य कृञोऽच्प्रत्ययान्तस्य, 'कर्मणि घट' इति सूत्रे घटेरचि घटशब्दस्य च प्रयोगदर्शनादित्यर्थः । अच्प्रत्यय इति । यङन्तादच्प्रत्यये परेयङोऽचि चे॑ति यङो लुग्विधीयते । नहि पचादिगणे यङन्तं पठितमस्ति । अतोऽपि पचादेराकृतिगणत्वं विज्ञायते इत्यर्थः । पचादेराकृतिगणत्वे नदट् चोरडित्यादीनां तत्र पाठो व्यर्थ इत्यत आह - केषांचिदिति । टकारानुबन्धासञ्जनार्थ इत्यर्थः । नन्वेवमपि वद चल इत्यादीनामनुबन्धरहितानां तत्र किमर्थः पाठ इत्यत आह — केषांचित्प्रपञ्चार्थ इति । बाधकेति । 'जारभर' 'श्वपच' इत्यादौ पचाद्यजपवादस्य कर्मण्यणो बाधनार्थं भरपचादीनां पाठ इति भाष्यम् । देवः सेव इत्यादौइगुपधज्ञाप्रीकिरः कः॑ इति विशिष्य विहितस्य कस्य बाधनार्थं च । तदेतदुपपादयति — नदडित्यादि । ननु पचादिगणे श्वपचशब्दस्य बाधकबाधनार्थत्वे श्वपाक इति कथमित्यत आह — न्यङ्क्वादिषु पाठाच्छ्वपाकोऽपीति । कदाचिदण्प्रत्ययः,कुत्वं चेत्यर्थः । चेक्रियः, मरीमृज इत्यादौ प्रक्रियां दर्शयति — यङोऽचि चेति । क्रीञादिधातोरचि यङो लुगित्यर्थ- । द्वित्वादौ चेक्री अ इत्यादिस्थितौ आह — न धातुलोप इति । चेक्रिय इति । गुणाऽभावे संयोगपूर्वत्वान्न यण् । नेन्य इति । 'एरनेकाचः' इति यण् । लोलुव इति । उवङ् । यण्तु न,ओः सुपीत्युक्तेः । मरीमृज इति । अत्र 'न धातुलोपे' इति निषेधान्न मृजेर्वृद्धिः । चरिचलीति । एषामच्प्रत्यये परे द्वित्वम्, अभ्यासस्य आगागमश्चेत्यर्थः । ननु 'चराचर' इत्यत्राऽभ्यासे रेफादाकारस्य ह्रस्वः स्यात्, हलादिशेषेण तत्र रेफस्यापि निवृत्तिः स्यादित्यत आह — आगागमस्येति । ह्रस्वत्वे सत्यागागमे दीर्घोच्चारणं व्यर्थम्, आगागमस्यैव विधातुं शक्यत्वात् । तथा हलादिशेषेण रेफस्य निवृत्तौ ह्रस्वत्वेऽपि सवर्णदीर्घेण 'चाचर' इति सिद्धेर्दीर्घोच्चारणं हलादिशेषाऽभावं गमयतीत्यर्थः । हन्तेरिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । हनधातोरचि घत्वं द्वित्वमापक् चेत्यर्थः । ननूत्तरखण्डेअभ्यासाच्चे॑ति कुत्वसिद्धिः किमर्थमिह घत्वविधानमित्यत आह — घत्वमभ्यासस्येति ।इह विधीयते इति शेषः । पाटेरिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । पाटेर्णौ पाटि इत्यस्मादचि णेर्लुक्, द्वित्वम्, अभ्यासस्य ऊगागमः । अभ्यासस्य आकारस्य ह्रस्वे तस्य दीर्घश्चेत्यर्थः । वृद्धिनिवृत्तये णेर्लुग्विधिः । आगमे दीर्घोच्चारणाद्धलादिशेषेण टकारस्य न निवृत्तिः, हलादिशेषे तु आद्गुणे पोपट इति रूपस्य उगागमेऽपि सिद्धेः ।

translator notes

textual Two passages of the 1915 print are missing from ours (NSP p. 488, scan page-0498; Wikisource has both). (1) After 'yaṅlugvidhānāc ca' the print has 'keṣāṃcit pāṭhas tv anubandhāsañjanārthaḥ. keṣāṃcit prapañcārthaḥ.' before 'keṣāṃcid bādhakabādhanārthaḥ'. (2) After '…iti kaḥ prāptaḥ' the print has 'jārabharā. śvapacā. anayoḥ "karmaṇy aṇ 2913" prāptaḥ.' The scan confirms the long final ā of both forms. Both are supplied in brackets, and BM comments on both.
textual Slips in ours, rendered after the print (NSP p. 488, scan page-0498). 'yaṅiluk' for 'yaṅluk' (yaṅlugvidhānāc ca). 'vṛddhyābhāvo' for 'vṛddhyabhāvo', which ours itself spells correctly in the next sentence. 'śvāpako 'pi' for 'śvapāko 'pi'; BM and TB both read śvapāka.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags at the heads of k3, k5 and k7 are editorial. The print marks only the vārttikas (k2, k4, k6) with a sign before them and runs on Bhaṭṭoji's prose (NSP p. 488, scan page-0498).
textual Ours reads 'pāṭupaṭaḥ' with short u; the print reads 'pāṭūpaṭaḥ' with long ū (NSP p. 488, scan page-0498, confirmed at zoom). BM's 'ūgāgamaḥ' supports ū. Ours also reads 'rātracaraḥ' where the print has 'rātricaraḥ'. Both are rendered after the print.
commentary BM: nandi, grahi and paca form a dvandva, which is then the first member of a bahuvrīhi with ādi, so 'ādi' goes with each of the three. the dvandva of lyu, ṇini and ac is a first-case word (prathamānta), and they apply in respective order (yathāsaṅkhya). 'nandi' means the ṇi-final [nandi]. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.2896.t1: 'ādi', heard at the end of a dvandva, goes with each member; hence 'nandyāder lyuḥ…'. Followed.
commentary BM: in the sūtra, 'grahi' is grah upādāne cited with i, and as a sūtra usage it does not undergo saṃprasāraṇa by grahijyā…. viśayī is from vi + śīṅ svapne with ṇini, with guṇa and ay; 'vṛddhyabhāvaḥ' answers the expected vṛddhi by aco 'ñṇiti. viṣayī is from ṣiñ bandhane; 'ṣatvam api' means that the absence of vṛddhi and the ṣ are both by nipātana. paribhāvī/paribhavī answers the expected invariable vṛddhi from the ṇ-marking. Followed in referring the absence of vṛddhi to viśayī.
commentary TB, sk.2896.t1: madhusūdana: with ard and sūd, karmaṇy aṇ would apply, but lyu comes because of the nandi-group listing. vibhīṣaṇa has puk by bhiyo hetubhaye ṣuk. In viṣayī, ṣ becomes s by dhātvādeḥ ṣaḥ saḥ, and the ṣ that ādeśapratyayayoḥ would give is barred by sātpadādyoḥ, hence 'here ṣ also', with 'nipātanāt' carried on (anuṣajyate). Followed in construing 'nipātanāt' with ṣatva.
commentary BM on 'keṣāṃcit…': the gaṇa listing of words like nadaṭ, coraṭ attaches the anubandha ṭ. Listing anubandha-less words like vada, cala is for fullness of statement (prapañca). According to the Bhāṣya, bhara, paca and the like are listed to block karmaṇy aṇ, the exception to pacādy-ac, in jārabhara, śvapaca and the like. deva, seva are listed to block ka, specifically prescribed by igupadha…. On 'śvapāko 'pi': sometimes aṇ, with kutva. This confirms the two sentences supplied from the print. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.2896.t1: the analysis is jāraṃ bibharti, śvānaṃ pacati. 'śvapāko 'pi' means that aṇ in the object also occurs in the other option. Followed.
commentary BM: yaṅo 'ci ca deletes yaṅ after krī etc. when ac follows. In cekriya, with no guṇa, yaṇ does not apply because the i follows a conjunct. In nenya, yaṇ comes by er anekācaḥ. In loluva, uvaṅ applies, not yaṇ, because o suppi needs a sup. In marīmṛja, the vṛddhi of mṛj is stopped by na dhātulopa…. Recorded.
commentary BM: had the abhyāsa been shortened, teaching the augment as long would be pointless, since ak could have been taught. Had halādiḥ śeṣaḥ removed the r, 'cācara' would follow even with short a by savarṇadīrgha, so the long pronunciation shows that halādiḥ śeṣaḥ does not apply. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.2896.t1, its text partly lost in the OCR: halādiḥ śeṣaḥ does not apply, for if it did there would be no difference between an augment and a substitute, and [the vārttika] would simply say 'āc cābhyāsasya'. Followed.
commentary BM: the vārttika gives gh-substitution, reduplication and āk for han when ac follows. 'ghatvam abhyāsasya' is read with 'iha vidhīyate' supplied (śeṣa), in answer to the objection that kutva in the second member already comes by abhyāsāc ca. Followed in the bracketed 'besides reduplication and āk' in k4 and in referring gh to the abhyāsa.
commentary BM: from pāṭi, the causative of paṭ, with ac: luk of ṇi, reduplication, the augment ūk for the abhyāsa, and lengthening of the abhyāsa's ā when it would be shortened. luk of ṇi is taught to undo vṛddhi. Because the augment is long, halādiḥ śeṣaḥ does not remove the ṭ; if it did, the form 'popaṭa' would be reached with uk by guṇa of a + u. Followed in reading 'cok' as ca + ūk.
commentary TB, sk.2896.t1: with deletion of ṇi by ṇer aniṭi, the penultimate would take vṛddhi in pāṭūpaṭ by the pratyayalakṣaṇa principle, hence luk. Here too, as before, there is no shortening and no halādiḥ śeṣaḥ. Followed.

SK 2897 · A 3.1.135V

इगुपधज्ञाप्रीकिरः कः ॥ २८९७ ॥

igupadhajñāprīkiraḥ kaḥ

igupadhajñāprīkiraḥ kaḥ — After [a dhātu] whose penultimate is an ik (igupadha), and after jñā, prī and kir, ka [comes].

Rule. The affix ka comes after a root whose penultimate is an ik (i, u, ṛ, ḷ), and after jñā "to know", prī "to please" and kṝ "to scatter". Such a root is igupadha. Both commentators explain kir: it is kṝ with i and r already made.

Example.

kṣip + ka → the k blocks guṇa → kṣipaḥ.

Also likhaḥ, budhaḥ, kṛśaḥ.

jñā + ka → ā lost (SK 2372) → jñaḥ.

prī + ka → priyaḥ (iy for ī, says one commentator) "one who pleases".

kṝ + ka → kiraḥ "one who scatters".

Applies when / blocked by. ka is an exception to ṇvul and tṛc. But by the vāsarūpa rule (SK 2830) they still come beside it: kṣepakaḥ, kṣeptā. Here the guṇa is back, since ṇvul and tṛc are not k-marked.

Watch out. "Penultimate" means the sound just before the last sound. In kṣip that is i. A root like pac, with a, is not igupadha.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यः कः स्यात् । क्षिपः । लिखः । बुधः । कृशः । ज्ञः । प्रीणातीति प्रियः । किरतीति किरः । वासरूपविधिना ण्वुल्तृचावपि । क्षेपकः । क्षेप्ता ॥

ka comes after these. kṣipaḥ, likhaḥ, budhaḥ, kṛśaḥ, jñaḥ. prīṇāti iti priyaḥ "one who pleases: priya". kirati iti kiraḥ "one who scatters: kira". By the vāsarūpa-vidhi, ṇvul and tṛc also [come]: kṣepakaḥ, kṣeptā.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 499

—इगुपध-। इक् उपधा यस्य सः । ज्ञा अवबोधने, प्रीञ् तर्पणे, कृ विक्षेपे । एषामितरेतरयोगद्वन्द्वे व्यत्ययेन पञ्चम्येकवचने कृशब्दस्य धात्वनुकरणत्वेन प्रकृतिवदनुकरणमितिदेशात् ‘ऋत इद्धातोः’ इति इत्त्वम् । समाहारद्वन्द्वे तु नपुंसकह्रस्वत्वे सति इत्वं न स्यात् ॥—ज्ञ इति । जानातीति ज्ञः, ‘आतो लोप इटि च’ इत्यालोपः

Bālamanoramā

इगुपधज्ञाप्रीकिरः कः - इगुपधज्ञा । 'कृ विक्षेपे' इत्यस्य इत्त्वे रपरत्वे च किरिति रेफान्तम् । इगुपध, ज्ञा, प्री, किर् एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । कित्त्वं गुणनिषेधार्थम् । ज्ञ इति । आतो लोपः । प्रिय इति । प्रीञ् के इयङ् । किर इति । कृधातोः कप्रत्यये इत्त्वे रपरत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.2897.t1: igupadha is 'that of which an ik is the penultimate'. The roots are jñā avabodhane, prīñ tarpaṇe and kṛ vikṣepe. The compound is an itaretara-dvandva with a fifth-case singular (pañcamyanta) by exception (vyatyaya). kṛ takes i by ṛta id dhātoḥ because an imitation of a root is treated like the root (prakṛtivad anukaraṇam). As a samāhāra-dvandva, neuter shortening would have prevented the i. Followed in reading igupadha as a bahuvrīhi.
commentary BM: kir is kṛ vikṣepe with i and the following r (raparatva). igupadha, jñā, prī and kir form a dvandva that is a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta). The k-marking of ka serves to prohibit guṇa. Recorded; BM does not specify the type of dvandva.
commentary BM: in jña the ā is deleted (āto lopaḥ); in priya, prīñ with ka takes iyaṅ; in kira, kṛ with ka takes i and r. TB, sk.2897.t1, likewise derives jña with ā-deletion by āto lopa iṭi ca. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the forms.

SK 2898 · A 3.1.136V

आतश्चोपसर्गे ॥ २८९८ ॥

ātaścopasarge

ātaś copasarge — And after [a dhātu] ending in ā, when an upasarga [is the upapada], [ka comes — supplied (śeṣapūraṇa), per BM; the affix is the ka of igupadhajñāprīkiraḥ kaḥ, SK 2897].

Rule. After a root ending in ā, when an upasarga stands before it as upapada, ka comes. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "ka comes". He calls the rule the exception to the ṇa of SK 2903. One commentator explains: ṇa is taught for ā-final roots in general, with or without an upasarga.

Example.

su + glai + ka → ā for ai (SK 2370) → su + glā + a → ā lost (SK 2372) → suglaḥ.

pra + jñā + ka → ā lost → prajñaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Without an upasarga, the ā-final root takes ṇa by SK 2903. With an upasarga, this ka wins. SK 2903 then names śyā and avasā separately, so that they keep ṇa even with an upasarga.

Watch out. The ā of the root disappears before ka: write prajñaḥ, not prajñāḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कः स्यात् ।श्याद्व्यधा - SK 2903 इति णस्यापवादः । सुग्लः । प्रज्ञः ॥

ka comes [after an ā-final dhātu when an upasarga is the upapada]. [This is] an exception (apavāda) to ṇa [taught by] śyādvyadhā… (SK 2903): suglaḥ, prajñaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

आतश्चोपसर्गे - आतश्चोपसर्गे । कः स्यादिति । शेषपूरणम् । उपसर्गे उपपदे आदन्ताद्धातोः कः स्यादिति फलति । णस्यापवाद इति । तस्य उपसर्गेऽनुपसर्गे च आदन्तसामान्यविहितत्वादिति भावः । सुग्ल इति । ग्लैधातोः 'आदेचः' इत्यात्वे कृते कप्रत्यये आतो लोप इति भावः । प्रज्ञ इति । ज्ञाधातोरातो लोपः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'kaḥ syāt' completes the remainder (śeṣapūraṇa), and the sense is 'when an upasarga is the upapada, ka comes after an ā-final dhātu'. It is an exception to ṇa because ṇa is prescribed for ā-final roots in general, with or without an upasarga. sugla is from glai, made ā-final by ādeca upadeśe 'śiti, with ka and āto lopaḥ; prajña is from jñā with āto lopaḥ. Followed in the bracketed supplement (śeṣapūraṇa) and the upapada reading. BM does not name an anuvṛtti; identifying the ka as that of SK 2897 is the translator's.
translator No TB is printed for this sūtra. The TB column of NSP p. 489 (scan page-0499) passes directly from igupadha… (SK 2897) to pāghrādhmā… (SK 2899), and no neighbour unit carries TB on it.

SK 2899 · A 3.1.137V

पाघ्राध्माधेट्दृशः शः ॥ २८९९ ॥

pāghrādhmādheṭdṛśaḥ śaḥ

pāghrādhmādheṭdṛśaḥ śaḥ — After pā [pā pāne, 'to drink'], ghrā, dhmā, dheṭ and dṛś, śa [comes].

Rule. The affix śa comes after pā "to drink", ghrā "to smell", dhmā "to blow", dheṭ "to suck" and dṛś "to see". Both commentators say pā is the root "to drink", not pā "to protect". The latter has its class-sign deleted, and such roots are not taken here.

Example.

pā + śa → śa is sārvadhātuka → piba for pā (SK 2360) → śap and the a merges → pibaḥ.

Also jighraḥ (ghrā), dhamaḥ (dhmā), dhayaḥ (dheṭ), paśyaḥ "one who sees" (dṛś).

Applies when / blocked by. dhayā kanyā "a girl who sucks". dheṭ is ṭ-marked, so the feminine ṅīp (ī) might be expected, as in the khaś-form stanaṃdhayī (SK 2944). Haradatta holds that this ṅīp is not wanted except with khaś. (Haradatta wrote the Padamañjarī, a commentary on the Kāśikā, which explains the sūtras.) Bhaṭṭoji reports this as Haradatta's view. One of his commentators rejects the restriction; scholars discuss this.

A vārttika: śa does not come after ghrā in a name (saṃjñā). Bhaṭṭoji's proof is Pāṇini's own wording in SK 735, vyāghrādibhiḥ. One commentator explains: with śa Pāṇini would have written vyājighra.

Watch out. One commentator notes that "with an upasarga" is not carried into this rule. So paśyaḥ needs no upasarga.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पिबतीति पिबः । जिघ्रः । धमः । धयः । धया कन्या । धेटष्टित्त्वात् स्तनन्धयीति खशीव ङीप् प्राप्तः । खशोऽन्यत्र नेष्यत इति हरदत्तः । पश्यतीति पश्यः ॥

pibati iti pibaḥ "one who drinks: piba". jighraḥ, dhamaḥ, dhayaḥ. dhayā kanyā "a girl who sucks". Since dheṭ is ṭ-marked, ṅīp would be expected [here], as with khaś in stanaṃdhayī; it is not wanted elsewhere than with khaś — so Haradatta. paśyati iti paśyaḥ "one who sees: paśya".

vārttika

घ्रः संज्ञायां न

(vārttika) After ghrā, [śa does] not [come] in a name (saṃjñā).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ व्याघ्रादिभिः - SK 735 इति निर्देशात् ॥

[This follows] from the wording vyāghrādibhiḥ… (SK 735).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 499

—पाघ्राध्मा-। पा पाने । पा रक्षणे इत्ययं तु न गृह्यते लुग्विकरणत्वात् । इह सूत्रे उपसर्गं इति केचिदनुवर्तयन्ति तद्बहूनामसंमतम् । तथा च श्रीहर्षः ‘फलानि धूमस्य धयानधोमुखान्’ इति । श्रूयते च ‘यदा पश्यः पश्यते रुक्मवर्णम्’ इति

Bālamanoramā

पाघ्राध्माधेट्दृशः शः - पाघ्रा । अत्रलुग्विकरणाऽलुग्विकरणयोरलुग्विकरणस्यैव ग्रहणमिति मत्वाऽऽह — पिबतीति पिब इति । पाधातोः शप्रत्यये तस्य शित्त्वेन सार्वधातुकत्वात्पाघ्राध्मे॑ति पिबादेशः । स चाऽदन्त इत्युक्तम् । शप् । पररूपम् । जिघ्र इति ।पाघ्रेति घ्राधातोर्जिघ्रादेशः । धम इति । ध्माधातोर्धमादेशः । धय इति । धेटः शः, शप्, अयादेशः, पररूपमिति भावः । धया कन्येति । अत्र धेट्धातुष्टित् । स अदन्तो न भवति, यस्त्वदन्तो धयशब्दः, स न टित्, अतोऽत्रटिड्ढाण॑ञिति न ङीबिति भावः । धेटष्टित्त्वादित्यारभ्य हरदत्तमतम् । स्तनन्धयीतीति । स्तनशब्दे उपपदे धेट्धातोःनासिकास्तनयो॑रिति खशि कृतेखत्यनव्ययस्ये॑ति मुमि स्तनन्धयशब्दः । तत्र खशि कृते धेटष्टित्त्वमाश्रित्य यथा टिड्ढाणञिति ङीप्, तथा धया कन्येत्यत्रापि ङीप् प्राप्तः, स ङीप् खशोऽन्यत्र नेष्यते इति हरदत्त आहेत्यर्थः । वस्तुतस्तु टिड्ढाणञिति सूत्रे टिदाद्यवयवाऽकारस्यैव ग्रहणमिति भाष्यविरोधादिदं चिन्त्यम् । नच टित्त्वसामर्थ्यादेव स्तनन्धयीशब्दान्ङीबिति वाच्यं, धया कन्येत्यत्रापि ङीप्प्रसङ्गात्, खशोऽन्यत्र नेष्यते इत्यत्र प्रमाणाऽभावात् । तस्मात्स्तनन्धयीत्यप्रामाणिकमेव । तस्य प्रामाणिकत्वे गौरादित्वं कल्प्यम्, ङीप्यप्युदात्तनिवृत्तिस्वरप्राप्त्या स्वरे विशेषाऽभावादिति शब्देन्दुशेखरे स्थितम् । दृश उदाहरति — पश्य इति ।पाघ्रे॑ति पश्यादेशः । घ्रः संज्ञायां नेति । घ्राधातोः संज्ञायां शो नेत्यर्थः । कुत इत्यत आह — व्याघ्रादिभिरिति । अन्यथाव्याजिघ्रादिभि॑रिति निर्दिशेदिति भावः ।

translator notes

textual The '(vārttikam)' tag at the head of k3 is editorial. In the print only 'ghraḥ saṃjñāyāṃ na' (k2) carries the vārttika sign, and 'vyāghrādibhiḥ… iti nirdeśāt' is Bhaṭṭoji's justification of it (NSP p. 489, scan page-0499).
commentary BM: by the maxim that, of a root with a luk-vikaraṇa and one without, only the one without is taken, pā here is the bhvādi pā ('to drink'). Hence the example pibati iti pibaḥ, where śa, being ś-marked and so sārvadhātuka, brings in the substitute piba by pāghrādhmā… (piba being a-final), followed by śap and pararūpa. Followed in the bracket.
commentary TB, sk.2899.t1: pā is pā pāne; pā rakṣaṇe is not taken, because it has luk of the vikaraṇa. Some carry 'upasarge' forward into this sūtra, but most do not accept this: Śrīharṣa writes 'dhayān' and the śruti has 'yadā paśyaḥ paśyate rukmavarṇam'. Followed: pā is glossed as 'to drink' and no 'upasarge' is supplied.
commentary BM: in dhayā kanyā, dheṭ is ṭ-marked, but it is not a-final, and the a-final word dhaya is not ṭ-marked, so ṭiḍḍhāṇañ… gives no ṅīp. Everything from 'dheṭaṣ ṭittvāt' onward is Haradatta's view. stanaṃdhaya is from dheṭ with khaś by nāsikāstanayoḥ and mum, with khity anavyayasya cited; Haradatta lets ṅīp come there by the ṭ-marking but not in dhayā. BM rejects this: by the Bhāṣya, ṭiḍḍhāṇañ… takes only an a that belongs to the ṭ-marked element, and there is no proof for 'not wanted elsewhere than khaś'. So stanaṃdhayī is unauthorised, or if it is authoritative it must be assumed to belong to the gaura-group (Śabdenduśekhara). Followed in closing both sentences with 'so Haradatta', so that the attribution can cover the reasoning as well as the restriction; BM's criticism is not reflected in the English.
commentary BM: śa does not come after ghrā in a name. The proof is that otherwise [Pāṇini] would have written 'vyājighrādibhiḥ'. Followed in supplying śa.

SK 2900 · A 3.1.138V

अनुपसर्गाल्लिम्पविन्दधारिपारिवेद्युदेजिचेतिसातिसाहिभ्यश्च ॥ २९०० ॥

anupasargāllimpavindadhāripārivedyudejicetisātisāhibhyaśca

anupasargāl limpavindadhāripārivedyudejicetisātisāhibhyaś ca — And after limp, vind, dhāri, pāri, vedi, udeji, ceti, sāti and sāhi, when without an upasarga, [śa comes — supplied (śeṣapūraṇa), per BM; the affix is the śa of pāghrādhmādheṭdṛśaḥ śaḥ, SK 2899].

Rule. śa also comes after limp, vind, dhāri, pāri, vedi, udeji, ceti, sāti and sāhi, when no upasarga stands before them. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "śa comes". Several of these are causative stems with ṇi.

Example.

limpaḥ, vindaḥ. One commentator: the roots are named with their n already inserted, so only the tud-class lip and vid "to obtain" are meant.

dhāri + śa → śap → guṇa of i and ay → dhārayaḥ. So too pārayaḥ, vedayaḥ, udejayaḥ, cetayaḥ (the steps are one commentator's).

sāti "pleasure" is a root found only in the sūtras, here with causative ṇi: sātayaḥ. sāhi is ṣah "to endure" of the cur class, or its causative: sāhayaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. By the vāsarūpa principle (SK 2830), sāti also takes kvip, an affix that leaves nothing: sāt, the supreme Self (paramātman), and sātvantaḥ, the devotees.

With an upasarga there is no śa: pralipaḥ. One commentator says this is ka by SK 2897.

Two vārttikas:

śa after limp with ni: nilimpāḥ, the gods.
after vind with go and the like, śa comes only in a name: govindaḥ, aravindam. One commentator calls this a restriction (niyama), and śa here an exception to aṇ.

Watch out. The nine stems are cited as they appear before śa. Do not take limpa and vinda as the bare roots.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शः स्यात् । लिम्पः । विन्दः । धारयः । पारयः । वेदयः । उदेजयः । चेतयः । सातिः सुखार्थः । सौत्रो हेतुमण्ण्यन्तः । सातयः । वाऽसरूपन्यायेन क्विपि । सात् परमात्मा । सात्वन्तो भक्ताः । षह मर्षणे चुरादिः । हेतुमण्ण्यन्तो वा । साहयः । अनुपसर्गात्किम् । प्रलिपः ।

śa comes. limpaḥ, vindaḥ, dhārayaḥ, pārayaḥ, vedayaḥ, udejayaḥ, cetayaḥ.

sāti, meaning pleasure (sukha), is a sautra [root], [here] ending in the causative (hetumat) ṇic: sātayaḥ. By the vāsarūpa principle, [it also takes] kvip: sāt, the supreme Self (paramātman); sātvantaḥ, the devotees (bhaktāḥ).

ṣaha marṣaṇe "ṣah, to endure" is of the cur-class, or [sāhi is] ṇic-final in the causative (hetumat) sense: sāhayaḥ.

Why "without an upasarga"? pralipaḥ.

vārttika

नौ लिम्पेर्वाच्यः

(vārttika) [śa] should be stated after limp when ni [is the upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ निलिम्पा देवाः ।

nilimpāḥ, the gods (devāḥ).

vārttika

गवादिषु विदेः संज्ञायाम्

(vārttika) After vind, when go and the rest [are upapadas], [śa comes only] in a name (saṃjñā) [— a restriction (niyama), per BM].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ गोविन्दः । अरविन्दम् ॥

govindaḥ, aravindam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 499

—अनुपसर्गाल्लिम्पविन्द-। इह लिम्पविन्देति भाविना नुमा सनुम्कौ निर्दिष्टौ । तेन लाभार्थस्यैव विन्देर्ग्रहणं न तु सत्ताद्यर्थकानाम् ॥—धारय इति । धृञ् धारणे, धृङ् अवस्थाने । ण्यन्तयोर्द्वयोरपि ग्रहणम् । अथ कथं ‘न मह्यमत्रोत्तरधारयस्य ते’ इति श्रीहर्षः । परत्वाद्धि सूत्रधारादिष्विव कर्मण्यणा भाव्यम् । तथाच वार्तिकम् ‘अकारादनुपपदात्कर्मोपपदो विप्रतिषेधेन’ इति । सत्यम् । कर्मणः शेषत्वविवक्षायामणोऽप्राप्त्या शे कृते शेषषष्ठ्यन्तेन समासो भविष्यति । एतेन गङ्गाधरभूधरजलधरादयो व्याख्याताः ॥—पारय इति । पार कर्मसमाप्तौ चुरादिण्यन्तः । पृ पालनपूरणयोरिति वा हेतुमण्ण्यन्तः ॥—वेदय इति । विद चेतनाख्यानादिषु चुरादिः, ज्ञानाद्यर्थानामन्यतमो वा हेतुमण्ण्यन्तः । इहोदाहरणेषु लिपिविदिभ्यां ‘तुदादिभ्यः शः’ ‘शे मुचादीनाम्’ इति नुम् । धार्यादिभ्यस्तु शब्गुणायादेशाः ॥—अरविन्दमिति । चक्रस्य नाभिनेम्योरन्तराले स्थितानि काष्ठानि अराः तदाकाराणि दलानि तत्सादृश्यादरास्तान् विन्दति लभते इत्ययं कर्मण्यणो बाधनायेदम्

Bālamanoramā

अनुपसर्गाल्लिम्पविन्दधारिपारिवेद्युदेजिचेति- सातिसाहिभ्यश्च - अनुपसर्गात् । शः स्यादिति । शेषपूरणम् । लिम्पः विन्द इति ।लिप उपदेहे 'विद्लृ लाभे' इति तुदादौ, ताभ्यां शः ।शे मुचादीना॑मिति नुम् । सूत्रे कृतनुमौ लिम्पविन्दौ निर्दिष्टौ, अतस्तौदादकयोरेव ग्रहणम् । धारय इति । 'धृञ् धारणे' 'धृङ् अवस्थाने' आभ्यां हेतुमण्ण्यन्ताभ्यां शः शप्, गुणाऽयादेशौ । पारय इति । पृधातोण्र्यन्ताच्छः, शप्, गुणाऽयादेशौ । विद वेदनाख्यादिषु, चुरादिण्यन्ताच्छः, शप् गुणाऽयादेशौ । उदेजय इति । उत्पूर्वादेजधातोण्र्यन्ताच्छः, शप् गुणाऽयादेशौ । चेतय इति । 'चिती संज्ञाने' ण्यन्ताच्छः, शप्,गुणाऽयादेशौ । एवं सातयः । सादिति रूपं साधयितुमाह — वासरूपन्यायेन क्विबिति । सातयति सुखयतीत्यर्थे क्विप् । णिलोपः । यद्यपि क्विप् सामान्यविहितः सातेः शप्रत्ययस्तु तदपवादः, तथापि वासरूपविधिना क्विबपि भवतीत्यर्थः । सात्परमात्मेति ।एष ह्येवानन्दयातीति श्रूतेः तस्यसुखयितृत्वावगमादिति भावः । सात्वन्त इति । सात् = परमात् मा भजनीय एषामित्यर्थे मतुप् । 'मादुपधायाः' इति मस्य वः । 'तसौ मत्वर्थे' इति भत्वात्पदत्वाऽभावान्न जश्त्वम् । साहय इति । साहेः शः । शप् । गुणाऽयादेशौ । प्रलिप इति । इगुपधलक्षणः कः । नौ लिम्पेरिति । वार्तिकमिदम् ।नी॑त्युपसर्गे उपपदे लिम्पेः शो वाच्य इत्यर्थः । 'अनुपसर्गा' दित्युक्तेः पूर्वेणाऽप्राप्तौ वचनम् । गवादिष्विति । वार्तिकमिदम् । गवादिषु उपपदेषु विन्देः शो वाच्य इत्यर्थः ।संज्ञायामेवे॑ति नियमार्थमिदम् । गोविन्द इति । गाः = उपनिषद्वाचः प्रमाणतया विन्दतीत्यर्थः । अरविन्दमिति । चक्रे नाभिनेम्योरन्तरालप्रोतानि काष्ठानि अराणि, तत्सदृशानि दलानि विन्दतीत्यर्थः । कर्मण्यणोऽपवादः शः ।

translator notes

textual The '(vārttikam)' tags at the heads of k3 and k5 are editorial. The print marks only the vārttikas themselves (k2, k4) with a sign before them (NSP pp. 489–490, scan pages 0499–0500).
commentary BM: 'śaḥ syāt' completes the remainder (śeṣapūraṇa). limp and vind are named in the sūtra with num already added, so only the tudādi roots are meant: lipa upadehe and vidḷ lābhe, which take num before śa by śe mucādīnām. Followed in the bracketed supplement (śeṣapūraṇa); BM does not name an anuvṛtti, and identifying the śa as that of SK 2899 is the translator's.
commentary TB, sk.2900.t1: limpa and vinda are named with the num that is to come, so only vind 'to obtain' is taken, not the roots meaning 'to be' etc. dhāri covers the causatives of both dhṛñ dhāraṇe and dhṛṅ avasthāne. pāri is either pāra karmasamāptau of the cur-class or the causative of pṛ pālanapūraṇayoḥ. vedi is either vida cetanākhyāna… of the cur-class or the causative of one of the vid roots meaning 'to know' etc. Recorded; the English names the roots as the sūtra does.
commentary BM: dhāraya, pāraya, vedaya, udejaya, cetaya and sātaya take śa, then śap, guṇa and ay. kvip after sāti is in the sense of sātayati, sukhayati ('he gladdens'), with deletion of ṇi. Although kvip is general and śa after sāti its exception, kvip also comes by the vāsarūpa-vidhi. sāt is the paramātman by the śruti 'eṣa hy evānandayāti'. sātvantaḥ is matup in the sense 'whose object of worship is sāt, the supreme'; m becomes v by mād upadhāyāḥ…, and since tasau matvarthe gives bha-status there is no pada-status and so no jaśtva. pralipa takes ka by igupadha…. Followed.
commentary BM: the vārttika means that śa is to be stated after limp when the upasarga ni is the upapada. It is needed because the preceding sūtra does not apply, having said 'anupasargāt'. Followed in the supplied 'śa'.
commentary BM: the vārttika means that śa is to be stated after vind when go etc. are upapadas, and it is a restriction (niyama): only in a name. govinda is 'he who obtains the cows (gāḥ), i.e. the words of the Upaniṣads, as authority'. aravinda is 'that which obtains petals like the spokes (arāṇi) set between the nave and the felly of a wheel'. śa here is an exception to karmaṇy aṇ. Followed in the bracketed '[śa comes only]' and in giving 'saṃjñāyām' its restrictive (niyama) force (only in a name).
commentary TB, sk.2900.t1: on aravindam: the arāḥ are the pieces of wood set between the nave and the felly of a wheel; petals shaped like them are 'arāḥ' by likeness, and [the lotus] obtains them. The rule serves to block karmaṇy aṇ. Agrees with BM; recorded.
commentary TB, sk.2900.t1, on Śrīharṣa's 'uttaradhārayasya': by being later (paratva), aṇ in the object should come here, as in sūtradhāra, by the vārttika 'akārād anupapadāt karmopapado vipratiṣedhena'. TB answers that when the object is intended as a mere relation (śeṣa), aṇ does not apply; śa comes, and the compound is made with the sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta); gaṅgādhara, bhūdhara, jaladhara are explained the same way. Recorded.

SK 2901 · A 3.1.139V

ददातिदधात्योर्विभाषा ॥ २९०१ ॥

dadātidadhātyorvibhāṣā

dadātidadhātyor vibhāṣā — After dadāti (dā) and dadhāti (dhā), optionally [śa comes — 'śaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2899; and only when without an upasarga — 'anupasargāt' carried forward from SK 2900].

Rule. After dā "to give" (dadāti) and dhā "to place" (dadhāti), śa comes optionally. Bhaṭṭoji adds that "without an upasarga" still holds.

Example.

dā + śa → class-sign deleted (ślu), the root doubled, ā lost → dadaḥ. Also dadhaḥ.

Both commentators give these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. In the other option comes ṇa, taught below (SK 2903): dāyaḥ, dhāyaḥ (one commentator). With an upasarga there is no śa: pradaḥ, pradhaḥ. Both commentators say these take ka by SK 2898.

Watch out. The option is between śa and ṇa, not between śa and nothing. dadaḥ and dāyaḥ are both correct for "giver".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शः स्यात् । ददः । दधः । पक्षे वक्ष्यमाणो णः । अनुपसर्गादित्येव । प्रदः । प्रधः ॥

śa comes [optionally]: dadaḥ, dadhaḥ. In the other option, ṇa, which is to be taught [below], comes. "Without an upasarga" does continue [here]: pradaḥ, pradhaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 499

—ददातिदधात्योर्विभाषा ॥—ददः दधः इति । शे परे ‘जुहोत्यादिभ्यः’ इति श्लुः ‘श्लौ’ इति द्वित्वम् अपित्सार्वधातुकस्य शस्य ङित्त्वात् ‘आतो लोपः-’ इत्यालोपः ॥—वक्ष्यमाणो ण इति । ‘श्याद्यधा-’ इति णप्रत्यये आतो युकि दायः धायः ॥—प्रदः प्रधः इति । ‘आतश्चोपसर्गे’ इति कः । स्यादेतत् । दद दाने, दध धारणे आभ्यामचि ददो दधः इति सिद्धम् । दाधाभ्यामादन्तलक्षणे णप्रत्यये दायो धाय इत्यपि, ततश्चेदं सूत्रं व्यर्थमिति चेत् । सत्यम् । स्वरार्थमिदं सूत्रम् । अददः अदधः । इह हि अव्ययपूर्वपदप्रकृतिस्वर इष्यते । अजन्तत्वे तु अजकावशक्तावित्यन्तोदात्तत्वं स्यात्

Bālamanoramā

ददातिदधात्योर्विभाषा - ददातिदधात्योर्विभाषा । दाञ्, धाञ्, आभ्यां शो वा स्यात् । ददः दध इति । शः, शप्, श्लुः । 'श्लौ' इति द्वित्वम् । आतो लोपः । वक्ष्यमाण इति । 'स्याद्व्यदे' त्यनेनेति भावः । प्रदः प्रध इति । 'आतश्चोपसर्गे' इति कः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after dāñ and dhāñ, śa comes optionally. Followed.
commentary BM: dada and dadha take śa, śap and ślu, reduplication by ślau and ā-deletion (āto lopaḥ). The ṇa 'to be taught' is by śyādvyadhā… (SK 2903). pradaḥ and pradhaḥ take ka by ātaś copasarge (SK 2898). Followed in referring 'vakṣyamāṇo ṇaḥ' to SK 2903.
commentary TB, sk.2901.t1: dada and dadha take ślu by juhotyādibhyaḥ ślau and reduplication by ślau; since the śa, being a non-p sārvadhātuka, is ṅit, ā is deleted by āto lopaḥ…. The ṇa to be taught is by śyādvyadhā…, giving dāyaḥ, dhāyaḥ with yuk. pradaḥ and pradhaḥ take ka by ātaś copasarge. Objection: dada and dadha would follow from dada dāne and dadha dhāraṇe with ac, and dāya, dhāya from ṇa for ā-final roots, so this sūtra is pointless. Answer: it is for the accent: in adadaḥ, adadhaḥ the accent of the first member, an avyaya, is retained, whereas with ac the words would be end-accented by ajakāv aśaktau… [so the print; read acakāv aśaktau, A 6.2.157 — a TB misprint, not an OCR error (NSP p. 489, scan page-0499)]. Recorded; the kaumudī does not raise the point.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'śaḥ' from pāghrādhmādheṭdṛśaḥ śaḥ (SK 2899) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'śaḥ syāt', and BM only paraphrases ('śa comes optionally'); no commentator names the source. The continuation of 'anupasargāt' rests on the kaumudī's own 'anupasargād ity eva'.

SK 2902 · A 3.1.140V

ज्वलितिकसन्तेभ्यो णः ॥ २९०२ ॥

jvalitikasantebhyo ṇaḥ

jvalitikasantebhyo ṇaḥ — After [the dhātus] beginning with jval and ending with kas, ṇa [comes] [optionally — 'vibhāṣā' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from dadātidadhātyor vibhāṣā, SK 2901; and only when without an upasarga — 'anupasargāt' carried forward from SK 2900].

Rule. After the roots from jval to kas in the root list, ṇa comes optionally. In the other option comes ac. Bhaṭṭoji explains the iti of the sūtra as "beginning with". "Optionally" runs on from SK 2901, says one commentator. "Without an upasarga" runs on too: Bhaṭṭoji says so.

Example.

jval + ṇa → marker ṇ goes → vṛddhi of the penultimate a → jvālaḥ.

jval + ac → jvalaḥ.

cal → cālaḥ / calaḥ.

With an upasarga, only ac: ujjvalaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator adds that where a root qualifies, ka by SK 2897 also comes in the other option.

A vārttika adds tan "to spread" to the roots that take ṇa. Bhaṭṭoji says that here neither "without an upasarga" nor "optionally" applies: avatanoti iti avatānaḥ "one who spreads down".

Watch out. For tan the conditions are lifted. So avatānaḥ has both an upasarga and an invariable ṇa.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इति शब्द आद्यर्थः । ज्वलादिभ्यः कसन्तेभ्यो णः स्याद्वा । पक्षेऽच् । ज्वालः । ज्वलः । चालः । चलः । अनुपसर्गादित्येव । उज्ज्वलः ।

The word iti [in the sūtra] has the sense of "beginning with" (ādi). After [the dhātus] from jval up to kas, ṇa comes optionally; in the other option, ac: jvālaḥ, jvalaḥ; cālaḥ, calaḥ. "Without an upasarga" does continue [here]: ujjvalaḥ.

vārttika

तनोतेरुपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) tan is to be added (upasaṃkhyāna) [to those that take ṇa].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ इहानुपसर्गादिति विभाषेति च न संबध्यते । अवतनोतीत्यतानः ॥

Here neither "without an upasarga" nor "optionally" is connected: avatanoti iti avatānaḥ "one who spreads down: avatāna".

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 499–500

—इतिशब्द आद्यर्थ इति । निपातानामनेकार्थत्वादिति भावः ॥—श्याद्व्यधा-। अनुपसर्गादिति निवृत्तम् । उत्तरसूत्रे पुनरनुपसर्गग्रहणात् । एवं च तत्संबद्धं विभाषाग्रहणमपि निवृत्तं तदाह—नित्यमिति । इह सूत्रे श्यैङ् गतावित्यस्य आत्वे श्या आत् इति प्रश्लेषो न तु शीङो यणादेशेन, नाप्यततेः अच्छब्दान्तानां वायतिप्रभृतीनां नाप्यकारान्तानां वा प्रश्लेषेण ग्रहणं व्याख्यानादिति भावः ॥—कं बाधितुमिति । अन्यथा ‘आतश्चोपसर्गे’ इति विशेषविहितः कः सामान्यविहितस्य णस्य बाधकः स्यादित्यर्थः । स्रु गतौ । प्राचा तु सूत्रे आश्रु संश्रु इति तालव्यं पठित्वा शृणोतिरुदाहृतस्तदनाकरम् । तथा च प्रयुज्यते—‘अनाश्रवावः किमहं कदापि वक्तुं विशेषा परमस्ति शेषः’ इति नैषधादौ । अमरोऽप्याह ‘वचने स्थित आश्रवः’ इति । यदि तु सूत्रे अस्मिन् शृणोतेर्ग्रहणं स्यात्तर्हि ‘ऋदोरप्’ इति सामान्यविहितमपं बाधित्वा आङ्पूर्वकाच्छृणोतेर्विशेषविहितो ण एव स्यात्, तथा च आश्रव इति रूपं न स्यात्कलाश्राव इति स्यादिति दिक् ॥—लेहः । श्लेष इति । ‘इगुपधज्ञा—’ इति कप्रत्यये गुणो न स्यादिति भावः ॥—दुनोतेरिति । टुदु उपतापे इत्यस्मात् ॥—दवतेरिति । दु गतावित्यस्मात् ॥—दव इति । ‘दवदावौ वनारण्यवह्नी’ इत्यमरः ॥—काशिकेति । भाष्ये त्वेतद्वार्तिकं नास्तीति तन्मते भावशब्दोऽसाधुरित्यत आह—भाष्यमते त्विति

Bālamanoramā

ज्वलितिकसन्तेभ्यो णः - ज्वलिति । आद्यर्थ इति । तथा च ज्वल् इति = आदिर्येषां ते ज्वलितयः, ते च ते कसन्ताश्चेति ज्वलितिकसन्ताःष तेभ्य इति विग्रहः । तदाह — ज्वलादिभ्य इति ।ज्वल दीप्तौ इत्यारभ्य 'कस गतौ' इत्येवमन्तेभ्य इत्यर्थः । वा णः स्यादिति.विभाषेत्यनुवर्तते इति भावः । पक्षेऽजिति । 'इगुपधेभ्यः कः' इत्यपि बोध्यम् । उपसङ्ख्यानमिति ।णस्ये॑ति शेषः । न संबध्यते इति । 'अवतानः' इत्येव भाष्ये उदाहरणादिति भावः ।

translator notes

textual Ours reads 'avatanotīty atānaḥ'; the print reads 'avatanotīty avatānaḥ' (NSP p. 489, scan page-0499; Wikisource agrees). The English follows the print. BM's citation of the Bhāṣya example 'avatānaḥ' confirms it. The '(vārttikam)' tag at the head of k3 is editorial; the print marks only the vārttika (k2) with a sign.
commentary BM: 'jval iti' means 'those beginning with jval' (jvalitayaḥ), and the compound is a karmadhāraya 'those which begin with jval and end with kas', i.e. from jvala dīptau up to kasa gatau. 'vā ṇaḥ syāt' because vibhāṣā is carried forward (anuvartate). 'pakṣe 'c': where applicable, ka by igupadha… also comes in the other option. Followed in the bracketed anuvṛtti.
commentary TB, sk.2902.t1: iti has the sense of ādi because indeclinables (nipāta) have many senses. Followed.
commentary BM: 'upasaṃkhyānam' is read with 'ṇasya' supplied (śeṣa): tan is to be included for ṇa. 'Not connected' because the Bhāṣya gives 'avatānaḥ' as the example, with an upasarga and without option. Followed in the supplied bracket.
translator The TB lines following those on this sūtra in sk.2902.t1 belong to SK 2903–2905 (from 'śyādvyadhā-' to 'bhāṣyamate tv iti'). The editorial note formerly filed as sk.2902.n1 (TB on SK 2911–2913) was re-filed to sk.2911.t1 and the head of sk.2913.t1 (2026-10-05). They are cited under those units.

SK 2903 · A 3.1.141V

श्याद्व्यधास्रुसंस्व्रतीणवसावहृलिहश्लिषश्वसश्च ॥ २९०३ ॥

śyādvyadhāsrusaṃsvratīṇavasāvahṛlihaśliṣaśvasaśca

śyādvyadhāsrusaṃsrvatīṇavasāvahṛlihaśliṣaśvasaś ca — Also after śyā, ā-final [dhātus], vyadh, āsru, saṃsru, atīṇ, avasā, avahṛ, lih, śliṣ and śvas, [ṇa comes — 'ṇaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from jvalitikasantebhyo ṇaḥ, SK 2902] invariably [— 'anupasargāt' does not continue, and so neither does 'vibhāṣā', which goes with it].

Rule. ṇa comes invariably after śyā, after any ā-final root, and after vyadh, āsru, saṃsru, atīṇ, avasā, avahṛ, lih, śliṣ and śvas. The sūtra is read here as naming āsru and saṃsru. Both commentators explain why the option has gone. The next rule says "without an upasarga" again, so that condition stops here. And "optionally", which went with it, stops too.

Example.

dā + ṇa → yuk after the ā (SK 2761) → dāy + a → dāyaḥ. Also dhāyaḥ. (The yuk step is both commentators'.)

vyadh → vyādhaḥ.

ā + sru "to go" → āsrāvaḥ; sam + sru → saṃsrāvaḥ.

atyāyaḥ, avasāyaḥ, avahāraḥ, lehaḥ, śleṣaḥ, śvāsaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. śyā and avasā are ā-final already, so "ā-final" would cover them. Bhaṭṭoji says they are named to block ka when an upasarga is present. Without this, SK 2898 would give ka. So: avaśyāyaḥ, pratiśyāyaḥ.

One commentator adds that with ka by SK 2897, lehaḥ and śleṣaḥ would have no guṇa.

Watch out. This rule overrides SK 2898 only for śyā and avasā. Other ā-final roots with an upasarga still take ka: prajñaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

श्यैङ्प्रभृतिभ्यो नित्यं णः स्यात् । श्यैङोऽवस्यतेश्चादन्तात्वात्सिद्धे पृथग्ग्रहणमुपसर्गे कं बाधितुम् । अवश्यायः । प्रतिश्यायः । आत् । दायः । धायः । व्याधः । स्रु गतौ । आङ्पूर्वः संपूर्वश्च । आस्रावः । संस्रावः । अत्यायः । अवसायः । अवहारः । लेहः । श्लेषः । श्वासः ॥

After śyaiṅ and the rest, ṇa comes invariably. Since śyaiṅ and avasyati would be covered by being ā-final, their separate mention is to block ka when an upasarga [is the upapada]: avaśyāyaḥ, pratiśyāyaḥ. ā[-final dhātus]: dāyaḥ, dhāyaḥ. vyādhaḥ. sru gatau "sru, to go", preceded by āṅ and by sam: āsrāvaḥ, saṃsrāvaḥ. atyāyaḥ, avasāyaḥ, avahāraḥ, lehaḥ, śleṣaḥ, śvāsaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

श्याऽऽद्व्यधास्रुसंस्र्वतीणवसाऽवहृलिह- श्लिषश्वसश्च - श्याद्व्यधास्रु । श्या, आत् , व्यध, आस्रु, संस्रु, अतीण्, अवसा, अवहृ, लिह, श्लिष, श्वस् एषामेकादशानां समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । अनुपसर्गादिति निवृत्तम्, उत्तरसूत्रेऽनुपसर्गग्रहणात् । एवं च तत्सम्बद्धं विभाषाग्रहणं च नानुवर्तते । तदाह — नित्यमिति । श्यैङ इति । श्यैङ्धातोरवपूर्वस्य षोधातोश्च कृतात्त्वयोः सूत्रे निर्देशः । तयोरादन्तत्वादेव सिद्धे पुनग्र्रहणम् 'आतश्चोपसर्गे' इति कप्रत्ययबाधनार्थमित्यर्थः । अवश्यायः प्रतिश्याय इति । श्यैङ आत्त्वे कृते णः । आतो युक् । आदिति । आदन्तस्योदाहरणसूचनम् । दायः धाय इति । णे आतो युक् । व्याध इति । अतिपूर्वादिण्धातोर्णे वृद्ध्यायादेशौ । अवसाय इति । अवपूर्वात् 'षोऽन्तकर्मणि' इत्यस्माण्णे आतो युक् । लेहः श्लेष इति । णे लघूपधगुणः । श्वास इति । णे उपधावृद्धिः ।

translator notes

textual Ours prints the sūtra as 'śyādvyadhāsrusaṃsvratīṇ…' (sūtra.dev and sūtra.iast), which is not a possible sandhi of the padaccheda's 'saṃsru-atīṇ'. BM's pratīka has 'saṃsrvatīṇa', and the sūtra_en follows it. The 1915 print's conjunct after saṃ is a blurred s+v+r ligature that could be read either way (NSP p. 489, scan page-0499; collation class C). Recommended for checking against the printed copy.
textual Ours reads 'ādantātvāt'; the print reads 'ādantatvāt' (NSP p. 489, scan page-0499, confirmed at zoom). The sense is the same and the English follows the print.
commentary BM: śyā, āt, vyadha, āsru, saṃsru, atīṇ, avasā, avahṛ, liha, śliṣa and śvas, eleven in all, form a samāhāra-dvandva that is a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta). 'anupasargāt' ceases (nivṛtta) because the next sūtra mentions 'anupasarge' again, and so 'vibhāṣā', which is connected with it, does not continue either; hence 'nityam'. Followed in the bracketed cessation of 'anupasargāt' and 'vibhāṣā' and in 'invariably'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2902.t1: 'anupasargāt' ceases because the next sūtra takes up 'anupasarge' again, and with it 'vibhāṣā' ceases, hence 'nityam'. 'śyā āt' joins śyaiṅ gatau (with ā) to āt. It is not śī with yaṇ, nor a praśleṣa taking in atati, or roots of the vāyati type, or a-final roots — by the explanation (vyākhyānāt). Followed.
commentary BM: śyaiṅ, and the root so (ṣo) with ava, are named in the sūtra in their ā-made forms. They would be covered as ā-final, so naming them again serves to block ka by ātaś copasarge. 'āt' signals examples of ā-final roots. dāya and dhāya take ṇa with āto yuk. atyāya is from iṇ with ati, with ṇa, vṛddhi and āy. avasāya is from so 'ntakarmaṇi with ava, ṇa and yuk. leha and śleṣa have guṇa of the light penultimate, and śvāsa has vṛddhi of the penultimate. Followed in supplying 'when an upasarga [is the upapada]' and 'ā[-final dhātus]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2902.t1: 'to block ka', since otherwise ka, specially prescribed (viśeṣavihita) by ātaś copasarge, would block the generally prescribed ṇa. The root is sru gatau. The earlier author (prāc) read the sūtra with palatal 'āśru saṃśru' and illustrated śṛṇoti; TB calls this unsupported by the authoritative source (anākara), citing Naiṣadha's 'anāśravā' and Amara's 'vacane sthita āśravaḥ'. If śṛṇoti were taken here, the specific ṇa would block the general ap of ṛdor ap and give āśrāva, not āśrava. On lehaḥ, śleṣaḥ: with ka by igupadha… there would be no guṇa. Followed in reading 'sru gatau' with dental s.
translator No TB is filed under sk.2903; the TB on this sūtra is printed at the tail of sk.2902.t1. In our OCR, TB's '—lehaḥ. śleṣa iti' is garbled to 'lehaḥ. śṛṇo iti'; the scan (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500) reads 'lehaḥ. śleṣa iti'.
translator The bracketed continuation of ṇa from jvalitikasantebhyo ṇaḥ (SK 2902) is the translator's identification. The kaumudī supplies 'ṇaḥ syāt', and neither BM nor TB names the source of ṇa; they speak only of the cessation of 'anupasargāt' and 'vibhāṣā'.

SK 2904 · A 3.1.142V

दुन्योरनुपसर्गे ॥ २९०४ ॥

dunyoranupasarge

dunyor anupasarge — After du and nī, when without an upasarga, [ṇa comes — 'ṇaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from jvalitikasantebhyo ṇaḥ, SK 2902].

Rule. After du and nī, without an upasarga, ṇa comes. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "ṇa comes".

Example.

du + ṇa → vṛddhi → dau + a → āv (SK 61) → dāvaḥ "that which torments".

nī + ṇa → nāyaḥ "leader".

Applies when / blocked by. There are two roots du. nī is cited in the root list with a marker. Bhaṭṭoji argues from this pairing (sāhacarya): du too means the marked root ṭudu "to torment" (dunoti). The other du "to go" (davati) takes the pacādi ac: davaḥ.

With an upasarga: pradavaḥ, praṇayaḥ.

Watch out. dāvaḥ and davaḥ come from different roots. Only dunoti takes this ṇa.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

णः स्यात् । दुनोतीति दावः । नीसाहचर्यात्सानुबन्धाद्दुनोतेरेव णः । दवतेस्तु पचाद्यच् । दवः । नयतीति नायः । उपसर्गे तु प्रदवः । प्रणयः ॥

ṇa comes. dunoti iti dāvaḥ "it torments: dāva". Because of its association (sāhacarya) with nī, which has an anubandha, ṇa comes only after dunoti, the root that has an anubandha; after davati, however, ac of the paca-group [comes]: davaḥ. nayati iti nāyaḥ "one who leads: nāya". But with an upasarga: pradavaḥ, praṇayaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

दुन्योरनुपसर्गे - दुन्योरनुपसर्गे । दुनोतेर्नयतेश्चेत्यर्थः ।दव॑शब्दं साधयितुमाह — नी साहचर्यादिति । नीञ्धातुः सानुबन्धकः, तत्साहचर्यात् 'टु दु उपतापे' इति स्वादिगणस्थादेव णप्रत्यय इत्यर्थः । दवतेस्त्विति । 'दु द्रु गतौ' इति भौवादिकान्निरनुबन्धकात्पचाद्यजित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

textual Ours reads 'sānubandhād dunoteḥ'; the print reads 'sānubandhakād dunoteḥ' (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500). It is a variant of the same word, and the sense is unchanged.
commentary BM: du and nī mean dunoti and nayati. Followed.
commentary BM: 'nīsāhacaryāt' is said in order to derive dava. nīñ has an anubandha, so by association with it ṇa comes only after ṭu du upatāpe of the su-class. davati is du dru gatau of the bhū-class, which has no anubandha, and takes pacādy-ac. Followed in identifying the two roots.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2902.t1: dunoti is from ṭudu upatāpe and davati from du gatau. On dava it cites Amara: 'davadāvau vanāraṇyavahnī'. Agrees with BM; recorded.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'ṇaḥ' from jvalitikasantebhyo ṇaḥ (SK 2902) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'ṇaḥ syāt', and no commentator names the source.

SK 2905 · A 3.1.143V

विभाषा ग्रहः ॥ २९०५ ॥

vibhāṣā grahaḥ

vibhāṣā grahaḥ — After grah, optionally [ṇa comes — 'ṇaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from jvalitikasantebhyo ṇaḥ, SK 2902].

Rule. After grah, ṇa comes optionally; in the other option, ac. Bhaṭṭoji calls this an option with fixed domains (vyavasthita-vibhāṣā). Each form keeps to one meaning.

Example.

grah + ṇa → vṛddhi → grāhaḥ: an aquatic creature.

grah + ac → grahaḥ: a heavenly body.

Applies when / blocked by. The Kāśikā adds "and after bhū", Bhaṭṭoji says. Then: bhavaḥ, the god and also worldly existence; bhāvāḥ, things. Both commentators note that this addition is not in the Bhāṣya. On the Bhāṣya's view, says Bhaṭṭoji, bhāvaḥ comes another way: ac after the cur-class bhū "to obtain", with ṇi.

Watch out. A vyavasthita option is not a free choice. You cannot call a planet grāha.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

णो वा । पक्षेऽच् । व्यवस्थितविभाषेयम् । तेन जलचरे ग्राहः । ज्योतिषि ग्रहः ॥ भवतेश्चेति काशिका ॥ भवो देवः संसारश्च । भावाः पदार्थाः । भाष्यमते तु प्राप्त्यर्थाच्चुरादिण्यन्तादच् । भावः ॥

ṇa optionally; in the other option, ac. This is an option with fixed domains (vyavasthita-vibhāṣā). Hence, for an aquatic creature (jalacara): grāhaḥ; for a heavenly body (jyotis): grahaḥ.

"And after bhū (bhavateś ca)" — so the Kāśikā. bhavaḥ, the god, and also worldly existence (saṃsāra); bhāvāḥ, things (padārthāḥ). But on the view of the Bhāṣya, [bhāva is formed] with ac after the cur-class [root bhū] meaning "to obtain", ending in ṇic: bhāvaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

विभाषा ग्रहेः - विभाषा ग्रहः । व्यवस्थितविभाषेयमिति । इदंशाच्छो॑रिति सूत्रे भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । तेनेति । जलचरे मत्स्यादौ वाच्ये णप्रत्यये उपधावृद्धौ 'ग्राह' इत्येव भवति, ज्योतिषि सूर्यचन्द्रादौ वाच्ये अच्प्रत्यये 'ग्रह' इत्येव भवतीत्यर्थः । भवतेश्चेति ।णो वे॑ति शेषः । पक्षे अच् । काशिकेति । भाष्ये तु न दृश्यते इति भावः । इयमपि व्यवस्थितविभाषैव । तदाह — भवो देव इति । महादेव इत्यर्थः । अत्र अजेवेति भावः । भावाः पदार्था इति । अत्र ण एवेति भावः । ननुभवतेश्चे॑ति णविकल्पस्य भाष्ये अदर्शनात् कथं भाष्यमते भावशब्द इत्यत आह — भाष्यमते त्विति । भावयति प्रापयति स्वस्वकार्यमित्यर्थे 'भू प्राप्तौ' इतिचुरादिण्यन्ताद्भावीत्यस्मादच्प्रत्यये णिलोपे भावशब्द इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: that this is a vyavasthita-vibhāṣā is made clear in the Bhāṣya on the sūtra śācchor anyatarasyām (A 7.4.41, SK 3075); BM's 'idaṃ śācchor iti sūtre bhāṣye spaṣṭam' is sound text, as Wikisource (uttara-3/0073) confirms. 'Hence': when an aquatic creature such as a fish is meant, ṇa with vṛddhi of the penultimate gives only grāha; when a heavenly body such as the sun or moon is meant, ac gives only graha. Followed in rendering vyavasthita-vibhāṣā as an option with fixed domains.
commentary BM: 'bhavateś ca' is read with 'ṇo vā' supplied (śeṣa), with ac in the other option. 'Kāśikā' implies that it is not seen in the Bhāṣya. This too is a vyavasthita-vibhāṣā: bhava, i.e. Mahādeva, with ac only, and bhāvāḥ padārthāḥ with ṇa only. Objection: since this ṇa-option is not seen in the Bhāṣya, how is bhāva formed on the Bhāṣya's view? Answer: from bhāvi, the ṇic-final of the cur-class bhū prāptau, in the sense 'causes [each] to attain its own effect', with ac and deletion of ṇi. Followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2902.t1: on 'Kāśikā', this vārttika is not in the Bhāṣya, so on that view the word bhāva would be incorrect (asādhu); hence 'bhāṣyamate tu'. Followed in reading the Kāśikā statement as an addition absent from the Bhāṣya.
translator 'bhavateś ca' is quoted as the Kāśikā's addition. TB calls it a vārttika, but our source does not set it off as a vārttika block, and the English does not label it one.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'ṇaḥ' from jvalitikasantebhyo ṇaḥ (SK 2902) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'ṇo vā', and no commentator names the source.

SK 2906 · A 3.1.144V

गेहे कः ॥ २९०६ ॥

gehe kaḥ

gehe kaḥ — [After grah — 'grahaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2905 —] ka comes when the house (geha) [is the agent].

Rule. After grah, the affix ka comes when the agent is a house (geha). Bhaṭṭoji: "when the agent is a house". One commentator stresses that geha qualifies the agent; it is not an upapada. The other calls this rule an exception to SK 2905.

Example.

grah + ka → saṃprasāraṇa of r (SK 2412) → gṛ-a-h + a → the a merges into ṛ → gṛh + a → gṛham "house".

The steps are one commentator's. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "it takes in grain and the like".

Applies when / blocked by. The plural gṛhāḥ also means "wife". Bhaṭṭoji: this is because she is located in the house (tātsthya). Both commentators explain it as a transferred use.

Watch out. geha is not a word placed before the root. The house is the agent itself: gṛham, not gehagṛha.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

गेहे कर्तरि ग्रहेः कः स्यात् । गृह्णाति धान्यादिकमिति गृहम् । तात्स्थ्याद्गृहादाराः ॥

ka comes after grah when the agent is a house (geha). gṛham "house": it takes in (gṛhṇāti) grain and the like. Because they are located in it (tātsthyāt), the wife [is also called] gṛhāḥ (gṛhā dārāḥ).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 500

—गेहे कः । गेह इति प्रत्ययार्थस्य कर्तुर्विशेषणं नोपपदम् । ‘गृहपतिना संयुक्ते ञ्यः’ इति निर्देशादित्यभिप्रेत्याह—गेहे कर्तरीति । एतत्सूत्रं तु शक्यमकर्तुम् । गृह् ग्रहणे इति भ्वादेरिगुपधलक्षणे कप्रत्यये कृते गृहशब्दस्य सिद्धेः ॥—तात्स्थ्यादिति । भवति हि तात्स्थ्यात्ताच्छब्द्यम् । मन्त्राः कोशन्तीत्यादौ मन्त्रशब्देन पुरुषा अपि व्यपदिश्यन्ते, एवं च गृहशब्दो वेश्मनि मुख्यो दारेषु त्वौपचारिक इत्यर्थः । अत्रेदमवधेयम् । गृहशब्दोऽयमर्थर्चादित्वादुभयलिङ्गः । तत्र नपुंसकलिङ्गोऽभिधेयवचनः पुंलिङ्गस्तु बहुवचनान्त एव । ‘गृहाः पुंसि च भूम्न्येव’ इत्यमरोक्तेरिति

Bālamanoramā

गेहे कः - गेहे कः । 'विभाषा ग्रहः' इत्यस्यापवादः । गृहमिति ।ग्रहिज्ये॑ति संप्रसारणं, पूर्वरूपं च॥ ननु 'गृहा दारा' इति कथम्, गेहे कर्तर्येव वाच्ये कप्रत्ययविधानादित्यत आह — तात्स्थ्यादिति । गृहशब्दो गेहस्थे लाक्षणिक इति भावः । गृहा दारा इति । 'दारेष्वपि गृहाः' इत्यमरः ।

translator notes

textual Ours runs 'tātsthyād gṛhādārāḥ' together; the print spaces it 'tātsthyād gṛhā dārāḥ' (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500), and Wikisource (uttara-3/0074) agrees. Spacing only, not in the collation; the English reads gṛhā dārāḥ.
commentary TB, sk.2906.t1: 'gehe' qualifies the agent that is the meaning of the affix; it is not an upapada, as Pāṇini's own wording 'gṛhapatinā saṃyukte ñyaḥ' shows; hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'gehe kartari'. Followed: 'when the agent is a house'.
commentary BM: the sūtra is an exception (apavāda) to vibhāṣā grahaḥ (SK 2905). In gṛham, saṃprasāraṇa by grahijyā… (SK 2412) and the single substitute of the preceding vowel (pūrvarūpa). Objection: how is 'gṛhā dārāḥ' possible, when ka is prescribed only where the agent to be denoted is a house? Answer (tātsthyāt): the word gṛha is used figuratively (lākṣaṇika) for those who are in the house; Amara has 'dāreṣv api gṛhāḥ'. Followed in rendering tātsthyāt as the ground of the transferred use.
commentary TB, sk.2906.t1: a word is applied to what is located in a thing (tātsthyāt tācchabdyam), as in 'mantrāḥ krośanti', where men are called 'mantras'; so gṛha is primary for the dwelling and secondary (aupacārika) for the wife. gṛha is of both genders as one of the ardharcādi words: the neuter denotes the thing itself, while the masculine occurs only in the plural (Amara: 'gṛhāḥ puṃsi ca bhūmny eva'). Followed; agrees with BM.
commentary TB, sk.2906.t1: this sūtra could be dispensed with, since gṛha is established from the bhvādi root gṛh 'to take' (grahaṇe) with ka by the igupadha rule (SK 2897). Recorded.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'grahaḥ' from vibhāṣā grahaḥ (SK 2905) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'graheḥ', and BM, calling the sūtra an exception to SK 2905, implies but does not name it.

SK 2907 · A 3.1.145V

शिल्पिनि ष्वुन् ॥ २९०७ ॥

śilpini ṣvun

śilpini ṣvun — ṣvun comes when [the agent] possesses a craft (śilpin).

Rule. The affix ṣvun comes when the agent has a craft (śilpa). Bhaṭṭoji defines craft as skill in an action. One commentator stresses that śilpini qualifies the agent, as gehe did in SK 2906.

Example.

nṛt + ṣvun → markers go → nṛt + vu → aka (SK 1247)

→ guṇa of the light penultimate (SK 2189) → nart + aka → nartakaḥ.

Feminine: the ṣ gives ṅīṣ (one commentator) → nartakī.

khan → khanakaḥ, khanakī "digger".

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: only after nṛt, khan and rañj. One commentator draws the result: the weaver's root veñ takes ṇa instead (SK 2903), giving vāya.

A second vārttika: the n of rañj is lost before as, aka and ana: rajakaḥ, rajakī "dyer, washerman". One commentator says Bhaṭṭoji has restated here, by its sense, a vārttika found under SK 2396.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives the Bhāṣya's view. ṣvun comes only after nṛt and khan. rañj takes kvun by Uṇādi 190, and its feminine has ṭāp: rajikā. On that view rajakī means only "the dyer's wife" (puṃyoga, SK 504).

Watch out. ṣvun is not for every craftsman. On the vārttika it covers three roots, and on the Bhāṣya's view only two.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्रियाकौशलं शिल्पं तद्वति ष्वुन् स्यात् ।

A craft (śilpa) is skill in an action. ṣvun comes when [the agent] possesses that.

vārttika

नृतिखनिरञ्जिभ्य एव

(vārttika) Only after nṛt, khan and rañj.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नर्तकः । नर्तकी । खनकः । खनकी ।

nartakaḥ, nartakī "dancer"; khanakaḥ, khanakī "digger".

vārttika

असि अकेऽने च रञ्जेर्नलोपो वाच्यः

(vārttika) Elision of the n of rañj should be stated before as, aka and ana.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ रजकः । रजकी । भाष्यमते तु नृतिखनिभ्यामेव ष्वुन् । रञ्जेस्तु क्वुन्शिल्पिसंज्ञयोः <{उ190}> इति क्वुन् । टाप् । रजिका । पुंयोगे तु रजकी ॥

rajakaḥ, rajakī "dyer, washerman". In the view of the Bhāṣya, however, ṣvun comes only after nṛt and khan. After rañj, on the other hand, kvun comes by kvun śilpisaṃjñayoḥ (Uṇādi 190); [in the feminine] ṭāp: rajikā. In the sense of 'wife of' (puṃyoge), however, rajakī.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 500

—शिल्पिनि ष्वुन् । पूर्वेण साहचर्याच्छिल्पिनीत्यपि प्रत्ययार्थस्य विशेषणं न तूपपदमित्याह—तद्वति कर्तरीति ॥—भाष्यमते त्विति । तथा च षष्ठे ‘रजकरजनरजःसूपसंख्यानम्’ इति वार्तिकं प्रत्याख्यातुं भाष्यकृतोक्तम् । रजकरजनरजःसु कित्त्वात् सिद्धं कित एवैते औणादिका इति तत्र कैयटआह—रजक इति । ‘शिल्पिनि ष्वुन्’ इति ष्वुन् ॥—रजनमिति । ‘रञ्जेः क्युन्’ इति क्युन् । रज इति ‘भूरञ्जिभ्यां कित्’ इत्यसुन् प्रत्यय इत्यादि

Bālamanoramā

शिल्पिनि ष्वुन् - शिल्पिनि ष्वुन् । नृतिखनिरञ्जिभ्य एवेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । नर्तकीति । षित्त्वान्ङीषिति भावः ।दंशसञ्जस्वञ्जां शपी॑ति सूत्रेरजकरजनरजः सूपसङ्ख्यान॑मिति वार्तिकम् । तदर्थतः सङ्गृह्णाति — असि अके अने चेति । रजक इति । रञ्जेः शिल्पिनि ष्वुनि अकादेशे नलोपः । रजकीति । षित्त्वान्ङीष् ।नृतिखनिरञ्जिभ्य एवे॑ति परिगणनात् 'वेञ् तन्तुसन्ताने ॑ इत्यस्मात् कृतात्त्वात्श्याद्व्यधे॑ति णप्रत्यये आतो युकिवाय॑इति सिध्यति । भाष्यमते तु नृतिखनिभ्यामेवेति । इदं च 'दंशसञ्जस्वञ्जां शपि' इति सूत्रे भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । ननु भाष्यमते क्वुनिरजकी॑ति कथमित्यत आह — पुंयोगे तु रजकीति ।

translator notes

textual Ours reads 'tadvati ṣvun syāt'; the 1915 print reads 'tadvati kartari ṣvun syāt' (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500 read; collation batch01, class A). The English follows the print: 'when [the agent] possesses that'. Mūla correction for Ajai.
commentary TB, sk.2907.t1: by association with the preceding sūtra (gehe kaḥ, SK 2906), 'śilpini' too qualifies the meaning of the affix [the agent], not an upapada; hence 'tadvati kartari'. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags heading k3 and k5 are editorial; the print marks the two vārttikas with the vārttika sign before them (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500 read).
commentary BM: 'nṛtikhanirañjibhya eva' is a vārttika; nartakī has ṅīṣ because [ṣvun] is ṣ-marked. Because of this restriction, from veñ 'to weave' (tantusantāne), with ā already substituted, ṇa comes by śyādvyadha… (SK 2903), with yuk by āto yuk… (SK 2761), giving vāya [and not ṣvun]. Recorded.
commentary BM: under daṃśasañjasvañjāṃ śapi (SK 2396) there is the vārttika 'rajakarajanarajaḥsūpasaṃkhyānam'; Bhaṭṭoji gathers it here by its sense as 'asi ake 'ne ca…'. rajaka: ṣvun after rañj in the śilpin sense, aka substituted [for vu], and n elided; rajakī has ṅīṣ because of the ṣ-marking. Followed in labelling the block a vārttika; recorded that its wording is Bhaṭṭoji's restatement.
commentary BM: the Bhāṣya view is explicit in the Bhāṣya on daṃśasañjasvañjāṃ śapi. Objection: in the Bhāṣya view, with kvun, how is rajakī possible? Answer: 'puṃyoge tu rajakī'. Followed in reading rajakī as the feminine of the wife.
commentary TB, sk.2907.t1: in book six, in order to reject (pratyākhyātum) the vārttika 'rajakarajanarajaḥsūpasaṃkhyānam', the Bhāṣyakāra said: 'in rajaka, rajana and rajas [the n-deletion] is established by the k-marking; these are k-marked uṇādi formations'. On that Kaiyaṭa says: rajaka — ṣvun by 'śilpini ṣvun'; rajana — kyun by 'rañjeḥ kyun'; rajas — asun by 'bhūrañjibhyāṃ kit'. Recorded (§16): as TB prints it, Kaiyaṭa derives rajaka with ṣvun, which stands against the kaumudī's statement in this block that on the Bhāṣya view only nṛt and khan take ṣvun and rañj takes kvun (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500).
translator 'puṃyoge' refers to puṃyogād ākhyāyām (SK 504): rajakī, from the masculine rajaka, designates the dyer's wife. The rule is not named in the text.

SK 2908 · A 3.1.146V

गस्थकन् ॥ २९०८ ॥

gasthakan

gasthakan — After ga (gai 'to sing'), thakan comes [when the agent possesses a craft (śilpin) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2907].

Rule. After gai "to sing", the affix thakan comes, for an agent with a craft. Bhaṭṭoji glosses gaḥ as gāyateḥ. One commentator explains why: the affix can only mean a craftsman whose craft is singing. So gāṅ "to go" is not meant.

Example.

gai + thakan → ā for ai (SK 2370) → gā + thaka → gāthakaḥ "singer".

Watch out. "Craft" runs on from SK 2907. The agent must have the craft of singing.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

गायतेस्थकन् स्यात् । शिल्पिनि कर्तरि । गाथकः ॥

thakan comes after gai (gāyati "sings"), [the affix denoting] an agent possessing a craft (śilpin): gāthakaḥ "singer".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 500

—गस्थकन् । गामादाग्रहणेष्वविशेषेऽपि गै शब्द इत्ययमेवेह गृह्यते न तु गाङ् गताविति । थकन् प्रत्ययो हि गायत्यर्थविषयमेव शिल्पिनमभिधातुं समर्थ इत्याशयेनाह—गायतेरिति

Bālamanoramā

गस्थकन् - गस्थकन् ।गः - थकन्निति च्छेदः । गैधातोः कृतात्वस्य 'ग' इति पञ्चम्यन्तम् । तदाह — गायतेरिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is divided 'gaḥ thakan'; 'gaḥ' is the fifth-case form (pañcamyanta) of the root gai with ā already substituted; hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'gāyateḥ'. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.2908.t1: although in rules that mention gā (gā-mā-dā) no distinction is generally made among the roots, here only gai 'to sound' (śabde) is taken, not gāṅ 'to go' (gatau), because the affix thakan can denote only a craftsman whose craft concerns singing; hence 'gāyateḥ'. Followed: 'gai'.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'śilpini' from śilpini ṣvun (SK 2907) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'śilpini kartari', and no commentator names the source.

SK 2909 · A 3.1.147V

ण्युट् च ॥ २९०९ ॥

ṇyuṭ ca

ṇyuṭ ca — ṇyuṭ also [comes after gai — 'gaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2908 — when the agent possesses a craft (śilpin) — from SK 2907].

Rule. The affix ṇyuṭ also comes after gai, for a craftsman. Both commentators say why this is a separate rule (yogavibhāga). One sūtra gas thakan ṇyuṭ ca would do. But then thakan would run on too. Split off, only ṇyuṭ runs on into SK 2910.

Example.

gai + ṇyuṭ → ā for ai (SK 2370) → gā + yu → ana (SK 1247) → yuk (SK 2761) → gāy + ana → gāyanaḥ "singer".

Being ṭ-marked, it gives the feminine gāyanī (Bhaṭṭoji).

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators give the yuk by SK 2761. One explains the order: ā for ai is not caused by the affix, so it comes before vṛddhi.

Watch out. gāthakaḥ and gāyanaḥ both mean a singer by craft, from different affixes. Only ṇyuṭ runs on into SK 2910, and only its ṭ gives a feminine in ī: gāyanī.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

गायनः । टित्त्वाद्गायनी ॥

gāyanaḥ "singer". Because [ṇyuṭ] is ṭ-marked, [the feminine is] gāyanī.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 500

—ण्युट् च । योगविभाग उत्तरत्र अस्यैवानुवृत्त्यर्थः ॥—गायन इति । आतो युक्

Bālamanoramā

ण्युट् च - ण्युट् च । चकार उक्तसमुच्चये । गायतेर्ण्युट्, थकन् च शिल्पिनि कर्तरि । गायन इति । आत्वे युक् । 'आदेचः' इत्यात्वस्य अनैमित्तिकत्वेन वृद्ध्यपेक्षया अन्तरङ्गत्वात् । यद्यपिगस्थकन्- ण्युट् चे॑त्येकमेव सूत्रमुचितम्, तथापि ण्युट एवोत्तरसूत्रे अनुवृत्त्यर्थो योगविभागः ।

translator notes

textual Ours reads 'ṭittvāt'; the print reads 'ṭitvāt' (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500). A spelling difference only, not in the collation; the sense is unchanged.
commentary BM: 'ca' adds to what has been stated: ṇyuṭ comes after gai, and thakan too, when the agent possesses a craft. Although one sūtra 'gas thakan ṇyuṭ ca' would have been fitting, the rule is split (yogavibhāga) so that ṇyuṭ alone continues (anuvṛtti) into the next sūtra. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.2909.t1: the split of the rule is so that this [ṇyuṭ] alone continues into the following sūtra. Followed; agrees with BM.
commentary BM on gāyanaḥ: ā is substituted, then yuk; the ā-substitution by ādeca upadeśe 'śiti (SK 2370), not being conditioned by the affix (anaimittika), is antaraṅga relative to vṛddhi, and so applies first. Recorded; the kaumudī gives no derivation.
commentary TB, sk.2909.t1, on gāyanaḥ: yuk by āto yuk… (SK 2761). Agrees with BM; recorded.
translator The bracketed anuvṛttis of 'gaḥ' from gas thakan (SK 2908) and 'śilpini' from SK 2907 are the translator's identification. BM states the content ('ca' adds: ṇyuṭ after gai, as well as thakan, for a craftsman) but does not name an anuvṛtti for these elements; the anuvṛtti BM and TB do name is that of ṇyuṭ into the next sūtra.

SK 2910 · A 3.1.148V

हश्च व्रीहिकालयोः ॥ २९१० ॥

haśca vrīhikālayoḥ

haś ca vrīhikālayoḥ — And after hā (hāk and hāṅ) [ṇyuṭ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2909 — comes] when rice (vrīhi) or time (kāla) [is the agent].

Rule. After hā, ṇyuṭ also comes when the agent is rice (vrīhi) or time (kāla). Bhaṭṭoji: "after hāk and hāṅ". hāk means "to abandon" and hāṅ "to go".

Example.

hā + ṇyuṭ → hāyana, as with gāyanaḥ.

hāyano vrīhiḥ: rice, which leaves the water behind.

hāyano varṣam: the year, which leaves things behind, or reaches them.

One commentator explains the rice: it grows up above the water.

Watch out. The affix comes only for these two agents. Rice and time are not upapadas; they are the agents themselves.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हाको हाङश्च ण्युट् स्यात् व्रीहौ काले च कर्तरि । जहात्युदकमिति हायनो व्रीहिः । जहाति भावानिति हायनो वर्षम् । जिहीते प्राप्नोति वा ॥

ṇyuṭ comes after hāk and hāṅ when the agent is rice (vrīhi) or time (kāla). hāyano vrīhiḥ "hāyana, rice": it leaves (jahāti) the water behind. hāyano varṣam "hāyana, the year": it leaves (jahāti) things (bhāvān) behind; or [it] goes to (jihīte), i.e. reaches (prāpnoti), [them].

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 500–501

—जहात्युदकमिति । उदकादधिकं वर्धनात् ॥—भावानिति । भावाः पदार्थाः तान् जिहीते इति ओहाङ् गतौ ‘भृञामित्’ इत्यभ्यासस्येत्त्वम् ॥—प्रुसृल्वः—। पञ्चमीस्थाने व्यत्ययेन जस् । ‘ओः सुपि’ इति यण् ॥

Bālamanoramā

हश्च व्रीहिकालयोः - हश्च । 'ओ हाक् त्यागे' इत्यस्य 'ओ हाङ् गतौ' इत्यस्य च 'ह' इति पञ्चम्यन्तम् । तदाह — हाको हाङश्चेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'haḥ' is the fifth-case form (pañcamyanta) standing for both ohāk 'to abandon' (tyāge) and ohāṅ 'to go' (gatau); hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'hāko hāṅaś ca'. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.2910.t1: rice 'leaves the water' because it grows up higher than the water. 'bhāvān': bhāvāḥ are things (padārthāḥ); 'tān jihīte' is from ohāṅ gatau, with i for the reduplicate by 'bhṛñām it'. Followed in 'leaves … behind' and in taking 'jihīte prāpnoti vā' as the hāṅ alternative for the year.
textual Our sk.2910.t1 holds TB on this sūtra and then the opening of TB on SK 2911 ('—prusṛlvaḥ—. pañcamīsthāne vyatyayena jas. oḥ supi iti yaṇ'), as on the print (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500 read). The rest of TB on p. 490, formerly filed as sk.2902.n1, was re-filed 2026-10-05: sk.2911.t1 starts by repeating 'iti yaṇ' and runs through TB on 'lakṣyata iti' (SK 2911) and āśiṣi ca (SK 2912); TB on karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913), up to '…kartṛkarmaṇoḥ', now heads sk.2913.t1, followed by the first line of p. 491 ('kṛti' iti ṣaṣṭhyantasya kumbhaśabdasya kāraśabdena samāsaḥ). (An earlier OCR splice of garbled TB on SK 2911–2913 into the tail of this block has been removed from the source layer; sources/skk-tei/commentary-corrections.json.) See the notes on sk.2911–2913.

SK 2911 · A 3.1.149V

प्रुसृल्वः समभिहारे वुन् ॥ २९११ ॥

prusṛlvaḥ samabhihāre vun

prusṛlvaḥ samabhihāre vun — After pru, sṛ and lū, vun comes when repetition (samabhihāra) [is meant].

Rule. After pru, sṛ and lū, the affix vun comes when repetition (samabhihāra) is meant. Bhaṭṭoji: the mention of repetition indicates "doing it well" (sādhukāritva). One commentator says the Bhāṣya makes this explicit.

Example.

lū + vun → lū + aka → guṇa (SK 2168) and av (SK 61) → lavakaḥ "a skilled reaper".

Also pravakaḥ, sarakaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator explains the logic. A man who does a thing often becomes skilled at it. So vun fits one who does it well even once. It does not fit one who does it badly many times. The case-form of prusṛlvaḥ is explained differently by the two commentators; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. "Repetition" here really means skill. Do not use lavakaḥ for a clumsy man who cuts all day.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

समभिहारग्रहणेन साधुकारित्वं लक्ष्यते । प्रवकः । सरकः । लवकः ॥

By the mention of samabhihāra "repetition", doing [the action] well (sādhukāritva) is indicated (lakṣyate). pravakaḥ, sarakaḥ, lavakaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 500

इति यण् ॥ —लक्ष्यत इति । भूयः सहचाराद्यो हि यां क्रियां पुनः पुनरनुभवति स तत्र प्रायेण कौशलं लभते तेन सकृदपि यः सुष्ठु करोति तत्र वुन् । यस्तु बहुशोऽपि दुष्टं करोति तत्र नेति भावः ॥ — आशिषि च । अप्राप्तप्रार्थनमाशीः । सा च प्रयोक्तृधर्मो न प्रत्ययार्थः । ‘कर्तरि कृत्’ इति कर्त्रर्थे विधानादित्याशयेनाह—आशीर्विषयार्थेत्यादिना ॥—जीवतादिति । जीवनं तव भूयादित्यर्थः ॥—जीवक इति । स्त्रियां तु टापि ‘आशिषि वुनश्च न’ इति निषेधात् ‘प्रत्ययस्थात्’ इति इत्त्वाभावः । जीवका ॥

Bālamanoramā

प्रुसृल्वः समभिहारे वुन् - प्रुसृल्वः । लक्ष्यते इति । एतच्च भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । प्रु, सृ, लू एषां समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'prusṛlvaḥ' is a fifth case (pañcamī) from the collective dvandva (samāhāra-dvandva) of pru, sṛ and lū. Recorded; the English names the three roots without deciding the form.
commentary TB, printed at the tail of sk.2910.t1 ('—prusṛlvaḥ—'; the rest of TB on this sūtra is sk.2911.t1; NSP p. 490, scan page-0500): in 'prusṛlvaḥ' the first-case plural ending jas stands in place of the fifth case by interchange (vyatyaya), with yaṇ by 'oḥ supi'. Recorded; this differs from BM's collective-dvandva fifth case, and the English stays neutral (§16).
commentary TB, sk.2911.t1 ('—lakṣyata iti'; NSP p. 490, scan page-0500): through frequent association, one who repeatedly performs an action generally acquires skill in it; so vun comes for one who does it well even once, and not for one who does it badly many times. Followed in rendering 'lakṣyate' as 'indicated' [by secondary signification].
commentary BM: that samabhihāra indicates sādhukāritva is explicit in the Bhāṣya. Recorded.

SK 2912 · A 3.1.150V

आशिषि च ॥ २९१२ ॥

āśiṣi ca

āśiṣi ca — And [vun — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2911 — comes] in [the domain of] a blessing (āśis).

Rule. vun also comes in a blessing (āśis), in the agent sense. Bhaṭṭoji: after a root whose meaning is the object of a blessing. The blessing belongs to the speaker, such as a father.

Example.

jīvatāt "may you live" → jīv + vun → jīvakaḥ.

nandatāt "may you rejoice" → nandakaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator explains why Bhaṭṭoji words it so. The blessing is the speaker's property, not the meaning of the affix. The affix still means the agent, by kartari kṛt (SK 2832). The same commentator gives the feminine jīvakā: the i of SK 463 does not come, by a separate statement.

jīvatāt is an imperative form of blessing; its tāt is allowed by SK 2197.

With this rule the first pāda of the third book ends. The other commentator marks the change.

Watch out. A jīvaka is not "one who lives" in general. It is said by one who blesses, such as a father, of the one he wishes to live.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आशीर्विषयार्थवृत्तेर्धातोर्वुन् स्यात्कर्तरि । जीवतात्-जीवकः । नन्दतात् - नन्दकः । आशीः प्रयोक्तुर्धर्मः । आशासितुः पित्रादेरियमुक्तिः ॥

vun comes, in the agent sense, after a root occurring in a meaning that is the object of a blessing (āśis). jīvatāt "may you live" — jīvakaḥ; nandatāt "may you rejoice" — nandakaḥ. The blessing is a property of the speaker: this utterance belongs to the one who bestows the blessing, a father or the like.

Bālamanoramā

आशिषि च - आशिषि च । जीवक इति । आशास्यमानजीवनक्रियाश्रय इत्यर्थः । एवं नन्दकः । आशीरिति । आशासनम् = अयमित्थं भूयादिति प्रार्थनं, शब्दप्रयोक्तृकर्तृकमिति यावत् । तत आशासितुः पित्रादेरियमुक्तिः । इयं = नन्दकशब्दप्रयोगः । औचित्यादिति भावः । [इति तृतीयाध्यायस्य प्रथमः पादः] । अथ तृतीयाध्यायस्य द्वितीयः पादः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.2911.t1 (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500 read): a blessing is the wish for what is not yet attained; it is a property of the speaker (prayoktṛ-dharma), not the meaning of the affix, since kṛt affixes are prescribed in the agent sense by kartari kṛt (SK 2832); hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'āśīrviṣayārthavṛtteḥ'. jīvatāt means 'jīvanaṃ tava bhūyāt', 'may there be life for you'. Followed: 'object of a blessing', 'in the agent sense', 'may you live'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2911.t1 (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500): in the feminine, with ṭāp, i is not substituted by pratyayasthāt… (SK 463), because 'āśiṣi vunaś ca na' prohibits it: jīvakā. Recorded; the kaumudī gives no feminine.
commentary BM: jīvaka is the substrate of the act of living that is wished for (āśāsyamāna-jīvana-kriyāśraya); nandaka likewise. 'āśīḥ' is wishing 'may this one be so', i.e. its agent is the user of the word; hence 'this utterance', i.e. the use of the word nandaka, belongs to the father or the like who blesses, as is fitting. Followed in 'this utterance belongs to the one who bestows the blessing'.
translator jīvatāt and nandatāt are loṭ forms with tātaṅ, which tuhyos tātaṅṅāśiṣy anyatarasyām (SK 2197) allows in the sense of a blessing. The kaumudī does not name the rule.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'vun' from prusṛlvaḥ samabhihāre vun (SK 2911) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'vun syāt', and no commentator names the source.

SK 2913 · A 3.2.1V

कर्मण्यण् ॥ २९१३ ॥

karmaṇyaṇ

karmaṇy aṇ — When an object (karman) [is the upapada], aṇ [comes after a root, in the agent sense — kartari kṛt, SK 2832].

Rule. When an object (karman) is the upapada, the affix aṇ comes after a root. One commentator stresses that the affix still means the agent. Bhaṭṭoji: "[there is] the upapada compound".

Example.

kumbha (object) + kṛ + aṇ → marker ṇ goes → vṛddhi (SK 254) with r (SK 70) → kumbha + kāra

→ upapada compound (SK 782) → kumbhakāraḥ "potter".

One commentator: kumbha stands in the sixth case by SK 623 and is compounded with kāra.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: the affix does not come in ādityaṃ paśyati "he sees the sun", because such a form would not express the sense (anabhidhāna). One commentator adds the unwanted forms ādityadarśa and the like, and says the Bhāṣya makes this explicit. The same commentator separates two analyses. kumbhaṃ karoti is the ordinary paraphrase. The technical analysis joins kāra to kumbha before any case-ending is added.

Two vārttikas give ṇa instead of aṇ after śīli, kāmi, bhakṣi and ācari, and after īkṣi and kṣami:

māṃsaśīlā "given to meat", māṃsakāmā, māṃsabhakṣā, kalyāṇācārā "who practises good", sukhapratīkṣā, bahukṣāmā "who endures much".

Bhaṭṭoji calls the first vārttika an exception to aṇ. One commentator explains its point. With aṇ the feminine would take ṅīp (SK 470). With ṇa it takes ṭāp. The masculine is the same either way.

Why then gaṅgādhara, bhūdhara, and not gaṅgādhāra with aṇ? Bhaṭṭoji: they arise when the object is meant as a mere relation (śeṣa). Both commentators: then there is no object upapada, so no aṇ. One adds that dhara is formed by itself and compounded as "the holder of the Gaṅgā".

Watch out. aṇ needs an object word as upapada. Without one, kṛ takes ṇvul or tṛc (SK 2895): kārakaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्मण्युपपदे धातोरण् प्रत्ययः स्यात् । उपपदसमासः । कुम्भं करोतीति कुम्भकारः । आदित्यं पश्यतीत्यादावनभिधानान्न ।

When an object (karman) is the upapada, the affix aṇ comes after a root. [There is] the upapada compound (upapada-samāsa): kumbhaṃ karotīti kumbhakāraḥ "one who makes pots: potter". In [cases] like ādityaṃ paśyati "sees the sun" [the affix] does not [come], because [such a formation] does not express [that sense] (anabhidhāna).

vārttika

शीलिकामिभक्ष्याचरिभ्यो णः

(vārttika) ṇa [comes] after śīli, kāmi, bhakṣi and ācari.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अणोऽपवादार्थं वार्तिकम् । मांसशीला । मांसकामा । मांसभक्षा । कल्याणाचारा ॥

The vārttika is for the sake of an exception (apavāda) to aṇ: māṃsaśīlā "[she who is] given to meat", māṃsakāmā "[she who] desires meat", māṃsabhakṣā "[she who] eats meat", kalyāṇācārā "[she who] practises what is good".

vārttika

ईक्षिक्षमिभ्यां च

(vārttika) And after īkṣi and kṣami [ṇa — supplied from the preceding vārttika].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सुखप्रतीक्षा । बहुक्षामा । कथं तर्हि गङ्गाधरभूधरादयः । कर्मणः शेषत्वविवक्षायां भविष्यन्ति ॥

sukhapratīkṣā "[she who] waits for happiness", bahukṣāmā "[she who] endures much". How then [are] gaṅgādhara, bhūdhara and the like [correct, since aṇ would give gaṅgādhāra]? They will arise when the object is intended as a 'remainder' (śeṣa) [relation].

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 500–501

—कर्मण्यण् ॥—उपपदसमास इति । ‘तत्रोपपदम्’ इति कर्मादिवाच्यकुम्भादिवाचकपदस्योपपदसंज्ञायाम् ‘उपपदमतिङ्’ इति समास इत्यर्थः ॥—कुम्भकार इति । अणि कृते ‘कर्तृकर्मणोः कृति’ इति षष्ठ्यन्तस्य कुम्भशब्दस्य कारशब्देन समासः ॥—शेषत्वविवक्षायामिति। पदसंस्कारपक्षे तु धरतीति धरः गङ्गाया धर इति कर्मणि या षष्ठी तदन्तेन समास इति सुवचम् । स्यादेतत् । धातोर्विधीयमानस्याणादेः पदविधित्वाभावेन समर्थपरिभाषाया अनुपस्थानात्पश्यति कुम्भं, करोति कटमित्यादावसमर्थादपि धातोरणादयः स्युरिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । कुम्भाद्युपपदे विधीयमानस्याणादेरपि पदाश्रितविधित्वात्समर्थपरिभाषोपस्थानान्नोक्तदोषः । उपोच्चारितं पदं ह्युपपदं पदं च सुप्तिङन्तमिति प्रागेवोक्तत्वादिति

Bālamanoramā

कर्मण्यण् - कर्मण्यण् । कर्मण्युपपदे इति ।तत्रोपपदं सप्तमीस्थ॑मित्यत्रतत्रे॑त्यनेनदं लभ्यत इति तत्रैवोक्तम् । प्रत्ययस्तु कर्तर्येव । उपपदसमास इति ।उपपदमति॑ङित्यनेनेति भावः । कुम्भं करोतीति । अस्वपदो लौकिकविग्रहोऽयम् । कुम्भ अस् कार इत्यलौकिकविग्रह वाक्ये सुबुत्पत्तेः प्रागेव कारशब्देन कृदन्तेन कुम्भ अस् इति षष्ठन्तस्य समास इति प्रागेवोक्तम् । ननु आदित्यं पश्यतीत्यादित्यदर्शः, हिमवन्तं शृणोतीति हिमवच्छ्रावः, ग्रामं गच्छतीति ग्रामगाम इत्यादि स्यादित्यत आह — आदित्यं पश्यतीत्यादावनभिधानान्नेति । एतच्च भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । शीलीति । शीलि, कामि, भक्षि, आचरि एभ्यो णप्रत्ययो वाच्य इत्यर्थः । ननु 'कर्मण्य' णित्यणैव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — अणोऽपवादार्थमिति । अण्णन्तत्वे तु ङीप् स्यात्, तन्निवृत्त्यर्थं णविधानमिति भावः । तदाह — मांसशीलेति । 'शील समाधौ' इति भ्वादिः । इह तु स्वभावतः सेवने वर्तते । मांसं स्वभावतः सेवमानेत्यर्थः । मांसकामेति । मांसं कामयते इति विग्रहः । मांसभक्षेति । मांसं भक्षयते इति विग्रहः । कल्याणाचारेति । कल्याणमाचरतीति विग्रहः । सर्वत्र टाप् । ईक्षिक्षमिभ्यामिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । 'ण' इति शेषः । कथमिति । कर्मण्यणि गङ्गाधार इत्यादि स्यादित्याक्षेपः ।कर्मणः शेषत्वेति । तथा च कर्मोपपदाऽभावान्नाऽणिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'karmaṇi upapade' is obtained through 'tatra' in tatropapadaṃ saptamīstham (SK 781), as explained there; the affix, however, is in the agent sense only (kartary eva). Followed: '[in the agent sense]' in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.2913.t1 (NSP pp. 490–491, scans page-0500/0501): 'upapadasamāsaḥ': by tatropapadam… (SK 781) the word denoting kumbha etc., which expresses the object, is termed upapada, and it is compounded by upapadam atiṅ (SK 782). kumbhakāra: once aṇ is added, the sixth-case (ṣaṣṭhyanta) kumbha, [sixth case] by kartṛkarmaṇoḥ kṛti (SK 623), is compounded with the word kāra. Followed: 'the upapada compound'.
commentary BM: upapada-samāsa is by upapadam atiṅ. 'kumbhaṃ karoti' is the worldly analysis (laukika-vigraha), not made of the compound's own members (asvapada); the technical analysis is 'kumbha as kāra', the compound of the kṛdanta kāra with the sixth-case kumbha as being made before the sup arises. Without the anabhidhāna clause ādityadarśa, himavacchrāva, grāmagāma would arise; that it does not apply is explicit in the Bhāṣya. Followed in rendering anabhidhāna as non-expression.
commentary BM: ṇa is to be stated after the four roots. Why, when aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ would give the form anyway? Answer: with aṇ the feminine would take ṅīp; ṇa is prescribed to prevent that, so all four examples take ṭāp. māṃsaśīlā: śīl 'to meditate' (samādhau, bhvādi), here meaning habitual practice, 'she who by nature resorts to meat'; analyses māṃsaṃ kāmayate, māṃsaṃ bhakṣayate, kalyāṇam ācarati. Followed in the feminine glosses.
commentary BM: 'īkṣikṣamibhyām' is a vārttika; 'ṇa' is to be supplied (śeṣa). Followed: the bracket in k4.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags heading k3 and k5 are editorial; the print marks the two vārttikas with the vārttika sign before them (NSP p. 490, scan page-0500 read).
commentary BM: 'katham' raises the objection that with aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ, gaṅgādhāra and the like would result. 'karmaṇaḥ śeṣatva…': there being then no object as upapada, aṇ does not come. Followed in the bracket '[since aṇ would give gaṅgādhāra]'.
commentary TB, sk.2913.t1: on the view that the word is formed as a finished pada (padasaṃskāra-pakṣa), it is easily said: dhara 'one who holds', from dharati, and then a compound with the sixth case that is used in the object sense, gaṅgāyā dharaḥ. TB adds a further objection and answer on whether the samartha-paribhāṣā applies to aṇ etc. prescribed after a root with an upapada: it does, since an upapada is a pada (a sup- or tiṅ-ending word). Recorded.
textual TB on this sūtra opens on NSP p. 490 ('—karmaṇyaṇ. —upapadasamāsa iti…') and continues on p. 491. In our source layer the p. 490 part, up to '…kartṛkarmaṇoḥ', was filed as sk.2902.n1; on 2026-10-05 it was re-filed to the head of sk.2913.t1, where it runs straight into the first line of the p. 491 TB band ('kṛti' iti ṣaṣṭhyantasya kumbhaśabdasya kāraśabdena samāsaḥ, scan page-0501), which completes that sentence, followed by '—śeṣatvavivakṣāyām iti'. The TB that our English used was checked against the scans (page-0500, page-0501).
translator With this sūtra Pāṇini's third adhyāya, second pāda begins; BM marks the change at the end of sk.2912.b1. In 'kumbhaṃ karotīti kumbhakāraḥ' the kaumudī gives only the analysis and the result; the derivational steps are those of the commentaries.

SK 2914 · A 3.2.2V

ह्वावामश्च ॥ २९१४ ॥

hvāvāmaśca

hvāvāmaś ca — And after hvā, vā and mā [aṇ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913 — comes when an object (karman) is the upapada].

Rule. aṇ also comes after hvā "to challenge", vā "to weave" and mā "to measure", with an object upapada. Bhaṭṭoji: it is the exception to ka. The ka is the one SK 2915 would give, both commentators say.

Example.

svarga + hve + aṇ → ā for e (SK 2370) → yuk (SK 2761) → svarga + hvāy + a → svargahvāyaḥ "one who challenges heaven".

tantu + ve + aṇ → tantuvāyaḥ "weaver of threads".

dhānya + mā + aṇ → dhānyamāyaḥ "measurer of grain".

Both commentators give the order: ā first, then yuk.

Applies when / blocked by. All three roots end in ā after SK 2370. So SK 2915 would give ka and lose the ā. This rule restores aṇ. Both commentators say mā here is māṅ "to measure" or meṅ "to exchange", which take an object. The intransitive mā is not meant.

Watch out. It looks odd to restate aṇ, which SK 2913 already gave. The point is order: this rule is the exception to an exception.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अण् स्यात् । कापवादः । स्वर्गह्वायः । तन्तुवायः । धान्यमायः ॥

aṇ comes. [This is] an exception (apavāda) to ka. svargahvāyaḥ "one who challenges heaven", tantuvāyaḥ "weaver of threads", dhānyamāyaḥ "measurer of grain".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 501

—ह्वावामश्च ॥—कापवाद इति । ‘आतोऽनुपसर्गं—’इति प्राप्तिर्बोध्या ॥—स्वर्गह्वाय इत्यादि। ह्वेञ्वेञोः ‘आदेच—इत्यात्वे ‘आतो युक्—’ इति युक् । माङ् माने । मेङ् प्रणिदाने अनयोरिह ग्रहणं न तु मा माने इत्यस्य अकर्मकत्वात् । कविधानस्य फलमाह—आतो लोप इति ॥—पार्ष्णित्रमिति । पार्ष्णिं त्रायत इति त्रैङ् पालने ॥—गोसंदाय इति । अण् युक्

Bālamanoramā

ह्वावामश्च - ह्वावामश्च ।ह्वेञ् स्पर्धायाम् 'वेञ् तन्तुसन्ताने' अनयोः कृतात्वयोर्निर्देशः, 'माङ् माने' एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्येकवचनम् । एभ्य इति । कर्मण्युपपदे एभ्योऽण् स्यादित्यर्थः । ननुकर्मण्य॑णित्येव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — कापवाद इति । 'आतोऽनुपसर्गे कः' इत्यस्याऽणपवादस्य वक्ष्यमाणस्य बाधनार्थमित्यर्थः । माङ्मेङोरिह ग्रहणं, नतु 'मा माने' इत्यस्य, अकर्मकत्वात् । स्वर्गह्वाय इति । यद्यपि पराभिभवेच्छायां स्पर्धायां पराभिभवस्य कर्मणो धात्वर्थत्वेनोपसङ्ग्रहादकर्मक इत्युक्तम्, तथापि इहाऽभिभवेच्छा धात्वर्थः । स्वर्गमभिभवितुं वाञ्छतीत्यर्थः । अन्तरङ्गत्वादात्वे कृते आतो युक् । एवमग्रेऽपि ।

translator notes

textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 491, scan page-0501) read 'aṇ syāt'; Wikisource (uttara-3/0076) reads 'ebhyaḥ aṇ syāt', which BM's pratīka 'ebhya iti' presupposes. A variant, not in the collation; the English follows ours and the print.
commentary BM: hvā and vā are hveñ 'to vie' (spardhāyām) and veñ 'to weave' (tantusantāne) named with ā already substituted, and mā is māṅ 'to measure' (māne); the fifth-case singular is from their dvandva. The sense is: when an object is the upapada, aṇ comes after these. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: Why this, when karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913) already gives aṇ? 'kāpavādaḥ': it is to block the ka of āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915), itself an exception to aṇ, stated next. Here māṅ and meṅ are taken, not mā 'to measure' (māne), which is intransitive. Followed in 'an exception to ka'.
commentary TB, sk.2914.t1: 'kāpavādaḥ': understand that [ka] would be obtained by āto 'nupasarge… (SK 2915). Here māṅ 'to measure' (māne) and meṅ 'to exchange' (praṇidāne) are taken, not mā 'to measure' (māne), because it is intransitive. Followed; agrees with BM.
commentary BM on svargahvāya: although hveñ in the sense 'desire to overcome another' was said to be intransitive, the object 'overcoming' being included in the root meaning, here the root meaning is the desire to overcome: 'one who wishes to overcome heaven'. ā is substituted first, being antaraṅga, then yuk [by āto yuk…, SK 2761]; so also in the following examples. Followed in the gloss 'one who challenges heaven'.
commentary TB, sk.2914.t1: ā for hveñ and veñ by ādeca… (SK 2370), then yuk by āto yuk…. Agrees with BM; recorded.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'aṇ' (and of 'karmaṇi') from karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'aṇ syāt', and BM gives the sense ('when an object is the upapada, aṇ') without naming an anuvṛtti.

SK 2915 · A 3.2.3V

आतोऽनुपसर्गे कः ॥ २९१५ ॥

āto'nupasarge kaḥ

āto 'nupasarge kaḥ — After [a root] ending in ā, when there is no upasarga, ka comes [when an object (karman) is the upapada — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913].

Rule. After a root ending in ā, with no upasarga, ka comes and not aṇ, when an object is the upapada. Bhaṭṭoji adds the result: "the ā is lost" (SK 2372).

Example.

go + dā + ka → ā lost before k-marked ka (SK 2372) → go + d + a → godaḥ "giver of cows".

pārṣṇi + trai + ka → ā for ai → ā lost → pārṣṇitram "heel-guard" (both commentators).

Applies when / blocked by. With an upasarga, aṇ: gosaṃdāyaḥ, with yuk (both commentators).

A vārttika: wherever ka is taught, ḍa comes instead after roots liable to saṃprasāraṇa.

brahma + jyā + ḍa → the ḍ removes the final vowel and what follows (ṭi) → brahmajyaḥ "one who harms the brahman".

Both commentators explain. This loss normally needs a stem called bha, but the ḍ-marker forces it here. ka, being k-marked, would bring saṃprasāraṇa (SK 2412) and give brahmajiya.

Bhaṭṭoji: because of "everywhere" (sarvatra), ḍa also replaces the ka of SK 2898: āhvaḥ, prahvaḥ. With ka there would be saṃprasāraṇa, giving āhuva (both commentators).

Watch out. Two conditions: an object upapada and no upasarga. Lose either and the rule fails: gosaṃdāyaḥ has an upasarga, so aṇ returns.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आदन्ताद्धातोरनुपसर्गात्कर्मण्युपपदे कः स्यान्नाऽण् । आतो लोपः । गोदः । पार्ष्णित्रम् । अनुपसर्गे किम् । गोसंदायः ।

After a root ending in ā and without an upasarga, ka, not aṇ, comes when an object is the upapada. [Then] the ā is elided (āto lopaḥ): godaḥ "giver of cows", pārṣṇitram "heel-guard". Why 'when there is no upasarga'? gosaṃdāyaḥ.

vārttika

कविधौ सर्वत्र संप्रसारणिभ्यो डः

(vārttika) In the prescription of ka, everywhere, ḍa [comes] after [roots] liable to saṃprasāraṇa.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ब्रह्म जिनाति ब्रह्मज्यः । सर्वत्रग्रहणात् आतश्चोपसर्गे SK 2898 । आह्वः । प्रह्वः ॥

brahma jināti "he harms the brahman": brahmajyaḥ. Because of the word 'everywhere' (sarvatra), [ḍa comes also where ka would come by] ātaś copasarge (SK 2898): āhvaḥ, prahvaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 501

—प्रसारणिभ्य इति । प्रसारणमिति संप्रसारणपर्यायः ॥—जिनातीति । ज्या वयोहानौ ॥ क्र्यादिभ्य इति श्नाप्रत्यये ‘ग्रहिज्या—’ इति संप्रसारणे पूर्वरूपे ‘हलः’ इति दीर्घे च कृते ‘प्वादीनाम्—’ इति ह्रस्वः ॥—ब्रह्मज्य इति । डित्त्वसामर्थ्यादभस्यापि टेर्लोपः । पूर्वेण के हि सति कित्त्वात्संप्रसारणादौ च ब्रह्मजिय इति स्यात् ॥—आह्वः प्रह्व इति । के हि सति ‘वचिस्वपि—’ इत्यादिना ह्वेञः संप्रसारणे सति आहुवः प्रहुव इति स्यादिति बोध्यम्

Bālamanoramā

आतोऽनुपसर्गे कः - आतोऽनुपसर्गे कः । पार्ष्णित्रमिति । पार्ष्णिः — पादमूलभागः । तं त्रायते इति विग्रहः । 'त्रैङ् पालने' आत्वे कृते कः । गोसंदाय इति । अणि - आतो युक् । कविधौ सर्वत्रेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । सर्वत्र कप्रत्ययविधौ संप्रसारणार्हेभ्यः कापवादो डप्रत्ययो वाच्य इत्यर्थः । ब्रह्मज्य इति । 'ज्या वयोहानौ' अस्माड्डः । डित्त्वसामर्थ्यादभस्यापि टेर्लोपः । अत्र कप्रत्यये सति कित्त्वात् 'ग्रहिज्ये' ति संप्रसारणं प्रसक्तम्, अतो ड एव, नतु कः । सर्वत्रेति । उपसर्गे उपपदे आतोऽपि ड एव, नतु 'आतश्चोपसर्गे' इति कः,॒सर्वत्र॑ ग्रहणादित्यन्वयः । अन्यथाअनन्तरस्य विधि॑रिति न्यायात्आतोऽनुपसर्गे॑इति कं बाधित्वा ड एव । तस्य अकित्त्वाद्यजादिलक्षणं संप्रसारणं न । सुपि स्थः । योगो विभज्यते इति । इदं भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । तत्रसुपी॑त्यंशं व्याचष्टे — सुप्युपपदे इति इदं केवलोपसर्गे व्यर्थम्, 'आतश्चोपसर्गे' इत्येव सिद्धेः, कर्मण्युपपदेऽप्येतद्व्यर्थमेव, 'आतोऽनुपसर्गे कः' इत्यारम्भादिति मत्वोदाहरति — द्वाभ्यामिति । तत इति ।सुपी॑त्यंशस्य व्याख्यानानन्तरं 'स्थ' इत्यंशो व्याख्यायत इत्यर्थः । ननुसुपी॑त्यंशेनैव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — आरम्भसामर्थ्यादिति । कर्तरि 'सुपि' इति पूर्वेण सिद्धेःकर्तरि कृ॑दिति नानुवर्तते । अनिर्दिष्टार्थत्वात्गुप्तिज्किद्भ्यः स॑ नित्यादिवत्स्वार्थिकोऽयम्, स्वार्थश्च भाव एवेति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । न च एवं सतिघञर्थे कविधान॑मित्येव सिद्धमिति वाच्यम्, नित्योपपदसमासार्थत्वात् । अत एव ल्युडन्तेन अस्वपदविग्रहं दर्शयन्नाह - आखूनामुत्थानमाखूत्थ इति ।

translator notes

commentary TB (printed under sk.2914.t1): 'āto lopaḥ' states the result of prescribing ka; pārṣṇitra is from trai 'to protect' (pālane), 'that which protects the heel'; gosaṃdāya has aṇ with yuk. Followed: '[Then] the ā is elided' and the gloss 'heel-guard'.
commentary BM: pārṣṇi is the rear part of the foot; the analysis is 'tāṃ trāyate'; from trai 'to protect' (pālane), ka after ā is substituted. gosaṃdāya: with aṇ, yuk by āto yuk… (SK 2761). Followed; agrees with TB.
textual TB on this sūtra's first sentences (from 'kavidhānasya phalam āha—āto lopa iti' to 'gosaṃdāya iti. aṇ yuk') is printed at the tail of sk.2914.t1; the rest (on the vārttika) is in sk.2915.t1. Both parts are on NSP p. 491 (OCR page-0501).
commentary BM: this is a vārttika; in every prescription of the affix ka, ḍa, an exception to ka, is to be stated after [roots] eligible for saṃprasāraṇa (saṃprasāraṇārha). Followed: 'liable to saṃprasāraṇa'.
commentary TB, sk.2915.t1, on the pratīka 'prasāraṇibhyaḥ': 'prasāraṇa' is a synonym of 'saṃprasāraṇa'. Recorded; TB's pratīka has the shorter form with the same sense, and the English follows our kaumudī's 'saṃprasāraṇibhyaḥ'.
commentary BM on brahmajya: from jyā 'to lose vigour' (vayohāni), ḍa; by the force of the ḍ-marking (ḍittva-sāmarthya) the ṭi is elided although [the stem] is not bha. Were ka to come, being k-marked it would trigger saṃprasāraṇa by grahijyā… (SK 2412); hence ḍa alone, not ka. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.2915.t1: jināti is from jyā with śnā (kryādi), saṃprasāraṇa by grahijyā…, pūrvarūpa, lengthening by halaḥ, then shortening by pvādīnām…. brahmajya: elision of ṭi by the force of the ḍ-marking although not bha; with ka by the preceding rule, k-marking would bring saṃprasāraṇa etc., giving brahmajiya. āhvaḥ, prahvaḥ: with ka, saṃprasāraṇa of hveñ by vacisvapi… (SK 2409) would give āhuva, prahuva. Recorded.
commentary BM: 'sarvatra' is construed thus: with an upasarga as upapada too, after [a root in] ā, ḍa alone comes, not ka by ātaś copasarge; otherwise, by the maxim 'anantarasya vidhiḥ' (a rule [of exception] concerns what immediately precedes), ḍa would block only the ka of āto 'nupasarge kaḥ. ḍa not being k-marked, the saṃprasāraṇa prescribed for yaj etc. [vacisvapi…] does not occur. Followed in the bracket '[ḍa comes also where ka would come by] ātaś copasarge'.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial; the print marks 'kavidhau sarvatra saṃprasāraṇibhyo ḍaḥ' with the vārttika sign before it (NSP p. 491, OCR page-0501).
textual The second half of sk.2915.b1, from 'supi sthaḥ. yogo vibhajyate iti' to the end, is BM on SK 2916 (supi sthaḥ), filed under this unit; sk.2916 has no BM block of its own.
translator 'āto lopaḥ' quotes the opening of āto lopa iṭi ca (SK 2372), which elides the ā of the root before the k-marked ka. The kaumudī does not give the number.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'karmaṇi' from karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'karmaṇy upapade', and no commentator names the source.

SK 2916 · A 3.2.4V

सुपि स्थः ॥ २९१६ ॥

supi sthaḥ

supi sthaḥ — When a sup[-ending word] is the upapada, [ka — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2915 — comes] after sthā.

Rule. Bhaṭṭoji splits the rule (yogavibhāga). First, supi: with any word ending in a case-ending (sup) as upapada, ka comes after an ā-final root. Then, sthaḥ: with a sup-word as upapada, ka comes after sthā. This ka is in the bare action (bhāva). One commentator says the split is in the Bhāṣya.

Example.

dvābhyāṃ pibati → dvi + pā + ka → ā lost → dvipaḥ "one who drinks with two [organs]: an elephant".

sama + sthā + ka → samasthaḥ "standing on even ground"; viṣamasthaḥ.

ākhūnām utthānam → ākhu + ud + sthā + ka → ākhūtthaḥ "the rising up of rats".

One commentator gives the steps of ākhūtthaḥ. The ā is lost. The s after ud becomes th (SK 118). The d becomes t.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the second part bhāva? The first part already gives ka after sthā in the agent sense. A second rule for the same would be pointless. So, by "the force of its being undertaken" (ārambha-sāmarthya), it is taken in another sense. Both commentators add that it also makes the compound obligatory.

One commentator adds why the first part is shown with dvābhyām. An upasarga upapada is covered by SK 2898, an object upapada by SK 2915. So Bhaṭṭoji chose a third-case word.

Watch out. ākhūtthaḥ is not "a rat that rises". It names the act of rising. One commentator says it is masculine, not neuter.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सुपीति योगो विभज्यते । सुपि उपपदे आदन्तात्कः स्यात् । द्वाभ्यां पिबतीति द्विपः । समस्थः । विषमस्थः । ततः - स्थः ॥ सुपि तिष्ठतेः कः स्यात् । आरम्भसामर्थ्याद्भावे । आखूनामुत्थानमाखूत्थः ॥

The rule is split (yogavibhāga) at 'supi'. [First part, 'supi':] when a sup[-ending word] is the upapada, ka comes after [a root] ending in ā [— 'ātaḥ' carried forward from SK 2915]: dvābhyāṃ pibatīti dvipaḥ "one who drinks with two [organs]: dvipa (elephant)"; samasthaḥ "standing on even [ground]", viṣamasthaḥ "standing on uneven [ground]". Then [the second part], 'sthaḥ': when a sup[-ending word] is the upapada, ka comes after sthā (tiṣṭhati). Because the rule would otherwise be pointless (ārambha-sāmarthya), [it comes] in the sense of the action itself (bhāve): ākhūnām utthānam ākhūtthaḥ "the rising up of rats".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 501

—सुपि स्थः । सुबिति प्रत्याहारो गृह्यते न तु सप्तमीबहुवचनम् । कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमस्यैव ग्रहणात् ॥—आरम्भसामर्थ्यादिति । कर्तरि पूर्वेणैव सिद्धत्वादिह ‘कर्तरि कृत्’ इति न संबध्यते, अनिर्दिष्टार्थश्च स्वार्थे धातोः स्वार्थे भाव एव । नन्वेवं ‘घञर्थे कविधानम्’ इत्यनेन गतार्थतेति चेत् । न । वार्तिकं दृष्ट्वा सूत्रकृतोऽप्रवृत्तेः । किंच ‘षष्ठी’ इति सूत्रेण पाक्षिकसमासे प्रसक्ते ‘उपपदमतिङ्’ इति नित्यसमासार्थमिदम् । अत एव ल्युडन्तेनास्वपदविग्रहमाह—आखूनामुत्थानमिति । नन्वेवं घञर्थे कविधाने ‘स्थास्नापाव्यधिहनियुध्यर्थम्’ इति वार्तिके स्थाग्रहणं व्यर्थमिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । अकर्तरि कारके विधानार्थं तत्र स्थाग्रहणमिति ॥—आखूत्थ इति । स्था इत्यस्य के परे ‘आतो लोपः’ इत्यालोपः, ‘उदः स्थास्तम्भो—’इति उदः परस्य सस्य थः, उदो दस्य चर्त्वम् । अत्र प्राचा आखूत्थं वर्तते इति नपुंसके पठितं तदुपेक्ष्यमिति मनोरमायामुक्तम् । भाष्यादौ सर्वत्र पुंलिङ्गस्यैवोदाहृतत्वात् । ‘ल्युः कर्तरीमनिज् भावे कोघोः किः प्रादितोऽन्यतः’ इत्यमरकोशे भावे कस्य पुंस्त्वविधानात् ‘भावे नणकचिद्भ्योऽन्यः’ इति नपुंसकविधाने कस्य पर्युदासाच्चेति नणकचिद्भ्य इत्यत्र चकार इत्यस्य स चेत् नश्च णश्च कश्च चिच्च नणकचितस्तेभ्योऽन्य इति विग्रहः ॥ अम्बाम्ब—

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.2916.t1: in 'supi' the pratyāhāra sup is taken, not the seventh-case plural ending su[p], since of a technical and a non-technical [reading] only the technical one is taken (kṛtrimākṛtrimayoḥ kṛtrimasyaiva grahaṇam). Followed: 'a sup[-ending word]'.
commentary BM (printed under sk.2915.b1): the split of the rule is explicit in the Bhāṣya. The 'supi' part would be pointless with a bare upasarga as upapada, ātaś copasarge (SK 2898) already giving it, and equally pointless with an object as upapada, since āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915) is stated; so Bhaṭṭoji exemplifies it with dvābhyām. 'tataḥ': after 'supi' is explained, the part 'sthaḥ' is explained. Followed in the bracketed '[First part]' / '[the second part]'.
commentary BM (printed under sk.2915.b1): Why 'sthaḥ', when the 'supi' part already gives it? 'ārambhasāmarthyāt': since in the agent sense [ka after sthā] is already given by the preceding part, 'kartari kṛt' does not continue here; the affix, having no stated meaning, is svārthika like san in guptijkidbhyaḥ san, and the own sense [of a root] is bhāva alone, as the Bhāṣya makes explicit. It is not superfluous beside 'ghañarthe kavidhānam', because it secures the compulsory (nitya) upapada compound; hence Bhaṭṭoji gives an analysis not made of the compound's own members (asvapada-vigraha) with the lyuṭ form utthāna. Followed: 'in the sense of the action itself'.
commentary TB, sk.2916.t1: 'ārambhasāmarthyāt': the agent sense being already given by the preceding [part], 'kartari kṛt' is not connected here, and an affix of unstated meaning after a root is in the root's own sense, which is bhāva. Not superfluous beside the vārttika 'ghañarthe kavidhānam', since the sūtrakāra did not proceed with that vārttika in view; besides, where ṣaṣṭhī (SK 702) would give an optional compound, this secures the compulsory one by upapadam atiṅ (SK 782); hence the asvapada analysis with the lyuṭ form. The mention of sthā in the vārttika 'sthāsnāpāvyadhihaniyudhyartham' serves prescription in a kāraka other than the agent. Followed; agrees with BM.
commentary TB, sk.2916.t1, on ākhūttha: before ka the ā of sthā is elided by āto lopaḥ, the s after ud becomes th by udaḥ sthāstambhoḥ… (SK 118), and the d of ud becomes car [t]. The earlier author's (prācā) reading 'ākhūtthaṃ vartate', in the neuter, is to be disregarded, as said in the Manoramā (i.e. Bhaṭṭoji's Prauḍhamanoramā, not BM, which is silent on the neuter here), the Bhāṣya and others giving the masculine throughout; Amara's 'ko ghoḥ kiḥ' assigns the masculine to ka in the bhāva sense. Followed: the masculine ākhūtthaḥ, glossed as the act of rising.
textual This unit has no BM block of its own: BM on supi sthaḥ is filed in the second half of sk.2915.b1, from 'supi sthaḥ. yogo vibhajyate iti' onward.
translator The anuvṛtti of 'ātaḥ' into the first part is supplied from the kaumudī's own gloss 'ādantāt', which carries the ā-final condition of āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915); the commentators do not state it in so many words. The gloss of dvipa as 'elephant' is the translator's.
translator The bracketed anuvṛtti of 'kaḥ' from āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915) is the translator's identification: the kaumudī supplies 'kaḥ syāt' in both parts, and no commentator names the source.

SK 2917 · A 8.3.92V

प्रष्ठोऽग्रगामिनि ॥ २९१७ ॥

praṣṭho'gragāmini

praṣṭho 'gragāmini — praṣṭha [is given by nipātana, with ṣ,] when one that goes in front (agragāmin) [is meant].

Rule. The word praṣṭha, with ṣ, is given by nipātana when "one that goes in front" is meant. This is a rule of the eighth book, set here because the form needs it.

Example.

pratiṣṭhate "it sets forth" → pra + sthā + ka → ṣ by this rule → praṣṭhaḥ: an ox that goes in front.

One commentator: prastha comes by SK 2898; this rule only adds the ṣ.

Applies when / blocked by. Without the sense "going in front": prasthaḥ.

Watch out. One commentator explains why a special rule is needed. The general rule that turns s into ṣ needs a sound of the iṇ group before it (any vowel but a and ā, or h, y, v, r, l), or a velar. The s here follows a, so that rule could not apply.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रतिष्ठत इति प्रष्ठो गौः । अग्रतो गच्छतीत्यर्थः । अग्रेति किम् । प्रस्थः ॥

It sets forth (pratiṣṭhate), hence praṣṭhaḥ: an ox (gauḥ). The meaning is: it goes in front. Why [say] 'agra' ('in front')? prasthaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

प्रष्ठोऽग्रगामिनि - प्रष्ठोऽग्रगामिनि । प्रपूर्वात्स्थाधातोः 'आतश्चोपसर्गे' इति कप्रत्यये आतो लोपे प्रस्थशब्दः । स च अग्रगामिनि वाच्ये कृतषत्वो निपात्यते । इण्कवर्गाभ्यां परत्वाऽभावात्षत्वस्य न प्राप्तिः । प्रतिष्ठत इति । अग्रे गच्छतीत्यर्थः, उपसर्गवशात् । प्रष्ठो गौरिति । अग्रगामीत्यर्थः । एवं प्रष्ठोऽश्वः इत्यादि ।

translator notes

commentary BM: from sthā preceded by pra, with ka by ātaś copasarge (SK 2898) and deletion of ā, the word prastha [arises]; this is nipātita with ṣatva already done when one going in front is to be expressed. Since [the s] does not follow an iṇ or a ku-letter, ṣatva was not otherwise obtainable. Followed: '[is given by nipātana, with ṣ,]'.
commentary BM: 'pratiṣṭhate' means 'goes in front', by force of the upasarga; 'praṣṭho gauḥ' means one that goes in front; likewise praṣṭho 'śvaḥ and so on. Followed in rendering pratiṣṭhate as 'sets forth' with the kaumudī's own gloss 'goes in front'.
translator No TB is printed for this sūtra: TB at sk.2916.t1 passes from ākhūttha straight to 'ambāmba—' (SK 2918). The counterexample prasthaḥ is the same pra + sthā + ka form without ṣ, used where 'going in front' is not meant; the kaumudī gives no gloss.

SK 2918 · A 8.3.97V

अम्बाम्बगोभूमिसव्यापद्वित्रिकुशेकुशङ्क्वङ्गुमञ्जिपुञ्जिपरमेबर्हिर्दिव्यग्निभ्यः स्थः ॥ २९१८ ॥

ambāmbagobhūmisavyāpadvitrikuśekuśaṅkvaṅgumañjipuñjiparamebarhirdivyagnibhyaḥ sthaḥ

ambāmbagobhūmisavyāpadvitrikuśekuśaṅkvaṅgumañjipuñjiparamebarhirdivyagnibhyaḥ sthaḥ — After amba, āmba, go, bhūmi, savya [or savye], apa, dvi, tri, kuśe, ku, śaṅku, aṅgu, mañji, puñji, parame, barhis, divi and agni, [ṣ replaces the s] of stha [the form ending in the affix ka].

Rule. After amba, āmba, go, bhūmi, savya, apa, dvi, tri, kuśe, ku, śaṅku, aṅgu, mañji, puñji, parame, barhis, divi and agni, ṣ replaces the s of stha. Bhaṭṭoji: stha here cites the form made with ka. It is a first-case word with the sense of the sixth: "of stha".

Example.

dvi + sthā + ka → dvi + stha → this rule → dviṣṭhaḥ. Also triṣṭhaḥ.

Both commentators list the rest: ambaṣṭhaḥ, goṣṭhaḥ, bhūmiṣṭhaḥ, parameṣṭhaḥ, agniṣṭhaḥ and others. (The ṭh follows the ṣ by SK 113.) The two commentators analyse dviṣṭhaḥ differently; scholars discuss this. The word savya is read savya or savye.

Applies when / blocked by. Only the ka-form stha is meant. Both commentators: so there is no ṣ in bhūmisthitam.

Bhaṭṭoji adds a key note for all that follows. From here on both karmaṇi (SK 2913) and supi (SK 2916) run on. With intransitive roots, only supi is connected. One commentator says "from here" means from SK 2919.

Watch out. This ṣ is listed word by word. It does not come after every first member: bhūmisthitam keeps its s.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्थ इति कप्रत्ययान्तस्यानुकरणम् । षष्ठ्यर्थे प्रथमा । एभ्यः स्थस्य सस्य षः स्यात् । द्विष्ठः । त्रिष्ठः । इत ऊर्ध्वं कर्मणि सुपीति द्वयमप्यनुवर्तते । तत्राकर्मकेषु सुपीत्यस्य संबन्धः ॥

'stha' is an imitation (anukaraṇa) of [the form] ending in the affix ka; [it is] a first-case word (prathamānta) in the sense of the sixth case. After these [words], ṣ replaces the s of stha: dviṣṭhaḥ, triṣṭhaḥ.

From here on, both 'karmaṇi' [SK 2913] and 'supi' [SK 2916] are carried forward (anuvṛtti). Of these, with intransitive (akarmaka) [roots] it is 'supi' that is connected.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 501

—कप्रत्ययान्तस्येति । तेन भूमिस्थितं गोस्थानमित्यादौ नेति भावः । प्राचा तु स्थस्य सस्येति व्याख्यातव्ये स्थः सस्येति व्याख्यातं तदाकरविरोधेन कप्रत्ययान्तस्येत्यध्याहृत्य व्याख्येयम् ॥—द्विष्ठः । त्रिष्ठ इति । द्वयोस्तिष्ठतीत्यादि विग्रहः । एवमम्बष्ठः आम्बष्ठः गोष्ठः भूमिष्ठः सव्यष्ठः अपष्ठः कुशेष्ठः कुष्ठः शङ्कुष्ठः अङ्गुष्ठः मञ्जिष्ठः पुञ्जिष्ठः परमेष्ठः बर्हिष्ठः दिविष्ठः अग्निष्ठः ॥—आभ्यामिति । परिमृजापनुदोरित्यत्र पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठीति भावः

Bālamanoramā

अम्बाम्बगोभूमिसव्यापद्वित्रिकुशेकुशङ्क्वङ्गुमञ्जि- पुञ्जिपरमेबर्हिर्दिव्यग्निभ्यः स्थः - अम्बाम्ब । अम्ब, आम्ब, गो, भूमि, सव्ये, अप, द्वि, त्रि, कुशे, कु , शङ्कु, अङ्गु, मञ्जि, पुञ्जि, परमे, बर्हिस्, दिवि, अग्नि — एषामष्टादशानां द्वन्द्वः । अम्बष्ठः, आम्बष्ठः, गोष्ठः,भूमिष्ठः । सव्येष्ठः । निपातनादलुक् । 'हलन्तात्सप्तम्याः' इति वा । अपष्ठः । एषु कतिपयेषुसात्पदाद्यो॑रिति निषेधः प्राप्तः । एवमग्रेऽपि । द्विष्ठ इति । द्वाभ्यां तिष्ठतीति विग्रहः । एवं त्रिष्ठः, कुशेष्ठः, कुष्ठः, शङ्कुष्ठ अङ्गुष्ठः मञ्जिष्ठः, पुञ्जिष्ठः । परमेष्ठः, निपातनादलुक्,हलदन्ता॑दिति वा । बर्हिष्ठः । दिविष्ठः । पूर्ववदलुक् । अग्निष्ठः । कप्रत्ययान्तस्येति किम् । भूमिस्थितम् । इत ऊर्ध्वमिति ।तुन्दशोकयो॑रित्यारभ्येत्यर्थः । सुपीत्यस्येति । नतु कर्मणीत्यस्य , असंभवादिति भावः ।

translator notes

textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 491, scan page-0501) read 'savyāpa' in the sūtra; Wikisource's kaumudī (uttara-3/0077) prints 'savye'pa', which matches BM's savyeṣṭhaḥ. A variant, not in the collation; the English gives 'savya [or savye]'. The source-layer padaccheda segments 'savya-apa' and 'ku-śeku'; BM and TB segment kuśe + ku, while a Wikisource footnote reports that the current Kāśikā reads kuṣṭhaḥ, śekuṣṭhaḥ (ku + śeku).
commentary TB, sk.2918.t1: 'kapratyayāntasya' — hence [ṣ does] not [come] in bhūmisthitam, gosthānam and the like. The earlier author (prācā), where 'sthasya sasya' should have been explained, explained 'sthaḥ sasya'; because that conflicts with the authoritative sources it is to be interpreted by supplying 'kapratyayāntasya'. Followed: stha is the ka-ended form, as the kaumudī says.
commentary BM: the eighteen members are amba, āmba, go, bhūmi, savye, apa, dvi, tri, kuśe, ku, śaṅku, aṅgu, mañji, puñji, parame, barhis, divi, agni, in a dvandva: ambaṣṭhaḥ, āmbaṣṭhaḥ, goṣṭhaḥ, bhūmiṣṭhaḥ, savyeṣṭhaḥ (aluk by nipātana, or optionally by haladantāt saptamyāḥ [saṃjñāyām], SK 966), apaṣṭhaḥ, dviṣṭhaḥ, triṣṭhaḥ, kuśeṣṭhaḥ, kuṣṭhaḥ, śaṅkuṣṭhaḥ, aṅguṣṭhaḥ, mañjiṣṭhaḥ, puñjiṣṭhaḥ, parameṣṭhaḥ (aluk likewise), barhiṣṭhaḥ, diviṣṭhaḥ, agniṣṭhaḥ. In some of these ṣatva would not be obtainable at all, since the s does not follow iṇ or a ku-sound; in some the prohibition sātpadādyoḥ (SK 2123) would apply. (Our sk.2918.b1 has an eye-skip here and keeps only the second clause; the first is read from Wikisource, uttara-3/0077.) 'kapratyayāntasya': [not in] bhūmisthitam. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only dviṣṭhaḥ and triṣṭhaḥ.
commentary BM: 'ita ūrdhvam' means beginning with tundaśokayoḥ… (SK 2919). 'supīty asya [saṃbandhaḥ]': not of 'karmaṇi', since that is impossible [with intransitive roots]. Followed: the two anuvṛttis and the restriction to 'supi'.
commentary BM analyses dviṣṭhaḥ as dvābhyāṃ tiṣṭhati ('stands on two'), and triṣṭhaḥ etc. likewise. Recorded; the kaumudī gives no analysis.
commentary TB, sk.2918.t1: dviṣṭhaḥ, triṣṭhaḥ are analysed as dvayos tiṣṭhati ('stands in two') and so on; TB then lists ambaṣṭhaḥ … agniṣṭhaḥ with savyaṣṭhaḥ. Recorded; the kaumudī gives no analysis.
translator BM (third-case word dvābhyām) and TB (seventh-case dvayoḥ) analyse dviṣṭhaḥ differently; the English gives no analysis, as the kaumudī gives none (§16).
translator The sūtra's 'savyāpa' is read by BM as savye + apa (savyeṣṭhaḥ, with aluk); TB's list, sk.2918.t1, has savyaṣṭhaḥ. The English gives both. 'kuśekuśaṅkvaṅgu' is segmented after BM as kuśe, ku, śaṅku, aṅgu. The source's padaccheda differs; the English does not follow it.
textual Ours reads '…kuśekuśaṅkvaṅgu…'. The print's glyph after śaṅ- may be kva or plain ka; the scan cannot settle it (NSP p. 491, scan 0501). Ours is the standard reading.

SK 2919 · A 3.2.5V

तुन्दशोकयोः परिमृजापनुदोः ॥ २९१९ ॥

tundaśokayoḥ parimṛjāpanudoḥ

tundaśokayoḥ parimṛjāpanudoḥ — When tunda and śoka [are upapada as object (karman) — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913, as SK 2918 states], [the affix ka occurs] after parimṛj and apanud.

Rule. With tunda "belly" and śoka "grief" as objects, ka comes after parimṛj "to rub" and apanud "to dispel". A vārttika adds: only in the senses of laziness and of bringing happiness.

Example.

tundaṃ parimārṣṭi → tunda + parimṛj + ka → tundaparimṛjaḥ "a lazy man (who rubs his belly)".

śoka + apanud + ka → śokāpanudaḥ "a bringer of happiness".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: one who is not lazy is only tundaparimārjaḥ. Its vṛddhi shows the general aṇ. And one who dispels grief by teaching that saṃsāra is worthless is śokāpanodaḥ. Whether tundaparimṛjaḥ may also take vṛddhi, the commentators report differently; scholars discuss this.

A vārttika: in the section on ka, add mūlavibhuja and the like. mūlāni vibhujati → mūlavibhujaḥ "a chariot (it crushes roots)". Bhaṭṭoji: this is an open list (ākṛtigaṇa): mahīdhraḥ, kudhraḥ, and gilaḥ "one who swallows". One commentator explains mahīdhraḥ: no guṇa before k-marked ka, and ṛ becomes r; with aṇ it would be mahīdhāra.

Watch out. The sense matters, not just the words. Only the lazy man is tundaparimṛja; anyone else is tundaparimārja.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तुन्दशोकयोः कर्मणोरुपपदयोराभ्यां कः स्यात् ।

When tunda ('belly') and śoka ('grief') are upapadas [standing as] objects (karman), ka occurs after these two [roots, parimṛj and apanud].

vārttika

आलस्यसुखाहरणयोरिति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated: 'in [the senses of] laziness and of bringing happiness'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ तुन्दं परिमार्ष्टीति तुन्दपरिमृजोऽलसः । शोकापनुदः । सुखस्याहर्ता । अलसादन्यत्र तुन्दपरिमार्ज एव । यश्च संसारासारत्वोपदेशेन शोकमपनुदति स शोकापनोदः ।

He rubs his belly (tundaṃ parimārṣṭi), hence tundaparimṛjaḥ: a lazy person. śokāpanudaḥ: a bringer of happiness. Elsewhere than [of] a lazy person, only tundaparimārjaḥ. And one who dispels grief by teaching the worthlessness of saṃsāra is śokāpanodaḥ.

vārttika

कप्रकरणे मूलविभुजादिभ्य उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) In the section on ka, an additional statement (upasaṃkhyāna) [is needed] for mūlavibhuja and the like.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ मूलानि विभुजति मूलविभुजो रथः । आकृतिगणोऽयम् । महीध्रः । कुध्रः । गिलतीति गिलः ॥

It crushes roots (mūlāni vibhujati): mūlavibhujaḥ, a chariot. This is an ākṛtigaṇa [a class recognized from usage, not a closed list]: mahīdhraḥ, kudhraḥ; it swallows (gilati), hence gilaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 501–502

—तुन्दपरिमृज इति । अत्र मृजेरजादाविति वैकल्पिकी वृद्धिर्व्यवस्थितविभाषया नेत्येके । स्यादेवेत्यन्ये ॥—मूलविभुजादिभ्य इति । तादर्थ्ये एषा चतुर्थी । मूलविभुजादिसिद्ध्यर्थमित्यर्थः ॥—प्रे दाज्ञः । गामादाग्रहणेष्वविशेषादाह—दारूपादिति । पथिप्रज्ञ इति । पन्थानं प्रकर्षेण जानातीत्यर्थः ॥—प्रादन्यस्मिन्निति । प्रशब्दमात्रोपपदे अस्य सूत्रस्य चरितार्थत्वादुपसर्गान्तरे सति ‘आतोऽनुपसर्गे—’ इत्यनेनापि न भवतीति भावः ॥—गोसंख्य इति । गाः संचष्टे इति विग्रहः । चक्षिङः ख्याञ् । ख्या प्रकथन इत्यस्य तु संपूर्वस्य प्रयोगो नास्तीति न्यासकारः । सार्वधातुकमात्रविषयोऽसौ धातुरिति च मनोरमादौ स्थितम्

Bālamanoramā

तुन्दशोकयोः परिमृजापनुदोः - तुन्दशोकयोः । तुन्दशोकयोरिति सप्तमी । परिमृज, अपनुद, अनयोर्द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । तदाह — उपपदयोराभ्यामिति । तुन्दपरिमृज इति । तुन्दम् = उदरम् । अत्र 'मृजेरजादौ' इति पाक्षिकवृद्धिर्न भवति, व्यवस्थितविभाषाश्रयणादित्याहुः । मूलानि विभुजतीति । विमर्दयतीत्यर्थः । 'भुजो कौटिल्ये' तुदादिः । इहोपसर्गबलान्मर्दने वृत्तिः । महीध्र इति । महीं धरतीति विग्रहः । कित्त्वान्न गुणः । ऋकारस्य यण् रेफः । अणि तु 'महीधार' इति स्यात् । कुध्र इति । कुः = पृथ्वी, तां धरतीति विग्रहः । गिल इति । 'गृ निगरणे' अस्मात्कः, कित्त्वान्न गुणः, इत्त्वं, रपरत्वम् ।अचि विभाषे॑ति लत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.2918.t1: 'ābhyām' — in 'parimṛjāpanudoḥ' the sixth case is in the sense of the fifth. Followed: 'after these two [roots]'.
commentary BM: 'tundaśokayoḥ' is a seventh case; parimṛj and apanud form a dvandva, with a sixth case in the sense of the fifth; hence 'upapadayor ābhyām'. Followed.
commentary BM: tunda means the belly. In tundaparimṛjaḥ the optional vṛddhi of mṛjer ajādau does not occur, because the option is taken as fixed in its domain (vyavasthitavibhāṣā), 'so they say' (ity āhuḥ). Recorded; the kaumudī simply gives the form without vṛddhi.
commentary TB, sk.2919.t1: on tundaparimṛjaḥ, some hold that the optional vṛddhi of mṛjer ajādau does not occur, by vyavasthitavibhāṣā; others that it does occur. Recorded; TB leaves the question open where BM reports only the first view.
commentary TB, sk.2919.t1: in 'mūlavibhujādibhyaḥ' this is a fourth case in the sense of purpose (tādarthya): 'for establishing mūlavibhuja and the like'. Followed: 'for mūlavibhuja and the like', not 'after'.
commentary BM: vibhujati means 'crushes' (vimardayati), from bhujo kauṭilye (tudādi), which by force of the upasarga here means crushing. mahīdhraḥ: mahīṃ dharati; no guṇa because [ka] is k-marked; ṛ becomes the yaṇ r; with aṇ it would be mahīdhāra. kudhraḥ: ku 'the earth', kuṃ dharati. gilaḥ: from gṝ nigaraṇe with ka, no guṇa (k-marked), i-substitution, r-addition (raparatva), and l by acī vibhāṣā. Followed in rendering vibhujati as 'crushes'; the kaumudī itself gives no steps, so none are added to the English (§9).
textual k3 and k5 open with the editorial tag '(vārtikam) ||', closing the vārttikas in k2 and k4; the print marks both 'ālasyasukhāharaṇayor iti vaktavyam' and 'kaprakaraṇe mūlavibhujādibhya upasaṃkhyānam' with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 491, scan 0501).
translator The kaumudī supplies 'kaḥ'; it continues from āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915) through supi sthaḥ (SK 2916). No commentator names its source, so the sūtra rendering brackets ka without an anuvṛtti tag.
textual The editorial note formerly filed as sk.2919.n1 (NSP p. 492) was not about this sūtra: it is TB on SK 2928–2931 and the opening of TB on SK 2934 (śami dhātoḥ… onward), printed in the footnote band of p. 492. It was re-filed into sk.2928.t1 (2026-10-05), its repeated first line dropped as a duplicate.

SK 2920 · A 3.2.6V

प्रे दाज्ञः ॥ २९२० ॥

pre dājñaḥ

pre dājñaḥ — After [any root of] the form dā and after jñā, preceded by pra, [ka occurs when an object (karman) is upapada — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913].

Rule. After a root of the form dā, and after jñā, preceded by pra, ka comes with an object upapada. Bhaṭṭoji: "it is an exception to aṇ". One commentator explains "of the form dā": rules naming gā, mā and dā make no distinction among the roots of that form.

Example.

sarva + pra + dā + ka → ā lost → sarvapradaḥ "giver of all".

pathi + pra + jñā + ka → pathiprajñaḥ "one who knows the road well".

Applies when / blocked by. SK 2915 said "when there is no upasarga". So, Bhaṭṭoji says, when an upasarga other than pra is present there is no ka: gosaṃpradāyaḥ. One commentator: this rule covers only pra alone; with another upasarga even SK 2915 cannot give ka.

Watch out. pra opens the door that SK 2915 closed. Add sam as well, and the door shuts again: gosaṃpradāyaḥ takes aṇ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दारूपाज्जानातेश्च प्रोपसृष्टात्कर्मण्युपपदे कः स्यात् । अणोऽपवादः । सर्वप्रदः । पथिप्रज्ञः । अनुपसर्ग इत्युक्तेः प्रादन्यस्मिन्सति न कः । गोसंप्रदायः ॥

After [a root] having the form dā (dārūpa) and after jñā (jānāti), when preceded by the upasarga pra, ka occurs when an object (karman) is upapada. It is an exception (apavāda) to aṇ: sarvapradaḥ, pathiprajñaḥ. Because 'anupasarge' ('when there is no upasarga') was said [in āto 'nupasarge kaḥ, SK 2915], ka does not occur when an [upasarga] other than pra is present: gosaṃpradāyaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

प्रे दाज्ञः - प्रे दाज्ञः । 'प्रे' इति सप्तमी पञ्चम्यर्थे । दा, ज्ञा — अनयोर्द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्येकवचनम् । प्रोपसृष्टादिति । प्रेत्युपसर्गपूर्वकादित्यर्थः । सोपसर्गार्थ आरम्भः ।

translator notes

textual Ours and the print (NSP pp. 491–492, scans page-0501/0502) read 'prād anyasmin sati na kaḥ'; Wikisource (uttara-3/0078) reads 'prād anyasmin supi na kaḥ'. A variant, not in the collation; the English follows ours and the print ('when an [upasarga] other than pra is present').
commentary TB, printed under sk.2919.t1: since there is no distinction in the mention of gā, mā and dā [the convention gāmādāgrahaṇeṣv aviśeṣaḥ], he says 'dārūpāt'. Followed: 'a root having the form dā'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2919.t1: pathiprajñaḥ means one who knows the road thoroughly. 'prād anyasmin': this rule has its scope where pra alone is upapada, so when another upasarga is present [ka] does not come even by āto 'nupasarge [kaḥ]. Followed: the reference of 'anupasarga' to SK 2915.
commentary BM: 'pre' is a seventh case in the sense of the fifth; dā and jñā form a dvandva, in the fifth case singular; 'propasṛṣṭāt' means preceded by the upasarga pra. The rule is undertaken for [roots] with an upasarga (sopasargārtha ārambhaḥ). Followed: 'when preceded by the upasarga pra'.
textual The raw NSP OCR of p. 491 skips the opening of this unit; the scan (NSP p. 491, scan 0501) reads 'dārūpāj jānāteś ca propasṛṣṭāt karmaṇy upapade kaḥ syāt. aṇo 'pavādaḥ. sarvapradaḥ. pathi-', agreeing with ours.

SK 2921 · A 3.2.7V

समि ख्यः ॥ २९२१ ॥

sami khyaḥ

sami khyaḥ — After khyā preceded by sam, [ka — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from āto 'nupasarge kaḥ, SK 2915 — occurs when an object (karman) is upapada — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913].

Rule. After khyā preceded by sam, with an object upapada, the affix comes. Bhaṭṭoji names no affix here, and neither commentator does. It is taken as ka, running on from SK 2915 through SK 2920.

Example.

gāḥ saṃcaṣṭe "he watches over the cows" → go + sam + khyā + ka → ā lost → gosaṃkhyaḥ "one who watches over the cows".

Both commentators say khyā here is khyāñ, the substitute for cakṣ "to see".

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators say the other khyā, "to tell", is not meant. It is not used with sam, and it takes only sārvadhātuka affixes.

Watch out. The sūtra says only "after khyā with sam". The object upapada comes from the note at SK 2918.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

गोसंख्यः ॥

gosaṃkhyaḥ [one who watches over (saṃcaṣṭe) the cows].

Bālamanoramā

समि ख्यः - समि ख्यः ।समी॑ति पञ्चम्यर्थे सप्तमी । गोसङ्ख्य इति । गाः संचष्ट इति विग्रहः । संपूर्वाच्चक्षिङः ख्याञि रूपम् । 'ख्या प्रकथने' इत्यस्य तु संपूर्वस्य प्रयोगाऽभावात्, सार्वधातुकमात्रविषयत्वाच्च नेह सम्बध्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'sami' is a seventh case in the sense of the fifth. gosaṃkhyaḥ is analysed as gāḥ saṃcaṣṭe: the form is from cakṣiṅ preceded by sam, with the substitute khyāñ. khyā prakathane is not connected here, because it is not used with sam and is restricted to sārvadhātuka [affixes]. Followed: the bracketed gloss.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2919.t1: gosaṃkhyaḥ is gāḥ saṃcaṣṭe, with khyāñ for cakṣiṅ; the Nyāsakāra says khyā prakathane has no usage with sam, and the [Prauḍha]manoramā and other works state that that root is confined to sārvadhātuka [affixes]. Followed, agreeing with BM. ('Manoramā' in TB is the Prauḍhamanoramā, not BM; BM makes the same sārvadhātuka point.)
translator The affix ka is the translator's identification: neither the kaumudī (gosaṃkhyaḥ) nor BM nor TB names it here (both speak only of khyāñ for cakṣiṅ). It is taken as running on from āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915) through pre dājñaḥ (SK 2920); cf. sk2916 sutra_en.

SK 2922 · A 3.2.8V

गापोष्टक् ॥ २९२२ ॥

gāpoṣṭak

gāpoṣ ṭak — After gā ['to sing'] and pā ['to drink'], [not preceded by an upasarga,] ṭak [occurs when an object (karman) is upapada — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913].

Rule. After gā "to sing" and pā "to drink", with no upasarga, ṭak comes when an object is the upapada. One commentator says only gai "to sing" is meant here, not the other roots of the form gā.

Example.

sāman + gai + ṭak → ā for ai (SK 2370) → sāma + gā + a → ā lost before the k (SK 2372) → sāmagaḥ.

Feminine: the ṭ gives ṅīp (SK 470) → sāmagī.

One commentator draws this from the two forms: the k is for the loss of ā, the ṭ for ṅīp.

Applies when / blocked by. With an upasarga: sāmasaṃgāyaḥ, with aṇ and yuk (both commentators).

A vārttika: after pibati "drinks", ṭak comes only with surā or śīdhu as upapada: surāpī, śīdhupī. Elsewhere: kṣīrapā brāhmaṇī "a brāhmaṇī who drinks milk". Both commentators give this ka by SK 2915, then ṭāp. And from pā "to protect": surāṃ pāti → surāpā "one who guards the surā".

Watch out. The feminine tells you the affix. surāpī has ṭak, with ī. kṣīrapā has ka, with ā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अनुपसृष्टाभ्यामाभ्यां टक् स्यात्कर्मण्युपपदे । सामगः । सामगी । उपसर्गे तु सामसंगायः ॥

After these two, not preceded by an upasarga, ṭak occurs when an object (karman) is upapada: sāmagaḥ, sāmagī. But with an upasarga: sāmasaṃgāyaḥ.

vārttika

पिबतेः सुराशीध्वोरिति वाच्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated: [ṭak] after pibati ['drinks'] when surā or śīdhu [is upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सुरापी । शीधुपी । अन्यत्र क्षीरपा ब्राह्मणी । सुरां पाति रक्षतीति सुरापा ॥

surāpī, śīdhupī. Elsewhere: kṣīrapā brāhmaṇī ('a brāhmaṇī who drinks milk'). He protects (pāti, i.e. rakṣati) surā: surāpā.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 502

—गापोष्टक् । इह गामादाग्रहणेष्वविशेषेऽपि गायतेरेव ग्रहणं न तु गाङ् गतौ गा स्तुतौ इत्यनयोः, अनभिधानात् ॥—सामगः । सामगीति । एतेन टकः कित्त्वमालोपार्थं टित्त्वं तु ङीबर्थमिति ध्वनितम् । प्रत्ययाधिकाराट्टकः प्रत्ययत्वेन ‘प्रत्ययः’ ‘परश्च’ इति धातोः पर एव स्यादिति ‘आद्यन्तौ टकितौ’ इत्यस्यात्र आशङ्कैव नास्तीति बोध्यम् ॥—सामसंगाय इति । कर्मण्यणि सति ‘आतो युक्’ इति युक्—॥पिबतेरिति । ‘लुग्विकरणालुग्विकरणयोः’ इति परिभाषालब्धार्थकथनमुपपदपरिगणनं तु वाचनिकमेव ॥—क्षीरपेति । क्षीरं पिबतीत्यातोऽनुपसर्गं कः ॥—शक्तीति । घटग्रहणेनैव सिद्धे घटीग्रहणं लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषाया अनित्यत्वज्ञापनार्थं, तेन मद्रराज्ञीत्यत्र टच्, द्विषतीताप इत्यत्र ‘द्विषत्परयोः’—इति खच् नेति दिक् ॥—कवचहर इति । कवचोद्यमनं क्रियमाणं संभाव्यमानं वा वयो गमयति । तेनासत्यपि कवचग्रहणे कवचहर इति भवत्येव

Bālamanoramā

गापोष्टक् - गापोष्टक् । 'गै शब्दे' 'पा पाने' इत्यनयोः टक् स्यात्कर्मण्युपपदे । आतो युकि रूपम् । पिबतेरिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । पाधातोः सुराशीध्वोरुपपदयोः टक् स्यादित्यर्थः । क्षीरपेति । क्षीरं पिबतीत्यर्थे सुराशीध्वोर्अन्यतरत्वाभावात् 'आतोऽनुपसर्गे कः' इति कप्रत्यये टाप् । पाति रक्षतीति । अजित्यर्थः । उद्यमनम् - उद्ग्रहणम् । अंशहर इति । अंशस्य स्वीकर्तेत्यर्थः । भारहार इति । भारमुद्गृह्णातीत्यर्थः । ग्रहेरुपसङ्ख्यानमिति ।अच्प्रत्ययस्ये॑ति शेषः । 'ग्रह उपादाने' अदुपधऋ ।गृहे॑रिति पाठे तु कृतसंप्रसारणस्य इका निर्देशो बोध्यः । शक्तिग्रह इति । अकित्त्वान्न संप्रसारणम् । लाङ्गलग्रह इति । एवम् — 'अङ्कुशग्रह' इत्याद्यप्युदाहार्यम् । सूत्रे चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । सूत्रे कर्मण्युपपदे धारणार्थकाद्ग्रहधातोरजित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.2922.t1: although the mention of gā, mā and dā makes no distinction, only gāyati ('sings', gai) is taken here, not gāṅ gatau or gā stutau, because they are not so used (anabhidhānāt). Followed: '[to sing]'.
commentary BM: from gai śabde and pā pāne, ṭak occurs when an object is upapada. 'āto yuki rūpam' — [sāmasaṃgāyaḥ is] the form with yuk by āto yuk. Followed: '[to drink]'.
commentary TB, sk.2922.t1: sāmagaḥ, sāmagī suggest that the k of ṭak serves the deletion of ā and the ṭ serves ṅīp. Since ṭak is an affix by the pratyaya-adhikāra, it can only come after the root by pratyayaḥ and paraś ca, so there is no question here of ādyantau ṭakitau. sāmasaṃgāyaḥ: with aṇ in the object [sense], yuk by āto yuk. Recorded; the kaumudī states no steps.
commentary TB, sk.2922.t1: 'pibateḥ' only states what is already obtained from the paribhāṣā on luk-vikaraṇa and aluk-vikaraṇa [roots, which here selects pā 'drink']; the restriction of the upapadas is by explicit statement alone (vācanikam). Followed: 'pibati' kept as the vārttika gives it, and 'pāti, rakṣati' read as the other root.
commentary BM: in kṣīrapā (kṣīraṃ pibati), since neither surā nor śīdhu is upapada, ka by āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915), then ṭāp. TB, printed under sk.2922.t1, likewise derives kṣīrapā with āto 'nupasarge kaḥ. Recorded; the kaumudī names no affix.
textual k3 opens with the editorial tag '(vārtikam) ||'; the print marks 'pibateḥ surāśīdhvor iti vācyam' with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 492, scan 0502).
textual BM in sk.2922.b1, after 'pāti rakṣatīti', continues with 'aj ity arthaḥ' and then glosses udyamana, aṃśahara, bhārahāra and the grah vārttikas: this is BM on harater anudyamane 'c (SK 2923), filed under this unit without its pratīka.
translator 'aj ity arthaḥ' in sk.2922.b1 belongs to BM's gloss of SK 2923 (harater anudyamane 'c) and is not taken as naming the affix of surāpā. Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0079) confirms an eye-skip in our layer: after 'pāti rakṣatīti' it reads ''pā rakṣaṇe' iti lugvikaraṇasya pibatigrahaṇena agrahaṇam iti bhāvaḥ | harater anudyamane 'c || anudyamane vidyamānāt karmaṇy upapade', and only then 'aj ity arthaḥ'. The restored BM line also supports 'pāti, i.e. rakṣati' in k3: pā rakṣaṇe, being a luk-vikaraṇa root, is not caught by 'pibateḥ' — the same point TB makes (see the k2 note).
translator 'not preceded by an upasarga' is the kaumudī's own gloss (anupasṛṣṭābhyām); it presumably continues 'anupasarge' from āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915), but no commentator names the source rule, so it is bracketed without an anuvṛtti tag.

SK 2923 · A 3.2.9V

हरतेरनुद्यमनेऽच् ॥ २९२३ ॥

harateranudyamane'c

harater anudyamane 'c — After hṛ, when [it] does not [mean] lifting up (udyamana), ac [occurs when an object (karman) is upapada — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913].

Rule. After hṛ "to take", when it does not mean lifting up (udyamana), ac comes with an object upapada.

Example.

aṃśa + hṛ + ac → guṇa (SK 2168) with r → aṃśa + har + a → aṃśaharaḥ "one who takes a share".

Lifting up: bhāra + hṛ + aṇ → vṛddhi → bhārahāraḥ "one who lifts a load".

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds ac after grah with śakti, lāṅgala, aṅkuśa, tomara, yaṣṭi, ghaṭa, ghaṭī or dhanus: śaktigrahaḥ, lāṅgalagrahaḥ. One commentator: ac is not k-marked, so there is no saṃprasāraṇa.

A second vārttika adds sūtra "thread", in the sense of holding: sūtragrahaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji: one who merely takes up the thread and does not hold it takes aṇ: sūtragrāhaḥ.

One commentator notes why both ghaṭa and ghaṭī are listed. ghaṭa alone would have been enough. So the listing shows that a stem does not always include its feminine form. Bhaṭṭoji uses this at SK 2955.

Watch out. The difference is one vowel. ac gives -hara, -graha; aṇ gives -hāra, -grāha with vṛddhi.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अंशहरः । अनुद्यमने किम् । भारहारः ।

aṃśaharaḥ ['one who takes a share']. Why [say] 'when not [meaning] lifting up'? bhārahāraḥ ['one who lifts a load'].

vārttika

शक्तिलाङ्गलाङ्कुशतोमरयष्टिघटघटीधनुष्षु ग्रहेरुपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) An additional statement (upasaṃkhyāna) [of the affix ac — supplied (śeṣaḥ) per BM] after grah when śakti, lāṅgala, aṅkuśa, tomara, yaṣṭi, ghaṭa, ghaṭī or dhanus [is upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ शक्तिग्रहः । लाङ्गलग्रहः । सूत्रे च धार्येऽर्थे ॥ सूत्रग्रहः । यस्तु सूत्रं केवलमुपादत्ते न तु धारयति तत्राणेव । सूत्रग्राहः ॥

śaktigrahaḥ, lāṅgalagrahaḥ.

(vārttika) And when sūtra ('thread') [is upapada], in the sense of holding (dhārye 'rthe).

sūtragrahaḥ. But one who merely takes up the thread and does not hold it: there aṇ alone [occurs], sūtragrāhaḥ.

translator notes

commentary BM, filed under sk.2922.b1: udyamana means lifting up (udgrahaṇa); aṃśaharaḥ means one who takes (svīkartā) a share; bhārahāraḥ means one who lifts up a load. Followed: the bracketed glosses.
commentary BM, filed under sk.2922.b1: 'graher upasaṃkhyānam' — 'of the affix ac' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). grah upādāne has a penultimate a; on the reading 'gṛheḥ', the reference is by the ik [ṛ] of the form with saṃprasāraṇa done. śaktigrahaḥ: no saṃprasāraṇa, since [ac] is not k-marked. lāṅgalagrahaḥ: aṅkuśagrahaḥ and the like are to be illustrated likewise. Followed: '[of the affix ac]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2922.t1: since ghaṭa would suffice, the mention of ghaṭī indicates (jñāpana) that the paribhāṣā on [a stem] qualified by gender (liṅgaviśiṣṭa) is not universal; hence ṭac does not occur in madrarājñī, nor khac by dviṣatparayoḥ … in dviṣatītāpa. Recorded; the kaumudī lists ghaṭa and ghaṭī without comment.
commentary BM, filed under sk.2922.b1: 'sūtre ca' is a vārttika: when sūtra is upapada as object, ac after the root grah when it means holding (dhāraṇārthaka). Followed: 'in the sense of holding' and the (vārttika) label.
textual In ours 'sūtre ca dhārye 'rthe' runs on inside k3 with no vārttika block; the print marks it with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 492, scan 0502), as it does 'śaktilāṅgala…'. k3 also opens with the editorial tag '(vārtikam) ||'.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 492, scan 0502) read 'graher upasaṃkhyānam'; Wikisource SK (uttara-3/0079) reads 'gṛher upasaṅkhyānam'. A variant, not a corruption: BM knows both ('gṛher iti pāṭhe tu kṛtasaṃprasāraṇasya ikā nirdeśo bodhyaḥ'). The English follows ours/the print (grah).
textual No BM or TB is filed under this unit. BM on it stands in sk.2922.b1 (from 'udyamanam' to 'sūtre ceti …'), without its pratīka; TB on the grah vārttika stands in sk.2922.t1 ('śaktīti …').

SK 2924 · A 3.2.10V

वयसि च ॥ २९२४ ॥

vayasi ca

vayasi ca — And when age (vayas) [is understood, ac occurs after hṛ when an object (karman) is upapada — 'harateḥ' and 'ac' supplied in BM's gloss; their anuvṛtti from SK 2923 is the translator's identification].

Rule. ac also comes after hṛ when age (vayas) is conveyed. Bhaṭṭoji: "the sūtra is for lifting up". That is, here ac comes even in the sense of lifting, which SK 2923 left out.

Example.

kavaca + hṛ + ac → kavacaharaḥ kumāraḥ "a boy old enough to bear armour".

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator raises the objection: SK 2923 already gives ac, so why this rule? Bhaṭṭoji's answer is that SK 2923 excludes lifting; this rule brings it back for age. The other commentator explains the age. The armour may be actually lifted, or only thought possible to lift. Either way the word conveys the age.

Watch out. Without age, lifting gets aṇ: bhārahāraḥ. With age, lifting gets ac: kavacaharaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उद्यमनार्थं सूत्रम् । कवचहरः कुमारः ॥

The sūtra is for [the case of] lifting up (udyamana): kavacaharaḥ kumāraḥ ['a boy (old enough to) bear armour'].

Bālamanoramā

वयसि च - वयसि च । कर्मण्युपपदे वयसि गम्ये हरतेरजित्यर्थः । ननु 'हरतेरनुद्यमनेऽच्' इत्येव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — उद्यमनार्थमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when an object is upapada and age is understood, ac after hṛ. Objection: since harater anudyamane 'c (SK 2923) already establishes it, what is this for? Hence he says 'udyamanārtham'. Followed: the bracketed supplements and 'for [the case of] lifting up'. BM only paraphrases the rule ('… harater aj ity arthaḥ') and names no anuvṛtti; the source rule SK 2923 is supplied by the translator from BM's objection.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2922.t1: the lifting of armour, whether actually being done or [only] conceived as possible, conveys age; hence kavacaharaḥ is used even when no armour is actually taken up. Followed: '(old enough to) bear'.

SK 2925 · A 3.2.11V

आङि ताच्छील्ये ॥ २९२५ ॥

āṅi tācchīlye

āṅi tācchīlye — [After hṛ] preceded by āṅ, [ac occurs when an object (karman) is upapada,] when habitual disposition (tācchīlya) [is understood — 'harateḥ' and 'ac' supplied in BM's gloss; their anuvṛtti from SK 2923 is the translator's identification].

Rule. After hṛ preceded by āṅ (ā), ac comes when habit (tācchīlya) is meant. One commentator: habit means having that as one's nature.

Example.

puṣpāṇy āharati, being of that habit → puṣpa + ā + hṛ + ac → puṣpāharaḥ "one who brings flowers by habit".

One commentator: one who does it by nature, not for a reward.

Applies when / blocked by. Without habit: bhārahāraḥ. Bhaṭṭoji's counterexample has the same form as at SK 2923. Some copies read bhārāhāraḥ; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. Both āṅ and habit are needed for this ac. Bhaṭṭoji's counterexample, bhārahāraḥ, has the vṛddhi of aṇ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पुष्पाण्याहरति तच्छीलः पुष्पाहरः । ताच्छील्ये किम् । भारहारः ॥

He brings flowers (puṣpāṇy āharati), being of that disposition (tacchīla): puṣpāharaḥ. Why [say] 'tācchīlye'? bhārahāraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

आङि ताच्छील्ये - आङि ताच्छील्ये । आङ्पूर्वाद्धरतेः कर्मण्युपपदे अच् स्यात्ताच्छील्ये गम्ये । ताच्छील्यं - तत्स्वभावता । पुष्पाहर इति । पुष्पाहरणे फलानपेक्षमेव स्वाभाविकी प्रवृत्तिरस्येत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after hṛ preceded by āṅ, ac occurs when an object is upapada and tācchīlya is understood; tācchīlya means having that as one's nature (tatsvabhāvatā). Followed: the bracketed supplements and 'habitual disposition'. BM only paraphrases the rule ('āṅpūrvād harateḥ … ac syāt') and names no anuvṛtti; the source rule SK 2923 is the translator's identification.
commentary BM: puṣpāharaḥ means one whose engagement in bringing flowers is natural, without regard to any reward. Recorded.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 492, scan 0502) both read the counterexample as 'bhārahāraḥ' (bhāra + hāra, with no āṅ), the same form as the counterexample of SK 2923. A counterexample to a rule on hṛ preceded by āṅ might be expected to read bhārāhāraḥ (hṛ with āṅ but without the tācchīlya sense). Wikisource SK (uttara-3/0079) does read 'bhārāhāraḥ' here (and 'bhārahāra' at SK 2923), so this is a witnessed variant, possibly a corruption shared by ours and the print; not in the collation report, referred for checking. The transmitted reading is kept.
translator No TB is printed for this sūtra or for SK 2926: TB at sk.2922.t1 passes from kavacaharaḥ (SK 2924) straight to hastisūcakayoḥ (SK 2927).

SK 2926 · A 3.2.12V

अर्हः ॥ २९२६ ॥

arhaḥ

arhaḥ — After arh, [ac occurs when an object (karman) is upapada — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913, as SK 2918 states].

Rule. After arh "to deserve", ac comes with an object upapada. Bhaṭṭoji: "it is an exception to aṇ".

Example.

pūjā + arh + ac → pūjārha → feminine with ṭāp → pūjārhā brāhmaṇī "a brāhmaṇī deserving honour".

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator explains why the rule is needed. arh has no penultimate a to take vṛddhi. So the masculine is the same with aṇ or ac. But an aṇ-stem would take ṅīp in the feminine. ac is taught so that the feminine is pūjārhā. That is why Bhaṭṭoji gives a feminine example.

Watch out. Do not write pūjārhī. The rule exists to give ā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अर्हतेरच् स्यात्कर्मण्युपपदे । अणोपवादः । पूजार्हा ब्राह्मणी ॥

After arh, ac occurs when an object (karman) is upapada. It is an exception (apavāda) to aṇ: pūjārhā brāhmaṇī ('a brāhmaṇī deserving honour').

Bālamanoramā

अर्हः - अर्हः । अणोऽपवाद इति । यद्यपि अणि अचि च पूजार्हरूपे न विशेषः, अदुपधत्वाऽभावेन वृद्धेरप्रसक्तेः, तथापि स्त्रियामण्णन्तत्वे ङीप्स्यात्, तन्निवृत्तये अज्विधिः । तदाह — पूजार्हेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'aṇo 'pavādaḥ' — although in the form pūjārha there is no difference between aṇ and ac, since vṛddhi is not in question for want of a penultimate a, yet in the feminine, [the stem] being aṇ-ended would take ṅīp; to exclude that, ac is enjoined. Hence he says 'pūjārhā'. Followed: 'exception to aṇ' and the feminine example as its point.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 492, scan 0502) both read 'aṇopavādaḥ' without the avagraha; BM's pratīka reads 'aṇo 'pavāda iti', and Wikisource SK (uttara-3/0079) has 'aṇo 'pavādaḥ' with the avagraha. Orthographic only; translated as aṇo 'pavādaḥ.
translator No TB is printed for this sūtra (see sk.2925). The kaumudī itself states ac and 'karmaṇy upapade'.

SK 2927 · A 3.2.13V

स्तम्बकर्णयो रमिजपोः ॥ २९२७ ॥

stambakarṇayo ramijapoḥ

stambakarṇayo ramijapoḥ — When stamba and karṇa [are upapada — 'supi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2916; 'karmaṇi' is not connected, per BM], [ac occurs] after ram and jap.

Rule. With stamba "clump of grass" and karṇa "ear" as upapada, the affix comes after ram "to delight" and jap "to whisper". The affix is not named; it is taken as the ac of SK 2923. One commentator says ram and jap are intransitive, so only supi is connected, as SK 2918 directs. A vārttika: only when an elephant or an informer is meant.

Example.

stambe ramate → stambe + ram + ac → stamberamaḥ "an elephant (it delights in grass clumps)".

karṇe + jap + ac → karṇejapaḥ "an informer (he whispers in the ear)".

Bhaṭṭoji: the seventh-case ending -e is kept (aluk) by SK 972 or by SK 966.

Applies when / blocked by. Otherwise there is no such compound. Both commentators give stambe rantā and karṇe japitā, with tṛc. One commentator applies them to a cow, and to a teacher or a mosquito.

Watch out. The first member keeps its case-ending: stambe-, karṇe-. Do not write stambarama.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

।

—

vārttika

हस्तिसूचकयोरिति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated: 'when an elephant or an informer [is meant]'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ स्तम्बे रमते स्तम्बेरमो हस्ती । तत्पुरुषे कृति - SK 972 इति, 'हलदन्तात्' SK 966 इति वा ङेरलुक् । कर्णेजपः सूचकः ॥

It delights (ramate) in the clump [of grass] (stambe): stamberamaḥ, an elephant. The non-deletion (aluk) of ṅi [the seventh-case ending] is by tatpuruṣe kṛti [bahulam] (SK 972), or by haladantāt [saptamyāḥ saṃjñāyām] (SK 966). karṇejapaḥ ['one who whispers in the ear'], an informer.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 502

—हस्तिसूचकयोरिति । अन्यत्र तु स्तम्बे रन्ता कर्णे जपिता

Bālamanoramā

स्तम्बकर्णयो रमिजपोः - स्तम्बकर्णयोः । रम जप अनयोरकर्मकत्वात्कर्मणीति न संबध्यते । जपेः शब्दोच्चारणार्थकस्य धात्वर्थोपसङ्ग्रहादकर्मकत्वं बोध्यम् । दर्भादितृणनिचयः - स्तम्बः । सूचकः - पिशुनः । हस्तिसूचकयोः किम् । स्तम्बे रन्ता गौः कर्णे जपिता गुरुः, मशको वा ।

translator notes

commentary BM: since ram and jap are intransitive, 'karmaṇi' is not connected [here]; jap, which means uttering sound, is to be understood as intransitive because [its object] is included in the root's meaning. Followed: 'supi' alone in the sūtra rendering, as SK 2918 directs for intransitive roots.
commentary BM: stamba is a clump of darbha and other grasses; sūcaka means an informer (piśuna). Why 'when an elephant or an informer [is meant]'? stambe rantā gauḥ ('a cow that delights in the clump'), karṇe japitā guruḥ, maśako vā ('a teacher, or a mosquito, that whispers in the ear'). Followed: 'informer'.
commentary TB, sk.2927.t1: 'hastisūcakayoḥ' — elsewhere, however, stambe rantā, karṇe japitā. Recorded.
textual Block k1 contains only a daṇḍa; the print runs the sūtra straight into the vārttika, which it marks with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 492, scan 0502). k3 opens with the editorial tag '(vārtikam) ||'.
textual Ours reads ''haladantāt' (SK 966)'; the print reads 'halantā—966' (NSP p. 492, scan 0502), apparently a misprint, since SK 966 is haladantāt saptamyāḥ saṃjñāyām. The English follows ours.
translator The affix ac is supplied from harater anudyamane 'c (SK 2923); no commentator states it for this sūtra, but BM states ac for the next one, śami dhātoḥ saṃjñāyām (SK 2928). The pairing stamba–ram, karṇa–jap follows the examples.

SK 2928 · A 3.2.14V

शमि धातोः संज्ञायाम् ॥ २९२८ ॥

śami dhātoḥ saṃjñāyām

śami dhātoḥ saṃjñāyām — When śam is upapada, [ac — supplied per BM and TB —] occurs after a dhātu [— after any dhātu whatever (dhātumātra), per TB], when a name (saṃjñā) [is meant].

Rule. With śam "happiness" as upapada, ac comes after any root, when a name (saṃjñā) is meant. Both commentators supply ac. One says "after any root whatever".

Example.

śam + bhū + ac → guṇa and av → śambhavaḥ.

śam + vad + ac → śaṃvadaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why repeat "dhātu", when every affix here comes after a dhātu? Bhaṭṭoji: so that this rule applies even where a blocking rule would apply. The blocking rule is SK 2934, which gives ṭa after kṛ when cause, habit or compliance is conveyed. So śaṃkarā takes ac: a female wandering ascetic, whose habit is "making happiness". One commentator explains. Without "dhātu", SK 2934 would win in śaṃkara as the later rule. With it, ac alone comes.

Watch out. śaṃkarā looks like a habit-word, which would call for ṭa. The repeated "dhātu" keeps ac there.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शम्भवः । शंवदः । पुनर्धातुग्रहणं बाधकविषयेऽपि प्रवृत्त्यर्थम् । कृञो हेत्वादिषु टो मा भूत् । शंकरा नाम परिव्राजिका तच्छीला ॥

śambhavaḥ, śaṃvadaḥ. The repeated mention of 'dhātu' (punar dhātugrahaṇam) is so that [this rule] applies even in the domain of a blocking rule (bādhaka): so that ṭa by kṛño hetu[tācchīlyānulomyeṣu] (SK 2934) does not occur when hetu and the rest [are conveyed]. Śaṃkarā is the name of a female wandering ascetic (parivrājikā) whose habit is that [i.e. making happiness].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 502–503

—शमिधातोः—। शमि उपपदे धातुमात्रात्संज्ञायामच् स्यात् ॥— पुनर्धातुग्रहणमिति । असति धातुग्रहणे शमि संज्ञायामित्यस्यावकाशः । शंभवः । शंवदः । ‘कृञो हेतुताच्छील्ये’ इत्यस्यावकाशः । श्राद्धकरः शंकर इत्यत्रोभयप्रसङ्गे परत्वाट्ट एव स्यात् । धातुग्रहणे कृते तु तत्सामर्थ्यादजेव भवति तदाह—शंकरा नामेत्यादि ॥—अनधिकरणार्थमुपसंख्यानमिति दर्शयति—पार्श्वाभ्यामित्यादिना ॥—कुरुचर इति । कुरुषु देशेषु चरत्यटतीत्यर्थः ॥—भिक्षासेना—अनधिकरणार्थ आरम्भः ॥—भिक्षां चरतीति । चरतिरत्र चरणपूर्वके अर्जने वर्तते । चरणेन भिक्षामर्जयतीत्यर्थः ॥ —सेनाचर इति । सेनां चरति प्रविशतीत्यर्थः ॥—पचादिष्विति । टविधानं तु ‘उपपदमतिङ्’ इति नित्यसमासार्थम् । सहचरः । सहचरीत्यत्र तु सुप्सुपेति वैकल्पिकः समासः । —कृञो—हेतुरिह लौकिको न तु ‘तत्प्रयोजको हेतुश्च’ इति कृत्रिमः, केवले कृञि तदसंभवात् ॥—द्योत्येष्विति । न तु वाच्ये ‘कर्तरि कृत्’ इत्यस्य बाधापत्तेरिति भावः । हेत्वादिषु क्रमेणोदाहरति—यशस्करीत्यादि । एषु किम् । कुम्भकारः । इह प्रसिद्धतरत्वाद् द्व्यनुबन्धोऽपि करोतिरेव गृह्यते न तु कृञ् हिंसायामिति । हेतुः कारणम् । आनुलोम्यमाराध्यचित्तानुवर्तनम्

Bālamanoramā

शमि धातोः संज्ञायाम् - शमि धातोः ।शमी॑ति सप्तम्यन्तम् । 'श' मिति सुखार्थकमव्ययम् । तस्मिन्नुपपदे धातोरच् स्यात्संज्ञायाम् । ननु धातुग्रहणं व्यर्थम्, न च रमिजपोरननुवृत्त्यर्थं तदिति वाच्यम्, अस्वरितत्वादेव तदननुवृत्तिसिद्धेरित्यत आह — पुनर्धातुग्रहणमिति ।कृञो हेतुताच्छील्यानुलोम्येषु॑ इति टप्रत्ययोऽच्प्रत्ययबाधको वक्ष्यते, तद्बाधनार्थमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'śami' is a seventh-case word (saptamyanta); 'śam' is an indeclinable meaning happiness (sukha); when it is upapada, ac occurs after a dhātu when a name is meant. Followed: '[ac]' in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.2928.t1: when śam is upapada, ac occurs after any dhātu whatever (dhātumātrāt) when a name is meant. Followed: '[after any dhātu whatever]'.
commentary BM: Objection: the mention of dhātu is useless; nor can it be said to stop the anuvṛtti of ram and jap [from SK 2927], since their non-continuation follows already from their not being svarita. Hence he says 'punardhātugrahaṇam': ṭa, by kṛño hetutācchīlyānulomyeṣu, will be taught as blocking the affix ac; [the repeated dhātu] is for blocking that [ṭa]. Followed: 'applies even in the domain of a blocking rule'.
commentary TB, sk.2928.t1: without the mention of dhātu, śami saṃjñāyām would have its own scope (avakāśa) in śambhavaḥ, śaṃvadaḥ, and kṛño hetutācchīlye its own scope in śrāddhakaraḥ; in śaṃkara, where both apply, ṭa alone would occur by being the later rule (paratvāt). With dhātu mentioned, ac alone occurs by force (sāmarthya) of that mention; so he says 'śaṃkarā nāma …'. Followed: śaṃkarā read as the ac-form in the tācchīlya sense.
textual TB on this sūtra was split in our source: its opening lemma ('śamidhātoḥ — śami upapade dhātumātrāt saṃjñāyām ac syāt') stood in sk.2928.t1 and again, as the first line of NSP p. 492's footnote band, in sk.2919.n1, which carried the rest (punardhātugrahaṇam …). On 2026-10-05 the rest was re-filed into sk.2928.t1 after the lemma and the repeated line dropped; sk.2928.t1 now runs on through TB on SK 2929–2931 and SK 2934. BM's pratīka in sk.2928.b1 is garbled ('śimi dātoḥ').
translator Neither commentator names the rule from which ac comes; it is presumably the ac of harater anudyamane 'c (SK 2923). The kaumudī does not spell out why the feminine śaṃkarā matters: with ṭa (ṭit) the feminine would be *śaṃkarī by ṅīp, with ac it is śaṃkarā by ṭāp. That inference is the translator's.

SK 2929 · A 3.2.15V

अधिकरणे शेतेः ॥ २९२९ ॥

adhikaraṇe śeteḥ

adhikaraṇe śeteḥ — When [a sup-ended word (subanta) — 'supi' carried forward (anuvṛtti), as the kaumudī states at SK 2918 — denoting] a locus (adhikaraṇa) is upapada, [ac — supplied in BM's gloss — occurs] after śī ['to lie'].

Rule. With a word for a locus (adhikaraṇa) as upapada, ac comes after śī "to lie". One commentator supplies ac.

Example.

khe śete "he lies in the sky" → kha + śī + ac → guṇa and ay → khaśayaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Three vārttikas follow.

Add pārśva and the like: pārśvābhyāṃ śete → pārśvaśayaḥ "one who lies on his sides"; pṛṣṭhaśayaḥ; udareṇa śete → udaraśayaḥ. Both commentators: these are not loci, as the third-case analyses show.
With uttāna and the like as agents: uttānaḥ śete → uttānaśayaḥ "one who lies on his back"; avamūrdhaśayaḥ "one who lies face down".
ḍa with giri, in the Veda: girau śete → giriśaḥ. Some copies of Bhaṭṭoji's text add that ordinary language has giriśayaḥ. One commentator says ordinary language has ac here, not ḍa.

How then the line giriśam upacacāra pratyahaṃ sā sukeśī "every day she, the fair-haired one, served Giriśa", outside the Veda? Bhaṭṭoji: there giriśa means "who has a mountain", with the taddhita śa, since giri is in the loma group.

Watch out. Two words giriśa come by different routes. The Vedic one is śī + ḍa; the poet's is giri + taddhita śa.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

खे शेते खशयः ।

He lies in the sky (khe śete): khaśayaḥ.

vārttika

पार्श्वादिषूपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) An additional statement (upasaṃkhyāna) when pārśva and the rest [are upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पार्श्वाभ्यां शेते पार्श्वशयः । पृष्ठशयः । उदरेण शेते उदरशयः । उत्तानादिषु कर्तृषु ॥ उत्तानः शेते उत्तानशयः । अवमूर्धशयः । अवनतो मूर्धा यस्य सः अवमूर्धा । अधोमुखः शेते इत्यर्थः ।

He lies on his two sides (pārśvābhyāṃ śete): pārśvaśayaḥ. pṛṣṭhaśayaḥ ['one who lies on his back']. He lies on his belly (udareṇa śete): udaraśayaḥ.

(vārttika) When uttāna and the rest [are upapada as] agents (kartṛ).

He lies supine (uttānaḥ śete): uttānaśayaḥ. avamūrdhaśayaḥ: avamūrdhan is one whose head (mūrdhan) is bent down (avanata); the meaning is 'one who lies face downward'.

vārttika

गिरौ डश्छन्दसि

(vārttika) ḍa [after śī] when giri is upapada, in the Veda (chandas).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ गिरौ शेते गिरिशः । लोके गिरिशयः । कथं तर्हि गिरिशमुपचचार प्रत्यहं सा सुकेशीति । गिरिरस्यास्तीति विग्रहे लोमादित्वाच्छः ॥

He lies on the mountain (girau śete): giriśaḥ. [In ordinary language (loke): giriśayaḥ — not in the 1915 print; read by BM and Wikisource.] How then [the line] 'giriśam upacacāra pratyahaṃ sā sukeśī' ('Every day she, the fair-haired one, waited upon Giriśa')? In the analysis 'girir asyāsti' ('he has a mountain'), śa [comes], because [giri] belongs to the lomādi [group].

translator notes

commentary BM on this sūtra is not in our BM layer; in the Wikisource BM (uttara-3, page 0080) it reads: 'when a sup-ended word denoting a locus is upapada, ac after the dhātu śīṅ'. Followed: the brackets in sutra_en. BM only paraphrases the rule ('… śīṅdhātor ac syād ity arthaḥ') and names no anuvṛtti; the continuation of 'supi' is stated by the kaumudī itself at SK 2918 ('ita ūrdhvaṃ karmaṇi supīti dvayam apy anuvartate | tatrākarmakeṣu supīty asya saṃbandhaḥ').
commentary TB, printed under sk.2928.t1: he shows, by 'pārśvābhyām' and what follows, that the upasaṃkhyāna serves for what is not a locus (anadhikaraṇārtham). Followed: 'on his two sides', 'on his belly' kept in the third-case sense of the vigrahas, not turned into loci.
commentary BM (Wikisource BM only): with pārśvādi, 'denoting a locus' is not connected; he illustrates with pārśvābhyām to suggest this. Agrees with TB; followed.
commentary BM (Wikisource BM only): 'uttānādiṣu kartṛṣu' is a vārttika: ac after śīṅ when uttāna and the rest, denoting agents, are upapada. Followed: the (vārttika) label and 'as agents'.
commentary BM (Wikisource BM only): 'girau …' is a vārttika: the affix ḍa after śīṅ when giri is upapada, an apavāda of the ac of adhikaraṇe śeteḥ; in 'namo giriśāya ca śipiviṣṭāya ca', with ḍa after śīṅ, the ṭi is deleted even though [the stem] is not bha, by force of the ḍ-marking. Although only the Vedic prakriyā should explain this sūtra, ḍa does not occur in ordinary language (loka) but ac does, so it is explained here to show that; with this intention he cites the ac-form of ordinary usage, giriśaya (the words 'loke giriśayaḥ', absent from the 1915 print, are given in brackets in k5 from BM and Wikisource). 'kathaṃ …': because ḍa is impossible in ordinary language; the answer is 'girir asyāsti …'. Followed: 'ḍa [after śī]' and the sense of the objection in k5.
textual In ours 'uttānādiṣu kartṛṣu' runs on inside k3 with no vārttika block; the print marks it with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 492, scan 0502). k3 and k5 each open with the editorial tag '(vārtikam) ||'; the print marks 'pārśvādiṣūpasaṃkhyānam' and 'girau ḍaś chandasi' with the vārttika sign.
textual Ours reads 'girau śete giriśaḥ | loke giriśayaḥ | kathaṃ tarhi …' ('… giriśaḥ. In ordinary language, giriśayaḥ. How then …'). The 1915 print has no 'loke giriśayaḥ' (NSP p. 492, scan 0502, read); the English follows the print and gives the words only in a bracket, marked as absent from the print. The Wikisource text has the words, and BM comments on them ('loke acpratyayam udāharati — giriśaya iti'), so they belong to the kaumudī text BM had before it.
textual BM on adhikaraṇe śeteḥ is missing from our BM layer: the block formerly filed here as sk.2929.b1 carried the pratīka of this sūtra but its text is BM on harater dṛtināthayoḥ paśau (SK 2939: dṛti, nāthahari); it was re-filed to sk.2939.b1 (2026-10-05). The BM used here is the Wikisource BM. TB on this sūtra is a single line, printed under sk.2928.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.2919.n1); this unit has no t1.
translator lomādi refers to the list under the rule lomādipāmādipicchādibhyaḥ śanelacaḥ, which is not named here. The quoted half-verse is not attributed in the text.

SK 2930 · A 3.2.16V

चरेष्टः ॥ २९३० ॥

careṣṭaḥ

careṣ ṭaḥ — After car, ṭa [occurs when a word denoting a locus (adhikaraṇa) is upapada — 'adhikaraṇe' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from adhikaraṇe śeteḥ, SK 2929, per BM].

Rule. After car, ṭa comes when a locus is the upapada. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "when a locus is the upapada". One commentator: "locus" runs on from SK 2929.

Example.

kuruṣu carati → kuru + car + ṭa → kurucaraḥ "one who roams among the Kurus".

Feminine: the ṭ gives ṅīp (SK 470) → kurucarī.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator warns against taking Kuru as the object. The rule that would make a place the object of an intransitive root is optional; and the Bhāṣya on this rule supports the locus reading.

Watch out. The feminine is kurucarī, with ī. That ī comes from the ṭ of the affix.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अधिकरणे उपपदे । कुरुचरः । कुरुचरी ॥

[ṭa occurs] when a locus (adhikaraṇa) is upapada: kurucaraḥ ['one who roams among the Kurus'], kurucarī.

Bālamanoramā

चरेष्टः - चरेष्टः । ट इति च्छेदः । 'अधिकरणे उपपदे' इति शेषः । 'अधिकरणे शेतेः' इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । कुरुचर इति । कुरुषु चरतीति विग्रहः । न चअकर्मकधातुभिर्योगे॑ इति कर्मत्वं शङ्क्यं, तस्य वैकल्पिकतायास्तत्रैव प्रपञ्चितत्वात् । तत्र अत्रत्यमपि भाष्यं प्रमाणम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the split is 'ṭaḥ'; 'adhikaraṇe upapade' is supplied (śeṣaḥ), because it continues by anuvṛtti from adhikaraṇe śeteḥ. Followed: the bracket in sutra_en.
commentary BM: kurucaraḥ is analysed 'kuruṣu caratīti'. One should not suspect that [Kuru] is the object (karman) by akarmakadhātubhir yoge … [deśaḥ …], since its optionality has been set out at that place; the Bhāṣya on this very rule is also evidence. Followed: Kuru read as the locus.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2928.t1: kurucaraḥ means one who moves about, roams, in the Kuru countries. Followed: 'roams among the Kurus'.
textual This unit has no t1; TB on it is one line in the footnote band of NSP p. 492, now filed in sk.2928.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.2919.n1).
translator The feminine kurucarī shows the ṭ-marking of ṭa (ṅīp by ṭiḍḍhāṇañ…); the kaumudī does not say so.

SK 2931 · A 3.2.17V

भिक्षासेनादायेषु च ॥ २९३१ ॥

bhikṣāsenādāyeṣu ca

bhikṣāsenādāyeṣu ca — And when bhikṣā, senā or ādāya is upapada, [ṭa occurs after car — supplied in BM's gloss; its anuvṛtti from careṣ ṭaḥ, SK 2930, is the translator's identification].

Rule. ṭa also comes after car with bhikṣā "alms", senā "army" or ādāya "having taken" as upapada. One commentator: the rule is made for words that are not loci.

Example.

bhikṣāṃ carati → bhikṣā + car + ṭa → bhikṣācaraḥ "one who goes about for alms".

senācaraḥ. The two commentators gloss it differently; scholars discuss this.

ādāyacaraḥ. Bhaṭṭoji: ādāya is a form in -ya (lyap).

Applies when / blocked by. How then sahacarī "companion", in prekṣya sthitāṃ sahacarīm? saha is none of the listed words. Bhaṭṭoji: because caraṭ is read in the paca-list (SK 2896). Both commentators add a point. The pacādi ac would also give bhikṣācara. But ac would compound only optionally. The special ṭa makes the compound obligatory.

Watch out. The feminine sahacarī has ī because caraṭ is ṭ-marked, like ṭa.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भिक्षां चरतीति भिक्षाचरः । सेनाचरः । आदायेति ल्यबन्तम् । आदायचरः । कथं प्रेक्ष्य स्थितां सहचरीमिति । पचादिषु चरडिति पाठात् ॥

He goes about for alms (bhikṣāṃ carati): bhikṣācaraḥ. senācaraḥ. ādāya is a lyap-ended [form]: ādāyacaraḥ. How then [the phrase] 'prekṣya sthitāṃ sahacarīm' ('seeing his companion (sahacarī) standing')? Because 'caraṭ' is read in the pacādi [list].

Bālamanoramā

भिक्षासेनाऽऽदायेषु च - भिक्षासेना । भिक्षा, सेना, आदाय- एषु चोपपदेषु चरेष्टः स्यादित्यर्थः । भिक्षां चरतीति । चरतिरत्र चरणपूर्वके आर्जने वर्तते । चरणेन भिक्षामार्जयतीत्यर्थः । सेनाचर इति । सेनां प्रापयतीत्यर्थः । ल्यबन्तमिति । अत्र व्याख्यानमेव शरणम् । आदाय चरतीति । लब्धं द्रव्यं गृहीत्वा चरतीत्यर्थः । कथमिति । अधिकरणे भिक्षासेनाऽऽदायेषु उपपदेषु च विहितस्य टप्रत्ययस्य सहपूर्वाच्चरेरसम्भवादिति भावः । समाधत्ते — पचादिष्विति । यद्यपि 'भिक्षाचर' इत्यादौ पचाद्यचि रूपसिद्धिः, तथापि नित्योपपदसमासार्थमज्विधानमित्याहुः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when bhikṣā, senā and ādāya are upapada, ṭa occurs after car. Followed: the bracket in sutra_en. BM only paraphrases the rule ('… careṣ ṭaḥ syād ity arthaḥ') and names no anuvṛtti.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2928.t1: the rule is begun for what is not a locus (anadhikaraṇārtha ārambhaḥ). Recorded; consistent with the bracket, which does not carry 'adhikaraṇe' here.
commentary BM: in bhikṣāṃ carati, car means acquiring preceded by going about: one acquires alms by going about. senācaraḥ means 'one who causes the army to go' (senāṃ prāpayati). 'lyabantam': here the commentary tradition (vyākhyāna) is the only recourse. ādāya carati means one goes about having taken the goods obtained. Followed: 'goes about for alms'; senācaraḥ left unglossed (see TB).
commentary TB, printed under sk.2928.t1: in bhikṣāṃ carati, car means acquiring preceded by going about; senācaraḥ means 'one who goes into (praviśati) the army'. TB and BM differ on senācaraḥ; the English leaves it unglossed (§16).
commentary BM: 'katham': ṭa, prescribed when a locus or bhikṣā, senā or ādāya is upapada, cannot come after car preceded by saha. The answer is 'pacādiṣu'. Although bhikṣācara and the like would be established by the pacādi ac, they say the [separate] prescription serves the obligatory upapada compound. Followed: the objection read as BM explains it.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2928.t1: 'pacādiṣu': the prescription of ṭa serves the obligatory compound by upapadam atiṅ; in sahacaraḥ, sahacarī the compound is by supsupā and is optional. Recorded; agrees with BM in substance (BM's text says 'ajvidhānam' where TB has 'ṭavidhānam').
textual This unit has no t1; TB on it stands in the footnote band of NSP p. 492, now filed in sk.2928.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.2919.n1). Print and ours agree on the kaumudī (scan 0502); the print's 'caraḍ iti' is caraṭ + iti.
translator The point of 'caraṭ' in pacādi is that its ṭ-marking, like that of ṭa, gives the feminine sahacarī with ṅīp; the kaumudī leaves this implicit.

SK 2932 · A 3.2.18V

पुरोऽग्रतोऽग्रेषु सर्तेः ॥ २९३२ ॥

puro'grato'greṣu sarteḥ

puro 'grato 'greṣu sarteḥ — When puras, agratas or agre is upapada, [ṭa — supplied per BM —] occurs after sṛ ['to go'].

Rule. With puras, agratas or agre as upapada, ṭa comes after sṛ "to go". One commentator supplies ṭa.

Example.

puras + sṛ + ṭa → purassaraḥ "one who goes in front". Also agratassaraḥ.

agram agreṇa agre vā sarati → agresaraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: the e of agre in the sūtra is also given by nipātana. One commentator explains. In a compound the case-ending would be lost, giving agrasara. The nipātana keeps the e.

How then agrasara in a poet's line, yūthaṃ tad agrasaragarvitakṛṣṇasāram? Bhaṭṭoji quotes Haradatta: "by bāhulaka", the principle that rules apply variously.

Watch out. Write agresaraḥ with e. The form agrasara is accepted only through bāhulaka.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पुरस्सरः । अग्रतसरः । अग्रमग्रेणाग्रे वा सरतीत्यग्रेसरः । सूत्रेऽग्रे इति एदन्तत्वमपि निपात्यते । कथं तर्हि यूथं तदग्रसरगर्वितकृष्णसारमिति । बाहुलकादिति हरदत्तः ॥

purassaraḥ, agratassaraḥ ['one who goes in front']. He goes to the front, by the front, or at the front (agram agreṇa agre vā sarati): agresaraḥ. In the sūtra the e-ending (edantatva) in 'agre' is also given by nipātana. How then [the line] 'yūthaṃ tad agrasaragarvitakṛṣṇasāram' ('that herd, its black antelopes proud of going in front (agrasara)')? 'By bāhulaka', says Haradatta.

Bālamanoramā

पुरोऽग्रतोऽग्रेषु सर्तेः - पुरोऽग्रतः । पुरस्, अग्रतस्, अग्रे — एषूपपदेषु सर्तेः टः स्यादित्यर्थः । अग्रेसर इति । ननु समासाऽवयवत्वात्सुपो लुकि अग्रसर इति स्यादित्यत आह — सूत्र इति । कथमिति । एदन्तत्वनिपातनात्कथमग्रसरशब्द इत्यर्थः । समाधत्ते — बाहुलकादिति । पूर्वे कर्तरि । कर्तृशब्दः कर्तृवाचिनि गौणः । तदाह — कर्तृवाचिनीति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when puras, agratas and agre are upapada, ṭa occurs after sṛ. Followed: '[ṭa]' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: on agresaraḥ: objection: since [agre] is a member of a compound, upon luk of the sup it would be *agrasara; hence he says 'sūtre …'. 'katham': given the nipātana of the e-ending, how is there a word agrasara? The answer is 'bāhulakāt'. Followed: the nipātana read as fixing the e of agre against sup-luk, and the objection as about agrasara.
textual Ours reads 'agratasaraḥ'; the print reads 'agratassaraḥ' (NSP p. 492, scan 0502, read), and the Wikisource text 'agrataḥsaraḥ'. The English follows the print.
textual No TB is printed on this sūtra (NSP pp. 492–493). The last sentence of sk.2932.b1, from 'pūrve kartari', is BM on the next sūtra (SK 2933).
textual The source padaccheda gives the last member as 'sartteḥ' (double t), against the sūtra text, the print and Wikisource 'sarteḥ'. A metadata spelling slip in the source layer (not in the collation report); the English is unaffected.
translator The ṭa is presumably that of careṣ ṭaḥ (SK 2930); BM supplies ṭa without naming its source.

SK 2933 · A 3.2.19V

पूर्वे कर्तरि ॥ २९३३ ॥

pūrve kartari

pūrve kartari — When [the word] pūrva [denoting] the agent (kartṛ) is upapada, [ṭa occurs after sṛ — as the kaumudī states].

Rule. When the word pūrva "first", denoting the agent, is the upapada, ṭa comes after sṛ. One commentator: kartari here means "a word denoting the agent".

Example.

pūrvaḥ sarati "he goes first" → pūrva + sṛ + ṭa → pūrvasaraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "agent"? Bhaṭṭoji: pūrvaṃ deśaṃ sarati "he goes to the eastern region" → pūrvasāraḥ. Here pūrva is the object. Bhaṭṭoji names no affix; the vṛddhi is that of the general aṇ.

Watch out. This upapada is the agent, not the object. The same word as object gives -sāra.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्तृवाचिनि पूर्वशब्दे उपपदे सर्तेष्टः स्यात् । पूर्वः सरतीति पूर्वसरः । कर्तरि किम् । पूर्वं देशं सरतीति पूर्वसारः ॥

When the word pūrva, denoting the agent (kartṛ), is upapada, ṭa occurs after sṛ. He goes first (pūrvaḥ sarati): pūrvasaraḥ. Why 'agent'? He goes to the eastern region (pūrvaṃ deśaṃ sarati): pūrvasāraḥ.

translator notes

commentary BM, filed at the end of sk.2932.b1: the word kartṛ [in the sūtra] stands in a secondary sense (gauṇa) for a word denoting the agent; so he says 'kartṛvācini'. Followed: 'the word pūrva, denoting the agent'.
textual This unit has no BM block of its own: BM on it is the last sentence of sk.2932.b1. No TB is printed on it (NSP pp. 492–493). Print and ours agree (scan 0502).
translator pūrvaṃ deśam is taken as 'the eastern region'; 'a former place' is also possible. The counterexample pūrvasāraḥ, with vṛddhi, presumably has aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913); the kaumudī names no affix.

SK 2934 · A 3.2.20V

कृञो हेतुताच्छील्यानुलोम्येषु ॥ २९३४ ॥

kṛño hetutācchīlyānulomyeṣu

kṛño hetutācchīlyānulomyeṣu — After kṛ ['to do'], [ṭa occurs — as the kaumudī states — when an object (karman) is upapada, 'karmaṇi' to be understood per BM,] when cause (hetu), habit (tācchīlya) or compliance (ānulomya) [is conveyed (dyotya)].

Rule. After kṛ "to do", ṭa comes when cause (hetu), habit (tācchīlya) or compliance (ānulomya) is conveyed. Bhaṭṭoji: "when these are conveyed (dyotya)". One commentator adds that an object upapada is understood.

Example.

yaśas + kṛ + ṭa → s for the visarga by SK 160 → yaśaskara → feminine ṅīp → yaśaskarī vidyā "learning that is a cause of fame".

śrāddhakaraḥ "one in the habit of performing the śrāddha".

vacanakaraḥ "one who complies with (his elders') words".

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators explain "conveyed": the affix still means the agent, and the three senses are only signalled. One adds that if cause and the rest were the meaning of the affix, kartari kṛt (SK 2832) would be overridden. The same commentator gives the counterexample kumbhakāraḥ, with none of the three senses.

That commentator also says hetu here is an ordinary cause, not the technical "causer" of the causative. And the kṛ meant is the familiar karoti "to do", though its citation form has two markers. Another root kṛ "to injure" is not meant.

Watch out. These three senses are signalled, not named by the affix. yaśaskarī is still "she who makes fame", an agent.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषु द्योत्येषु करोतेष्टः स्यात् । अतः कृकमि SK 160 इति सः । यशस्करी विद्या । श्राद्धकरः । वचनकरः ॥

When these are conveyed (dyotya), ṭa occurs after karoti. s [for the visarga] by ataḥ kṛkami[kaṃsa…] (SK 160): yaśaskarī vidyā ('learning that is a cause of fame'), śrāddhakaraḥ ['one in the habit of performing śrāddha'], vacanakaraḥ ['one compliant with [his elders'] words'].

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.2928.t1: hetu here is the ordinary (laukika) cause, not the technical one of tatprayojako hetuś ca, since that is impossible with plain kṛñ [which is not causative]; hetu = cause (kāraṇa); ānulomya = following the mind of one to be propitiated (ārādhyacittānuvartana). Here karoti [ḍukṛñ karaṇe], though it has two anubandhas (dvyanubandha: ḍu and ñ), is taken because it is better known, not kṛñ hiṃsāyām (print 'prasiddhataratvād dvyanubandho 'pi', NSP p. 493, scan 0503; our OCR garbles it as 'brahmavandho 'pi'); the concession is against the maxim ekānubandhagrahaṇe na dvyanubandhakasya, which TB cites under SK 2953. Followed: 'cause' in its ordinary sense, 'compliance', and kṛ 'to do'.
commentary TB, sk.2928.t1: 'dyotyeṣu': not 'denoted (vācya)', since that would mean the overriding of kartari kṛt. He illustrates hetu etc. in order with yaśaskarī and the rest. Why 'in these'? kumbhakāraḥ. Followed: 'conveyed' and the three examples taken one per sense.
commentary BM (Wikisource BM only, uttara-3 page 0081): 'dyotyeṣu', because only the agent is denoted by the affix; 'when hetu etc. are upapada' is not [meant], by the commentary tradition (vyākhyāna); 'karmaṇy upapade' is also to be understood. Fearing a jihvāmūlīya by kupvoḥ …, he says 'ataḥ kṛkami'. For hetu he cites yaśaskarī vidyā: learning is the cause of fame; śrāddhakaraḥ: one whose habit is the śrāddha rite; vacanakaraḥ: one who complies with the words of his guru and others. Followed: the bracket in sutra_en and the glosses of the examples.
textual BM on this sūtra is missing from our BM layer. The block formerly filed here as sk.2934.b1 carried the pratīka of this sūtra but its text ('nāḍīmuṣṭyoś ca | yathāsaṅkhyaṃ neṣyate …, ghaṭīkhārī …') is BM on nāḍīmuṣṭyoś ca (SK 2945); it was re-filed to sk.2945.b1 (2026-10-05). The BM used here is the Wikisource BM.
textual This unit has no t1. TB on it begins at the end of the footnote band of NSP p. 492 ('kṛño — hetur iha laukiko na tu tatprayojako hetuś ca', formerly filed as sk.2919.n1) and runs on at the head of the p. 493 band ('iti kṛtrimaḥ …' to '… ārādhyacittānuvartanam'); since the 2026-10-05 re-filing both parts stand together as the latter part of sk.2928.t1. The kaumudī agrees with the print (scans 0502–0503).

SK 2935 · A 3.2.21V

दिवाविभानिशाप्रभाभास्कारान्तानन्तादिबहुनान्दीकिम्लिपिलिबिबलिभक्तिकर्तृचित्रक्षेत्रसंख्याजङ्घाबाह्वयत्तद्धनुररुष्षु ॥ २९३५ ॥

divāvibhāniśāprabhābhāskārāntānantādibahunāndīkimlipilibibalibhaktikartṛcitrakṣetrasaṃkhyājaṅghābāhvayattaddhanuraruṣṣu

divāvibhāniśāprabhābhāskārāntānantādibahunāndīkimlipilibibalibhaktikartṛcitrakṣetrasaṃkhyājaṅghābāhv[ahar]yattaddhanuraruṣṣu — When divā, vibhā, niśā, prabhā, bhās, kāra, anta, ananta, ādi, bahu, nāndī, kim, lipi, libi, bali, bhakti, kartṛ, citra, kṣetra, a numeral (saṃkhyā), jaṅghā, bāhu, [ahar,] yad, tad, dhanus or arus is upapada ['upapadeṣu' supplied (śeṣa), and 'karmaṇi' and 'supi' carried forward (anuvṛtti), each construed as fits, per BM], [ṭa occurs] after kṛ [even when hetu and the rest are not conveyed].

Rule. With any of these as upapada, ṭa comes after kṛ, even when cause and the rest are not conveyed: divā, vibhā, niśā, prabhā, bhās, kāra, anta, ananta, ādi, bahu, nāndī, kim, lipi, libi, bali, bhakti, kartṛ, citra, kṣetra, a numeral, jaṅghā, bāhu, ahar, yad, tad, dhanus, arus. The word ahar is restored from the printed text; Bhaṭṭoji's own example ahaskaraḥ needs it. One commentator: the upapadas are construed as object or as plain sup-word, each as fits.

Example.

divākaraḥ, vibhākaraḥ, niśākaraḥ.

bhās + kṛ + ṭa → s for the visarga, because bhās is in the kaska list → bhāskaraḥ. Also ahaskaraḥ.

bahukaraḥ; numerals: ekakaraḥ, dvikaraḥ.

dhanus + kṛ + ṭa → ṣ by SK 159 → dhanuṣkaraḥ. Also aruṣkaraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji explains two items. bahu is listed apart from "numeral" for its sense "abundance". lipi and libi are synonyms.

A vārttika: ac, not ṭa, after kṛ with kim, yad, tad or bahu: kiṃkarā, yatkarā, tatkarā. Bhaṭṭoji: even where cause and the rest are conveyed, ac sets aside ṭa, because it is later (paratva). So the feminine has ā. How then kiṃkarī? Bhaṭṭoji: it is ṅīṣ for "the wife of" (puṃyoga, SK 504). Other views on this vārttika exist; scholars discuss this.

The glosses of divākaraḥ differ between the two commentators; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. kiṃkarā has ac, so its feminine is in ā. kiṃkarī is "the wife of a kiṃkara".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषु कृञष्टः स्याद् अहेत्वादावपि । दिवाकरः । विभाकरः । निशाकरः । कस्कादित्वात्सः । भास्करः । बहुकरः । बहुशब्दस्य वैपुल्यार्थं संख्यापेक्षया पृथग्ग्रहणम् । लिपिलिबिशब्दौ पर्यायौ । संख्या । एककरः । द्विकरः । कस्कादित्वादहस्करः । नित्यं समासेऽनुत्तरपदस्थस्य SK 159 इति षत्वम् । धनुष्करः । अरुष्करः ।

When these [are upapada], ṭa occurs after kṛ, even when hetu and the rest are not [conveyed]: divākaraḥ, vibhākaraḥ, niśākaraḥ. s, because [bhās] belongs to the kaskādi [group]: bhāskaraḥ. bahukaraḥ: bahu is mentioned separately from saṃkhyā for [its use] in the sense of abundance (vaipulya). lipi and libi are synonyms. saṃkhyā: ekakaraḥ, dvikaraḥ. ahaskaraḥ, [with s] because [it] belongs to the kaskādi [group]. ṣ by nityaṃ samāse 'nuttarapadasthasya (SK 159): dhanuṣkaraḥ, aruṣkaraḥ.

vārttika

किंयत्तद्बहुषु कृञोऽज्विधानम्

(vārttika) The prescription of ac after kṛ when kim, yad, tad or bahu [is upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ इति वार्तिकम् । किंकरा । यत्करा । तत्करा । हेत्वादौ टं बाधित्वा परत्वादच् । पुंयोगे ङीष् । किंकरी ॥

So the vārttika. kiṃkarā, yatkarā, tatkarā. In hetu and the rest, ac [occurs], setting aside ṭa, because it is later (paratvāt). ṅīṣ in the sense of connection with a male (puṃyoga): kiṃkarī.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 503

—दिवाविभा—। ननु अन्तशब्देन नञ्समासे स्वीकृतेऽपीष्टसिद्धौ सूत्रे अन्तशब्दात्पृथगनन्तग्रहणं व्यर्थमिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । स्वरे तु विशेषोऽस्ति । नञ्समासे हि अव्ययपूर्वपदप्रकृतिस्वरेणाद्युदात्तः स्यात्, अनन्तशब्दस्योपपदत्वे तु ‘गतिकारकोपपदात्कृत्’ इति कृदुत्तरपदप्रकृतिस्वरेणान्तोदात्तत्वमिति ॥—दिवाकर इति । दिवा दिवसं करोतीति विग्रहः । दिवाभूता रात्रिरित्यादाविव दिवाशब्दस्य वृत्तिविषये शक्तिमत्परत्वात् । मूलेऽनुक्तान्यपि कानिचिदुदाहरणानि । ऊह्यानि कर एव कारः । प्रज्ञादित्वादण् कारं करोतीति कारकरः आदिकरः नान्दीकरः किंकरः बलिकरः भक्तिकरः कर्तृकरः चित्रकरः क्षेत्रकरः जङ्घाकरः बाहुकरः इति ॥—वार्तिकमिति । कैयटहरदत्तादिरीत्योक्तम् । माधवस्तु इष्टिरियमित्याह ॥—पुंयोगे ङीषिति । यत्तु न्यासकृतोक्तं हेत्वादिषु पूर्वसूत्रेण ट एव भवति तेन किंकरणशीला किंकरीत्युपपन्नं भवतीति तन्नादर्तव्यम् । परत्वादचा टचो बाधितत्वात्पूर्वविप्रतिषेधस्य निर्मूलत्वाच्चेति भावः । वृत्तौ तु पक्षान्तरमप्युक्तम्, अथवा पचादिषु पाठः करिष्यत इति ‘दिवाविभा—इत्यस्मिन् सूत्रे किमादिग्रहणमपनीय पचादिष्वेव ‘किंयत्तद्बहुषु कृञः’ इति पठितव्यं वार्तिकमपीत्थमेव नेयमिति तस्यायमाशयः । अस्मिन्पक्षे कर्मण्यणं बाधित्वा चरितार्थमिदं वचनं हेत्वादिविवक्षायां परत्वाट्टेन बाध्यते तेन पुंयोगं विनापि किंकरी स्यादे-व, पुंयोगविवक्षायां तु निर्विवादो ङीष्, किंयत्तद्बहुष्वज्वेति प्रक्रियायां विकल्पोक्तिस्त्वाकरविरुद्धत्वात्कर्मण्यणोऽपि पक्षे प्रसङ्गा-च्चायुक्तैव । न चाजभावे ‘दिवाविभा—’ इति टः स्यादिति वाच्यम् । सूत्रे किमादिग्रहणापनयनस्य हरदत्तादिभिरुक्तत्वात् । अथवा सूत्रे किमाद्यपनयनं मास्त्विति प्रौढिवादेन प्रक्रियाग्रन्थः प्रगृह्य इति स्वीक्रियते । तथा च हेत्वाद्यविवक्षायां किं-यत्तदिति वार्तिकेनाच्, तद्विवक्षायां तु परत्वाट्ट इति विषयविशेषे व्याख्याभेदात् फलितं विकल्पमाश्रित्य प्रक्रियायामज्वेति प्राचोक्तमिति स्थितस्य गतिः समर्थनीया

Bālamanoramā

दिवाविभानिशाप्रभाभास्करान्तानन्तादिबहुनान्दी- किम्लिपि लिबिबलिभक्तिकर्तृचित्रक्षेत्र- संख्याजङ्घाबाह्वहर्यत्तत्धनुररुष्षु - दिवाविभा । दिवा, विभा, निशा, प्रभा, भास्, कार, अन्त,अनन्त, आदि, बहु, नान्दी, किम् लिपि लिबि, बलि, भक्ति, कर्तृ, चित्र, क्षेत्र , सङ्ख्या, जङ्घा, बाहु, अहर्, यद् , तद्, धनुस्, अरुस् — एषां सप्तविंशतेर्द्वन्द्वात्सप्तमी । एष्विति ।उपपदेष्वि॑ति शेषः । अहेत्वादिष्वपीति । हेतुताच्छील्यानुलोम्येषु अगम्येष्वपीत्यर्थः । हेत्वादिग्रहणस्य अननुवृत्तेरिति भावः । एतेन अहेत्वाद्यर्थमिदं सूत्रमुक्तं भवति । अत्र कर्मणीति सुपति चानुवृत्तं यथायोगमन्वेति । दिवाकर इति । दिवेत्याकारान्तमव्ययमह्नीत्यर्थे । तस्याऽधिकरणशक्तिप्रधानस्यापि वृत्तिविषये कर्मत्वं बोध्यम् । दिवा = अहनि अर्थात् प्राणिनश्चेष्टायुक्तान् करोतीति वा विग्रहः । विभाकर इति । विभां करोतीति विग्रहः । निशाकर इति । निशां करोतीति विग्रहः । एवं प्रभाकरः । भाः करोतीति विग्रहे 'अतः कृकमी॑त्यत्राऽत इति तपरकरणात्सत्वस्याऽप्राप्तेःकुप्वो॑रिति जिह्वामूलीयविसर्गावाशङ्क्याह — कस्कादित्वादिति । कारकरः, अन्तकरः, अनन्तकरः, आदिकर इति सिद्धवत्कृत्य आह — बहुकर इति । ननु सङ्ख्याग्रहणेनैव सिद्धे बहुग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — बहुशब्दस्येति । वैपुल्यवाचिनस्तस्य न सङ्ख्याशब्दत्वमिति 'बहुगणवतुडति सङ्ख्या' इत्यत्रोक्तम् । नान्दीकरः किङ्कर इति सिद्धवत्कृत्य आह — लिपिलिबिशब्दाविति । तथा च लिपिकरः लिबिकरः क्षेत्रकर इत्यन्तं सिद्धवत्कृत्य आह — सङ्ख्येति । 'उदाह्रियते' इति शेषः । जङ्घाकरः बाहुकर इति सिद्धवत्कृत्य अहस्करशब्देकुप्वो॑रिति जिह्वामूलीयविसर्गावाशङ्क्याह — कस्कादित्वादिति । नञि जहातेरुत्पन्ने अहन्शब्दे हन्शब्दस्योत्तरपदतया तद्विसर्गस्य उत्तरपदस्थत्वात्अतः कृकमी॑त्यस्य न प्राप्तिरिति भावः । धनुष्करशब्दे आह — नित्यं समास इति । प्रत्ययावयवत्वात्इदुदुपधस्य चे॑त्यस्य न प्राप्तिरिति भावः । कृञोऽज्विधानमिति । टस्याऽपवादः । किङ्करेति । टप्रत्यये तु टित्त्वान्ङीप् स्यादिति भावः । हेत्वादिषु पूर्वविप्रतिषेधाश्रयणस्य निर्मूलत्वादिति भावः । तर्हि किङ्करीति कथमित्यत आह — पुंयोगे ङीषिति । कर्मणि भृतौ । कर्मणीत्यनुवृत्तौ पुनः कर्मग्रहणं तु कर्मशब्दस्वरूपग्रहणाऽर्थम् । कर्मकरो भृतक इति । वेतनं गृहीत्वा यः परार्थं कर्म करोति स भृतक इत्युच्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is a dvandva of twenty-seven [members] put in the seventh case. 'eṣu': 'upapadeṣu' is supplied (śeṣaḥ). 'ahetvādiṣv api': even when hetu, tācchīlya and ānulomya are not understood, because the mention of hetu etc. does not continue; so this sūtra is for non-hetu etc. Here 'karmaṇi' and 'supi', carried forward, construe as fits. Followed: the brackets in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: in the analysis bhāḥ karoti, s is not obtained by ataḥ kṛkami… because its 'at' is t-marked [short a only]; fearing jihvāmūlīya or visarga by kupvoḥ …, he says 'kaskāditvāt'. bahu: objection, it is covered by saṃkhyā; answer: bahu denoting abundance is not a numeral word, as said under bahugaṇavatuḍati saṃkhyā. For ahaskaraḥ: in ahan, formed with nañ from jahāti, han is an uttarapada, so its visarga stands in an uttarapada and ataḥ kṛkami does not apply; hence 'kaskāditvāt'. For dhanuṣkaraḥ: since [its s] belongs to an affix, idudupadhasya ca … does not apply; hence nityaṃ samāse …. BM takes kārakara, antakara, anantakara, ādikara, nāndīkara, kiṃkara, lipikara, libikara … kṣetrakara, jaṅghākara, bāhukara as understood. Followed: 'separately from saṃkhyā', '[with s]' for ahaskaraḥ.
commentary TB, sk.2935.t1: objection, ananta could be had from anta by nañ-compound; answer, the accent differs: as a nañ-compound it would be initial-udātta by avyayapūrvapadaprakṛtisvara, as upapada final-udātta by gatikārakopapadāt kṛt. divākaraḥ: divā = the day (divasa), 'makes the day'. Examples not given in the mūla are to be supplied: kāra is kara itself with aṇ by prajñādi (kārakaraḥ), ādikaraḥ, nāndīkaraḥ, kiṃkaraḥ, balikaraḥ, bhaktikaraḥ, kartṛkaraḥ, citrakaraḥ, kṣetrakaraḥ, jaṅghākaraḥ, bāhukaraḥ. Recorded; the kaumudī glosses none of these.
commentary BM: divā is an ā-ended indeclinable meaning 'by day'; though its power is chiefly that of a locus (adhikaraṇaśakti), within the compound (vṛtti) it is to be understood as object (karman); or the analysis is 'by day (divā) makes creatures active'. This differs from TB's 'makes the day'; divākaraḥ is left unglossed (§16).
commentary TB, sk.2935.t1: 'vārttikam' is said following Kaiyaṭa, Haradatta and others; Mādhava calls it an iṣṭi. Recorded; the English keeps 'vārttika'.
commentary BM: 'kṛño 'jvidhānam': an apavāda of ṭa. kiṃkarā: with ṭa, being ṭ-marked, ṅīp would occur. [ac prevails] in hetu etc. because resorting to pūrvavipratiṣedha there has no basis. Then how kiṃkarī? So he says 'puṃyoge ṅīṣ'. Followed: 'because it is later' and the puṃyoga reading.
commentary TB, sk.2935.t1: the Nyāsa's view that in hetu etc. ṭa itself occurs by the preceding sūtra, giving kiṃkarī = kiṃkaraṇaśīlā, is not to be accepted, since ac blocks ṭa by being later and pūrvavipratiṣedha has no basis. TB then reports the Vṛtti's alternative: kim etc. are removed from this sūtra and 'kiṃyattadbahuṣu kṛñaḥ' is read among pacādi; on that view the statement has its scope in setting aside karmaṇy aṇ and, when hetu etc. are intended, is itself overridden by ṭa by paratva, so that kiṃkarī results even without puṃyoga (puṃyogaṃ vināpi kiṃkarī syād eva), while with puṃyoga ṅīṣ is undisputed. The prakriyā-work's statement that ac is optional ('kiṃyattadbahuṣv aj vā') TB calls improper for two reasons: it is against the sources (ākaraviruddhatvāt), and it would also let karmaṇy aṇ apply in the alternative (karmaṇy aṇo 'pi pakṣe prasaṅgāc ca). [Objection:] when ac is absent, ṭa by this sūtra would apply. [Answer:] not so, since Haradatta and others state that kim etc. are removed from the sūtra. Alternatively, by a bold argument (prauḍhivāda) — not removing kim etc. from the sūtra — the prakriyā text is accepted: when hetu etc. are not intended, ac by the vārttika; when they are, ṭa by paratva; on this option, resulting from different explanations for different domains, the predecessor's (prāc) 'ac optionally' in the prakriyā can be supported. Recorded; agrees with BM on the point the kaumudī makes ('puṃyoge ṅīṣ').
textual Ours reads '…jaṅghābāhvayattad…'; the print reads '…jaṅghābāhvaharyattad…' (NSP p. 493, scan 0503, read), with ahar. BM's pratīka and list also have ahar, the source's own padaccheda has 'ahas', and the kaumudī's example ahaskaraḥ requires it. The English supplies [ahar]. (Trivial, not in the collation report: ours 'kimlipi', print 'kiṃlipi' — anusvāra only.)
textual Ours reads 'puṃyoge ṅīṣ'. The print's glyph looks like 'ṅīp' (NSP p. 493, scan 0503), but ṣ and p cannot be told apart at the scan's resolution; TB's lemma on the same page reads 'puṃyoge ṅīṣ iti', as does BM. The English follows ours.
textual k3 opens with the editorial tag '(vārtikam) ||' followed by the kaumudī's own 'iti vārttikam'; the print has the vārttika sign before 'kiṃyattadbahuṣu …' and then 'iti vārttikam'. Only the latter is translated.
textual The last part of sk.2935.b1, from 'karmaṇi bhṛtau', is BM on the next sūtra (SK 2936).
translator The kaskādi rule (kaskādiṣu ca) is not named in the text. For 'lipi and libi are synonyms', the forms lipikaraḥ, libikaraḥ are implied, not given.

SK 2936 · A 3.2.22V

कर्मणि भृतौ ॥ २९३६ ॥

karmaṇi bhṛtau

karmaṇi bhṛtau — When [the word] karman [itself] is upapada, [ṭa occurs after kṛ — as the kaumudī states —] when wages (bhṛti) [are in question].

Rule. When the word karman "work" itself is the upapada, ṭa comes after kṛ, when wages (bhṛti) are meant. Both commentators explain why the word is named. karmaṇi "object" already runs on. So naming karman again means the word karman itself.

Example.

karman + kṛ + ṭa → karmakaraḥ "a hired labourer".

Applies when / blocked by. Of another, not a hireling: karmakāraḥ. Bhaṭṭoji names no affix there; its ā is that of the general aṇ.

Watch out. karmaṇi here is not "with an object". It is the word karman.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्मशब्दे उपपदे करोतेष्टः स्यात् । कर्मकरो भृतकः । कर्मकारोऽन्यः ॥

When the word karman is upapada, ṭa occurs after karoti: karmakaraḥ, a hired labourer (bhṛtaka). karmakāraḥ [is said of] another [who is not a hireling].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 503

—कर्मणि भृतौ । भृतिर्वेतनम् । कर्मानुवृत्तौ पुनः कर्मग्रहणात्स्वरूपपरतेत्याह—कर्मशब्द इति ॥—स्तम्बकरिरित्यादि । इनो नित्त्वात् कृदुत्तरपदप्रकृतिस्वरेणोत्तरपदमाद्युदात्तम् ॥—कुक्षिम्भरिरिति । एवं च ‘गिरिस्तु कनकाचलः कति न सन्ति चाश्मव्रजाः किटिस्तु धरणीधरः कति न सन्ति भूदार-काः । मरुत्तु मलयानिलः कति न सन्ति झञ्झानिलाः प्रभुस्तु विबुधाश्रयः कति न सन्ति कुक्षिम्भराः ॥’ इति केषांचित्प्र-योगः प्रामादिक एवं

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.2936.t1: bhṛti is wages (vetana). Since 'karman' is mentioned again although karmaṇi is already carried forward, it refers to its own form (svarūpa); so he says 'karmaśabde'. Followed: 'the word karman [itself]' and 'wages'.
commentary BM, filed at the end of sk.2935.b1: since 'karmaṇi' is carried forward, the renewed mention of karman serves to take the word karman in its own form; karmakaro bhṛtaka: one who takes wages and does work for another is called bhṛtaka. Followed: as TB.
textual This unit has no BM block of its own; BM on it is the last part of sk.2935.b1 (from 'karmaṇi bhṛtau'). sk.2936.t1 also carries TB on SK 2938 ('stambakarir ityādi') and on SK 2940 ('kukṣimbharir iti'). The kaumudī agrees with the print (NSP p. 493, scan 0503; the raw OCR skips this sūtra).
translator karmakāraḥ presumably has aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913); the kaumudī names no affix.

SK 2937 · A 3.2.23V

न शब्दश्लोककलहगाथावैरचाटुसूत्रमन्त्रपदेषु ॥ २९३७ ॥

na śabdaślokakalahagāthāvairacāṭusūtramantrapadeṣu

na śabdaślokakalahagāthāvairacāṭusūtramantrapadeṣu — When śabda, śloka, kalaha, gāthā, vaira, cāṭu, sūtra, mantra or pada is upapada, [ṭa does] not [occur after kṛ — as the kaumudī states].

Rule. With śabda, śloka, kalaha, gāthā, vaira, cāṭu, sūtra, mantra or pada as upapada, ṭa does not come after kṛ. Bhaṭṭoji: the ṭa that would come in cause and the rest is forbidden. One commentator names it: the ṭa of SK 2934.

Example.

śabda + kṛ → no ṭa → śabdakāraḥ "one who makes sounds", and so on.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji does not name the affix of śabdakāraḥ. Its ā shows the general aṇ of SK 2913.

Watch out. Even a man who habitually makes verses is ślokakāraḥ, not ślokakaraḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषु कृञष्टो न । हेत्वादिषु प्राप्तः प्रतिषिध्यते । शब्दकार इत्यादि ॥

When these [are upapada], ṭa does not occur after kṛ. [The ṭa that] would apply (prāpta) in hetu and the rest is prohibited: śabdakāraḥ and so on.

Bālamanoramā

न शब्दश्लोककलहगाथावैरचाटुसूत्रमन्त्रपदेषु - न शब्दश्लोक । शब्द, श्लोक, कलह, गाथा, वैर, चाटु, सूत्र, मन्त्र, पद- एषां नवानां द्वन्द्वः । हेत्वादिष्विति ।कृञो हेतुताच्छील्यानुलोम्येषु॑ इति प्राप्तः टप्रत्ययोऽनेन प्रतिषिध्यते इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is a dvandva of the nine [words] śabda … pada. 'hetvādiṣu': the affix ṭa obtained by kṛño hetutācchīlyānulomyeṣu (SK 2934) is prohibited by this. Followed: '[The ṭa that] would apply in hetu and the rest'.
textual No TB is printed on this sūtra (NSP p. 493, scan 0503). Print and ours agree.
translator śabdakāraḥ presumably has aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913); the kaumudī names no affix.

SK 2938 · A 3.2.24V

स्तम्बशकृतोरिन् ॥ २९३८ ॥

stambaśakṛtorin

stambaśakṛtor in — When stamba or śakṛt [is upapada as object (karman), per BM], in [occurs after kṛ, per BM].

Rule. With stamba "clump" or śakṛt "dung" as object, in comes after kṛ. One commentator supplies "object" and "after kṛ". A vārttika: only when rice (vrīhi) or a calf (vatsa) is the agent. One commentator pairs them in order.

Example.

stamba + kṛ + in → guṇa with r → stamba + kari → stambakarir vrīhiḥ "rice, which makes clumps".

śakṛtkarir vatsaḥ "a calf, which makes dung".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "rice or calf"? Bhaṭṭoji: otherwise stambakāraḥ, śakṛtkāraḥ, with the vṛddhi of aṇ. One commentator adds that the n of in gives the second member its own first-syllable accent.

Watch out. Rice and calf are agents, not upapadas. The upapadas are stamba and śakṛt.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

।

—

vārttika

व्रीहिवत्सयोरिति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated: when vrīhi or vatsa [is the agent].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ स्तम्बकरिर्व्रीहिः । शकृत्करिर्वत्सः । व्रीहिवत्सयोः किम् । स्तम्बकारः । शकृत्कारः ॥

stambakarir vrīhiḥ ['rice, which makes clumps'], śakṛtkarir vatsaḥ ['a calf, which makes dung']. Why 'vrīhi or vatsa'? stambakāraḥ, śakṛtkāraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

स्तम्बशकृतोरिन् - स्तम्बशकृतोरिन् । स्तम्बे शकृति च कर्मण्युपपदे कृञ इन् स्यात् । नकार इत् । व्रीहिवत्सयोरिति । व्रीहौ वत्से च कर्तरीत्यर्थः । स्तम्बशकृतोर्यथासङ्ख्यमन्वयः । स्तम्बकरिर्व्रीहिरिति । स्तम्बं तृणनिचयं करोतीति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when stamba or śakṛt is upapada as object (karmaṇi), in occurs after kṛñ; the n is an it. Followed: the brackets in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'vrīhivatsayoḥ' means 'when vrīhi or vatsa is the agent (kartṛ)'; stamba and śakṛt are construed with them respectively (yathāsaṅkhyam). stambakarir vrīhiḥ: 'it makes a stamba, a clump of grass'. Followed: '[is the agent]' and the pairing of the examples.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2936.t1: 'stambakarir ityādi': since in is n-marked, the uttarapada is initial-udātta by kṛduttarapadaprakṛtisvara. Recorded; the kaumudī says nothing of accent.
textual Block k1 contains only a daṇḍa; the print runs the sūtra straight into the vārttika, which it marks with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 493, scan 0503). k3 opens with the editorial tag '(vārtikam) ||'.
translator The counterexamples stambakāraḥ, śakṛtkāraḥ presumably have aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913); the kaumudī names no affix.

SK 2939 · A 3.2.25V

हरतेर्दृतिनाथयोः पशौ ॥ २९३९ ॥

haraterdṛtināthayoḥ paśau

harater dṛtināthayoḥ paśau — After hṛ, when dṛti or nātha [is upapada, in occurs — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2938], when an animal (paśu) [is the agent].

Rule. With dṛti "leather bag" or nātha "nose-rope" as upapada, in comes after hṛ when an animal (paśu) is the agent. Bhaṭṭoji names the affix in in his gloss.

Example.

dṛtiṃ harati → dṛti + hṛ + in → guṇa → dṛtihariḥ "an animal that carries off a leather bag".

nāthaṃ harati → nāthahariḥ "an animal that bears a nose-rope".

One commentator says nāthahari names a particular animal fitted with a nose-rope.

Applies when / blocked by. Not an animal: dṛtihāraḥ, nāthahāraḥ, with vṛddhi.

Watch out. Compare stambakariḥ (SK 2938). There the agent was rice or a calf; here it is any animal.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दृतिनाथयोरुपपदयोर्हृञ इन् स्यात्पशौ कर्तरि । दृतिं हरतीति दृतिहरिः । नाथं नासारज्जुं हरतीति नाथहरिः । पशौ किम् । दृतिहारः । नाथहारः ॥

When dṛti ('leather bag') or nātha is upapada, the affix in comes after hṛñ when an animal (paśu) is the agent. dṛtiṃ haratīti dṛtihariḥ "[an animal] that carries off a leather bag". nātha [here means] a nose-rope (nāsārajju): nāthaṃ haratīti nāthahariḥ "[an animal] that bears a nose-rope". Why 'when an animal [is the agent]'? dṛtihāraḥ, nāthahāraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

हरतेर्दृतिनाथयोः । दृतिः चर्मभस्त्रिका । दृतिहरिः श्वा इति वृत्तिः । 'नाथ' शब्दस्य विवरणम् — नासारज्जुमिति । नासिकाप्रोतरज्जुमित्यर्थः । नाथहरिरिति । नासिकाप्रोतरज्जुके पशुविशेषे रूढोऽयम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.2939.b1 (pratīka 'harater dṛtināthayoḥ'): dṛti is a leather bag (carmabhastrikā); the Vṛtti gives dṛtihariḥ as 'a dog' (ours reads the word garbled as 'āā'; Wikisource BM reads 'śvā'); nāsārajju means a rope passed through the nose (nāsikāprota-rajju); nāthahari is conventional (rūḍha) for a particular animal fitted with a nose-rope. Followed in the glosses 'leather bag' and 'nose-rope'.
textual BM on this sūtra (sk.2939.b1) was re-filed here 2026-10-05 from sk.2929.b1, where it stood under the lemma of adhikaraṇe śeteḥ (SK 2929). No TB on this sūtra is printed: TB's remark 'stambakarir ityādi' on the accent of the in-formations (printed under sk.2936.t1) is on SK 2938. Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 493 (scan page-0503): agrees with ours. Wikisource SK reads the counterexamples as dṛtiharaḥ, nāthaharaḥ; ours and the print read dṛtihāraḥ, nāthahāraḥ, which the English follows.
translator The kaumudī's paraphrase supplies in, which the sūtra does not repeat; the source stambaśakṛtor in (SK 2938) is the translator's identification. The kaumudī does not say which affix the counterexamples take: -hāraḥ (ours and the print) has the vṛddhi of aṇ (karmaṇy aṇ, SK 2913), whereas Wikisource's -haraḥ would be ac by harater anudyamane 'c (SK 2923); no commentator remarks on it.

SK 2940 · A 3.2.26V

फलेग्रहिरात्मम्भरिश्च ॥ २९४० ॥

phalegrahirātmambhariśca

phalegrahir ātmambhariś ca — phalegrahi and ātmambhari [are given as finished forms (nipātana)]; and [by 'ca', what is not stated, such as kukṣimbhari — per BM].

Rule. The words phalegrahi and ātmambhari are given by nipātana. "And" (ca) adds others not stated. Bhaṭṭoji names what each nipātana teaches.

Example.

phalāni gṛhṇāti → phala + grah + in → the upapada ends in e by nipātana → phalegrahiḥ "a tree that bears fruit".

ātmānaṃ bibharti → ātman + bhṛ + in → augment mum on ātman by nipātana → ātmambhariḥ "one who supports only himself".

One commentator: the n of ātman is lost first, and m comes after the a.

Applies when / blocked by. By ca, says Bhaṭṭoji: kukṣimbhariḥ "one who fills only his belly". One commentator notes that the Bhāṣya gives it as a separate statement. The Cāndra grammarians read the rule "with ātman, udara or kukṣi". Hence the poet Murāri's udarambhari, in a line on cakora birds feeding on moonlight. One commentator calls a current verse's kukṣimbharāḥ a mistake.

Watch out. The e of phale- and the m of ātmam- are not from any general rule. They are fixed by this sūtra alone.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

फलानि गृह्णाति फलेग्रहिः । उपपदस्य एदन्तत्वं ग्रहेरिन्प्रत्ययश्च निपात्यते । आत्मानं बिभर्तीति आत्मम्भरिः । आत्मनो मुमागमः । भृञ इन् । चात्कुक्षिम्भरिः । चान्द्रास्तु आत्मोदरकुक्षिष्विति पेठुः । ज्योत्स्नाकरम्भमुदरम्भरयश्चकोरा इति मुरारिः ॥

phalāni gṛhṇāti phalegrahiḥ "[a tree] that takes on fruit". The ending in e of the upapada and the affix in after grah are given by nipātana. ātmānaṃ bibhartīti ātmambhariḥ "one who supports [only] himself". [Here] the augment (āgama) mum [is added] to ātman, [and] in [comes] after bhṛñ. By 'ca', kukṣimbhariḥ "one who fills [only] his belly". The Cāndras, however, read 'when ātman, udara or kukṣi [is upapada]'. So Murāri: "the cakora birds, belly-fillers (udarambhari) on the gruel of moonlight".

Bālamanoramā

फलेग्रहिरात्मम्भरिश्च - फलेग्रहिः । ग्रहेरिन्निति । न तु 'गृहू ग्रहणे' इति ऋदुपधादित्यर्थः । मुमागम इति । आत्मन्शब्दस्य नलोपे कृते अकारादुपरि मुमित्यर्थः । चकारोऽनुक्तसमुच्चयार्थ इति मत्वा आह — चात्कुक्षिम्भरिरिति । भाष्ये तुभृञः कुक्ष्यात्मनोर्मुम् चेति वक्तव्य॑मिति स्थितम् ।स्यादवन्ध्यः फलेग्रहिः॑ इति वृक्षपर्याये अमरः ।उभावात्मम्भरिः कुक्षिम्भरिः स्वोदरपूरके॑ इति विशेष्यनिघ्नवर्गे । उदरम्भरिशब्दं समर्थयितुमाह — चान्द्रास्त्विति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'graher in' means [in after grah,] not after gṛh (gṛhū grahaṇe), which has a penultimate ṛ. 'mumāgamaḥ': once the n of ātman is elided, mum comes after the a. Taking ca to collect what is not stated (anuktasamuccaya), he gives kukṣimbhari; in the Bhāṣya, however, it stands as 'it should be stated: after bhṛñ, when kukṣi or ātman [is upapada], and mum'. Amara has phalegrahi as a synonym for a tree ('a fruitful [tree] is phalegrahi') and ātmambhari and kukṣimbhari for 'one who fills his own belly'. 'cāndrās tu' is said in order to justify the word udarambhari. Followed in 'in after grah', in sutra_en's '[by ca, what is not stated]', and in linking the Cāndra reading to Murāri's udarambhari; the n-elision before mum is recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2936.t1 ('kukṣimbharir iti'): accordingly the usage of some, kukṣimbharāḥ in the verse 'giris tu kanakācalaḥ … kati na santi kukṣimbharāḥ', is simply a mistake (prāmādika). Recorded.
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 493 (scan page-0503): agrees with ours. BM's opening pratīka is garbled in ours ('phaleghiḥ' for phalegrahiḥ) and its 'cāt kukṣambharir iti' stands for the kaumudī's kukṣimbhariḥ (Wikisource BM: kukṣimbharir iti). No TB block is filed under this unit; TB on it is at the tail of sk.2936.t1.
translator The kaumudī gives only the results and names the operations (ending in e, in, mum); it supplies no derivational sequence. The verse quoted from Murāri is identified only by the poet's name in the text. 'Cāndras' are the followers of the Cāndra grammar; the text names no individual.

SK 2941 · A 3.2.28V

एजेः खश् ॥ २९४१ ॥

ejeḥ khaś

ejeḥ khaś — After eji [i.e. ej ending in ṇic], khaś [occurs, when an object (karman) is upapada — to be understood, per BM].

Rule. After eji, that is ej "to tremble" with causative ṇi, the affix khaś comes. Bhaṭṭoji: "after ej ending in ṇic". One commentator adds that an object upapada is understood.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the example under the next rule: janamejayaḥ (SK 2942).

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator proves that the causative stem is meant. khaś is ś-marked so that śap may come. For the plain root ej, śap would make no difference to the form. So the marker shows that eji is meant.

Watch out. eji is not ej with a citation i. It is the causative stem, "to make tremble".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ण्यन्तादेजेः खश् स्यात् ॥

khaś comes after ej ending in ṇic (ṇyanta) [i.e. after the causative stem eji].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 503

—एजेः खश् । एजृ कम्पने । एजेरिति ण्यन्तस्य निर्देशो न तु शुद्धस्येका निर्देशः, खशः शित्करणाल्लिङ्गात् । तद्धि सार्वधातुकत्वे सति शप् यथा स्यादिति । न च शुद्धस्य शब्दस्य शपि सत्यसति वा विशेषोऽस्ति । न चो-त्तरार्थं शित्त्वमिति वाच्यम् । इहार्थवत्त्वे संभवति केवलोत्तरार्थत्वस्यान्याय्यत्वात्तदेतदाह—ण्यन्तादेजेरिति

Bālamanoramā

एजेः खश् - एजेः खश् । एजेरिति ण्यन्तस्य एजृधातोर्ग्रहणम्, न त्विका निर्देशः, व्याख्यानादिति भावः । खकारशकारावितौ । कर्मण्युपपदे इत्यपि ज्ञेयम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ejeḥ' cites the root ejṛ ending in ṇic; it is not the citation [of the bare root] with the affix ik, as the explanation [of the tradition] (vyākhyāna) shows. kh and ś are it-markers. 'When an object (karman) is upapada' is also to be understood. Followed: 'ending in ṇic' and the bracketed karman clause.
commentary TB, sk.2941.t1: ejṛ kampane ('to tremble'). 'ejeḥ' cites the ṇic-ending root, not the plain root with ik, as shown by the indication (liṅga) that khaś is made ś-marked: that marking is there so that, [khaś] being sārvadhātuka, śap may come; and for the plain root it makes no difference whether śap is present or not. Nor can the ś-marking be said to serve the following rules, since, where it can have a purpose here, a purpose only for what follows is not reasonable. Hence 'ṇyantād ejeḥ'. Followed.
translator 'karmaṇi' (when an object is upapada) goes back to karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913); BM says only that it is to be understood (jñeyam), without naming its source. The example of this sūtra, janamejayaḥ, is given in the kaumudī under the next unit (SK 2942).
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 493 (scan page-0503): agrees with ours. TB's lemma reads 'ejeḥ khaśn' in our OCR layer (scan: 'ejeḥ khaś').

SK 2942 · A 6.3.67V

अरुर्द्विषदजन्तस्य मुम् ॥ २९४२ ॥

arurdviṣadajantasya mum

arurdviṣadajantasya mum — The augment mum [is added] to arus, dviṣat and [a word] ending in ac (ajanta), [when an uttarapada ending in a kh-marked (khit) affix follows — 'khiti' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2943, and 'uttarapade' from the adhikāra aluk uttarapade (SK 958), per BM; but not to an indeclinable].

Rule. The augment mum (m) comes to arus "wound", to dviṣat "enemy", and to a word ending in a vowel (ac), when an uttarapada ending in a kh-marked (khit) affix follows. It does not come to an indeclinable (avyaya). One commentator: "khit" runs on from SK 2943, and "uttarapada" from the heading SK 958. Bhaṭṭoji adds: "because khaś is ś-marked, śap and the rest follow".

Example.

janān ejayati → jana + eji + khaś

→ śap, since khaś is sārvadhātuka → guṇa of i and ay → jana + ejay + a + a

→ the two *a*s merge into one (pararūpa) → jana + ejaya

→ the case-ending of jana is lost → mum by this rule → janam-ejaya → janamejayaḥ.

The steps are one commentator's; Bhaṭṭoji says only "śap and the rest".

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds khaś after aj, dheṭ, tud and jahāti, with vāta, śunī, tila and śardha in order: vātam ajanti → vātamajāḥ mṛgāḥ "deer that run against the wind".

One commentator explains why the rule says "ending in an ac" with the word "end". It means the near vowel left by the shortening of SK 2943. So shortening comes first, even where the vowel is short already.

Watch out. The m is an augment on the first member, not an affix. It comes only before a khit uttarapada, such as one made with khaś or khac.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अरुषोद्विषतोऽजन्तस्य च मुमागमः स्यात् खिदन्ते उत्तरपदे न त्वव्ययस्य । शित्त्वाच्छबादि । जनमेजयतीति जनमेजयः ।

The augment (āgama) mum comes to arus, to dviṣat and to [a word] ending in ac when an uttarapada ending in [an affix] marked with kh follows; but not to an indeclinable (avyaya). Because [khaś] is ś-marked, śap and the rest [follow]. janam ejayatīti janamejayaḥ "one who makes people tremble".

vārttika

वातशुनीतिलशर्धेष्वजधेट्तुदजहातिभ्यः खश उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) An additional statement (upasaṃkhyāna) of khaś after aj, dheṭ, tud and jahāti when vāta, śunī, tila and śardha [respectively are upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वातमजा मृगाः ॥

vātamajā mṛgāḥ "deer that run against the wind".

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 503–504

—अरुर्द्विषत्—। वर्णग्रहणे तदन्तविधेः सिद्धावप्यन्तग्रहणं शुनिंधय इत्यादौ ह्रस्वे कृते मुम्प्रवृत्त्यर्थम् । तथा हि अन्तःशब्दः समीपपरः अच्चासावन्तश्चेति विग्रहः । निपातनाद्विशेषणस्य परनिपातः । समीपः । ‘खित्यनव्ययस्य’ इति सूत्रेण विहितो योऽच्च तदन्तस्य मुमिति व्याख्यायते । एवं च जनमेजय इत्यादौ स्वतो ह्रस्वेऽपि मुम्सिद्धये प्रथमं खितीति ह्रस्वः प्रवर्तनीय इत्यवधेयम् ॥—शर्धजहा इति । शर्धनं शर्धः शृधु कुत्सायाम् । घञ् तं जहति इति ॥ ननु माषाः शर्धमपानशब्दं त्याजयन्ति न तु स्वतो जहतीत्याशङ्कायामाह—अन्तर्भावितण्यर्थ इति । यथासंख्यं वारयितुमाह—अत्रेति—धेटष्टित्त्वादिति । अवयवे अचरितार्थत्वादिति भावः । खश्प्रत्ययान्तादेव धेटो ङीबिष्टो नान्यत इति वर्धमानक्षीरस्वामिहरदत्तादयः । तेन ‘पाघ्राध्माधेड्’ इति शप्रत्यये ‘आतोऽनुपसर्गे कः’ इति कप्रत्यये च टावेव । धया कन्या । गांधयतीति गोधा । अत्र च संप्रदाय एव शरणम् ॥—नासिकंधम इति । ‘प्राघ्राध्मा’ इति धमादेशः

Bālamanoramā

अरुर्द्विषदजन्तस्य मुम् - अरुर्द्विषत् । अरुस्, द्विषत्, अजन्त एषां समाहारद्वन्द्वात् षष्ठी । 'अलुगुत्तरपदे' इत्यधिकारादुत्तरपदे इति लभ्यते । 'खित्यनव्ययस्य' इत्यतः खितीत्यनुवृत्तम् । कितः प्रत्ययत्वात्तदन्तविधिः । तदाह — खिदन्ते उत्तरपदे इति । जनमेजय इति । जनान् एजयतीति विग्रहः । खशः शित्त्वात्सार्वधातुकत्वं ।शप्, गुणायादेशौ, पररूपम्,सुपो लुकि, मुम् । वातशुनीति । वार्तिकमिदम् । वात, शुनी, तिल, शर्ध एषां द्वन्द्वात्सप्तमी । अज, धेट्, तुद्, जहाति एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । यथासङ्ख्यमन्वयः । वातमजा इति । वातमजन्तीति विग्रहः । सुपो लुकि मुम् । अथ शुनीं धयतीति विग्रहे शुनीशब्दे उपपदे धेटः खशि शपि अयादेशे पररूपे शुनी धय इति स्थिते आह —

translator notes

commentary BM: arus, dviṣat, ajanta: a samāhāra-dvandva of these, as a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta). 'uttarapade' is obtained from the adhikāra aluk uttarapade; 'khiti' is carried forward from khity anavyayasya (SK 2943); since khit is an affix, [it denotes what] ends in it (tadantavidhi). Hence 'khidante uttarapade'. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, sk.2942.t1: although tadantavidhi would already follow from the mention of a sound (varṇagrahaṇa), 'anta' is mentioned so that mum may apply after shortening in śunindhaya and the like. For 'anta' means 'near' (samīpa): 'ac ca asau antaś ca', the qualifier being placed second by nipātana; the meaning is: mum to [the word] ending in the near ac that is prescribed by khity anavyayasya (SK 2943). Hence even in janamejaya, where the vowel is short of itself, the shortening of khiti must apply first for mum to be valid. Recorded; the English renders 'ajanta' neutrally as 'ending in ac'.
commentary BM: janamejayaḥ is analysed janān ejayati. Because khaś is ś-marked it is sārvadhātuka, [hence] śap; [then] guṇa and the substitution of ay, pararūpa, luk of the sup, mum. Recorded: the kaumudī itself says only 'śap and the rest'; the sequence is BM's.
commentary BM: 'vātaśunī…' is a vārttika. vāta, śunī, tila, śardha: a dvandva as a seventh-case word (saptamyanta); aj, dheṭ, tud, jahāti: a dvandva as a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta); they are construed in order (yathāsaṃkhya). Followed: '[respectively]'.
commentary BM: vātamajāḥ is analysed vātam ajanti; luk of the sup, [then] mum. BM then sets up śunīṃ dhayati: with śunī as upapada, khaś after dheṭ, śap, ay, pararūpa, giving 'śunī dhaya', and passes to the next sūtra. Followed in the gloss of vātamajāḥ.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial; the print marks the vārttika with the vārttika sign before it (NSP p. 494, scan page-0504). Kaumudī otherwise agrees with the print (ours runs 'aruṣodviṣato' together, print 'aruṣo dviṣato'; ours 'śittvāc chabādi', print 'śitvāc chabādi' — spacing and spelling only, not in the collation report).
textual The source padaccheda gives 'arus-dviṣas-ajantasya'; the sūtra's member is dviṣat, so read 'arus-dviṣat-ajantasya'. A metadata slip in the source layer (not in the collation report); the English is unaffected.
translator The source of 'but not to an indeclinable' is not stated by the commentators; the kaumudī's paraphrase supplies it, evidently from anavyayasya of SK 2943. The full derivation of janamejayaḥ, as BM gives it, is: jana + ej-i (ṇic) + khaś → śap (sārvadhātuka) → guṇa of i, ay → pararūpa of the two a → sup-luk → mum: janam-ejaya. Only the first step ('śap and the rest') is in the kaumudī.

SK 2943 · A 6.3.66V

खित्यनव्ययस्य ॥ २९४३ ॥

khityanavyayasya

khity anavyayasya — When [an uttarapada ending in] a kh-marked (khit) [affix] follows, [a short vowel (hrasva) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from iko hrasvo 'ṅyo gālavasya (SK 999), per BM — replaces the final ac] of [a pūrvapada] that is not an indeclinable.

Rule. When an uttarapada ending in a kh-marked affix follows, a short vowel replaces the final vowel of a pūrvapada that is not an indeclinable. One commentator: "short" runs on from SK 999. Bhaṭṭoji: "after that, mum". So this rule comes first, then SK 2942.

Example.

śunīṃ dhayati → śunī + dhaya (dheṭ + khaś, with śap)

→ this rule → śuni + dhaya → mum (SK 2942) → śunim + dhaya → śunindhayaḥ.

tilaṃ tudati → tilantudaḥ "one who crushes sesame".

śardhaṃjahā māṣāḥ "beans that make one break wind".

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators fix the order. If mum came first, the pūrvapada would no longer end in a vowel, and the shortening could not apply.

Bhaṭṭoji explains śardhaṃjahāḥ. śardha is the sound of the downward breath. The analysis is "they leave it". But jahāti here carries a causative sense: "they make one release it".

Watch out. Shorten first, then add m: śuni- then śunim-. Never śunīm-.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

खिदन्ते परे पूर्वपदस्य ह्रस्वः स्यात् । ततो मुम् । शुनिन्धयः । तिलन्तुदः । शर्धंजहा माषाः । शर्धोऽपानशब्दः तं जहतीति विग्रहः । जहातिरन्तर्भावितण्यर्थः ॥

When [an uttarapada] ending in a kh-marked [affix] follows, a short vowel (hrasva) replaces [the final vowel of] the pūrvapada [unless it is an indeclinable]. After that, mum [by SK 2942]: śunindhayaḥ "[a puppy] sucking a bitch" (śunīṃ dhayati), tilantudaḥ "one who crushes sesame" (tilaṃ tudati). śardhaṃjahā māṣāḥ "beans that make one break wind": śardha is the sound of the downward breath (apāna); 'taṃ jahati' "they leave it" is the analysis (vigraha). jahāti here has the sense of the causative (ṇic) included in it (antarbhāvita-ṇy-artha) [i.e. 'they make one release it'].

Bālamanoramā

खित्यनव्ययस्य - खित्यनव्ययस्य । ह्रस्वः स्यादिति ।इको ह्रस्वोऽङ्यो गालवस्य॑ इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । अत्र ह्रस्वश्रुत्या अच इत्युपस्थितं द्रष्टव्यम् । ततो मुमिति । पूर्वं ह्रस्वे कृते ततो मुमित्यर्थः । पूर्वं मुमि कृते तु अजन्तत्वाऽभावाद्ध्रस्वो न स्यादिति भावः । शर्धञ्जहा माषा इति । भाष्ये तु 'मृगा' इति पाठः । शर्द्धः अपानद्वारे स्थितः शब्द इति माधवादयः । अन्तर्भावितेति । तथा च शर्धं हापयन्तीति विग्रहः फलितः । भाष्ये तुवातशुनी॑इति वार्तिके गर्धे॑ष्विति पठितम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'hrasvaḥ syāt' — because hrasva is carried forward from iko hrasvo 'ṅyo gālavasya (SK 999); by the very word hrasva, 'acaḥ' (in place of an ac) is to be understood. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'tato mum' means mum after the shortening has first been done; if mum were done first, [the pūrvapada] would no longer end in ac, and the shortening would not take place. Followed: 'After that, mum'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2942.t1, on arurdviṣadajantasya mum: 'ajanta' means [ending in] the near ac prescribed by khity anavyayasya, so that mum applies after the shortening, and even in janamejaya, where the vowel is short of itself, the shortening must apply first. Agrees with BM on the order hrasva → mum; followed.
commentary BM: in the Bhāṣya the reading is 'mṛgāḥ' [śardhaṃjahā mṛgāḥ]. Mādhava and others take śardha as the sound located at the outlet of the downward breath (apānadvāra). 'antarbhāvita…': so the analysis that results is śardhaṃ hāpayanti 'they make [one] release śardha'. In the Bhāṣya, in the vārttika 'vātaśunī…', 'gardheṣu' is read [for śardheṣu]. Followed in the bracketed '[they make one release it]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2942.t1 ('śardhajahā iti'): śardha is the action noun śardhana, from śṛdhu kutsāyām with ghañ; 'taṃ jahati'. To the doubt that the beans make one give up śardha, the sound of the apāna, and do not themselves give it up, he says 'antarbhāvitaṇyarthaḥ'. Followed.
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 494 (scan page-0504): the print reads 'taṃ jahati iti vigrahaḥ' where ours has the sandhi 'taṃ jahatīti' (no difference of sense; collation batch03 ignores it). No TB block is filed under this unit; TB on it is in sk.2942.t1.
translator Following BM's set-up at the end of sk.2942.b1, the kaumudī's examples run: śunī + dhaya (dheṭ + khaś, śap, ay, pararūpa) → śuni-dhaya by this sūtra → śunim-dhaya by mum (SK 2942) → śunindhayaḥ, the anusvāra becoming n before dh. The kaumudī states only the shortening and mum; the bracketed '[by SK 2942]' and '[unless it is an indeclinable]' are the translator's, the latter from the sūtra's anavyayasya.

SK 2944 · A 3.2.29V

नासिकास्तनयोर्ध्माधेटोः ॥ २९४४ ॥

nāsikāstanayordhmādheṭoḥ

nāsikāstanayor dhmādheṭoḥ — When nāsikā ('nose') or stana ('breast') [is upapada, khaś — supplied (śeṣa), per BM] after dhmā or dheṭ.

Rule. With nāsikā "nose" or stana "breast" as upapada, khaś comes after dhmā "to blow" and dheṭ "to suck". One commentator supplies khaś. Bhaṭṭoji then quotes a vārttika that sets aside the pairing in order (SK 128). dheṭ goes with stana; dhmā, and also dheṭ, go with nāsikā.

Example.

stanaṃ dhayati → stana + dheṭ + khaś → dhaya → mum → stanandhayaḥ "an infant".

Feminine: because dheṭ is ṭ-marked (Bhaṭṭoji) → stanandhayī.

nāsikā + dhmā + khaś → dhama for dhmā (SK 2360) → nāsika- (SK 2943) → mum → nāsikandhamaḥ "one who blows through the nose".

Also nāsikandhayaḥ. The steps are both commentators'.

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators say "atra" ("on this") is Bhaṭṭoji's signal that the vārttika overrides the order of the sūtra.

On the feminine, one commentator reports a view of Haradatta and others: ṅīp from dheṭ comes only in the khaś-form. With other affixes the feminine takes ṭāp: dhayā (SK 2899). Scholars discuss this.

Watch out. The sūtra alone would pair nāsikā with dhmā and stana with dheṭ. The vārttika adds nāsikandhayaḥ and gives no stana + dhmā form.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अत्र वार्तिकम् ।

On this there is a vārttika:

vārttika

स्तने धेटो नासिकायां ध्मश्चेति वाच्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated: after dheṭ when stana [is upapada], and after dhmā [and dheṭ] when nāsikā [is upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ स्तनं धयतीति स्तनन्धयः । धेटष्टित्त्वात् स्तनन्धयी । नासिकन्धमः । नासिकन्धयः ॥

stanaṃ dhayatīti stanandhayaḥ "one who sucks the breast: an infant". Because dheṭ is ṭ-marked, [the feminine is] stanandhayī. nāsikandhamaḥ "one who blows through the nose", nāsikandhayaḥ "one who drinks through the nose".

Bālamanoramā

नासिकास्तनयोर्ध्माधेटोः - नासिका । नासिका, स्तन अनयोर्द्वन्द्वात्सप्तमी । ध्मा, धेट् अनयोः द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी ।ख॑शिति शेषः । यथासङ्ख्यमन्वये प्राप्ते आह — अत्र वार्तिकमिति । धेटष्टित्त्वादिति । यद्यपिटिड्ढे॑त्यत्र टिदाद्यन्तं यददन्तं प्रातिपदिकमिति व्याख्यातम्, तथापि टित्त्वस्यावयवे अचरितार्थत्वान्ङीबिति हरदत्तः । अत्र यद्वक्तव्यं तत्प्राघ्राध्माधेट्दृशः शः॑ इत्यत्रोक्तम् । नासिकन्धम इति । ह्रस्वे कृते मुम् । नासिकाया ध्मश्चेति । चकाराद्धेटश्चेति लभ्यते । तस्योदाहरति — नासिकन्धय इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: nāsikā, stana: a dvandva as a seventh-case word (saptamyanta); dhmā, dheṭ: a dvandva as a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta) in the sense of the fifth case (pañcamī). 'khaś' is to be supplied (śeṣa). Since construal in order (yathāsaṃkhya) would follow [nāsikā–dhmā, stana–dheṭ], he says 'atra vārttikam'. Followed: '[khaś]' in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2942.t1: 'atra' is said in order to block yathāsaṃkhya. Agrees with BM; followed in treating the vārttika as overriding the order of the sūtra.
commentary BM: 'nāsikāyāṃ dhmaś ca': by 'ca', 'and of dheṭ' is obtained; he illustrates that with nāsikandhayaḥ. Followed: '[and dheṭ]'.
commentary BM: although under ṭiḍḍhāṇañ… (SK 470) ṭit is explained as a prātipadika ending in a and having [a ṭ-marked item] at its end, ṅīp comes here, because the ṭ-marking would have no purpose in the part (avayava) [i.e. the root]: so Haradatta. What is to be said here has been said under pāghrādhmādheṭdṛśaḥ śaḥ (SK 2899). nāsikandhama: shortening, then mum. Followed: '[the feminine is]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2942.t1: 'dheṭaṣ ṭittvāt': because [the ṭ-marking] would have no purpose in the part. Vardhamāna, Kṣīrasvāmin, Haradatta and others hold that ṅīp after dheṭ comes only from [the formation] ending in the affix khaś, not from others; hence with śa by pāghrādhmādheṭ… (SK 2899) and with ka by āto 'nupasarge kaḥ (SK 2915) only ṭāp: dhayā kanyā, and gāṃ dhayatīti godhā. 'Here tradition (saṃpradāya) alone is the refuge.' On nāsikandhama: dhama is substituted by pāghrādhmā… (SK 2360). Recorded.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial; the print marks the vārttika with the vārttika sign before it (NSP p. 494, scan page-0504). Kaumudī otherwise agrees with the print. No TB block is filed under this unit; TB on it is in sk.2942.t1 (from 'atreti' to 'dhamādeśaḥ').
textual The source padaccheda splits the first member as 'nāsikās-tanayoḥ'; read 'nāsikā-stanayoḥ' (nāsikā + stana). A metadata slip in the source layer (not in the collation report); the English is unaffected.
translator The kaumudī does not spell out the steps of nāsikandhamaḥ; per BM and TB they are: nāsikā + dhmā + khaś → dhama substituted for dhmā before the śit affix (SK 2360) → nāsika- by khity anavyayasya (SK 2943) → mum (SK 2942) → nāsikandhamaḥ.

SK 2945 · A 3.2.30V

नाडीमुष्ट्योश्च ॥ २९४५ ॥

nāḍīmuṣṭyośca

nāḍīmuṣṭyoś ca — And when nāḍī ('tube') or muṣṭi ('fist') [is upapada as object, khaś (from ejeḥ khaś, SK 2941) occurs after dhmā and dheṭ (carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2944)].

Rule. With nāḍī "tube" or muṣṭi "fist" as object, khaś comes after dhmā and dheṭ. khaś goes back to SK 2941; dhmā and dheṭ run on from SK 2944. A vārttika: pairing in order is not intended.

Example.

nāḍī + dhmā + khaś → nāḍi- (SK 2943) → mum → nāḍindhamaḥ; also nāḍindhayaḥ.

muṣṭindhamaḥ, muṣṭindhayaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. A further vārttika adds ghaṭī, khārī and kharī: ghaṭindhamaḥ, ghaṭindhayaḥ and so on. Bhaṭṭoji: khārī is a measure, kharī a she-ass. Both commentators say the Bhāṣya makes the "no pairing" point explicit.

Watch out. All four combinations are correct here. Do not pair nāḍī only with dhmā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एतयोरुपपदयोः कर्मणोर्ध्माधेटोः खश् स्यात् ॥ यथासंख्यंनेष्यते ॥ नाडिन्धमः । नाडिन्धयः । मुष्टिन्धमः । मुष्टिन्धयः ।

When these two are upapada as objects (karman), khaś comes after dhmā and dheṭ.

(vārttika) Correspondence in order (yathāsaṃkhya) is not intended.

nāḍindhamaḥ, nāḍindhayaḥ; muṣṭindhamaḥ, muṣṭindhayaḥ.

vārttika

घटीखारीखरीषूपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) An additional statement (upasaṃkhyāna) when ghaṭī, khārī or kharī [is upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ घटिन्धमः । घटिन्धय इत्यादि ॥ खारी परिमाणविशेषः । खरी गर्दभी ॥

ghaṭindhamaḥ, ghaṭindhayaḥ, and so on. khārī is a particular quantity (parimāṇa); kharī is a she-ass.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 504

—नाडीमुष्ट्योश्च । यथासंख्यं नेति । एतच्चेहैव सूत्रे भाष्ये वृत्तौ च स्थितम् । यत्तु ‘यथासंख्यम्’ इति सूत्रे नाडीमुष्ट्योरित्युदाहृतं भाष्ये तत्प्राप्तिमात्राभिप्रायेणेत्येके । शब्दकौस्तुभे तु मतभेदेन तद्बोध्यमिति स्थितम् ॥—घटीखारीखरीष्विति । जयादित्यस्तु वातशब्दमप्युदाजहार । वातंधमः वातंधयः इति, यत्तु भाष्यादौ न दृश्यत इति मूले एवोपेक्षितम्

Bālamanoramā

नाडीमुष्ट्योश्च । यथासङ्ख्यं नेष्यते इति । इदं तु भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । घटीखारीत्यादि स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.2945.b1: 'yathāsaṅkhyaṃ neṣyate' — this is explicit in the Bhāṣya. 'ghaṭīkhārī…' is clear. Followed: the statement rendered as excluding the pairing nāḍī–dhmā, muṣṭi–dheṭ, so that all four forms are given.
commentary TB, sk.2945.t1: 'yathāsaṃkhyaṃ na' is laid down under this very sūtra in the Bhāṣya and the Vṛtti. That the Bhāṣya cites 'nāḍīmuṣṭyoḥ' as an example under yathāsaṃkhyam anudeśaḥ samānām (SK 128) is, some say, meant only as a case where [yathāsaṃkhya] would apply (prāptimātra); in the Śabdakaustubha, however, it is settled as a difference of view. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.2945.t1 ('ghaṭīkhārīkharīṣv iti'): Jayāditya also gave vāta as an example, vātaṃdhamaḥ, vātaṃdhayaḥ; since that is not seen in the Bhāṣya and the like, it is passed over in the mūla. Recorded.
textual In ours 'yathāsaṃkhyaṃ neṣyate' runs on inside k1 (written without a space) with no vārttika block; the print marks it with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 494, scan page-0504 read; collation batch03, class M). The English labels it as the print does. The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial; the print marks 'ghaṭīkhārīkharīṣūpasaṃkhyānam' with the vārttika sign. Kaumudī otherwise agrees with the print.
textual BM on this sūtra (sk.2945.b1) was re-filed here 2026-10-05 from sk.2934.b1, where it stood under the pratīka of kṛño hetutācchīlyānulomyeṣu (SK 2934).
translator The kaumudī's paraphrase supplies khaś and dhmā–dheṭ. Only dhmā–dheṭ can carry forward from nāsikāstanayor dhmādheṭoḥ (SK 2944), whose wording lacks khaś (BM there supplies it as śeṣa); khaś goes back to ejeḥ khaś (SK 2941). Both source identifications are the translator's. The kaumudī gives no derivation; the shortening nāḍi-, ghaṭi- is by khity anavyayasya (SK 2943) and the m by mum (SK 2942).

SK 2946 · A 3.2.31V

उदि कूले रुजिवहोः ॥ २९४६ ॥

udi kūle rujivahoḥ

udi kūle rujivahoḥ — After ruj and vah [preceded] by ut, when kūla ('bank') [is upapada as object (karman) — 'karmaṇi' obtained because ruj is transitive, per BM and TB], [khaś occurs].

Rule. After ruj "to break" and vah "to carry" preceded by ut, khaś comes when kūla "bank" is the object.

Example.

kūlam udrujati → kūla + ud + ruj + khaś → mum → kūlamudrujaḥ "that which breaks down the bank".

kūlamudvahaḥ "that which carries away the bank".

One commentator: the case-ending is lost, then mum.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator explains why ut is not an upapada. It is stated as a separate word udi, not compounded with kūla. That blocks its being an upapada and pairing in order. Both commentators: ruj takes an object, and ut names no substance, so "object" qualifies kūla.

Watch out. ut stays with the root: -udruja, -udvaha. The m goes on kūla.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उत्पूर्वाभ्यां रुजिवहिभ्यां कूले कर्मण्युपपदे खश् स्यात् । कूलमुद्रुजतीति कूलमुद्रुजः । कूलमुद्वहः ॥

After ruj and vah preceded by ut, khaś comes when kūla is upapada as object (karman). kūlam udrujatīti kūlamudrujaḥ "that which breaks down the bank"; kūlamudvahaḥ "that which carries away the bank".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 504

—उदिकूले—। ननु कूलस्येवोच्छब्दस्यापि सप्तम्यन्तत्वादुपपदत्वं स्यात्ततश्च रुजिवहिभ्यां सह यथासंख्यं स्यादिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । नाडीमुष्ट्योरितिवल्लाघवादुत्कूलयोरिति वक्तव्ये उदीति व्यस्तोच्चारणान्नोपपदम् । एवं चोदीति पञ्चम्याः स्थाने सप्तमी रुजिवहोरिति तु पञ्चम्याः स्थाने षष्ठीति । एतच्च यथासंख्यसूत्रे कैयटे स्पष्टम् । किं च रुजेः सकर्मकत्वात्कर्मणीत्युपतिष्ठते तेन कूलं विशेष्यते नोच्छब्दः, असत्त्ववाचित्वेनासंभवात् तदेतदाह—उत्पूर्वाभ्यामित्यादिना ॥—विधुन्तुद इति । ‘अरुर्द्विषदजन्तस्य’ इत्युकारात्परो मुम् । ‘तमस्तु राहुः स्वर्भानुः सैहिकेयो विधुन्तुदः’ इत्यमरः ॥—अरुन्तुद इति । ‘अरुन्तुदस्तु मर्मस्पृक्’ इत्यमरः । ‘व्रणोऽस्त्रियामीर्ममरुः’ इति च ॥—असूर्यपश्या इति । ‘पाघ्राध्मा’ इति पश्यादेशः । गुप्तिपरं चेदम् । एवं नाम राजदारा गुप्ताः यदपरिहार्यदर्शनं सूर्यमपि न पश्यन्ति किं पुनः परपुरुषमिति । तेन सत्यपि सूर्यदर्शने प्रयोगो न विरुध्यते । यदा तु सूर्याभावदर्शनमात्रं सूर्येतरचन्द्रादेर्दर्शनं वा विवक्षितं तदा खश् न भवत्यनभिधानादिति न्यासकारादयः

Bālamanoramā

उदि कूले रुजिवहोः - उदि कूले । उदीति दिग्योगपञ्चम्यर्थे सप्तमी । रुजिवहोरिति पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । 'रुजो भङ्गे' तुदादिः । अत्र रुजेः सकर्मकत्वात्कर्मण्युपपदे इति लब्धं, तेन कूलं विशेष्यते, न तूच्छब्दः, तस्याऽसत्त्ववाचित्वात् । तदाह — उत्पूर्वाभ्यामित्यादि । कूलमुद्रुज इति । सुपो लुकि मुमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'udi' is a seventh-case word (saptamyanta) in the sense of the fifth case (pañcamī) construed with a word of direction (digyoga) [i.e. 'preceded by ut']; 'rujivahoḥ' is a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta) in the sense of the fifth. ruj bhaṅge ('to break') is tudādi. Since ruj is transitive, 'when an object is upapada' is obtained; by it kūla is qualified, not the word ut, because that does not denote a substance (asattvavācin). Hence 'utpūrvābhyām…'. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, sk.2946.t1: Objection: like kūla, ut too is a seventh-case word (saptamyanta), so it would be an upapada, and then yathāsaṃkhya would apply with ruj and vah. Answer: where 'utkūlayoḥ' would have been said for brevity, as in nāḍīmuṣṭyoḥ, ut is stated separately as 'udi' to block its being an upapada; so udi has the seventh case in place of the fifth, and rujivahoḥ the sixth in place of the fifth; this is clear in Kaiyaṭa under the yathāsaṃkhya sūtra (SK 128). Moreover, since ruj is transitive, 'karmaṇi' is present; by it kūla is qualified, not ut, which is impossible as ut does not denote a substance (asattva). Followed: 'preceded by ut' and the object clause.
commentary BM: kūlamudruja: luk of the sup, [then] mum. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the analysis and the form.
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 494 (scan page-0504): agrees with ours. The rest of sk.2946.t1, from 'vidhuntuda iti', is TB on SK 2950 (vidhuntuda, aruntuda) and SK 2951 (asūryampaśyā), not on this sūtra.
translator khaś is supplied from ejeḥ khaś (SK 2941) by the kaumudī's paraphrase; the SK number is the translator's identification.

SK 2947 · A 3.2.32V

वहाभ्रे लिहः ॥ २९४७ ॥

vahābhre lihaḥ

vahābhre lihaḥ — After lih, when vaha ('shoulder') or abhra ('cloud') [is upapada as object (karman), khaś occurs — per BM].

Rule. After lih "to lick", khaś comes with vaha "shoulder" or abhra "cloud" as object (one commentator).

Example.

vahaṃ leḍhi → vaha + lih + khaś → śap comes and is lost, since lih is of the ad class (SK 2423)

→ no guṇa → liha → mum → vahaṃlihaḥ "an ox (it licks its shoulder)".

abhraṃlihaḥ "the wind (it licks the clouds)".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "because khaś is ṅit, there is no guṇa". khaś is not itself ṅ-marked. It is a sārvadhātuka without p, so it counts as ṅ-marked (SK 2234), and SK 2217 then blocks guṇa.

Watch out. Write -liha, not -leha. The ṅit status keeps the i.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वहः स्कन्धस्तं लेढीति वहंलिहो गौः । अदादित्वाच्छपो लुक् । खशो ङित्वान्न गुणः । अभ्रंलिहो वायुः ॥

vaha is the shoulder (skandha); 'it licks that': vahaṃlihaḥ, an ox (gauḥ). Because [lih] belongs to the ad class (adādi), śap is elided (luk). Because khaś is ṅit, there is no guṇa. abhraṃlihaḥ, the wind (vāyuḥ) ["that licks the clouds"].

Bālamanoramā

वहाभ्रे लिहः - वहाभ्रे लिहः । वहे अभ्रे च कर्मण्युपपदे लिहः खशित्यर्थः । वहशब्दस्य विवरणम् — स्कन्ध इति । शपो लुगिति । खशः शित्त्वेन सार्वधातुकत्वात्कृतस्य शपो लुगित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when vaha or abhra is upapada as object, khaś after lih. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'skandha' is the gloss of the word vaha. 'śapo luk': because khaś, being ś-marked, is sārvadhātuka, the śap that has been introduced is elided. Followed: the śap is first introduced, then elided.
textual The print reads 'khaśo ṅittvān na guṇaḥ' (NSP p. 494, scan page-0504, zoomed); ours 'ṅitvān' is a spelling variant with no difference of sense (not in the collation report). No TB on this sūtra is printed in ours or in the print.
translator 'khaś is ṅit': khaś is not itself ṅ-marked; as an apit sārvadhātuka affix it is treated as ṅit by sārvadhātukam apit (SK 2234), so that kṅiti ca (SK 2217) blocks the guṇa of lih. The kaumudī states only the result. The sequence implied is: vaha + lih + khaś → lih + śap + a → śap elided by adiprabhṛtibhyaḥ śapaḥ (SK 2423) → no guṇa → liha → sup-luk, mum (SK 2942) → vahaṃliha. The SK numbers and the mum step are the translator's; the kaumudī names neither.

SK 2948 · A 3.2.33V

परिमाणे पचः ॥ २९४८ ॥

parimāṇe pacaḥ

parimāṇe pacaḥ — After pac, when [a word for] a quantity (parimāṇa) [is upapada as object (karman), khaś occurs — per BM].

Rule. After pac "to cook", khaś comes with a word for a measure (parimāṇa) as object. One commentator: measures such as prastha.

Example.

prastha + pac + khaś → śap → paca → mum → prasthampacā sthālī "a pot that cooks a prastha".

khārī + pac + khaś → khāri- (SK 2943) → mum → khārimpacaḥ kaṭāhaḥ "a cauldron that cooks a khārī". One commentator gives these steps.

Watch out. The measure-word is shortened first if long: khāri-, not khārī-.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रस्थम्पचा स्थाली । खारिम्पचः कटाहः ॥

prasthampacā sthālī "a pot that cooks a prastha"; khārimpacaḥ kaṭāhaḥ "a cauldron that cooks a khārī".

Bālamanoramā

परिमाणे पचः - परिमाणे पचः । परिमाणं प्रस्थादि । तस्मिन् कर्मण्युपपदे पचेः खशित्यर्थः । खारिम्पचेति । 'खित्यनव्ययस्य' इति ह्रस्वः । मुम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: parimāṇa means prastha and the like; when that is upapada as object, khaś after pac. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: khārimpaca: shortening by khity anavyayasya (SK 2943), [then] mum. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 494 (scan page-0504): agrees with ours. No TB on this sūtra is printed.

SK 2949 · A 3.2.34V

मितनखे च ॥ २९४९ ॥

mitanakhe ca

mitanakhe ca — And when mita ('a measured [amount]') or nakha ('nail') [is upapada as object (karman), khaś occurs after pac — per BM].

Rule. khaś also comes after pac with mita "a measured amount" or nakha "nail" as object.

Example.

mitampacā brāhmaṇī "a brāhmaṇa woman who cooks a measured amount".

nakhampacā yavāgūḥ "gruel that scalds the nails".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "pac here means heating". One commentator explains: nails cannot be softened by cooking.

Watch out. In nakhampacā the root does not mean "to cook". It means "to heat, scald".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मितम्पचा ब्राह्मणी । नखम्पचा यवागूः । पचिरत्र तापवाची ॥

mitampacā brāhmaṇī "a brāhmaṇa woman who cooks a measured [amount]"; nakhampacā yavāgūḥ "gruel that scalds the nails". pac here denotes heating (tāpa).

Bālamanoramā

मितनखे च - मितनखे च । मिते नखे च कर्मण्युपपदे पचेः खशित्यर्थः । नखानां विक्लित्त्यसंभवादाह — पचिरत्रेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when mita or nakha is upapada as object, khaś after pac. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: since nails cannot be softened [by cooking] (viklitti), he says 'pac here…'. Followed: 'scalds' for nakhampacā.
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 494 (scan page-0504): agrees with ours. No TB on this sūtra is printed.

SK 2950 · A 3.2.35V

विध्वरुषोस्तुदः ॥ २९५० ॥

vidhvaruṣostudaḥ

vidhvaruṣos tudaḥ — When vidhu or arus [is the upapada as object (karman) — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913, as the kaumudī states at SK 2918], [khaś — supplied in BM's gloss; its anuvṛtti from ejeḥ khaś, SK 2941, is the translator's identification — comes] after tud.

Rule. After tud "to strike", khaś comes with vidhu "moon" or arus "vital spot" as object (one commentator).

Example.

vidhuṃ tudati → vidhu + tuda → mum → vidhuntudaḥ "Rāhu, tormentor of the moon".

arus + tuda → mum after the u → arums + tuda → the last consonant of the cluster is lost (SK 54) → aruntudaḥ "that which strikes the vital spot".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "once mum has been added, the final of the conjunct is lost". One commentator places the m after the u of arus. The other cites a lexicon in which arus also means "a wound".

Watch out. arus is named in SK 2942 for this purpose. It ends in a consonant, so without that naming it could not take mum.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विधुन्तुदः । मुमि कृते संयोगान्तस्य लोपः । अरुन्तुदः ॥

vidhuntudaḥ ['tormentor of the moon (vidhu)': Rāhu]. [With arus,] once mum has been added, the final [s] of the conjunct is elided (saṃyogāntasya lopaḥ, SK 54): aruntudaḥ ['that which strikes the arus', i.e. the vital spot].

Bālamanoramā

विध्वरुषोः तुदः - विध्वरुषोस्तुदः । विधु, अरुस् अनयोः कर्मणोरुपपदयोस्तुदः खशित्यर्थः । विधुंतुद इति । विधुश्चन्द्रः, तं तुदतीति विग्रहः । राहुरित्यर्थः । अरुस्शब्दे उकारादुपरि मुमि कृते सकारस्य संयोगान्तलोप इत्यर्थः । अरुन्तुद इति । अरुर्मर्म, तत्तुदतीति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: with vidhu and arus, both objects (karman), as upapadas, khaś comes after tud. Followed: the supplied object (karman) and 'khaś' in sutra_en. BM only paraphrases ('vidhu, arus anayoḥ karmaṇor upapadayos tudaḥ khaś ity arthaḥ') and names no anuvṛtti or source rule.
translator The source rules in sutra_en are not BM's: the continuation of 'karmaṇi' is stated by the kaumudī at SK 2918 ('ita ūrdhvaṃ karmaṇi supīti dvayam apy anuvartate'), and khaś is taken from ejeḥ khaś (SK 2941) by the translator.
commentary BM: vidhu is the moon; the analysis is 'taṃ tudati', i.e. Rāhu. In the word arus, mum is added after the u, and then the s is elided by the elision of a conjunct-final (saṃyogāntalopa). aruntuda: arus is a vital spot (marman), 'that which strikes it'. Followed: the bracket '[With arus,]' and the glosses.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2946.t1: vidhuntuda: mum after the u by arurdviṣadajantasya (SK 2942); Amara lists vidhuntuda among the names of Rāhu. aruntuda: Amara 'aruntudas tu marmaspṛk' ('touching the vital parts'), and also 'vraṇo 'striyām īrmam aruḥ' (arus = a wound). Recorded; the gloss 'vital spot' follows BM, and TB's Amara citation also admits 'wound'.
textual The source padaccheda splits the first member as 'vidhva-ruṣoḥ'; read 'vidhu-aruṣoḥ' (vidhu + arus). A metadata slip in the source layer (not in the collation report); the English is unaffected.
translator The kaumudī's remark on mum and the elision of the conjunct-final applies to aruntudaḥ, which follows it; vidhu ends in a vowel and needs no elision. The kaumudī gives no intermediate form; it is not supplied (§9).

SK 2951 · A 3.2.36V

असूर्यललाटयोर्दृशितपोः ॥ २९५१ ॥

asūryalalāṭayordṛśitapoḥ

asūryalalāṭayor dṛśitapoḥ — When asūrya or lalāṭa [is the upapada as object (karman) — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913, as the kaumudī states at SK 2918], [khaś — supplied in BM's gloss; its anuvṛtti from ejeḥ khaś, SK 2941, is the translator's identification — comes] after dṛś and tap.

Rule. After dṛś "to see" and tap "to burn", khaś comes with asūrya or lalāṭa "forehead" as object (one commentator).

Example.

sūryaṃ na paśyanti → asūrya + dṛś + khaś → paśya (SK 2360) → mum → asūryampaśyāḥ: the king's wives, "who do not see the sun".

lalāṭaṃ tapati → lalāṭantapaḥ: the sun, "which scorches the forehead".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: asūrya is a compound whose members are not connected in sense (asamartha-samāsa). The negative nañ belongs with "see", not with "sun". One commentator explains the word: the queens are so guarded that they do not see even the sun.

Watch out. asūryampaśyāḥ does not mean "seeing what is not the sun". The "not" goes with seeing.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

असूर्यमित्यसमर्थसमासः । दृशिना नञः संबन्धात् । सूर्यं न पश्यन्तीत्यसूर्यम्पश्या राजदाराः । ललाटन्तपः सूर्यः ॥

asūryam is a compound of [words] not semantically connected (asamartha-samāsa), because the negative nañ is connected with dṛś ['see', not with sūrya]. They do not see the sun (sūryaṃ na paśyanti): asūryampaśyāḥ, the king's wives. lalāṭantapaḥ ['scorching the forehead']: the sun.

Bālamanoramā

असूर्यललाटयोर्दृशितपोः - असूर्यललाट । दृशितपोरिति पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । असूर्ये ललाटे च कर्मण्युपपदे दृशेस्तपेश्च खशित्यर्थः । असूर्यमितीति ।असूर्यपश्या॑इत्युदाहरणे असूर्यमित्यसमर्थसमासः सौत्र इत्यर्थः । कुतोऽसामर्थ्यमित्यत आह — दृशिनेति । सूर्यं न पश्यन्तीत्यर्थे नञो दृशिनाऽन्वितत्वेन सूर्यशब्देनाऽन्वयाऽभावादित्यर्थः । ललाटन्तपःसूर्य इति । ललाटं तपतीति विग्रहः । सूर्य पश्यतो ललाटस्य अवश्यं तापादिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in 'dṛśitapoḥ' the sixth case stands for the fifth (pañcamyarthe ṣaṣṭhī); with asūrya and lalāṭa as object upapadas, khaś comes after dṛś and tap. Followed: 'after dṛś and tap' and the supplied object (karman) and khaś. BM only paraphrases ('asūrye lalāṭe ca karmaṇy upapade dṛśes tapeś ca khaś ity arthaḥ') and names no anuvṛtti or source rule.
translator The source rules in sutra_en are not BM's: the continuation of 'karmaṇi' is stated by the kaumudī at SK 2918, and khaś is taken from ejeḥ khaś (SK 2941) by the translator.
commentary BM: 'asūryam' in the example asūryampaśyāḥ is an asamartha compound licensed by the sūtra (sautra). Why is it asamartha? In the sense 'they do not see the sun' the nañ is construed with dṛś, so it has no construal with the word sūrya. lalāṭantapa: 'lalāṭaṃ tapati', since the forehead of one who looks at the sun is necessarily scorched. Followed: the bracket '[not with sūrya]' and the gloss.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2946.t1: in asūryampaśyā, paśya is by pāghrādhmā… (SK 2360). The word aims at seclusion (gupti): the king's wives are so guarded that they do not see even the sun, whose sight cannot be avoided, let alone another man; so the usage is not contradicted when they do in fact see the sun. When only the absence of seeing the sun, or the seeing of the moon etc. rather than the sun, is meant, khaś does not come, because [the form] would not express that (anabhidhāna) — so the Nyāsakāra and others. Recorded.
translator asūryampaśyāḥ agrees with rājadārāḥ, a masculine plural. The kaumudī gives no derivational steps for either form; none are added (§9).

SK 2952 · A 3.2.37V

उग्रम्पश्येरम्मदपाणिन्धमाश्च ॥ २९५२ ॥

ugrampaśyerammadapāṇindhamāśca

ugrampaśyerammadapāṇindhamāś ca — And ugrampaśya, irammada and pāṇindhama [are established by nipātana, as the kaumudī states].

Rule. Three words are given by nipātana: ugrampaśya, irammada and pāṇindhama.

Example.

ugraṃ paśyati → ugraṃpaśyaḥ "one who looks fiercely". Bhaṭṭoji: ugram qualifies the action; khaś comes after dṛś.

irā "water" + mad → iraṃmadaḥ: lightning, which blazes on water as its fuel. Bhaṭṭoji: by nipātana, śyan does not come.

pāṇayo dhmāyante 'smin → pāṇiṃdhamaḥ: a road covered by darkness. Hands are sounded there to drive off snakes.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator explains śyan. mad is of the div class, whose class-sign is śyan. So iraṃmada would be expected to have it. The same commentator shortens irā by SK 2943.

Watch out. In ugrampaśya the upapada is an adverb, not an object. And pāṇindhama denotes the locus, the road "in which" hands are sounded, not an agent. The nipātana covers both.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एते निपात्यन्ते । उग्रमिति क्रियाविशेषणं तस्मिन्नुपपदे दृशेः खश् । उग्रं पश्यतीत्युग्रंपश्यः । इरा उदकं तेन माद्यति दीप्यतेऽबिन्धनत्वादिति इरंमदो मेघज्योतिः । इह निपातनात् न श्यन्न । पाणयो ध्मायन्तेऽस्मिन्निति पाणिंधमोऽध्वा । अन्धकाराद्यावृत इत्यर्थः । तत्र हि सर्पाद्यपनोदनाय पाणयो ध्मायन्ते ॥

These are established by nipātana [given ready-made in the sūtra]. ugram is a qualifier of the action (kriyāviśeṣaṇa); when it is the upapada, khaś [comes] after dṛś: one looks fiercely (ugraṃ paśyati): ugraṃpaśyaḥ. irā is water; [lightning] is exhilarated (mādyati), i.e. blazes, by it, since it has water for its fuel: iraṃmadaḥ, the light of the cloud [lightning]. Here, by nipātana, śyan does not occur. Hands are sounded in it (pāṇayo dhmāyante 'smin): pāṇiṃdhamaḥ, a road, meaning one covered by darkness and the like; for there hands are sounded to drive off snakes and the like.

Bālamanoramā

उग्रम्पश्येरम्मदपाणिन्धमाश्च - उग्रम्पश्य इति । खशि शप्, पश्यादेशः । इराशब्दस्य विवरणम् — उदकमिति । इरम्मद इति ।खित्यनव्ययस्ये॑ति ह्रस्वः । मदेर्दैवादिकत्वाच्छ्यनमाशङ्क्य आह — निपातनाच्छ्यन्नेति । पाणिन्धम इति । शपि 'पाघ्रा' इति धमादेशः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ugraṃpaśya: with khaś, śap, and the substitute paśya. irammada: shortening by khity anavyayasya (SK 2943); since mad is a divādi root one would expect śyan, hence 'by nipātana, śyan does not occur'. pāṇindhama: in śap, dhama is substituted by pāghrā… (SK 2360). Followed: śyan is excluded, not affirmed (see the textual note).
textual Ours reads 'iha nipātanāt na śyan na' with an extra 'na'; the print reads 'iha nipātanāt śyan na' (NSP p. 494, scan 0504, read at zoom; the OCR has the same). BM's pratīka 'nipātanāc chyan na' and Wikisource SK ('iha nipātanāc chyan na') agree with the print. The double negative would reverse the sense; the English follows the print. Not in the collation report.
translator 'pāṇayo dhmāyante' is rendered 'hands are sounded' (dhmā, 'to blow, to sound'); clapping is presumably meant. The kaumudī uses pāṇindhama in the sense of a locus ('in it'), and ugram as an adverb rather than an object; both are covered by the nipātana. No TB on this sūtra is printed (NSP p. 494 passes from asūryampaśyā to priyavaśe).

SK 2953 · A 3.2.38V

प्रियवशे वदः खच् ॥ २९५३ ॥

priyavaśe vadaḥ khac

priyavaśe vadaḥ khac — When priya or vaśa [is the upapada as object (karman) — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913, as the kaumudī states at SK 2918], khac [comes] after vad.

Rule. After vad "to speak", khac comes with priya "pleasant" or vaśa "will" as object.

Example.

priya + vad + khac → mum (SK 2942) → priyaṃvadaḥ.

vaśaṃvadaḥ "obedient".

Applies when / blocked by. Why khac, when khaś runs on? One commentator: for the short vowel of SK 2955. The other reports the Vṛtti's view that the c lets SK 2955 name khac alone. Both commentators answer an objection: "then put khac in the next rule". It stands here, they answer, to show that khac comes after other roots too. One reports this answer as what "they say".

A vārttika: khac after gam with a sup-word as upapada. Bhaṭṭoji: this is for words that are not names: mitaṅgamaḥ "an elephant (going at a measured pace)". Names come by SK 2964.

A vārttika: viha replaces vihāyas "sky". Another: khac is optionally ḍ-marked.

vihāyas + gam + khac → vihaṃgamaḥ; with ḍ-marked khac, the ṭi of gam is lost → vihaṅgaḥ "bird".

Also bhujaṃgamaḥ / bhujaṃgaḥ "snake".

Whether the ḍ-marking holds only with viha or more widely, the two commentators disagree; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. priyaṃvada has mum because khac is khit. Do not write priyavada.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रियंवदः । वशंवदः ॥

priyaṃvadaḥ ['speaking what is pleasant'], vaśaṃvadaḥ ['obedient'].

vārttika

गमेः सुपि वाच्यः

(vārttika) [khac] should be stated after gam when a sup-ending word is the upapada.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ असंज्ञार्थमिदम् । मितङ्गमो हस्ती ।

This [vārttika] is for [forms that are] not names (asaṃjñā): mitaṅgamaḥ ['going at a measured pace'], an elephant.

vārttika

विहायसो विह इति वाच्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated that viha [is substituted] for vihāyas.

(वार्तिकम्) ।

—

vārttika

खच्च डिद्वा वाच्यः

(vārttika) And khac should be stated to be optionally ḍ-marked (ḍit).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ विहंगमः । विहङ्गः । भुजंगमः । भुजंगः ॥

vihaṃgamaḥ, vihaṅgaḥ ['going through the sky': a bird]; bhujaṃgamaḥ, bhujaṃgaḥ [a snake].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 504–505

—प्रियवशे वदः खच् । खकारो मुमर्थश्चकारस्तु ‘खचि ह्रस्वः’ इति विशेषणार्थ इति वृत्तिः । खे ह्रस्व इत्युच्यमाने एजेः खश् जनमेजय इत्यत्रापि स्यादिति तदाशयः । ‘एकानुबन्धग्रहणे द्व्यनुबन्धस्य न ग्रहणम्’ इति खशि न भविष्यतीत्यादिना वृत्तिग्रन्थस्यायुक्तत्वमाहुः । खशि प्रकृते प्रत्ययान्तकरणमुत्तरार्थम् । द्विषन्तप इत्यत्र ह्रस्वणिलोपौ यथा स्याताम् शाश्वताभाविति ॥ न म्येयं पुत्ररत्नैष क्रियतामिति चेत् । सत्यम् । इह करणमन्यतो ऽपि क्वचित् भवतीति ज्ञापनार्थं, तेन ‘गमेः सुपि—’ इति नापूर्वं वार्तिकं किं तु ज्ञापकसिद्धमेव ॥—असंज्ञार्थमिति । संज्ञायां तु वक्ष्यमाणेन ‘गमश्च’ इति सूत्रेणैव सिद्धमिति भावः ॥—विहंगम इति । विहायसा आकाशेन गच्छतीति विग्रहः ॥ पूर्ववार्तिकेनैक्यमकृत्वा ‘खच्च डिद्वा’ इति पृथक्करणसामर्थ्यादन्यत्रापि क्वचिद्भवतीत्याशयेनोदाहरति—भुजंगमः । भुजंग इति । इह ‘गमेः सुपि—’ इति खच् ॥—द्विषंतप इति । ‘अरुर्द्विषत्—’ इति मुमि कृते संयो-गान्तलोपः

Bālamanoramā

प्रियवशे वदः खच् - प्रिये वशे च कर्मण्युपपदे वदधातोः खजित्यर्थः । खशि प्रकृते खज्विधेरुत्तरसूत्रे प्रयोजनं वक्ष्यते । गमेः सुपि वाच्य इति । 'ख' जिति शेषः । ननु संज्ञायामित्यनुवृत्तौगमश्चे॑ति वक्ष्यमाणसूत्रेणैव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदं वार्तिकमित्यत आह - असंज्ञार्थमिदमिति । विहायस इति । विहायः शब्दः आकाशे वर्तते । तस्मिन्नुपपदे गमेः खच् ।गमश्चे॑ति वक्ष्यमाणसूत्रेण , पूर्ववार्तिकेन वा सिद्धः खच्चे॑त्यनूद्यते । प्रकृतेर्विहायश्शब्दस्य विहादेशो वाच्यः, सच खच् डिद्वा वाच्य इत्यर्थः । विहङ्ग इति । डित्त्वपक्षे तत्सामर्थ्यादभस्यापि टेर्लोपः । विहङ्गम इति । विहायसा गच्छतीति विग्रहः । भुजङ्गम इति । भुजैर्गच्छतीति विग्रहः । द्विषत्परयोः । 'तप दाहे' चुरादिः, 'तप सन्तापे' भ्वादिः । द्वयोरपि ण्यन्तयोस्तापेरिति निर्देशः । खच् स्यादिति । द्विषत्, पर अनयोः कर्मणोरुपपदयोस्तापेः खजित्यर्थः । द्विषत् तापि अ इति स्थिते आह —

translator notes

commentary BM: with priya and vaśa as object upapadas, khac after vad. Why khac, when khaś is current? Its purpose will be stated under the following sūtra [khaci hrasvaḥ, SK 2955]. Followed: the supplied object (karman) in sutra_en. BM only paraphrases ('priye vaśe ca karmaṇy upapade vadadhātoḥ khaj ity arthaḥ') and names no anuvṛtti; the continuation of 'karmaṇi' is stated by the kaumudī at SK 2918.
commentary TB, sk.2953.t1: the Vṛtti says the kh of khac is for mum and the c serves to specify it in khaci hrasvaḥ, since 'khe hrasvaḥ' would also catch the khaś of ej in janamejaya; some call this unsound, since by 'ekānubandhagrahaṇe na dvyanubandhakasya' khaś would not be caught anyway. Making a separate affix [khac] while khaś is current is for the next [rule]: so that dviṣantapa gets the short vowel and ṇi-elision. [Objection:] then let it be made in the next [sūtra] itself (uttaratraiva kriyatām). [Answer:] True; it is made here to indicate (jñāpana) that it occurs after other [roots] too in some cases; hence 'gameḥ supi' is not a new vārttika but established by that indication. (The objection line, NSP p. 494 foot, is garbled in our OCR; read on the scan.) Recorded.
commentary BM: 'khac' is to be supplied (śeṣa) in 'gameḥ supi vācyaḥ'. Followed: '[khac]' in k2.
commentary BM: Objection: with 'saṃjñāyām' carried forward, gamaś ca (SK 2964), to be stated, already establishes it, so what is the vārttika for? Hence 'asaṃjñārtham idam'. Followed: 'not names'.
commentary TB, sk.2953.t1: 'asaṃjñārtham': for names it is established by gamaś ca (SK 2964), to be stated. Followed.
commentary BM: vihāyas means the sky. khac after gam with it as upapada is already established by gamaś ca or by the preceding vārttika and is only restated ('khac ca'); what is stated is the substitute viha for the base vihāyas, and that this khac is optionally ḍit. vihaṅga: in the ḍit option, by the force of that [marking], the ṭi is elided although [the stem] is not bha. vihaṅgama: vihāyasā gacchati. bhujaṅgama: bhujair gacchati. Recorded: the English of k6 keeps 'khac' unrestricted.
commentary TB, sk.2953.t1: vihaṃgama: vihāyasā ākāśena gacchati. Because 'khac ca ḍid vā' is stated separately instead of being joined with the preceding vārttika, [the ḍit khac] occurs elsewhere too in some cases; with that intent he gives bhujaṃgamaḥ, bhujaṃgaḥ, where khac is by 'gameḥ supi'. Recorded.
translator BM ties the optional ḍ-marking to the khac after gam with viha as upapada ('sa ca khac'); TB takes the separate statement of the vārttika to let the ḍit khac occur elsewhere too (bhujaṃgaḥ). k6 is therefore rendered without restricting 'khac' (§16).
textual k3, k5 and k7 open with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)', closing the vārttikas in k2, k4 and k6; the print marks all three vārttikas with the vārttika sign before them and has no tag after them (NSP p. 495, scan 0505). k5 holds only the tag and a daṇḍa.
textual The tail of sk.2953.b1, from 'dviṣatparayoḥ' on, is BM on SK 2954; the tail of sk.2953.t1, from '—dviṣaṃtapa iti', is TB on the example of SK 2955.

SK 2954 · A 3.2.39V

द्विषत्परयोस्तापेः ॥ २९५४ ॥

dviṣatparayostāpeḥ

dviṣatparayos tāpeḥ — When dviṣat or para [is the upapada as object (karman) — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913, as the kaumudī states at SK 2918], [khac, as the kaumudī supplies, comes] after tāpi [tap ending in ṇic].

Rule. After tāpi (tap with causative ṇi), khac comes with dviṣat "enemy" or para "foe" as object. Bhaṭṭoji supplies khac. One commentator: tāpi covers both roots tap, of the cur class and of the bhū class.

Example. The forms are completed by the next rule: dviṣantapaḥ, paraṃtapaḥ (SK 2955).

Watch out. The root is the causative tāpi, with long ā. The short a of -tapa comes from SK 2955.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

खच्स्यात् ॥

khac occurs.

translator notes

commentary BM, printed at the tail of sk.2953.b1: tap dāhe is curādi and tap santāpe is bhvādi; 'tāpeḥ' names both in their ṇic-ending (ṇyanta) form. 'khac syāt': with dviṣat and para as object upapadas, khac after tāpi. With 'dviṣat tāpi a' standing, he states [khaci hrasvaḥ]. Followed: '[tap ending in ṇic]' and the supplied object (karman). BM only paraphrases ('dviṣat, para anayoḥ karmaṇor upapadayos tāpeḥ khaj ity arthaḥ') and names no anuvṛtti; the continuation of 'karmaṇi' is stated by the kaumudī at SK 2918.
textual BM on this sūtra is filed at the tail of sk.2953.b1 (from 'dviṣatparayoḥ'). The block formerly filed here as sk.2954.b1, though headed with this sūtra's pratīka, is the second half of BM on SK 2955 (on dviṣantapa, parantapa and 'ghaṭaghaṭī…'); it was re-filed to the end of sk.2955.b1 (2026-10-05), its header stub dropped; compare Wikisource BM p. 516, where it follows BM on khaci hrasvaḥ. No TB on this sūtra is printed (NSP p. 495).

SK 2955 · A 6.4.94V

खचि ह्रस्वः ॥ २९५५ ॥

khaci hrasvaḥ

khaci hrasvaḥ — When khac follows [ṇi — 'ṇau' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from doṣo ṇau, SK 2604], a short vowel replaces [the penultimate (upadhā) — 'upadhāyāḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ūd upadhāyā gohaḥ, SK 2364; both per BM].

Rule. When ṇi followed by khac comes next, a short vowel replaces the penultimate. One commentator: "before ṇi" runs on from SK 2604, "penultimate" from SK 2364.

Example.

dviṣantaṃ tāpayati → dviṣat + tāpi + khac

→ this rule: ā → a → dviṣat + tapi + a

→ the ṇi is lost before the ārdhadhātuka khac → dviṣat + tapa

→ mum (SK 2942) → dviṣa-m-t + tapa → the cluster-final t is lost (one commentator) → dviṣam + tapa

→ the m appears as n before t → dviṣantapaḥ.

paraṃtapaḥ.

The steps after the shortening are both commentators'.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator: with khaś neither the short vowel nor the loss of ṇi could happen. khaś is sārvadhātuka, and ṇi is not lost before it.

Bhaṭṭoji adds a limit. Because the vārttika on SK 2923 lists both ghaṭa and ghaṭī, the rule that a stem includes its feminine form is not universal. So dviṣatī "a hostile woman" does not count as dviṣat. Then: dviṣatīṃ tāpayati → dviṣatītāpaḥ. Here khac does not come; one commentator calls dviṣatītāpaḥ the aṇ-form.

Watch out. dviṣantapaḥ has short a in -tapa; dviṣatītāpaḥ has long ā. The first has khac, the second aṇ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

खच्परे णौ उपधाया ह्रस्वः स्यात् । द्विषन्तं परं वा तापयतीति द्विषन्तपः । परंतपः । घटघटीग्रहणाल्लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषा अनित्या । तेनेह न । द्विषतीं तापयतीति द्विषतीतापः ॥

When ṇi with khac after it follows, a short vowel replaces the penultimate (upadhā). He torments the hostile one (dviṣantam) or the enemy (param): dviṣantapaḥ, paraṃtapaḥ. Because ghaṭa and ghaṭī are [both] mentioned [in the vārttika on grah, SK 2923], the paribhāṣā that [a mentioned stem] includes [its form] specified by gender (liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā) is not universally valid (anitya). Therefore it does not [apply] here: he torments the hostile woman (dviṣatīṃ tāpayati): dviṣatītāpaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

खचि ह्रस्वः - खचि ह्रस्वः । 'दोषो णौ' इत्यतो णाविति, 'ऊदुपधायाः' इत्यतः 'उपधाया' इति चानुवर्तते । तदाह — खच्परे णाविति । खशि प्रकृते खचो विधिरिह ह्रस्वार्थोऽणिलोपार्थश्च । खशि तु तदुभयं न स्यात्, खशः शित्त्वेन सार्वधातुकतया णिलोपाऽसंभवात् । न च इहैव सूत्रे खज्विधीयतां, पूर्वसूत्रे खशेवाऽनुवर्ततामिति वाच्यम्, अन्यतोऽपि विधानार्थत्वात् । एवं चगमेः सुपी॑ति वार्तिकमेतल्लब्धार्थकथनपरमेवेत्याहुः । द्विषन्तप इति । 'अरुर्द्विषत्' इति तकारात्प्राक् मुम् । परन्तप इति । परः - शत्रुः । ननु लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषया द्विषतीशब्देऽप्युपपदे तापेः खचि 'द्विषतीतप' इति स्यात् 'द्विषतीताप' इत्यण्णन्तं न स्यादित्यत आह — घटघटीति ।शक्तिलाङ्गलाङ्कुशयष्टितोमरघटघटीधनुष्षु ग्रहेरुपसङ्ख्यान॑मित्यत्र घटग्रहणेनैव लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषया घटीशब्दस्यापि सिद्धे पुनर्घटीग्रहणाल्लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषा अनित्येति विज्ञायते इत्यर्थः ।उपपदविधौ लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषा ने॑ति ङ्याप्सूत्रे भाष्याच्चेत्यपि द्रष्टव्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.2955.b1: 'ṇau' is carried forward from doṣo ṇau and 'upadhāyāḥ' from ūd upadhāyā [gohaḥ]; hence 'khacpare ṇau'. Followed: both anuvṛttis bracketed in sutra_en.
commentary BM, sk.2955.b1: prescribing khac here, while khaś is current, serves the short vowel and the elision of ṇi; with khaś neither would occur, since khaś, being ś-marked, is sārvadhātuka and ṇi-elision is then impossible. Nor should one say: let khac be prescribed in just this sūtra and let khaś alone continue in the preceding sūtra; for [khac there] serves prescription after other [roots] too, and so the vārttika 'gameḥ supi' only states what is thereby obtained, they say (āhuḥ). Recorded.
commentary BM, sk.2955.b1 (second half, re-filed from sk.2954.b1): dviṣantapa: mum before the t by arurdviṣad… (SK 2942). parantapa: para means an enemy. Objection: by the liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā, with dviṣatī as upapada too, khac after tāpi would give dviṣatītapa, and the aṇ-form dviṣatītāpa would not arise. Hence 'ghaṭaghaṭī…': in the vārttika 'śaktilāṅgalāṅkuśayaṣṭitomaraghaṭaghaṭīdhanuṣṣu graher upasaṃkhyānam', ghaṭī would already be covered through ghaṭa by that paribhāṣā, so its separate mention shows the paribhāṣā to be anitya. The Bhāṣya on the ṅyāp sūtra also says the paribhāṣā does not hold in upapada rules. Followed: the brackets '[both]' and '[in the vārttika on grah, SK 2923]'.
commentary TB, printed at the tail of sk.2953.t1: dviṣantapa: after mum by arurdviṣat… (SK 2942), the conjunct-final [t] is elided. Recorded.
translator The kaumudī gives the analyses and results only. The steps implied by the commentaries for dviṣantapaḥ are: shortening of tāpi to tapi (this rule), elision of ṇi before the ārdhadhātuka khac, mum (SK 2942) and elision of the conjunct-final t. For dviṣatītāpaḥ, BM implies that khac does not come and aṇ (karmaṇy aṇ, SK 2913) does. In BM's 'na ca ihaiva sūtre…', 'this sūtra' is most naturally dviṣatparayos tāpeḥ (SK 2954), where khac is needed, and 'the preceding sūtra' priyavaśe vadaḥ khac (SK 2953).
textual BM on this sūtra was split in our source: its first half (on the anuvṛttis and the purpose of khac) stood in sk.2955.b1, its second half (on the examples and 'ghaṭaghaṭī…') in sk.2954.b1; on 2026-10-05 the second half was re-filed to the end of sk.2955.b1, which now holds the whole. No TB block is filed under this unit.

SK 2956 · A 3.2.40V

वाचि यमो व्रते ॥ २९५६ ॥

vāci yamo vrate

vāci yamo vrate — When vāc [is the upapada], [khac, as the kaumudī supplies, comes] after yam, [when] a vow (vrata) [is understood].

Rule. With the word vāc "speech" as upapada, khac comes after yam "to restrain", when a vow (vrata) is understood.

Example. The form comes with the next rule: vācaṃyamaḥ (SK 2957).

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator explains why this rule is needed. SK 2957 could not supply the khac itself. If it did, khac would come outside a vow too.

Watch out. The vow is the condition. Restraint of speech for any other reason does not take khac.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वाक् शब्दे उपपदे यमेः खच् स्याद्व्रते गम्ये ॥

When the word vāc is the upapada, khac comes after yam, when a vow (vrata) is understood.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 505

—वाचि यमो व्रते ॥—निपात्यत इति । न चैवं खच् प्रत्ययोऽप्यत्रैव निपात्यतामिति वाच्यम् । व्रतादन्य-त्रापि प्रसङ्गात् । यदि तु निपातनबलादेव व्रतविषयता आश्रीयते तत्रैव वा व्रतग्रहणं क्रियते वाचंयमो व्रते पुरंदश्चेति तदा इह ‘वाचि यमो व्रते’ इति सूत्रं, ‘पूःसर्वयोः—’इत्यत्र पुरिदारेरित्यंशश्च शक्यमकर्तुम् ॥—पूःसर्वयोः—। दृ विदारणे अयमेव गृह्यते न तु दृ भये दृङ् आदर इत्येताविति संप्रदायः । असंज्ञार्थमिदम् । संज्ञायां तु ‘संज्ञायां भृतृवृजि—’ इति वक्ष्यमाणेन सिद्ध्यतीति भावः ॥—आशितंभव इति । यावता ओदनेन अतिथ्यादिर्भोजितो भवति स एवमुच्यते । इह वासरूपविधिना ल्युडपि । आशितभवनं, घञ् तु बाध्यत एव सरूपत्वादित्याहुः । न चात्र क्तल्युट्तुमुन्खलर्थेषु वासरूपविधिर्नेति ल्युटो निषेधः शङ्क्यः । यत्र हि घञादेर्बाधकत्वेन क्तल्युडादयः प्रसक्तास्तत्र नित्यं बाधो न तु विकल्पेनेति तस्यार्थः । इह तु ल्युटोऽप्यपवादः खच् । अत्र वासरूपन्यायो निर्बाध एव । एतच्च आशितभवनमित्युदाहरतो जयादित्यस्यापि संमतमेवेति दिक्

Bālamanoramā

वाचि यमो व्रते - वाचि यमो व्रते । इत्यादि व्यक्तम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'vāci yamo vrate' and the rest are clear (vyakta); BM adds nothing. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.2956.t1 (commenting on 'nipātyate' of SK 2957): one should not say that khac too be established by the nipātana of vācaṃyamapuraṃdarau ca, because it would then apply outside a vow as well. If, however, restriction to a vow were taken by the force of the nipātana itself, or 'vrata' were stated there ('vācaṃyamo vrate puraṃdaraś ca'), then this sūtra, and the part 'pur… dāri' of pūḥsarvayor dārisahoḥ (SK 2958), could be dispensed with. Recorded.

SK 2957 · A 6.3.69V

वाचंयमपुरंदरौ च ॥ २९५७ ॥

vācaṃyamapuraṃdarau ca

vācaṃyamapuraṃdarau ca — And vācaṃyama and puraṃdara [are established by nipātana, as the kaumudī states].

Rule. The words vācaṃyama and puraṃdara are given by nipātana. Bhaṭṭoji: what the nipātana fixes is the -am ending of vāc and pur.

Example.

vācaṃ yacchati → vāc + yam + khac → case-ending lost → am by this rule → vācaṃyamaḥ "one under a vow of silence".

For puraṃdara see SK 2958.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "vow" in SK 2956? Bhaṭṭoji: one who restrains speech through inability or the like is vāgyāmaḥ. Its vṛddhi shows the general aṇ. One commentator adds that mum (SK 2942) has no scope here. (Both vāc and pur end in a consonant.)

Watch out. The m of vācaṃ- is not mum. It is the am given by this nipātana.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वाक्पुरोरमन्तत्वं निपात्यते । वाचंयमो मौनव्रती । व्रते किम् । अशक्त्यादिना वाचं यच्छतीति वाग्यामः ॥

That vāc and pur end in am (amantatva) is established by nipātana. vācaṃyamaḥ: one under a vow of silence. Why 'vrata' [in vāci yamo vrate, SK 2956]? One who restrains speech through inability or the like (aśaktyādinā vācaṃ yacchati): vāgyāmaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

वाचंयमपुरंदरौ च - वाचं यमपुरन्दरौ च । वाक्पुरोरिति । वाचं यच्छतीति, पुरं दारयतीति च विग्रहे यमेर्दारेश्च खच् । सुपो लुकि वाच् यम, पुर् दार इति स्थिते वाक्पुरोरमन्तत्वं निपात्यते इत्यर्थः । 'अरुर्द्विषदजन्तस्य' इति मुमस्तु न प्रसक्तिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: with the analyses 'vācaṃ yacchati' and 'puraṃ dārayati', khac comes after yam and dāri; after luk of the sup, with 'vāc yama' and 'pur dāra' standing, the am-ending of vāc and pur is established by nipātana. mum by arurdviṣadajantasya has no scope. Followed: 'end in am' for amantatva.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2956.t1 ('—nipātyata iti'): the khac itself is not to be taken as established by this nipātana, since it would then apply outside a vow; only if the vow-restriction were read into the nipātana, or 'vrata' stated here, could vāci yamo vrate (SK 2956) and the 'pur… dāri' part of SK 2958 be dropped. Recorded.
translator 'vrate kim' asks for the purpose of the condition 'vrata' in SK 2956; in vāgyāmaḥ khac does not come, and the form shows aṇ with vṛddhi. The kaumudī gives no steps; none are supplied (§9). BM's remark that arurdviṣadajantasya (SK 2942) has no scope presumably rests on vāc and pur not ending in a vowel.
textual Our BM (sk.2957.b1) writes 'vācyaṃ yacchatīti' for 'vācaṃ yacchatīti' (Wikisource BM p. 516 reads 'vācaṃ'). Commentary layer only; the kaumudī is clean (NSP p. 495, scan 0505).

SK 2958 · A 3.2.41V

पूःसर्वयोर्दारिसहोः ॥ २९५८ ॥

pūḥsarvayordārisahoḥ

pūḥsarvayor dārisahoḥ — When pur or sarva [is the upapada as object (karman) — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2913, as the kaumudī states at SK 2918], [khac — supplied in BM's gloss; its anuvṛtti from priyavaśe vadaḥ khac, SK 2953, is the translator's identification — comes] after dāri [dṝ ending in ṇic] and sah respectively.

Rule. With pur "city" or sarva "all" as object, khac comes after dāri and sah respectively. dāri is dṝ "to split" with causative ṇi; both commentators identify it. One gives the pairing in order.

Example.

puraṃ dārayati → pur + dāri + khac → short vowel before ṇi + khac (SK 2955) → ṇi lost → case-ending lost → am (SK 2957) → puraṃdaraḥ "shatterer of cities".

sarva + sah + khac → mum → sarvaṃsahaḥ "enduring all".

The operations of puraṃdaraḥ are one commentator's; they are set out here in the order of SK 2955.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: sahi is named for words that are not names. Both commentators say names come by SK 2963.

The Kāśikā adds dāri with bhaga, Bhaṭṭoji says. "They say" it is got by bāhulaka: bhagaṃ dārayati → bhagaṃdaraḥ "fistula".

Watch out. Two different rules give the nasal here. In sarvaṃsahaḥ it is mum; in puraṃdaraḥ it is the am of SK 2957.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पुरं दारयतीति पुरन्दरः । सर्वंसहः । सहिग्रहणमसंज्ञार्थम् ॥

He shatters cities (puraṃ dārayati): puraṃdaraḥ. sarvaṃsahaḥ ['enduring all']. The mention of sahi is for [forms that are] not names (asaṃjñā).

vārttika

भगे च दारेरिति काशिका

'And [khac after] dāri when bhaga [is the upapada]' — so the Kāśikā.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ बाहुलकेन लब्धमिदमित्याहुः । भगं दारयतीति भगन्दरः ॥

They say (āhuḥ) this is obtained through bāhulaka [the principle of wide application]. It splits the bhaga (bhagaṃ dārayati): bhagaṃdaraḥ [fistula].

Bālamanoramā

पूःसर्वयोर्दारिसहोः - पूः सर्वयोर्दारिसहोः । दारिसहोरिति पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । पुर्शब्दे सर्वशब्दे च कर्मवाचिन्युपपदे दारेः सहेश्च खजित्यर्थः । यथासङ्ख्यमन्वयः ।दारी॑ति ण्यन्तस्य ग्रहणम् । पुरन्दर इति । पुरं दारयतीति विग्रहे दारेः खचि णिलोपे 'खचि ह्रस्वः' इत्युपधाह्रस्वे सुपो लुकिवाचंयमपुरन्दरौ चे॑ति खचो विकल्पविधौ खजभावेकर्मण्य॑णित्यस्य सिद्धत्वादण्ग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — असंज्ञार्थमिति । भगे चेति । इत्यादि स्पष्टम् । ऋतिङ्कर इति । ऋतिर्गमनम् । अभयङ्करशब्दं साधयितुमाह — भयशब्देन तदन्तविधिरिति । इदं च 'येन विधिः' इत्यत्र भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in 'dārisahoḥ' the sixth case stands for the fifth; with the words pur and sarva, denoting the object, as upapadas, khac comes after dāri and sah; the construal is respective (yathāsaṃkhyam); 'dāri' names the ṇic-ending (ṇyanta) root. Followed: 'respectively', '[dṝ ending in ṇic]', the supplied object (karman) and khac. BM only paraphrases ('… dāreḥ saheś ca khaj ity arthaḥ') and names no anuvṛtti or source rule; the continuation of 'karmaṇi' is stated by the kaumudī at SK 2918, and khac's source in SK 2953 is the translator's identification.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2956.t1: the root taken here is dṝ vidāraṇe ('to split') only, not dṝ bhaye or dṛṅ ādare; so the tradition (saṃpradāya). 'asaṃjñārtham idam': for names [the form] is established by saṃjñāyāṃ bhṛtṛvṛji… (SK 2963), to be stated. Followed: 'shatters' and 'not names'.
commentary BM: puraṃdara: with the analysis 'puraṃ dārayati', khac after dāri, elision of ṇi, shortening of the penultimate by khaci hrasvaḥ (SK 2955), luk of the sup, [and the am-ending by vācaṃyamapuraṃdarau ca]. 'asaṃjñārtham' answers the objection [that sah is already covered]. 'bhage ceti': the rest is clear. Followed: 'not names'. The bracketed parts are restored from Wikisource BM p. 517 (see the textual note).
textual sk.2958.b1 is corrupt by an eye-skip: after 'supi lukī' it runs into BM on SK 2961 ('vācaṃyamapurandarau ceti khaco vikalpavidhau khajabhāve karmaṇy aṇ ity asya siddhatvād aṇgrahaṇaṃ vyartham ity ata āha—'). Wikisource BM p. 517 reads here '…sup luk, vācaṃyamapurandarau ca iti nipātanād amantatvam. nanu saṃjñāyāṃ bhṛtṛvṛjidhārisahitapidamaḥ ity eva siddhaṃ sahadhātor iha grahaṇaṃ vyartham ity ata āha— asaṃjñārtham iti'. The same b1 also carries BM on SK 2960 (ṛtiṅkara, abhayaṅkara). Commentary layer only.
textual Our source types k2 as a vārttika and opens k3 with the tag '(vārttikam)'. The print has no vārttika sign here: 'sahigrahaṇam asaṃjñārtham || bhage ca dārer iti kāśikā | bāhulakena…' runs on as Bhaṭṭoji's prose quoting the Kāśikā (NSP p. 495, scan 0505). The English follows the print and does not label k2 as a vārttika. (Wikisource marks only 'bhage ca dāreḥ' as a vārttika, vā 2013, with 'iti kāśikā' outside it.)
textual 'sarvaṃsahaḥ' with anusvāra in ours and in the print (scan 0505, read at zoom); the raw OCR 'sarvasahaḥ' drops it.
translator 'this' (idam) is the form bhagaṃdara asserted by the Kāśikā's statement: some hold that no separate statement is needed, since bāhulaka yields it. Which 'bahula' is meant is not said; none is supplied.

SK 2959 · A 3.2.42V

सर्वकूलाभ्रकरीषेषु कषः ॥ २९५९ ॥

sarvakūlābhrakarīṣeṣu kaṣaḥ

sarvakūlābhrakarīṣeṣu kaṣaḥ — When sarva, kūla, abhra or karīṣa [is the upapada as object (karman)], [khac comes] after kaṣ.

Rule. After kaṣ "to rub, scrape", with sarva, kūla, abhra or karīṣa as object, the affix comes. Neither Bhaṭṭoji nor his commentators names it. It is taken as khac, running on from SK 2953.

Example.

sarva + kaṣ + khac → mum → sarvaṅkaṣaḥ "a villain (grinding down all)".

kūlaṅkaṣā "a river (scraping the bank)".

abhraṅkaṣaḥ "the wind (grazing the clouds)".

karīṣaṅkaṣā "a whirlwind (sweeping up dry dung)".

Applies when / blocked by. The forms alone cannot decide between khac and khaś. Both are khit, and both bring mum.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji writes the nasal before k as ṅ here (sarvaṅkaṣaḥ) and as ṃ elsewhere (bhayaṃkaraḥ, SK 2960).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सर्वङ्कषः खलः । कूलङ्कषा नदी । अभ्रङ्कषो वायुः । करीङ्कषा वात्या ॥

sarvaṅkaṣaḥ ['grinding down all']: a villain. kūlaṅkaṣā ['scraping the bank']: a river. abhraṅkaṣaḥ ['grazing the clouds']: the wind. karīṣaṅkaṣā ['sweeping up dry dung']: a whirlwind.

translator notes

textual Ours reads 'karīṅkaṣā', dropping the ṣa of karīṣa; the print reads 'karī-ṣaṅkaṣā' across a line-break (NSP p. 495, scan 0505, read at zoom), as does Wikisource, and the sūtra itself has karīṣa. The English follows the print.
textual The source padaccheda groups 'sarvakūla' as one member; read 'sarva-kūla-abhra-karīṣeṣu'. A metadata slip in the source layer (not in the collation report); the English is unaffected.
translator Neither commentary has anything on this sūtra: our BM has no block for it (Wikisource BM likewise passes from 'bhage ceti' to 'ṛtiṅkara iti'), and the printed TB passes from pūḥsarvayoḥ to āśitaṃbhava (NSP p. 495). 'khac' and 'as object' are therefore supplied by the translator: khac from the run of rules since priyavaśe vadaḥ khac (SK 2953), 'as object' from the continuation of 'karmaṇi' stated at SK 2918. The forms cannot decide between khac and khaś, since both are khit and both give mum (SK 2942).

SK 2960 · A 3.2.43V

मेघर्तिभयेषु कृञः ॥ २९६० ॥

meghartibhayeṣu kṛñaḥ

meghartibhayeṣu kṛñaḥ — When megha, ṛti or bhaya [is the upapada as object (karman)], [khac comes] after kṛ (kṛñ).

Rule. After kṛ, with megha "cloud", ṛti or bhaya "fear" as object, khac comes. As at SK 2959, the affix is not named but taken from the run since SK 2953.

Example.

megha + kṛ + khac → guṇa with r → mum → meghaṅkaraḥ "cloud-maker".

bhayaṃkaraḥ "fear-causing".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: with the word bhaya, the rule also applies to a word ending in it (tadantavidhi, SK 26): abhayaṅkaraḥ "causing fearlessness". One commentator says the Bhāṣya makes this explicit. Bhaṭṭoji's printed text gives no example with ṛti. One commentator glosses ṛtiṅkara, with ṛti meaning "going".

Watch out. Compare kumbhakāraḥ (SK 2913, aṇ) and meghaṅkaraḥ (khac). khac brings no vṛddhi, and it brings mum.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मेघङ्करः । भयंकरः । भयशब्देन तदन्तविधिः । अभयङ्करः ॥

meghaṅkaraḥ ['cloud-maker'], bhayaṃkaraḥ ['fear-causing']. By the word bhaya, [the rule applies to a word] ending in it (tadantavidhi): abhayaṅkaraḥ ['causing fearlessness'].

translator notes

commentary BM, filed inside sk.2958.b1: 'ṛtiṅkara iti': ṛti means going. To establish the word abhayaṅkara he says 'bhayaśabdena tadantavidhiḥ'; this is explicit in the Bhāṣya on yena vidhis tadantasya (SK 26). Followed: tadantavidhi in k1. BM's pratīka 'ṛtiṅkara' has no counterpart in our kaumudī or the print (see the textual note).
textual Ours and the print both read 'meghaṅkaraḥ | bhayaṃkaraḥ |' with no example for ṛti (NSP p. 495, scan 0505). Wikisource SK reads 'meghaṅkaraḥ | ṛtiṅkaraḥ | bhayaṅkaraḥ |', and BM glosses ṛtiṅkara, so BM's text of the kaumudī had the ṛti example. Not supplied in the English, since the print lacks it.
textual BM on this sūtra has no block of its own; it is filed at the end of sk.2958.b1 (from 'ṛtiṅkara iti'). No TB on this sūtra is printed (NSP p. 495).
translator No commentator states the affix; 'khac' and 'as object' are supplied from the run of rules since SK 2953, khac being confirmed by the mum (SK 2942) of the forms.
textual The print numbers this sūtra '3.2.44' (NSP p. 495, scan page-0505, read), the same number it gives the next sūtra, kṣemapriyamadre 'ṇ ca (SK 2961). Ours has 3.2.43, which is correct. This is a misprint of the sūtra number in the print; the sūtra text agrees with ours.

SK 2961 · A 3.2.44V

क्षेमप्रियमद्रेऽण् च ॥ २९६१ ॥

kṣemapriyamadre'ṇ ca

kṣemapriyamadre 'ṇ ca — When kṣema, priya or madra [is upapada], aṇ too [comes after kṛñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2960; by 'ca', khac as well].

Rule. With kṣema, priya or madra as upapada, kṛñ takes the affix aṇ. By the word ca "and", khac also comes, carried forward from SK 2960. So each upapada gives two words.

Example.

kṣema + kṛ + khac → kh and c are markers → kṣema + kṛ + a

→ the root vowel takes guṇa (SK 2168) → kṣema + kara

→ khac is kh-marked, so the upapada takes m (SK 2942) → kṣema-m-kara

→ the m is sounded ṅ before k → kṣemaṅkaraḥ.

kṣema + kṛ + aṇ → ṇ is a marker → kṣema + kṛ + a

→ the affix is ṇ-marked, so the root vowel takes vṛddhi (SK 254) → kṣema + kāra

→ kṣemakāraḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the other pairs: priyaṅkaraḥ, priyakāraḥ "doer of what is dear"; madraṅkaraḥ, madrakāraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why name aṇ at all? Pāṇini could have said "optionally (vā) khac". Bhaṭṭoji answers: aṇ is named so that ṭa does not come. ṭa is the affix taught after kṛñ for cause and the like (SK 2934). One of his commentators sets out the objection. With "optionally", aṇ would follow anyway where khac is absent, by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913). So naming aṇ must have a further point: it keeps ṭa out.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji asks about the phrase alpārambhāḥ kṣemakarāḥ "small undertakings bring welfare". It has neither m nor vṛddhi. His answer: here the object is meant as a mere relation (śeṣa), not as an object. So the affix is ac of the pacādi class (SK 2896). One of his commentators adds the reason. When the object counts only as śeṣa, there is no object-upapada, so neither aṇ nor khac comes.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषु कृञोऽण् स्यात् । चात् खच् । क्षेमङ्करः । क्षेमकारः । प्रियङ्करः । प्रियकारः । मद्रङ्करः । मद्रकारः । वेति वाच्येऽण्ग्रहणं हेत्वादिषु टो मा भूदिति । कथं तर्हि अल्पारम्भाः क्षेमकरा इति । कर्मणः शेषत्वविवक्षायां पचाद्यच् ॥

When these are upapada, aṇ comes after kṛñ. By 'ca' (and), khac [also comes]: kṣemaṅkaraḥ, kṣemakāraḥ "maker of welfare"; priyaṅkaraḥ, priyakāraḥ "doer of what is dear"; madraṅkaraḥ, madrakāraḥ. Where 'vā' (optionally [khac]) could have been said, aṇ is mentioned so that ṭa [prescribed] in the senses of cause and the rest (hetu etc.) should not come. How then [is] alpārambhāḥ kṣemakarāḥ "undertakings small [in scale] are bringers of welfare" [to be explained]? When the object is intended to be expressed as a mere relation (śeṣa), [the affix is] ac of the pacādi class.

Bālamanoramā

क्षेमप्रियमद्रेऽण् च - क्षेमप्रिय । ननु 'क्षेमप्रियमद्रे वा' इति खचो विकल्पविधौ खजभावेकर्मण्य॑णित्यस्य सिद्धत्वादण्ग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — वेति वाच्ये इति । हेत्वादिष्विति ।कृञो हेतुताच्छील्यानुलोम्येषु इति विहित इत्यर्थः । कथं तर्हीति । 'कृञो हेतु' इत्यस्य अणा बाधात् क्षेमकार इति भवितव्यम्, खचि तु मुम् स्यादित्याक्षेपः । समाधत्ते — कर्मणः शेषत्वेति । तथा च कर्मोपपदाऽभावादणभावे चाऽजिति भावः । क्षेमङ्करीति तु गौरादित्वान्ङीषित्याहुः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: Objection: if 'vā' were said, making khac optional, then where khac is absent aṇ would follow anyway by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913), so the mention of aṇ would be useless; hence 'veti vācye'. 'hetvādiṣu' = [the ṭa] prescribed by kṛño hetutācchīlyānulomyeṣu (SK 2934). Followed: '[prescribed] in the senses of cause and the rest'.
commentary BM on 'kathaṃ tarhi': since kṛño hetu… is blocked by aṇ, kṣemakāraḥ ought to result, and with khac there would be mum [kṣemaṅkara]; that is the objection. The answer: with the object intended as śeṣa there is no object as upapada, so aṇ is absent and ac comes. BM adds that kṣemaṅkarī, they say, takes ṅīṣ as belonging to the gaurādi class. Followed in rendering 'karmaṇaḥ śeṣatvavivakṣāyām' and the source of ac.
textual No TB on this sūtra in ours or in the print: on NSP p. 495 (scan page-0505, read) TB passes straight from pūḥsarvayoḥ (SK 2958) to 'āśitaṃbhava iti' (SK 2962), printed under sk.2956.t1. Kaumudī checked against the scan: agrees with ours. sk.2958.b1 also carries, by an eye-skip, part of BM's objection on this sūtra ('…khaco vikalpavidhau khajabhāve karmaṇy aṇ ity asya siddhatvād aṇgrahaṇaṃ vyartham…').
translator 'pacādyac' is the ac of nandigrahipacādibhyo lyuṇinyacaḥ (SK 2896); the kaumudī does not give the number. The quoted alpārambhāḥ kṣemakarāḥ is not attributed in the source and is left unattributed.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 495, scan page-0505) read the quotation in the plural, 'alpārambhāḥ kṣemakarāḥ'; Wikisource SK reads the singular 'alpārambhaḥ kṣemakaraḥ'. A variant only; the English follows ours and the print.

SK 2962 · A 3.2.45V

आशिते भुवः करणभावयोः ॥ २९६२ ॥

āśite bhuvaḥ karaṇabhāvayoḥ

āśite bhuvaḥ karaṇabhāvayoḥ — When āśita ('fed, sated') is upapada, [khac — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2953, as the kaumudī supplies —] comes after bhū in the sense of the instrument (karaṇa) or of the mere action (bhāva).

Rule. With āśita "sated" as upapada, bhū "to become" takes khac. Bhaṭṭoji supplies khac. The affix here does not mean the agent. It means the instrument (karaṇa) or the bare action (bhāva).

Example.

Instrument: āśito bhavaty anena "by this one becomes sated".

āśita + bhū + khac → āśita + bhū + a

→ guṇa (SK 2168), and o becomes av before a vowel (SK 61) → āśita + bhava

→ m for the upapada (SK 2942) → āśitaṃbhavaḥ odanaḥ "rice that sates".

Bare action: āśitasya bhavanam "the becoming sated" → āśitambhavaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators labels the two analyses as instrument and bare action.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds a third form. By vāsarūpa (SK 2830), lyuṭ may also come: āśitabhavanam. ghañ cannot come, because it is of the same form as khac. The same commentator says Jayāditya also cites āśitabhavanam.

Watch out. This rule names its own senses. So the default agent sense of kartari kṛt (SK 2832) does not hold here.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आशितशब्दे उपपदे भवतेः खच् । आशितो भवत्यनेनाशितंभवः ओदनः । आशितस्य भवनं आशितम्भवः ॥

When the word āśita is upapada, khac comes after bhū. āśito bhavaty anena "by this one becomes sated": āśitaṃbhavaḥ odanaḥ "rice [that sates]" [instrument]. āśitasya bhavanam "the becoming sated": āśitambhavaḥ [mere action].

Bālamanoramā

आशिते भुवः करणभावयोः - #आशिते । करणे उदाहरति — आशितो भवत्यनेनेति । भावे उदाहरति — आशितस्य भवनमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'āśito bhavaty anena' illustrates the instrument (karaṇa), 'āśitasya bhavanam' the mere action (bhāva). Followed in the bracketed labels.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2956.t1: āśitaṃbhava is said of the quantity of rice by which one is fed to repletion. Here, by the optional rule for affixes of different form (vāsarūpavidhi), lyuṭ also comes: āśitabhavanam; ghañ, however, is blocked, being of the same form [as khac], they say. The restriction that the vāsarūpa rule does not hold where kta, lyuṭ, tumun and khal-senses are concerned is not to be raised: it means that where kta, lyuṭ etc. arise as blockers of ghañ etc., the blocking is obligatory; here khac is an exception to lyuṭ as well, so the vāsarūpa principle is unhindered; Jayāditya, who cites āśitabhavanam, agrees. Recorded: the kaumudī gives only the khac forms.
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 495 (scan page-0505): agrees with ours, apart from the sandhi 'āśitaṃbhava odanaḥ' in the print for ours 'āśitaṃbhavaḥ odanaḥ'.

SK 2963 · A 3.2.46V

संज्ञायां भृतॄवृजिधारिसहितपिदमः ॥ २९६३ ॥

saṃjñāyāṃ bhṛtṝvṛjidhārisahitapidamaḥ

saṃjñāyāṃ bhṛtṝvṛjidhārisahitapidamaḥ — In a name (saṃjñā), [khac — supplied (śeṣaḥ), per BM —] comes after bhṛ, tṝ, vṛ, ji, dhāri, sah, tap and dam [when an object is upapada — translator's supplement].

Rule. In a name (saṃjñā), khac comes after eight roots. They are bhṛ "to bear", tṝ "to cross", vṛ "to choose", ji "to conquer", dhāri "to hold", sah "to endure", tap "to burn" and dam "to tame". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies khac. In the examples, except the mere etymology of rathaṃtara, an object stands as upapada.

Example.

viśvaṃ bibharti "he sustains the universe".

viśva + bhṛ + khac → guṇa (SK 2168) → viśva + bhara

→ m for the upapada (SK 2942) → viśvambharaḥ.

One commentator: viśvambhara is a name of Viṣṇu, viśvaṃbharā of the earth.

Bhaṭṭoji's other names: patiṃvarā kanyā "a maiden choosing a husband" (vṛ); śatruṃjayo hastī, an elephant named "Foe-conquering" (ji); yugaṃdharaḥ parvataḥ, a mountain named "Yoke-bearer" (dhāri); śatruṃsahaḥ, śatruṃtapaḥ, ariṃdamaḥ.

For yugaṃdhara one commentator gives two further steps. The causative stem is shortened by khaci hrasvaḥ (SK 2955), and its ṇi is lost.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji also cites rathaṃtaram, the name of a sāman, a chant of the Sāmaveda. "It crosses by chariot" (rathena tarati) is, he says, a mere etymology (vyutpattimātra). The meaning of the parts is not carried through into the word. One of his commentators gives the reason: a sāman cannot cross anything by chariot. The other says why the etymology is kept at all. It serves the accent and the avagraha, the pause that splits a compound in recitation.

Bhaṭṭoji discusses dam. It is listed in the sense of "quelling", so it was called transitive (sakarmaka). In another view, dam here has the causative sense taken into it (antarbhāvita-ṇyartha). Both of his commentators name the holders. The first view is Mādhava's and others'; the second is Haradatta's and others'.

Watch out. The sūtra's vṛji is two roots, vṛ and ji. One commentator divides it so, and Bhaṭṭoji gives a separate example for each. Why "in a name"? One commentator answers with kuṭumbaṃ bibharti "he supports a family" → kuṭumbaṃbhāraḥ. It is not a name, so khac does not come. The form has aṇ, with vṛddhi in bhāra.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विश्वं बिभर्तीति विश्वम्भरः । विश्वंभरा । रथंतरं साम । इह रथेन तरतीति व्युत्पत्तिमात्रं न त्ववयवार्थानुगमः । पतिंवरा कन्या । शत्रुंजयो हस्ती । युगंधरः पर्वतः । शत्रुंसहः । शत्रुंतपः । अरिंदमः । दमिः शमनायां तेन सकर्मक इत्युक्तम् । मतान्तरे तु अन्तर्भावितण्यर्थोऽत्र दमिः ॥

viśvaṃ bibharti "he sustains the universe": viśvambharaḥ [a name of Viṣṇu]; viśvaṃbharā [the earth]. rathaṃtaram, a sāman: here 'it crosses by means of a chariot' (rathena tarati) is a mere etymology (vyutpattimātra); the meaning of the parts is not actually carried through (avayavārthānugama). patiṃvarā kanyā "a maiden choosing a husband"; śatruṃjayo hastī "an elephant [named] 'Foe-conquering'"; yugaṃdharaḥ parvataḥ "a mountain [named] 'Yoke-bearer'"; śatruṃsahaḥ; śatruṃtapaḥ; ariṃdamaḥ. dam [is listed] in the sense of śamanā ('quelling'); therefore it has been said [by Mādhava and others] to be transitive (sakarmaka). But in another view [that of Haradatta and others], dam here has the sense of the causative (ṇic) incorporated (antarbhāvita-ṇyartha).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 505

—संज्ञायां भृतृ—। ‘विश्वंभरः कैटभजित्’ । ‘रसा विश्वंभरा स्थिरा’ इत्यमरः ॥—व्युत्पत्तिमात्रमिति । तत्फलं तु स्वरावग्रहौ ‘रथंतरमाजभारा वसिष्ठः’ इत्यत्र हि रथमित्यवगृह्णन्ति । कृदुत्तरपदप्रकृतिस्वरेणान्तोदात्तत्वं चाधीयते । अखण्डत्वे त्ववग्रहो न स्यान्नब्विषयस्येत्याद्युदात्तश्च स्यात् ॥—इत्युक्तमिति । माधवाद्यनुरोधेनेत्यर्थः ॥—मतान्तरे त्विति । हरदत्तादिमत इत्यर्थः । चित्तव्यापारोपरमः शमः, इन्द्रियव्यापारोपरमस्तु दम इत्यादि वेदान्तग्रन्थाश्चेहानुकूलाः । संज्ञायां किम् । कुटुम्बं बिभर्तीति कुटुम्बंभारः

Bālamanoramā

संज्ञायां भृतॄवृजिधारिसहितपिदमः - संज्ञायाम् ।ख॑जिति शेषः । भृ, तृ , वृ ,जि, धारि, सहि, तपि, दमि- एषामष्टानां समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । विश्वम्भर इति । विष्णोरियं संज्ञा । विश्वम्भरेति । पृथिव्याः संज्ञा इयम् । रथन्तरमिति । तृधातोः खच् । रथेन तरितृत्वस्य सामविशेषे असंभवादाह — इहेति । वृधातोरुदाहरति — पतिंवरेति । शत्रुञ्जय इति । जिधातोः खच् ।धारी॑ति ण्यन्तग्रहणं तस्योदाहरति — युगन्धर इति । युगं धारयतीति विग्रहः । 'खचि ह्रस्वः' इत्युपधाह्रस्वः । णिलोपः । शत्रुंसह इति । शत्रून् सहते विग्रहः । ह्रस्वादि पूर्ववत् । एवमग्रेऽपि । शत्रुन्तप इति । शत्रून् तपतीति विग्रहः । अरिन्दम इति । अरिषु निग्रहविषये शाम्यतीत्यर्थः । दमिः शमनायामिति । 'दमु उपशमे' इति धातुपाठे उपशमशब्दे शमेर्ण्यन्ताद्घञ् । तथा च दाम्यतीत्यस्य उपशमयतीत्यर्थाश्रयणात्सकर्मकत्वमिति माधवादिमते सकर्मकोऽयमित्यर्थः । मतान्तरे त्विति । 'दमु उपशमे' इत्युपशमार्थस्य दमेरकर्मकत्वमिति हरदत्तादिभिरुक्तमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'khac' is supplied (iti śeṣaḥ); bhṛ, tṛ, vṛ, ji, dhāri, sahi, tapi, dami: a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta) after a samāhāra-dvandva of these eight. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: viśvambhara is a name of Viṣṇu, viśvambharā of the earth (ours garbles both as 'viāmbhara'); rathaṃtaram has khac after tṛ, and since being a 'crosser by chariot' is impossible for a particular sāman he says 'iha'; patiṃvarā illustrates vṛ, śatruṃjaya ji; dhāri is the causative, illustrated by yugaṃdhara (yugaṃ dhārayati), with shortening of the penultimate by khaci hrasvaḥ (SK 2955) and elision of ṇi; śatruṃsaha (śatrūn sahate) and śatruṃtapa (śatrūn tapati) likewise; ariṃdama is glossed 'ariṣu nigrahaviṣaye śāmyati'. Followed in the bracketed glosses of viśvambharaḥ and viśvaṃbharā.
commentary TB, sk.2963.t1: cites 'viśvaṃbharaḥ kaiṭabhajit' and Amara's 'rasā viśvaṃbharā sthirā'. The point of the mere etymology of rathaṃtara is accent and avagraha: in 'rathaṃtaram ājabhārā vasiṣṭhaḥ' reciters divide at 'ratham' and read it end-acute by the original accent of a kṛt-final second member; were the word unanalysable there would be no avagraha and it would be initial-acute. Recorded.
commentary BM on 'damiḥ śamanāyām … uktam': in the Dhātupāṭha 'damu upaśame', upaśama is ghañ after causative śam; so taking dāmyati to mean upaśamayati, dam is transitive — the view of Mādhava and others. 'matāntare': Haradatta and others say that dam in the sense of upaśama is intransitive. Followed: '[by Mādhava and others]' and '[that of Haradatta and others]'.
commentary TB, sk.2963.t1: 'ity uktam' means in deference to Mādhava and others; 'matāntare' means in the view of Haradatta and others; śama is the cessation of mental activity, dama that of the senses, and Vedānta works support this. Why 'in a name'? kuṭumbaṃ bibhartīti kuṭumbaṃbhāraḥ (so ours and the print). Followed; agrees with BM.
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 495 (scan page-0505): agrees with ours.
translator In rathena tarati the word ratha is also a third-case word (tṛtīyānta), not an object; this is the translator's observation, and neither commentator mentions it. BM's stated reason for calling the analysis a mere etymology is semantic: a particular sāman cannot be a 'crosser by chariot' (see the BM note); TB gives the point of keeping the etymology at all (accent and avagraha). The glosses of the hastin and parvata names are the translator's.
translator BM supplies only khac ('khaj iti śeṣaḥ'). '[when an object is upapada]' is the translator's supplement from the examples (viśvaṃ bibharti, śatrūn sahate, etc.) and the run of khac rules from SK 2953; no commentator states it.
textual The source padaccheda lists 'bhṛ-tṝ-vṛji-dhāri-sahi-tapi-damaḥ', making 'vṛji' one member. BM divides it into two roots, vṛ and ji ('bhṛ, tṛ, vṛ, ji, dhāri, sahi, tapi, dami: eight'), and the kaumudī illustrates them separately (patiṃvarā for vṛ, śatruṃjaya for ji). This is a slip in the padaccheda metadata only: the sūtra text 'bhṛtṝvṛji…' agrees with the print (NSP p. 495, scan page-0505). sutra_en lists vṛ and ji separately, per BM.

SK 2964 · A 3.2.47V

गमश्च ॥ २९६४ ॥

gamaśca

gamaś ca — And after gam [khac in a name (saṃjñāyām) — supplied (śeṣa), per BM].

Rule. gam "to go" also takes khac in a name. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies "in a name, khac".

Example.

suta + gam + khac → suta + gam + a

→ m for the upapada (SK 2942) → sutaṃgamaḥ, a name.

Applies when / blocked by. Why not add gam to the list of SK 2963? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. gam stands alone so that only gam runs on into SK 2965. The roots bhṛ, tṝ and the rest do not.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सुतंगमः ॥

sutaṃgamaḥ [a name].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 505–506

—गमश्च । पूर्वसूत्र एव गमिर्नोक्तः उत्तरसूत्रे गमेरेवानुवृत्तिर्यथा स्यात् । भृतृप्रभृतीनां माभूदिति ॥—सुदुरोरिति । कर्मणि तु ‘ईषद्दुःसुषु’ इति खलेव । सुखेन गम्यत इति सुगमः पन्थाः । दुर्गमः ॥—दाराविति । शब्दापेक्षया पुंलिङ्गता तदाह—दारुशब्दे इति । ‘काष्ठं दार्विन्धनं त्वेधः’ इत्यमरः । टविधानार्थमिदम् । अण तु ‘कर्मण्यण्’ इत्येव सिद्धः ‘अलो-ऽन्त्यस्य’ इत्येव सिद्धेऽन्तग्रहणं स्पष्टार्थम् । अन्यथा हि टप्रत्ययः संभाव्येत ॥ दार्वाहन्तीति दार्वाघाटः । गोधा कालका दार्वाघाटस्ते वनस्पतीनाम्

Bālamanoramā

गमश्च - गमश्च ।संज्ञायां ख॑जिति शेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'saṃjñāyāṃ khac' is supplied (iti śeṣaḥ). Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.2964.t1: gam was not included in the preceding sūtra itself so that in the following sūtra (SK 2965) only gam is carried forward, not bhṛ, tṛ and the rest. Recorded (§7).
textual The rest of sk.2964.t1, from '—suduror iti', is TB on SK 2965 and, from '—dārāv iti', on the vārttika dārāv āhano… under SK 2966. Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 495 (scan page-0505): agrees with ours.

SK 2965 · A 3.2.48V

अन्तात्यन्ताध्वदूरपारसर्वानन्तेषु डः ॥ २९६५ ॥

antātyantādhvadūrapārasarvānanteṣu ḍaḥ

antātyantādhvadūrapārasarvānanteṣu ḍaḥ — When anta, atyanta, adhvan, dūra, pāra, sarva or ananta is upapada, ḍa [comes after gam — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2964; 'in a name' (saṃjñāyām) has ceased].

Rule. With anta, atyanta, adhvan, dūra, pāra, sarva or ananta as upapada, gam takes ḍa. gam runs on from SK 2964. "In a name" has ceased, says Bhaṭṭoji.

Example.

antaṃ gacchati "it goes to the end".

anta + gam + ḍa → ḍ is a marker → anta + gam + a

→ the ṭi am of gam is lost by the force of the ḍ-marking → anta + g + a

→ antagaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji: "and so on" for the other upapadas.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives four vārttikas.

sarvatrapannayor upasaṃkhyānam: also with sarvatra and panna. sarvatragaḥ "going everywhere". pannaṃ patitaṃ gacchati "it goes low" → pannagaḥ, a serpent. Bhaṭṭoji: panna is the kta-form of pad, used to qualify the action (kriyāviśeṣaṇa).
uraso lopaś ca: with uras "breast", and its final is lost. urasā gacchati "it goes by its breast" → uragaḥ.
suduror adhikaraṇe: with su or dur, in the sense of a locus (adhikaraṇa). sukhena gacchaty atra "one goes easily here" → sugaḥ; durgaḥ.
anyatrāpi dṛśyate: ḍa is seen elsewhere too. grāmagaḥ "going to the village".

A fifth vārttika makes viha the substitute for vihāyas "sky" before ḍa: vihagaḥ, a bird.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "seen elsewhere too" would give all these forms by itself. The other vārttikas only elaborate it (prapañca). The same commentator explains the viha vārttika. The earlier viha substitution belonged to khac, giving vihaṅgamaḥ. So ḍa needs its own statement. The other commentator adds a limit for su and dur. In the object sense they take khal (SK 3305): sugamaḥ panthāḥ "an easy road", durgamaḥ.

Watch out. Do not look for a bha stem to explain the loss of am. The ḍ-marker alone does it. The same holds for every ḍa form in this part.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

संज्ञयामिति निवृत्तम् । एषु गमेर्डः स्यात् । डित्त्वासामर्थ्यादभस्यापि टेर्लोपः । अन्तं गच्छतीत्यन्तग इत्यादि ।

'In a name' (saṃjñāyām) has ceased [to be carried forward]. When these are upapada, ḍa comes after gam. By the force of the ḍ-marking (ḍittva-sāmarthya), the ṭi is elided even where [the stem] is not bha. antaṃ gacchati "it goes to the end": antagaḥ, and so on.

vārttika

सर्वत्रपन्नयोरुपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) An additional statement (upasaṃkhyāna) [is needed] for sarvatra and panna.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सर्वत्रगः । पन्नं पतितं गच्छतीति पन्नगः । पन्नमिति पद्यतेः क्तान्तं क्रियाविशेषणम् । उरसो लोपश्च ॥ उरसा गच्छतीत्युरगः ।

sarvatragaḥ "going everywhere". pannaṃ patitaṃ gacchati "it goes fallen [i.e. low]": pannagaḥ [a serpent]; panna is the kta-form of pad, [used] as a qualifier of the action (kriyāviśeṣaṇa). (vārttika) And elision of [the final of] uras [when ḍa comes with uras as upapada]. urasā gacchati "it goes by its breast": uragaḥ.

vārttika

सुदूरोरधिकरणे

(vārttika) When su or dur [is upapada], in the sense of a locus (adhikaraṇa).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सुखेन गच्छत्यत्र सुगः । दुर्गः ।

sukhena gacchaty atra "one goes easily here": sugaḥ; durgaḥ.

vārttika

अन्यत्रापि दृश्यत इति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated that [ḍa] is seen elsewhere too.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ग्रामगः ॥

grāmagaḥ "going to the village".

vārttika

डे च विहायसो विहादेशो वक्तव्यः

(vārttika) And before ḍa, viha is to be stated as substitute for vihāyas.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ विहगः ॥

vihagaḥ [a bird].

Bālamanoramā

अन्तात्यन्ताध्वदूरपारसर्वानन्तेषु डः - अन्तात्यन्त । इत्यादि व्यक्तम् । सर्वत्रपन्नयोरिति । सर्वत्रशब्दे, पन्नशब्दे चोपपदे गमेर्डस्योपसङ्ख्यानमित्यर्थः उरस इति । उरसि उपपदे गमेर्डः, उरः शब्दान्त्यस्य लोपश्चेति वक्तव्यमित्यर्थः । सुदूरोरिति । सु, दुर् — अनयोरुपपदयोर्गमेर्डः स्यात् अधिकरणे वाच्ये इत्यर्थः । अन्यत्रापि दृश्यत इति । अन्येष्वप्युपपदेषु अन्येभ्योऽपि धातुभ्यो डो दृश्यते इत्यर्थः । अनेनैव सिद्धे 'सर्वत्रपन्नयोः' इत्यादि प्रपञ्चार्थमेव । एवं च 'सप्तम्यां जनेर्डः' इत्यत्रापिअन्येष्वपि दृश्यते॑ इति प्रपञ्चार्थमेव । डे चेति ।विहायसो विहे॑त्युक्तस्य खज्विषयत्वादिदं वचनम् । विहग इति । खचि तु मुमि विहङ्गम इति रूपम् ।

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.2964.t1 (on gamaś ca): gam is kept out of SK 2963 so that only gam, not bhṛ, tṛ and the rest, is carried forward into this sūtra. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'sarvatrapannayoḥ': when sarvatra or panna is upapada, ḍa after gam is to be added. 'urasaḥ': when uras is upapada, ḍa after gam, and elision of the final of uras, is to be stated. Followed: '[of the final of] uras' and '[when ḍa comes with uras as upapada]'.
commentary BM: when su or dur is upapada, ḍa after gam when a locus (adhikaraṇa) is to be expressed. Followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2964.t1, lemma 'suduror iti': in the object sense, however, only khal by īṣadduḥsuṣu… (SK 3305): sukhena gamyata iti sugamaḥ panthāḥ, durgamaḥ. Recorded (§8).
commentary BM: 'anyatrāpi dṛśyate': ḍa is seen with other upapadas and after other roots too. Since [the forms] are established by this alone, 'sarvatrapannayoḥ' etc. are only for elaboration (prapañcārtha); likewise 'anyeṣv api dṛśyate' under saptamyāṃ janer ḍaḥ is for elaboration. Followed: '[ḍa]' as subject; the scope is recorded (§8).
commentary BM: this statement is made because the earlier 'vihāyaso vihaḥ' has khac as its domain; with khac and mum the form is vihaṅgamaḥ. Recorded (§8).
textual Ours 'saṃjñayām' lacks the ā-sign; the print reads 'saṃjñāyām' (NSP p. 495, scan page-0505, read), as does Wikisource. The English follows the print.
textual In the print 'uraso lopaś ca' is a separate vārttika, marked with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 495, scan page-0505); ours runs it into the prose of k3 untagged. The English labels it as a vārttika.
textual Ours reads 'sudūror adhikaraṇe' (su + dūra); the print reads 'suduror adhikaraṇe' (su + dur) (NSP p. 495, scan page-0505), as do Wikisource SK, Wikisource BM ('su dur'; ours BM 'su, dūr'), TB's lemma 'suduror iti' and the example durgaḥ. The English follows the print.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags heading k3, k5, k7 and k9 are editorial; the print marks each vārttika with the vārttika sign before it.
translator Elision of the ṭi by ṭeḥ (SK 316) normally requires a bha stem; the ḍ-marking would be pointless otherwise, so it effects the elision here too. The kaumudī does not give the step-by-step derivation.

SK 2966 · A 3.2.49V

आशिषि हनः ॥ २९६६ ॥

āśiṣi hanaḥ

āśiṣi hanaḥ — After han, [ḍa comes when an object (karman) is upapada,] when a wish (āśīḥ) [is understood — so BM's gloss].

Rule. han takes ḍa when a wish (āśīḥ) is understood. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses: with an object as upapada.

Example.

śatruṃ vadhyāt "may he slay the enemy".

śatru + han + ḍa → śatru + han + a

→ the ṭi an is lost by the ḍ-marking → śatru + h + a

→ śatruhaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "when a wish is understood"? Without a wish there is śatrughātaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains it. With no wish there is no ḍa, so aṇ comes, and t replaces the n of han by SK 2574. He stops there. The h also becomes gh before the ṇ-marked affix, by SK 358.

Bhaṭṭoji adds three vārttikas.

dārāv āhano 'ṇ antasya ca ṭaḥ saṃjñāyām: with dāru "wood" as upapada, āṅ + han takes aṇ, and ṭ replaces its final, in a name. dārvāghāṭaḥ.
cārau vā: with cāru, the same optionally. cārvāghāṭaḥ.
karmaṇi sami ca: with sam and an object upapada, the same optionally. varṇān saṃhanti "he combines the sounds" → varṇasaṅghāṭaḥ or varṇasaṅghātaḥ; likewise padasaṅghāṭaḥ, padasaṅghātaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the first vārttika teaches ṭ together with aṇ. The other: aṇ is already available by SK 2913, so the vārttika's real work is the ṭ. One commentator adds that the word karmaṇi in the third vārttika stops cārau from running on.

Watch out. The forms in -ghāta show the t of SK 2574, and those in -ghāṭa the ṭ of the vārttika. Keep the two apart.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शत्रुं वध्याच्छत्रुहः । आशिषि किम् । शत्रुघातः ।

śatruṃ vadhyāt "may he slay the enemy": śatruhaḥ. Why 'when a wish [is understood]'? śatrughātaḥ.

vārttika

दारावाहनोऽणन्तस्य च टः संज्ञायाम्

(vārttika) When dāru is upapada, aṇ after han preceded by āṅ, and ṭ in place of its final, in a name (saṃjñā).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दारुशब्दे उपपदे आङ्पूर्वाद्धन्तरेण् टकारश्चान्तादेशो वक्तव्य इत्यर्थः । दार्वाघाटः ।

That is: when the word dāru is upapada, aṇ after han preceded by āṅ, and ṭ as substitute for the final, are to be stated. dārvāghāṭaḥ.

vārttika

चारौ वा

(vārttika) When cāru [is upapada], optionally.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ चार्वाघाटः ।

cārvāghāṭaḥ.

vārttika

कर्मणि समि च

(vārttika) And when an object (karman) [is upapada, after han preceded by] sam.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ कर्मण्युपदे संपूर्वाद्धन्तेरुक्तं वेत्यर्थः । वर्णान्संहन्तीति वर्णसङ्घाटः । पदसङ्घाटः । वर्णसङ्घातः । पदसङ्घातः ॥

That is: when an object is upapada, what has been stated [aṇ, with ṭ for the final] comes optionally after han preceded by sam. varṇān saṃhanti "he combines the sounds": varṇasaṅghāṭaḥ; padasaṅghāṭaḥ; [without ṭ] varṇasaṅghātaḥ; padasaṅghātaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

आशिषि हनः - आशिषि हनः । कर्मण्युपपदे हन्तेर्डः स्यादाशिषि गम्यायामित्यर्थः । शत्रुघात इति । आशीरभावाड्डाऽभावे अण् । 'हनस्त' इति तत्वम् । दारावाहन इति । वार्तिकमिदम् । दारौ, आहनः, अण्, अन्तस्येति च्छेदः । अण्संनियोगेन टत्वविधानार्थमिदम् । चारौ वेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । चारुशब्दे उपपदे आङ्पूर्वाद्धन्तेरण्, अन्तस्य टो वा स्यादित्यर्थः । कर्मणि समि चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । उक्तं वेति । अण्, अन्तस्य ट इत्यर्थः । चारावित्यस्यानुवृत्तिनिवृत्तये कर्मणीत्युक्तिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ḍa after han when an object is upapada and a wish is understood. śatrughātaḥ: with no wish there is no ḍa, so aṇ, and t [for the n] by hanas to 'ciṇṇaloḥ (SK 2574). Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika, divided as dārau, āhanaḥ, aṇ, antasya; its purpose is to prescribe ṭ together with aṇ (aṇsaṃniyogena). Followed: aṇ and ṭ stated jointly.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2964.t1: the masculine form 'dārau' refers to the word (śabda), hence he says 'dāruśabde' (Amara: kāṣṭhaṃ dārv indhanam…, dāru being neuter). This vārttika is for prescribing ṭ; aṇ is already established by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913). Since alo 'ntyasya already secures [the final], 'anta' is for clarity, as otherwise ṭa might be taken as an affix. dārv āhanti iti dārvāghāṭaḥ; cites 'godhā kālakā dārvāghāṭas te vanaspatīnām'. Followed: 'the word dāru'.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika: when cāru is upapada, aṇ after han preceded by āṅ, and ṭ for the final optionally. Followed: 'optionally'.
commentary BM: 'karmaṇi sami ca' is a vārttika; 'uktaṃ vā' means aṇ, and ṭ for the final; 'karmaṇi' is said to stop the carrying forward (anuvṛtti) of 'cārau'. Followed in the bracket '[aṇ, with ṭ for the final]'.
textual Ours 'āṅpūrvād dhantareṇ' transposes the vowel sign; the print reads 'āṅpūrvād dhanter aṇ' (NSP p. 496, scan page-0506, read). The English follows the print.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 496, scan page-0506) give only cārvāghāṭaḥ; Wikisource SK reads 'cārvāghāṭaḥ – cārvāghātaḥ', giving the optional form without ṭ as well. The English follows ours and the print.
textual Ours 'karmaṇy upade' lacks a syllable; the print reads 'karmaṇy upapade' (NSP p. 496, scan page-0506). The English follows the print.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags heading k3, k5 and k7 are editorial; the print marks each vārttika with the vārttika sign before it (NSP p. 496, scan page-0506).
translator The kaumudī does not say how the vārttika forms are derived; the forms in -ghāta (without ṭ) show t for the n of han before the ṇ-marked aṇ (hanas to 'ciṇṇaloḥ, SK 2574), as BM states for śatrughātaḥ.
translator BM's gloss supplies ḍa and the object upapada ('karmaṇy upapade hanter ḍaḥ syāt') without naming a source. That ḍa is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2965 is the translator's identification.

SK 2967 · A 3.2.50V

अपे क्लेशतमसोः ॥ २९६७ ॥

ape kleśatamasoḥ

ape kleśatamasoḥ — When kleśa or tamas [is upapada], [ḍa comes after han, as the kaumudī supplies,] preceded by apa.

Rule. With kleśa "distress" or tamas "darkness" as upapada, han preceded by apa takes ḍa. Bhaṭṭoji supplies ḍa and han. He adds: this rule is for cases where no wish is meant.

Example.

kleśa + apa + han + ḍa → the ṭi an is lost → kleśa-apa-h-a

→ like vowels merge → kleśāpahaḥ putraḥ "a son who removes distress".

In the same way: tamopahaḥ sūryaḥ "the sun, dispeller of darkness".

Applies when / blocked by. Why this rule, if SK 2966 already gives ḍa after han? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. SK 2966 needs a wish. This rule gives ḍa where there is none. That is the point of Bhaṭṭoji's words "for no wish" (anāśīrartham).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अपपूर्वाद्धन्तेर्डः स्यात् । अनाशीरर्थमिदम् । क्लेशापहः पुत्रः । तमोपहः सूर्यः ॥

ḍa comes after han preceded by apa. This [rule] is for [cases where there is] no wish (āśīḥ): kleśāpahaḥ putraḥ "a son who removes distress"; tamopahaḥ sūryaḥ "the sun, dispeller of darkness".

Bālamanoramā

अपे क्लेशतमसोः - अपे क्लेशतमसोः । 'आशिषि हनः' इत्येव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — अनाशीरर्थमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: since [these forms] would be established by āśiṣi hanaḥ (SK 2966) anyway, what is this for? Hence he says 'anāśīrartham'. Followed: 'for [cases where there is] no wish'.
textual No TB on this sūtra in ours or in the print: TB passes from the vārttika dārāv āhano… (SK 2966) to kumāraśīrṣayor ṇiniḥ (SK 2968) on NSP p. 496. The raw OCR of p. 496 skips SK 2967–2968, but the scan (page-0506, read) agrees with ours.
translator The kaumudī supplies ḍa and han ('apapūrvād dhanter ḍaḥ syāt'); no commentator names their source. That ḍa is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2965 and han from SK 2966 is the translator's identification.

SK 2968 · A 3.2.51V

कुमारशीर्षयोर्णिनिः ॥ २९६८ ॥

kumāraśīrṣayorṇiniḥ

kumāraśīrṣayor ṇiniḥ — When kumāra or śīrṣa [is upapada as object], ṇini [comes after han — so BM and TB; carried forward from SK 2966, translator's inference].

Rule. With kumāra "child" or śīrṣa "head" as object-upapada, han takes ṇini. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supply han. ṇini leaves in: its ṇ is a marker, and its last i is for pronunciation, one commentator says.

Example.

kumāra + han + ṇini → kumāra + han + in

→ t for n (SK 2574), gh for h (SK 358), vṛddhi of the penultimate a (SK 2282) → kumāra + ghātin

→ kumāraghātī "child-slayer".

Bhaṭṭoji: śīrṣa in place of śiras is given by nipātana → śīrṣaghātī "head-smiter".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators asks why the rule is needed. ṇini would come anyway by SK 2988 and the rules after it. But those need habit (tācchīlya), necessity or indebtedness. This rule gives ṇini without those senses. It also secures śīrṣa for śiras.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कुमारघाती । शिरसः शीर्षभावो निपात्यते । शीर्षघाती ॥

kumāraghātī "child-slayer". The [form] śīrṣa in place of śiras is given by nipātana: śīrṣaghātī "head-smiter".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 506

—कुमारशीर्षयोर्णिनिः । एतयोः कर्मणोरुपपदयोर्हन्तेर्णिनिः स्यात् । ‘सुप्यजातौ’—इत्यादिभिः सिद्धे ताच्छील्यावश्यकाधमर्ण्यविरहेऽपि णिन्यर्थं शिरसः शीर्षभावार्थं वचनम् ॥—लक्षणवतीति । सूत्रे लक्षणशब्दोऽर्शआद्यजन्त इति भावः ॥—जायाघ्न इति । जायामरणसूत्रकं पाणिरेखाविशेषादिकं यस्यास्ति सः तां हन्तीति गौणो व्यवहारः । एवं पतिघ्नीत्यत्रापि बोध्यम्

Bālamanoramā

कुमारशीर्षयोर्णिनिः - कुमारशीर्षयोर्णिनिः । अनयोरुपपदयोर्हन्तेर्णिनिः स्यादित्यर्थः । नकारादिकार उच्चारणार्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when these two are upapada, ṇini after han; the i after the n is for pronunciation. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.2968.t1: when these two are upapada as objects, ṇini after han. Though [ṇini] would be established by supy ajātau ṇinis tācchīlye (SK 2988) and the following rules, this rule is stated so that ṇini comes even without the senses of habit (tācchīlya), necessity (āvaśyaka) or indebtedness (ādhamarṇya), and for the replacement of śiras by śīrṣa. Followed in '[as object]'; the rule interaction is recorded (§8).
textual The rest of sk.2968.t1, from '—lakṣaṇavatīti', is TB on SK 2969. The raw OCR of NSP p. 496 skips SK 2967–2968, but the scan (page-0506, read) agrees with ours.
translator BM ('anayor upapadayor hanter ṇiniḥ') and TB ('etayoḥ karmaṇor upapadayor hanter ṇiniḥ') supply han in a paraphrase and do not speak of anuvṛtti. That han is carried forward from SK 2966 is the translator's identification.

SK 2969 · A 3.2.52V

लक्षणे जायापत्योष्टक् ॥ २९६९ ॥

lakṣaṇe jāyāpatyoṣṭak

lakṣaṇe jāyāpatyoṣ ṭak — When jāyā or pati [is upapada as object], ṭak [comes after han — carried forward (anuvṛtti), as the kaumudī supplies,] when [the agent] has a mark (lakṣaṇa).

Rule. With jāyā "wife" or pati "husband" as object-upapada, han takes ṭak. The condition: the agent bears a mark (lakṣaṇa). Bhaṭṭoji glosses: "when the agent possesses a mark". Both of his commentators explain the word. lakṣaṇa in the sūtra ends in the ac of the arśaādi class (SK 1933), so it means "having a mark".

Example.

jāyā + han + ṭak → ṭ and k are markers → jāyā + han + a

→ the penultimate a of han is lost (SK 2363) → jāyā + hn + a

→ h becomes gh before n (SK 358) → jāyāghna

→ jāyāghno nā "a man marked as wife-killer".

pati + han + ṭak → patighna → the affix is ṭ-marked, so the feminine takes ṅīp → patighnī strī.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the loss of a and the ṅīp.

Watch out. The man has not killed anyone. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the mark, such as a palm-line, only presages the death. Calling him a "killer" is a figurative use (gauṇa).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हन्तेष्टक् स्याल्लक्षणवति कर्तरि । जायाघ्नो ना । पतिघ्नी स्त्री ॥

ṭak comes after han when the agent possesses a mark (lakṣaṇavat): jāyāghno nā "a man [marked as] wife-killer"; patighnī strī "a woman [marked as] husband-killer".

Bālamanoramā

लक्षणे जायापत्योष्टक् - लक्षणे । लक्षणवतीति । सूत्रे लक्षणशब्दोऽर्शआद्यजन्त इति भावः । जायाघ्नो नेति । जायाहननसूचकलक्षणवान् पुरुष इत्यर्थः ।गमहने॑त्युपधालोपः । पतिघ्नी स्त्रीति । पतिहननसूचनलक्षणवतीत्यर्थः । टित्त्वान्ङीप् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'lakṣaṇavati' — in the sūtra the word lakṣaṇa ends in ac of the arśaādi class (SK 1933), [meaning 'having a mark']. jāyāghnaḥ: a man possessing a mark that indicates the killing of a wife; elision of the penultimate by gamahana… (SK 2363). patighnī: a woman possessing a mark indicating a husband's killing; ṅīp because of the ṭ-marking. Followed: 'possesses a mark' and the bracketed glosses.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2968.t1: lakṣaṇa in the sūtra ends in arśaādi ac. jāyāghna: one who has a palm-line or other mark presaging the death of the wife; that he 'kills' her is a figurative usage (gauṇa vyavahāra); likewise patighnī. Followed: '[marked as]'; agrees with BM.
textual This unit has no TB block of its own; TB on it is printed under sk.2968.t1. Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 496 (scan page-0506): agrees with ours.

SK 2970 · A 3.2.53V

अमनुष्यकर्तृके च ॥ २९७० ॥

amanuṣyakartṛke ca

amanuṣyakartṛke ca — And when [the action] has a non-human agent, [ṭak comes after han when an object is upapada — so BM and TB; carried forward from SK 2969, translator's inference].

Rule. han also takes ṭak when the action has a non-human agent. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gloss it with an object upapada.

Example.

jāyāghnas tilakālakaḥ "a black mole presaging the wife's death".

patighnī pāṇirekhā "a palm-line presaging the husband's death".

pitta + han + ṭak → pittaghnaṃ ghṛtam "ghee that destroys bile".

Not non-human: ākhughātaḥ śūdraḥ "a śūdra who kills rats".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji asks about pralambaghnaḥ "slayer of Pralamba" (Balabhadra), śatrughnaḥ and kṛtaghnaḥ. Their agents are human, so ṭak is impossible. He answers: they belong to mūlavibhuja and the like. One commentator adds that these take ka, by the vārttika under SK 2919. And coraghāto hastī "an elephant that kills thieves"? The agent is non-human, yet the form has aṇ. Bhaṭṭoji: aṇ comes by bahulaka (SK 2841).

Watch out. Why bahulaka and not vāsarūpa (SK 2830)? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. Markers make no difference of form (nānubandhakṛtam asārūpyam). So ṭak and aṇ count as the same form, and vāsarūpa cannot let aṇ in. The same commentator notes that amanuṣya usually means a demon. Here the attested forms require "non-human".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

जायाघ्नस्तिलकालकः । पतिघ्नी पाणिरेखा । पित्तघ्नं घृतम् । अमनुष्येति किम् । आखुघातः शूद्रः । अथ कथं बलभद्रः प्रलम्बघ्नः । शत्रुघ्नः । कृतघ्न इत्यादि । मूलविभुजादित्वात्सिद्धम् ॥ चोरघातो नगरघातो हस्तीति तु बाहुलकादणि ॥

jāyāghnas tilakālakaḥ "a black mole [presaging] the wife's death"; patighnī pāṇirekhā "a palm-line [presaging] the husband's death"; pittaghnaṃ ghṛtam "ghee that destroys bile". Why 'non-human'? ākhughātaḥ śūdraḥ "a śūdra who kills rats". How then [are] balabhadraḥ pralambaghnaḥ "Balabhadra, slayer of Pralamba", śatrughnaḥ, kṛtaghnaḥ and the like [formed]? They are established because [these words belong to] mūlavibhuja and the like [which take ka]. But coraghāto nagaraghāto hastī "an elephant that kills thieves, that destroys towns" has aṇ by bahulaka.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 506

—अमनुष्यकर्तृके च । मनुष्यभिन्नकर्तृकेऽर्थे वर्तमानाद्धन्तेः कर्मण्युपपदे ठक् स्यात् । यद्य-प्यमनुष्यशब्दो रूढ्या रक्षःपिशाचादीनाहेति प्रागुक्तं तथापीह लक्ष्यानुरोधेन व्याख्यातव्यमित्याशयेनाह—तिलकालक इत्यादि । नानुबन्धकृतमसारूप्यमिति ठगणोः सारूप्याद्वासरूपविध्यप्रवृत्तेराह—बाहुलकादिति ।

Bālamanoramā

अमनुष्यकर्तृके च - अमनुष्य । अमनुष्यकर्तृके धात्वर्थे वर्तमानाद्धन्तेः कर्मण्युपपदे टगित्यर्थः । जायाघ्नस्तिलकालक इति । तिलाकृतिकृष्णबिन्दुरित्यर्थः । पूर्वसूत्रस्य लक्षणवति कर्तरि प्रवृत्तिरिति भावः । अथ कथमिति । प्रलम्बघ्नादौ हन्तेर्मनुष्यकर्तृकतया टकोऽसंभवादित्याक्षेपः । समाधत्ते — मूलविभुजादित्वात्सिद्धमिति । कप्रत्ययेनेति भावः । ननुचोरघातो हस्ती॑त्यादि कथम्, अमनुष्यकर्तृकत्वेन हन्तेष्टको दुर्वारत्वादित्यत आह — चोरघात इत्यादीति । बाहुलकादणीति ।कृत्यल्युटो बहुल॑मिति बहुलग्रहणादणि समाधेयमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ṭak after han, when an object is upapada, where han denotes an action whose agent is non-human. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: tilakālaka is a black dot like a sesame seed; the preceding sūtra applies [only] when the agent possesses a mark. 'atha katham': in pralambaghna etc. han has a human agent, so ṭak is impossible; answer: by mūlavibhujādi, i.e. with the affix ka (the vārttika under SK 2919). Objection: how coraghāto hastī etc., since with a non-human agent ṭak is unavoidable? Answer: aṇ is to be justified by the word bahula in kṛtyalyuṭo bahulam (SK 2841). Followed: '[which take ka]'.
commentary TB, sk.2970.t1: ṭak after han when an object is upapada and the agent is other than human. Although 'amanuṣya' by convention (rūḍhi) denotes rākṣasas, piśācas and the like, as said earlier, here it must be explained [as 'non-human'] in deference to the attested forms; hence tilakālaka etc. Because by 'nānubandhakṛtam asārūpyam' ṭak and aṇ count as of the same form, the optional rule for affixes of different form (vāsarūpavidhi) cannot apply, and so he says 'bāhulakāt'. Followed: 'non-human'; the reason for appealing to bahulaka is recorded (§8).
textual Kaumudī checked against NSP p. 496 (scan page-0506): agrees with ours.
translator BM ('… hanteḥ karmaṇy upapade ṭag ity arthaḥ') and TB ('… hanteḥ karmaṇy upapade ṭak syāt') supply ṭak, han and the object upapada in a gloss and do not speak of anuvṛtti. That they are carried forward from SK 2969 is the translator's identification.

SK 2971 · A 3.2.54V

शक्तौ हस्तिकपाटयोः ॥ २९७१ ॥

śaktau hastikapāṭayoḥ

śaktau hastikapāṭayoḥ — When hastin or kapāṭa [is upapada], [ṭak comes after han — as the kaumudī supplies —] when capability (śakti) [is to be conveyed].

Rule. With hastin "elephant" or kapāṭa "door" as upapada, han takes ṭak when capability (śakti) is conveyed. Bhaṭṭoji: "this rule is for a human agent".

Example.

hastin + han + ṭak → hastighno nā "a man able to kill an elephant".

kapāṭaghnaś coraḥ "a thief able to break down a door".

Bhaṭṭoji: kavāṭa is a variant reading for kapāṭa.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the counter-example. viṣeṇa hastinaṃ hanti "he kills an elephant with poison" → hastighātaḥ. Anyone who acts has some capability. So the commentator takes the word to mean a high degree of it: killing by one's own strength.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हन्तेष्टक् स्यात् शक्तौ द्योत्यायाम् । मनुष्यकर्तृकार्थमिदम् । हस्तिघ्नो ना । कपाटघ्नश्चोरः । कवाटेति पाठान्तरम् ॥

ṭak comes after han when capability (śakti) is to be conveyed. This [rule] is for [the case of] a human agent. hastighno nā "a man able [by his own strength] to kill an elephant"; kapāṭaghnaś coraḥ "a thief able to break down a door". 'kavāṭa' is a variant reading.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 506

—शक्तौ हस्ति—शक्तौ किम् । विषेण हस्तिनं हन्तीति हस्तिघातः । यद्यपीह शक्तिरस्ति अशक्तस्य कर्तृत्वानुपपत्तेस्तथापि शक्तिग्रहणसामर्थ्यात्प्रकर्षो विज्ञायते तेन स्वबलेनैव हन्तुं या शक्तिः सा गृह्यते ॥—कपाटघ्न इति । कं शिरः पाटयति प्रविशत इति कपाटम् । पाठान्तरे तु अटतेः पचाद्यच् । ‘कवं चोष्णे’ इत्यत्र योगविभागात्कोः कवादेश इति हरदत्तः

Bālamanoramā

शक्तौ हस्तिकपाटयोः - शक्तौ हस्तिकवाटयोः । हस्तिघ्न इति । हस्तिनं हन्तुं शक्त इत्यर्थः । एवं कवाटघ्नः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: hastighnaḥ means 'able to kill an elephant'; likewise kavāṭaghnaḥ. BM's pratīka reads 'śaktau hastikavāṭayoḥ', i.e. it takes kavāṭa as the main reading. Followed: 'able to'.
commentary TB, sk.2971.t1: why 'when capability [is conveyed]'? viṣeṇa hastinaṃ hantīti hastighātaḥ. Although capability is present here too, since one who is incapable cannot be an agent, by the force of mentioning śakti an eminent degree is understood: the capability to kill by one's own strength alone. kapāṭa: 'it splits the head (ka) of those who enter' (kaṃ śiraḥ pāṭayati praviśataḥ); in the variant reading, ac of the pacādi class after aṭ, with kava for ku by splitting the rule kavaṃ coṣṇe (SK 1033), according to Haradatta. Followed: '[by his own strength]'.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 496, scan page-0506) read hastikapāṭayoḥ in the sūtra, kapāṭaghnaḥ, and 'kavāṭeti pāṭhāntaram'. Wikisource SK has the reverse (hastikavāṭayoḥ, kavāṭaghnaḥ, 'kapāṭeti pāṭhāntaram'), as does BM. The English follows ours and the print.

SK 2972 · A 3.2.55V

पाणिघताडघौ शिल्पिनि ॥ २९७२ ॥

pāṇighatāḍaghau śilpini

pāṇighatāḍaghau śilpini — pāṇigha and tāḍagha [are given as irregular formations (nipātana) from han, with ṭak, deletion of the ṭi and substitution of gh, as the kaumudī states] when an artisan (śilpin) [is meant].

Rule. For an artisan (śilpin), pāṇigha and tāḍagha are given by nipātana. Bhaṭṭoji lists what the nipātana teaches. With pāṇi or tāḍa as upapada, han takes ṭak. The ṭi is lost, and gh replaces the h.

Example.

pāṇi + han + ṭak → ṭi an lost; gh for h → pāṇighaḥ "one who strikes with the hand".

tāḍa + han + ṭak → tāḍaghaḥ "one who strikes by beating".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses tāḍa as "beating", and the agent as a wrestler or the like.

Not an artisan: pāṇighātaḥ, tāḍaghātaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds rājagha to the nipātana. rājānaṃ hanti "he kills a king" → rājaghaḥ.

Watch out. These forms do not follow SK 2969. There the a of han is lost and ghn results. Here the whole ṭi goes, so the forms end in -gha.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हन्तेष्टक् टिलोपो घत्वं च निपात्यते पाणिताडयोरुपपदयोः । पाणिघः । ताडघः । शिल्पिनि किम् । पाणिघातः । ताडघातः ।

When pāṇi or tāḍa is the upapada, [the affix] ṭak after han, deletion of the ṭi [of han] and substitution of gh are given by irregular formation (nipātana): pāṇighaḥ "one who strikes with the hand", tāḍaghaḥ "one who strikes by beating". Why "when an artisan [is meant]"? [Otherwise:] pāṇighātaḥ, tāḍaghātaḥ.

vārttika

राजघ उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) The addition (upasaṃkhyāna) of rājagha [to this irregular formation].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ राजनं हन्ति राजघः ॥

rājānaṃ hanti "he kills a king" → rājaghaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

पाणिघताडघौ शिल्पिनि - पाणिघताडघौ । पाणिना हन्तीति पाणिघः । ताडः = ताडनं, तेन हन्तीति ताडघः = मल्लादिः । राजघ उपसङ्ख्यानमिति । राजघशब्दे उक्तनिपातनस्य उपसङ्ख्यानमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM analyses pāṇinā hanti 'strikes with the hand' → pāṇighaḥ, and takes tāḍa as tāḍana 'beating': tena hanti → tāḍaghaḥ, 'a wrestler (malla) or the like'. Followed in the glosses.
commentary BM: 'rājagha upasaṅkhyānam' means that the nipātana just stated is extended to the word rājagha. Followed: '[to this irregular formation]'.
textual Ours reads 'rājanaṃ hanti'; the 1915 print reads 'rājānaṃ hanti' (NSP p. 496, scan page-0506), as does Wikisource. Mūla slip; the English follows the print.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial; the print marks the vārttika 'rājagha upasaṃkhyānam' with the vārttika sign before it and sets 'rājānaṃ hanti rājaghaḥ' as Bhaṭṭoji's example (NSP p. 496). Only k2 is labelled as the vārttika.
translator There is no TB on this sūtra in the print or in ours: TB passes from kapāṭaghna (SK 2971, in sk.2971.t1) straight to āḍhyasubhaga (SK 2973) (NSP p. 496 footnote band).

SK 2973 · A 3.2.56V

आढ्यसुभगस्थूलपलितनग्नान्धप्रियेषु च्व्यर्थेष्वच्वौ कृञः करणे ख्युन् ॥ २९७३ ॥

āḍhyasubhagasthūlapalitanagnāndhapriyeṣu cvyartheṣvacvau kṛñaḥ karaṇe khyun

āḍhya-subhaga-sthūla-palita-nagnāndha-priyeṣu cvyartheṣv acvau kṛñaḥ karaṇe khyun — When āḍhya, subhaga, sthūla, palita, nagna, andha or priya, used in the sense of cvi [but] not ending in cvi, [is the upapada as object (karman), as the kaumudī states], khyun comes after kṛñ in the sense of the instrument (karaṇa).

Rule. Seven words may stand as object-upapada: āḍhya "rich", subhaga "fortunate", sthūla "stout", palita "grey", nagna "naked", andha "blind", priya "dear". They must have the cvi sense and must not end in cvi. Then kṛñ takes khyun in the sense of the instrument (karaṇa).

Example.

anāḍhyam āḍhyaṃ kurvanty anena "that by which they make one who is not rich rich".

āḍhya + kṛ + khyun → kh and n are markers → āḍhya + kṛ + yu

→ ana replaces yu (SK 1247) → āḍhya + kṛ + ana

→ guṇa (SK 2168) → āḍhya + karana → ṇ for n after r (SK 235) → āḍhya + karaṇa

→ m for the upapada (SK 2942) → āḍhyaṃkaraṇam.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the ana and the m. He adds subhagaṃkaraṇam and the like.

Applies when / blocked by. The same commentator calls khyun an exception (apavāda) to lyuṭ. lyuṭ is the general affix of the instrument. Why "not ending in cvi"? Bhaṭṭoji: āḍhyīkurvanty anena — here the upapada ends in cvi, so there is no khyun. Does lyuṭ come there instead? The Kāśikā says no: by the force of the prohibition, not even lyuṭ comes. On the Bhāṣya's view lyuṭ does come. Then the word acvau serves the next rule. Bhaṭṭoji reports both views.

Watch out. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the Kāśikā's reasoning. With a cvi-final upapada, lyuṭ and khyun would give the same form, āḍhyīkaraṇam. So the prohibition would do nothing unless it barred lyuṭ too. One commentator reports Kaiyaṭa: the Vṛtti's view conflicts with the Bhāṣya and is unsound.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषु च्व्यर्थेष्वच्व्यन्तेषु कर्मसूपपदेषु कृञः ख्युन् स्यात् । आढ्यामाढ्यं कुर्वन्त्यनेन आढ्यकरणम् । अच्वौ किम् । आढ्यीकुर्वन्त्यनेन । प्रतिषेधसामर्थ्यात् इह ल्युडपि नेति काशिका । भाष्यमते तु ल्युट् स्यादेव । अच्वावित्युत्तरार्थम् ॥

When these [words], in the sense of cvi [that is, of becoming what one was not] and not ending in cvi, are upapadas as objects, khyun comes after kṛñ: anāḍhyam āḍhyaṃ kurvanty anena "that by which they make one who is not rich rich" → āḍhyaṃkaraṇam. Why "not ending in cvi"? āḍhyīkurvanty anena "by which they make [someone] rich" [— here there is no khyun]. By the force of the prohibition (pratiṣedha-sāmarthya), here not even lyuṭ [by karaṇādhikaraṇayoś ca] comes — so the Kāśikā. On the view of the Bhāṣya, however, lyuṭ does come. [On that view] "acvau" is for the sake of the following [rule].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 506

—आढ्यसुभग—॥—च्व्यर्थेष्विति । अभूततद्भावविषयेष्वित्यर्थः ॥—आढ्यंकरणमिति । लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषया आढ्यशब्देऽप्युपपदे यदा ख्युन् तदापि ‘खित्यनव्ययस्य’ इति ह्रस्वेन एतदेव रूपम् ॥—आढ्यीकुर्वन्त्यनेनेति । नन्विह ख्युनोऽभावेऽपि ‘करणाधिकरणयोश्च’ इति ल्युटा भवितव्यमित्यत आह—प्रतिषेधसामर्थ्यादिति । तथाहि आढ्यीकर-णमिति रूपं ल्युट्ख्युनोस्तुल्यम् । न च ख्युनि मुमह्रस्वौ स्यातामिति वाच्यम् । अनव्ययस्येति पर्युदासात् । ‘ऊर्यादिच्विडाचश्च’ इति निपातसंज्ञकत्वेन च्च्यन्तस्य अव्ययत्वात् । न च ख्युनि सति ‘उपपदमतिङ्’ इति नित्यसमासो लभ्यते, ल्युटि तु नेति वाच्यम् । ल्युट्यपि गतिसमासस्य संभवात् । तस्यापि नित्यसमासत्वात् । न च स्त्रीप्रत्यये विशेषः, ल्युटि ‘टिड्ढा’—इति सूत्रेण ख्युनि तत्रत्येन ख्युन उपसंख्यानेन च ङीपस्तुल्यत्वात् । नापि स्वरे विशेषः, ल्युटि लित्स्वरेण ख्युनि नित्स्वरेण कृञ उदात्तत्वाविशेषात् । न चोत्तरार्थमच्वावित्युक्तमिति वाच्यम् । केवलोत्तरार्थत्वे हि तत्रैव ब्रूयात् । तदेतदुक्तम्—इह ल्युडपि नेति ॥—भाष्यमते त्विति । भाष्यवार्तिकस्वरसेन ल्युडिष्ट इति केवलोत्तरार्थत्वं लभ्यते । अतस्तद्वि-रोधात् वृत्तिकृन्मतमयुक्तमिति कैयटः

Bālamanoramā

आढ्यसुभगस्थूलपलितनग्नान्धप्रियेषु च्व्यर्थेष्वच्वौ कृञः करणे ख्युन् -

translator notes

textual Ours reads 'āḍhyām āḍhyaṃ kurvanty anena āḍhyakaraṇam'; the 1915 print reads 'anāḍhyam āḍhyaṃ kurvanty anena āḍhyaṃkaraṇam' (NSP p. 496, scan page-0506; 'anā-' at the line end). TB's lemma is 'āḍhyaṃkaraṇam iti' and Wikisource agrees with the print. Two mūla slips; the English follows the print.
commentary TB: 'cvyartheṣu' means 'in matters of abhūtatadbhāva (becoming what one was not)'. Followed: the bracket in k1. TB on āḍhyaṃkaraṇam: by the liṅgaviśiṣṭa-paribhāṣā, when the feminine āḍhyā is the upapada and khyun comes, shortening by khity anavyayasya gives this same form. Recorded.
commentary TB on 'pratiṣedhasāmarthyāt': the objection is that even without khyun, lyuṭ should come by karaṇādhikaraṇayoś ca. With a cvi-ending upapada, lyuṭ and khyun give the identical form āḍhyīkaraṇam: no mum and no shortening, since 'anavyayasya' is a paryudāsa and the cvi-ending word is an avyaya (nipāta by ūryādicviḍācaś ca); the compound is nitya either way (upapada-samāsa with khyun, gati-samāsa with lyuṭ); ṅīp in the feminine either way; the same accent on kṛ (lit-svara with lyuṭ, nit-svara with khyun). Nor can 'acvau' be only for the following rule, for then it would be stated there. Hence the prohibition has force only if it bars lyuṭ too. On 'bhāṣyamate tu': by the natural sense of Bhāṣya and vārttika lyuṭ is wanted, so 'acvau' is solely for the following rule; Kaiyaṭa: the Vṛttikāra's view is unsound because it conflicts with this. Followed: '[by karaṇādhikaraṇayoś ca]' and '[On that view]'.
textual Our BM block sk.2973.b1 has the pratīka only. The BM text on this sūtra is in Wikisource BM (sources/wikisource-bm/raw/uttara-3/0091.txt and 0092.txt, printed pp. 520–521).
commentary BM (Wikisource text, see the textual note): the seventh case is that of a dvandva of the seven words; 'khyun syāt' is completed by 'karaṇe vācye' (when the instrument is to be expressed); this is an apavāda of lyuṭ by karaṇādhikaraṇayoś ca; 'kartari' is not construed here. āḍhyaṃkaraṇam: khyun after kṛñ, ana substituted [for yu], mum by arurdviṣadajantasya mum; subhagaṃkaraṇam and the like are to be cited too. āḍhyīkurvanty anena: no khyun because cvi is present. If lyuṭ came where khyun is absent, the khyun-prohibition would be pointless, since the forms do not differ; so the Kāśikā infers that lyuṭ does not come either. The Bhāṣya ('khyuni cvipratiṣedhānarthakyam …') rejects acvi-grahaṇa for khyun and says 'acvau' is for the following rule; on that view lyuṭ comes with a cvi-ending upapada. Followed: 'in the sense of the instrument' and the Kāśikā/Bhāṣya construal.
translator The kaumudī gives only the analysis and the result āḍhyaṃkaraṇam; the steps (ana for yu, mum) are BM's.

SK 2974 · A 3.2.57V

कर्तरि भुवः खिष्णुच्खुकञौ ॥ २९७४ ॥

kartari bhuvaḥ khiṣṇuckhukañau

kartari bhuvaḥ khiṣṇuckhukañau — After bhū, khiṣṇuc and khukañ [come] in the agent sense (kartari) [when āḍhya etc., in the sense of cvi and not ending in cvi, are upapada — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2973; 'acvau' runs on, per TB].

Rule. Under the same conditions, bhū takes khiṣṇuc and khukañ in the agent sense. The upapada is āḍhya and the rest, in the cvi sense, not ending in cvi.

Example.

anāḍhya āḍhyo bhavati "one who is not rich becomes rich".

āḍhya + bhū + khiṣṇuc → kh and c are markers → āḍhya + bhū + iṣṇu

→ guṇa, and o becomes av (SK 2168, SK 61) → āḍhya + bhaviṣṇu → m → āḍhyaṃbhaviṣṇuḥ.

āḍhya + bhū + khukañ → kh and ñ are markers → āḍhya + bhū + uka

→ the affix is ñ-marked, so vṛddhi; au becomes āv (SK 61) → āḍhya + bhāvuka → āḍhyaṃbhāvukaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the markers and the vṛddhi.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator says acvau runs on from SK 2973. Otherwise āḍhyībhaviṣṇuḥ and āḍhyībhāvukaḥ would result. The other says the word kartari stops karaṇe from running on. Whether the i of khiṣṇuc is needed, scholars discuss this.

Bhaṭṭoji then recalls three sūtras of this stretch taught earlier, in the section on consonant-final stems.

spṛśo 'nudake kvin (SK 432): after spṛś "to touch", kvin, with an upapada other than udaka "water". ghṛtaspṛk "touching ghee". Bhaṭṭoji: "with an object" has stopped here. So also mantreṇa spṛśati "touches with a mantra" → mantraspṛk.
ṛtvigdadhṛksragdiguṣṇigañcuyujikruñcāṃ ca (SK 373): "explained there".
tyadādiṣu dṛśo 'nālocane kañ ca (SK 429): after dṛś not meaning "seeing", with tyad and the rest, kañ too.

Two vārttikas extend the last rule. samānānyayoś ceti vācyam: with samāna and anya too. sadṛk, sadṛśaḥ "similar"; anyādṛk, anyādṛśaḥ "of another kind". kso 'pi vācyaḥ: the affix ksa too. tādṛkṣaḥ, sadṛkṣaḥ, anyādṛkṣaḥ.

Watch out. sadṛk does not mean "one who sees similarly". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators put kvin and kañ here in the karmakartṛ sense. karmakartṛ is an object that acts as its own agent: "it presents itself to view as similar".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आढ्यादिषु च्व्यर्थेष्वच्व्यन्तेषु भवतेरेतौ स्तः । अनाढ्य आड्यो भवतीति आढ्यंभविष्णु । आढ्यंभावुकः । स्पृशोऽनुदके क्विन् SK 432 । घृतस्पृक् । कर्मणीति निवृत्तम् । मन्त्रेण स्पृशतीति मन्त्रस्पृक् । ऋत्विद्गधृक्स्रद्गिगुष्णिगञ्चुयुजिक्रुञ्चां च SK 373 । व्याख्यातम् । त्यदादिषु दृशोऽनालोचने कञ्च SK 429 ।

When āḍhya etc., in the sense of cvi [and] not ending in cvi, [are upapada], these two [affixes] come after bhū (bhavati): anāḍhya āḍhyo bhavati "one who is not rich becomes rich" → āḍhyaṃbhaviṣṇuḥ, āḍhyaṃbhāvukaḥ. spṛśo 'nudake kvin "after spṛś, kvin, when [the upapada is] other than udaka" (SK 432): ghṛtaspṛk "touching ghee". [The condition] "when an object (karman) [is upapada]" is discontinued: mantreṇa spṛśati "touches with a mantra" → mantraspṛk. ṛtvig-dadhṛk-srag-dig-uṣṇig-añcu-yuji-kruñcāṃ ca (SK 373): explained [there]. tyadādiṣu dṛśo 'nālocane kañ ca "when tyad etc. [are upapada], kañ too [comes] after dṛś not meaning seeing" (SK 429).

vārttika

समानान्ययोश्चेति वाच्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated: also when samāna and anya [are upapada, kvin and kañ come after dṛś].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सदृक् । सदृशः । अन्यादृक् । अन्यादृशः ।

sadṛk, sadṛśaḥ "similar"; anyādṛk, anyādṛśaḥ "of another kind".

vārttika

क्सोऽपि वाच्यः

(vārttika) ksa too should be stated [after dṛś, with tyad etc., samāna and anya as upapada].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ तादृक्षः । सदृक्षः । अन्यादृक्षः ॥

tādṛkṣaḥ, sadṛkṣaḥ, anyādṛkṣaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 506–507

—कर्तरि भुवः ॥—अच्व्यन्तेष्विति । अच्वावित्यनुवर्तते अन्यथा आ-ढ्यीभविष्णुः आढ्यीभावुक इति स्यादिति भावः । कर्तृग्रहणं करणानुवृत्तिभ्रमनिरासार्थमुत्तरार्थं चेति प्राञ्चः । वस्तुतस्तु व्यर्थमेव अस्मुरितलाद्वेषमुत्तरार्थमिति सिद्धेन उक्तं अन्युपयोगो नेति स्पष्टीकरिष्यमाणत्वाच्च । खकारो मुमर्थः । चकारः ‘चितः’ इत्यन्तोदात्तार्थः । अकारो वृद्ध्यर्थः । स्यादेतत् । खिष्णुच इकारो मास्तु ख्ष्णुरित्येवोच्यताम्, एवं चकारोऽपि न कर्तव्यः प्रत्ययस्वरेणैवाभिमतसिद्धेः, इकारादिलसिद्धये इङागमे कृतेऽपि ‘आगमा अनुदात्ताः’ इति तस्यानुदात्तत्वात् । न च ‘कृत्योके-ष्णुचार्वादयश्च’ इति स्वरसूत्रे अस्य ग्रहणं न स्यात् । चकारानुबन्धाभावादिकारस्य लाक्षणिकत्वात्षत्वणत्वयोरसिद्धत्वेनेष्णु इति रूपभावाचेति वाच्यम् । कृतेपि इकारे ‘तदनुबन्धकग्रहणे नातदनुबन्धकस्ये’ ति परिभाषया अलंकृतादीष्णुच एव ग्रहणं स्यात् त्वेतस्य । इकारोच्चारणसामर्थ्यादस्यापि ग्रहणमिति चेदन्तैवं ख्ष्णुजयमस्तु तत्रेदि कृते चकारानुबन्धसामर्थ्यादस्यापि ग्रहणमस्तिति किमिकारेणेति चिन्त्यमेतत् । न चेह लाघवाभावादिकारोऽस्तु चकार एव मास्त्विति शङ्क्यम् । एकमात्रो ह्रस्वः व्यञ्जनं त्वर्धमात्रकमिति सर्वसंमतत्वात् । यत्तु हरदत्तेनोक्तं षत्वणत्वयोः सामर्थ्यादस्य ग्रहणमिति तदापा-ततः सुजपेक्षया ष्णुजुक्तौ प्रत्युत प्रक्रियालाघवेन षत्वणत्वयोः करणस्योचिततया सामर्थ्यायोगादिति दिक् ॥—निवृत्त-मिति । ननु स्पृशेः सकर्मकत्वात्कर्मण्युपपद इत्येव प्राप्येत इति चेत् । अत्र प्राञ्चः । पूर्वसूत्रात्कर्तरि इत्यनुवर्तते सा चानुवृत्तिः ‘कर्तरि कृत्’ इत्यनेनैव कर्तरि क्विनः सिद्धलाघ्यर्था सती कर्तृप्रचयार्था, कर्मण्युपपदे एकः कर्ता करणादौ चापर इत्येवं कर्तृप्रचयस्तथा च सुबन्ते उपपदे इति फलितं भवतीति मन्त्रस्पृगित्याद्यपि सिद्धमिति । वस्तुतस्तु कर्तृग्रहणं व्यर्थ-मिति पूर्वसूत्र एवोक्तम् । न चेह कर्तृप्रचयार्थं तदावश्यकमिति शङ्क्यम् । मन्त्रस्पृगित्यादेः क्विपापि सिद्धेः । न च क्विपि कृत्वं न स्यादिति वाच्यम् । किन्प्रत्ययो यस्मादिति बहुव्रीहिबलादेव कुत्वसंभवादिति दिक् ॥—सदृगिति । तमिवेमं पश्यन्ति जनाः स इवायं पश्यति ज्ञानविषयो भवतीति व्युत्पत्त्या कर्मकर्तरि प्रत्ययः रूढ्यर्थानुगुणत्वात्

Bālamanoramā

कर्तरि भुवः खिष्णुच्खुकञौ - कर्तरि भुवः । खिष्णुचि खचावितौ । खुकञि खञावितौ । आढ्यम्भविष्णुरिति । अनाढ्य आढ्यो भवतीति विग्रहः । आढम्भावुक इति । ञित्त्वाद्वृद्धिः । करणग्रहणाऽनुवृत्तिनिवृत्तये कर्तृग्रहणम् । खिष्णुचि इकारस्तु व्यर्थ एव, इटा सिद्धेः । अच्वौ किम् । आढ्यीभविता । स्पृशोऽनुदके क्विन्निति — व्याख्यातं हलन्ताधिकारे । निवृत्तमिति । अत्र व्याख्यानमेव शरणम् । समानान्ययोश्चेति । अनयोरुपपदयोर्दृशः क्विन्कञावित्यर्थः । सदृक् सदृश इति । समानो दृश्यते इति न विग्रहः, कर्तर्येव क्विन्विधानात् । किन्तु कर्मकर्तरि क्विन्कञौ॥ समानः पश्यतीति विग्रहः । समानत्वेन ज्ञानविषयो भवतीत्यर्थ इति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । 'दृग्दृशवतुषु' इति समानस्य सभावविकल्पः । तत्र 'विभाषोदरे' इत्यतो विभाषानुवृत्तेः,समानदृक् सदृक् । समानदृशः सदृशः इति भाष्याच्च । अन्यादृगिति । 'आ सर्वनाम्नः' इत्यात्वम् । क्सोऽपीति । त्यदादिषु समानान्ययोश्च दृशेः क्सोऽपि वाच्य इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

textual Three mūla slips against the 1915 print (NSP pp. 496–497, scans page-0506 and page-0507): ours 'anāḍhya āḍyo bhavati', print 'āḍhyo'; ours 'āḍhyaṃbhaviṣṇu', print 'āḍhyaṃbhaviṣṇuḥ' (final visarga); ours 'ṛtvidgadhṛksradgiguṣṇig…' (gd written as dg twice), print 'ṛtvigdadhṛksragdiguṣṇigañcuyujikruñcāṃ ca'. Wikisource agrees with the print in all three. The English follows the print.
commentary TB on 'acvyanteṣu': 'acvau' is carried forward (anuvartate); otherwise āḍhyībhaviṣṇuḥ, āḍhyībhāvukaḥ would result. Followed: the bracket in sutra_en. TB also reports the earlier authors (prāñcaḥ): 'kartṛ' is stated to remove a mistaken anuvṛtti of 'karaṇa' and for the following rule; TB holds it is in fact superfluous. kh is for mum, c for final udātta by citaḥ, ñ for vṛddhi; TB then debates at length whether the i of khiṣṇuc (or its c) is needed, against Haradatta. Recorded.
commentary BM: in khiṣṇuc kh and c are it-letters, in khukañ kh and ñ. āḍhyaṃbhaviṣṇuḥ: the analysis is anāḍhya āḍhyo bhavati. āḍhyaṃbhāvukaḥ: vṛddhi because [khukañ] is ñit. 'kartṛ' is stated to stop the anuvṛtti of 'karaṇa'. The i of khiṣṇuc is superfluous, since iṭ would give it. 'acvau kim?': āḍhyībhavitā. Followed: 'in the agent sense' and the anuvṛtti of the cvi-conditions; the rest recorded.
commentary BM: 'spṛśo 'nudake kvin' — explained in the section on consonant-final stems (halantādhikāra). On 'nivṛttam': here explanation (vyākhyāna) alone is the authority. Followed: 'explained [there]'.
commentary TB on 'nivṛttam': objection — since spṛś is transitive, [kvin] would apply only with an object upapada. The earlier authors: 'kartari' runs on from the preceding sūtra; since kvin in the agent sense is already secured by kartari kṛt, that anuvṛtti serves to add a further agent-condition, so that the effective sense is 'with a sup-ending word as upapada', and mantraspṛk is secured. TB: in fact 'kartṛ' is superfluous; mantraspṛk follows with kvip as well, and kutva is secured by the bahuvrīhi 'that after which kvin is the affix'. Recorded.
commentary BM: 'samānānyayoś ca' means that with these two as upapada kvin and kañ come after dṛś. Followed: the bracket in k2.
commentary BM: sadṛk, sadṛśaḥ are not analysed as 'samāno dṛśyate', since kvin is prescribed in the agent sense only; kvin and kañ are in the karmakartṛ sense: 'samānaḥ paśyati', meaning 'becomes an object of cognition as similar' — explicit in the Bhāṣya. samāna becomes sa optionally by dṛgdṛśavatuṣu, 'vibhāṣā' running on from vibhāṣodare, as the Bhāṣya's samānadṛk/sadṛk, samānadṛśaḥ/sadṛśaḥ shows. anyādṛk: ā by ā sarvanāmnaḥ. Recorded.
commentary TB on sadṛk: by the derivation 'people see this one as that one; this one is seen like that one, i.e. becomes an object of cognition', the affix is in the karmakartṛ sense, in keeping with the conventional meaning. Recorded.
commentary BM: 'kso 'pi' means ksa too should be stated after dṛś when tyad etc., samāna and anya are upapada. Followed: the bracket in k4.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags heading k3 and k5 are editorial; the print marks the two vārttikas with the vārttika sign before them (NSP p. 497, scan page-0507). Only k2 and k4 are labelled as vārttikas.
translator SK 432, 373 and 429 are given in the source only by SK number; the short renderings of SK 432 and 429 in k1 are the translator's.

SK 2975 · A 3.2.61V

सत्सूद्विषद्रुहदुहयुजविदभिदच्छिदजिनीराजामुपसर्गेऽपि क्विप् ॥ २९७५ ॥

satsūdviṣadruhaduhayujavidabhidacchidajinīrājāmupasarge'pi kvip

sat-sū-dviṣa-druha-duha-yuja-vida-bhida-cchida-ji-nī-rājām upasarge 'pi kvip — After sad, sū, dviṣ, druh, duh, yuj, vid, bhid, chid, ji, nī and rāj, kvip [comes, when a sup-ending word is upapada, as the kaumudī states], even when an upasarga [is upapada].

Rule. Twelve roots take kvip when a sup-ending word is upapada, with or without an upasarga. The roots are sad, sū, dviṣ, druh, duh, yuj, vid, bhid, chid, ji, nī and rāj.

Example.

mitra + dviṣ + kvip → the whole of kvip goes → mitra-dviṣ

→ the final ṣ, ending the pada, appears as ṭ → mitradviṭ "hater of a friend".

With an upasarga: pradviṭ.

Bhaṭṭoji's other pairs: dyusat "dwelling in heaven", upaniṣat; aṇḍasūḥ "egg-bearing", prasūḥ; mitradhruk, pradhruk; godhuk "milker of cows", pradhuk; aśvayuk "yoker of horses", prayuk; vedavit "knower of the Veda", nivit.

In the second form of each pair, the upasarga itself stands in the place of the upapada.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain upaniṣat: its ṣ comes by sadir aprateḥ. Both say dyusat keeps its s. One commentator adds more forms: kāṣṭhabhit, rajjucchit, śatrujit (with tuk), senānīḥ, virāṭ. The same commentator draws a point from upasarge 'pi "even with an upasarga". It shows that elsewhere a rule saying "with a sup" excludes an upasarga. The other commentator fixes the roots. sū is the adādi sūte. Every vid is included except vidḷ lābhe "to find".

A vārttika: agragrāmābhyāṃ nayater ṇo vācyaḥ. After agra and grāma, ṇ replaces the n of nī. agraṇīḥ "leader", grāmaṇīḥ "village headman". One commentator calls this a fresh injunction: the r is not in the same pada, so ṇatva would not otherwise apply. The other says usage already makes the point known. Scholars discuss this. That commentator adds that with aṇ there is no ṇ: grāmanāyaḥ.

Watch out. kvip leaves nothing to see. What you see is its effect: the root ends a pada. So pada-final sandhi applies to the root's last sound.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यः क्विप्स्यादुपरसर्गे सत्यसति च सुप्युपपदे । द्युसत् । उपनिषत् । अण्डसूः । प्रसूः । मित्रद्विट् । प्रद्विट् । मित्रध्रुक् । प्रध्रुक् । गोधुक् । प्रधुक् । अश्वयुक् । प्रयुक् । वेदवित् । निविदित्यादि ।

After these, kvip comes when a sup-ending word is upapada, whether there is an upasarga or not: dyusat "dwelling in heaven", upaniṣat; aṇḍasūḥ "egg-bearing", prasūḥ; mitradviṭ "hater of a friend", pradviṭ; mitradhruk, pradhruk; godhuk "milker of cows", pradhuk; aśvayuk "yoker of horses", prayuk; vedavit "knower of the Veda", nivit, and so on.

vārttika

अग्रग्रामाभ्यां नयतेर्णो वाच्यः

(vārttika) After agra and grāma, ṇ [in place of the n] of nī is to be stated.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अग्रणीः । ग्रामणीः ॥

agraṇīḥ "leader", grāmaṇīḥ "village headman".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 507

—सत्सूद्विष-। षद्लृ विशरणादौ । सू इति द्विषा साहचर्यात्सूतेरादादिकस्य ग्रहणं न तु सुवतिसूयत्योः । युजिर् योगे, युज समाधौ द्वयो-रपि ग्रहणम् । विद ज्ञाने, विद विचारणे, विद सत्तायां, त्रयाणामपि ग्रहणम् । विद्लृ लाभे इत्यस्य तु न ग्रहणम् । विदे-त्यकारस्य विवक्षितत्वात् ॥—द्युसदिति । ‘पूर्वपदात्’—इति षत्वं तु न भवति छन्दसीत्यनुवृत्तेः । तथा च माघः—‘मनस्सु येन द्युसदां न्यधीयत’ इति । ‘आदितेया दिविषदः’ इत्यत्र तु सुषामादित्वात्षत्वमिति माधवादयः । उपनिषदित्यत्र तु ‘सदिरप्रतेः’ इति षः ॥—अग्रग्रामाभ्यामिति । ‘स एषां ग्रामणीः’ इति निर्देशेन ज्ञापितमेतत् । नीरूपप्रत्य-यविषयत्वे चेदं, तेन कर्मण्यणि णत्वं न भवति । ग्रामनायः । ज्ञापकस्य सामान्यविषयत्वात् अग्रशब्दोपपदादपि णत्वं तेनाग्रणीरित्यपि सिद्धमित्याहुः

Bālamanoramā

सत्सूद्विषद्रुहदुहयुजविदभिदच्छिद-जिनीराजामुपसर्गेऽपि क्विप् - सत्सूद्विष । सद्, सू, द्विष,द्रुह, दुह, युज, विद, भिद, छिद, जि , नी, राज् एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । 'अनुपसर्गे' इत्यस्य निवृत्त्यैव सिद्धे उपसर्गेऽपीति वचनमन्यत्र सुब्ग्रहणे उपसर्गग्रहणं नेति ज्ञापनार्थम् । तेन 'वदः सुपि क्यप् चे' ति विधिरुपसर्गे न भवतीति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । द्युसदिति । दिवि सीदतीति विग्रहः ।सात्पदाद्यो॑रिति न षत्वम् ।पूर्वपदा॑दिति षत्वं तु न भवति, तस्य च्छान्दसत्वात् ।॒आदितेया दिविषदः॑ इत्यत्र सुषामादित्वात्वमित्याहुः । उपनिषदिति ।सदिरप्रते॑रिति षत्वम् । इत्यादीति । काष्ठभित्, रज्जुच्छित् । शत्रुजित् । अत्रह्रस्वस्य पिती॑ति तुक् । सेनानीः । विराट् । अंशभागीति । णित्त्वादुपधावृद्धिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: sad, sū, dviṣa, druha, duha, yuja, vida, bhida, chida, ji, nī, rāj — after their dvandva the sixth case stands in the sense of the fifth. Since 'upasarga' would be included merely by the discontinuation of 'anupasarge', the statement 'upasarge 'pi' serves to indicate (jñāpana) that elsewhere, where sup is mentioned, an upasarga is not included; so vadaḥ supi kyap ca does not apply with an upasarga, as is explicit in the Bhāṣya. Followed: 'After …' and 'even when an upasarga'.
commentary TB on the roots: sad is ṣadḷ (viśaraṇa etc.); sū, by association with dviṣ, is the adādi sūte, not suvati or sūyati; both yujir yoge and yuj samādhau are included; all three vid (jñāne, vicāraṇe, sattāyām) are included, but not vidḷ lābhe, since the a of 'vida' is meant. Recorded.
translator 'upasarge saty asati ca supy upapade' could be read 'with a sup-ending word as upapada, whether or not an upasarga [is present]' or 'whether [the upapada] is an upasarga or not'. The paired examples (dyusat/upaniṣat, aṇḍasūḥ/prasūḥ, mitradviṭ/pradviṭ …) show the upasarga itself standing as the upapada in the second member of each pair; the English keeps the neutral wording.
textual Ours reads 'upa-ra-sarge' (a stray ra); the 1915 print reads 'upasarge' (NSP p. 497, scan page-0507), as does Wikisource. Mūla slip; the English follows the print.
commentary BM: dyusat — divi sīdati 'sits in heaven'; no ṣatva by sātpadādyoḥ, and pūrvapadāt does not give ṣatva, being chāndasa; in 'āditeyā diviṣadaḥ' ṣatva is said to be by the suṣāmādi group. upaniṣat: ṣatva by sadir aprateḥ. 'ityādi': kāṣṭhabhit, rajjucchit, śatrujit (tuk by hrasvasya piti), senānīḥ, virāṭ. Followed in the gloss of dyusat.
commentary TB: dyusat has no ṣatva by pūrvapadāt because 'chandasi' runs on there; so Māgha, 'manassu yena dyusadāṃ nyadhīyata'. In 'āditeyā diviṣadaḥ' ṣatva is by the suṣāmādi group, say Mādhava and others. upaniṣat: ṣ by sadir aprateḥ. Recorded.
commentary TB: this is made known (jñāpita) by the usage 'sa eṣāṃ grāmaṇīḥ'. It holds only where the nī-form is the domain of the affix [here prescribed], so with aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ there is no ṇatva: grāmanāyaḥ. Since the jñāpaka is general, ṇatva comes with agra as upapada too, so agraṇīḥ is also secured — so they say. Recorded.
textual Wikisource BM (sources/wikisource-bm/raw/uttara-3/0093.txt) has a BM sentence on this vārttika missing from our sk.2975.b1: 'agragrāmābhyām iti — asamānapadatvād aprāpte ṇatve vacanam' (the statement is made because ṇatva, the cause not being in the same pada, would not otherwise apply).
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial; the print marks the vārttika with the vārttika sign before it (NSP p. 497, scan page-0507). Only k2 is labelled as the vārttika.
textual The print sets a footnote mark (1) over this vārttika (NSP p. 497, scan page-0507, read); the footnote at the foot of the page, partly under the watermark and supported by the Wikisource footnote on uttara-3/0093, reads: '"pūrvapadāt saṃjñāyām agaḥ 858" iti sūtreṇeti bhāvaḥ. apūrvavacanatve tu "grāmanayanasya" iti granthavirodhaḥ' — the sense is that [the ṇ comes] by the sūtra pūrvapadāt saṃjñāyām agaḥ (print no. 858 = our SK 857, A 8.4.3); were [the vārttika] a new statement (apūrvavacana), it would conflict with the text 'grāmanayanasya'. The footnote is absent from our source layer. It does not take the vārttika as a new statement, siding with TB ('jñāpitam etat', a point made known by usage) against BM ('asamānapadatvād aprāpte ṇatve vacanam', an injunction for a ṇatva not otherwise obtained); the disagreement is recorded, not resolved (§16).

SK 2976 · A 3.2.62V

भजो ण्विः ॥ २९७६ ॥

bhajo ṇviḥ

bhajo ṇviḥ — After bhaj, ṇvi [comes, when a sup-ending word or an upasarga is upapada, as the kaumudī states].

Rule. bhaj "to share" takes ṇvi when a sup-ending word or an upasarga is upapada. ṇvi vanishes like kvip, but its ṇ still works.

Example.

aṃśa + bhaj + ṇvi → the affix goes; it was ṇ-marked → vṛddhi of the penultimate a (SK 2282) → aṃśa-bhāj

→ the final j, ending the pada, appears as k → aṃśabhāk "sharer of a portion".

With an upasarga: prabhāk.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the vṛddhi.

Watch out. The affix is invisible, yet the root shows vṛddhi. That is the trace of the ṇ-marker.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सुप्युपसर्गे चोपपदे भजेर्ण्विः स्यात् । अंशभाक् । प्रभाक् ॥

When a sup-ending word or an upasarga is upapada, ṇvi comes after bhaj: aṃśabhāk "sharer of a portion", prabhāk.

translator notes

textual Our BM on this sūtra is filed at the end of sk.2975.b1 ('aṃśabhāg iti. ṇittvād upadhāvṛddhiḥ'); sk2976 has no b block. The pratīka 'bhajo ṇviḥ' and the sentence 'supy upapade bhajer ṇvir ity arthaḥ' are lost in ours; Wikisource BM has them (sources/wikisource-bm/raw/uttara-3/0093.txt).
commentary BM (filed under sk.2975.b1; pratīka and gloss from Wikisource): the sense is that ṇvi comes after bhaj with a sup-ending word as upapada; aṃśabhāk: vṛddhi of the penultimate vowel because [ṇvi] is ṇit. BM's gloss names only the sup upapada, where the kaumudī adds the upasarga (prabhāk). Recorded.
translator There is no TB on this sūtra in the print or in ours (NSP p. 497: TB passes from the agragrāma vārttika of SK 2975 to ado 'nanne, SK 2977). The kaumudī gives only the results aṃśabhāk, prabhāk; the vṛddhi step is BM's.

SK 2977 · A 3.2.68V

अदोऽनन्ने ॥ २९७७ ॥

ado'nanne

ado 'nanne — After ad, [viṭ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from the Vedic sūtra janasanakhanakramagamo viṭ (A 3.2.67 = SK 3413) — comes, when a sup-ending word] other than anna [is upapada].

Rule. ad "to eat" takes viṭ when a sup-ending word other than anna "food" is upapada. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say viṭ runs on from a Vedic sūtra. It is janasanakhanakramagamo viṭ (A 3.2.67), given later as SK 3413. One explains why the SK skips it here: "in the Veda" runs on into it.

Example.

āmam atti "he eats raw [food]".

āma + ad + viṭ → viṭ leaves nothing → āma-ad

→ like vowels merge → āmād → the final d appears as t → āmāt.

Likewise sasyāt "eater of grain".

Applies when / blocked by. With anna the rule does not apply: annādaḥ "eater of food". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this has aṇ by karmaṇy aṇ (SK 2913).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विट् स्यात् । आममत्ति आमात् । सस्यात् । अनन्ने किम् । अन्नादः ॥

viṭ comes [after ad]. āmam atti "eats raw [food]" → āmāt; sasyāt "eater of grain". Why "other than anna"? annādaḥ "eater of food".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 507

—अदोऽनन्ने ॥—विट् स्यादिति । ‘जनसनखनक्रमगमो विट्’ इति पूर्वसूत्रानुवृत्तेः । पूर्व-सूत्रं त्विह नोपन्यस्तम् । तत्र हि ‘छन्दसि सहः’ इत्यतः छन्दसीत्यनुवर्तनात् ॥—कामदुघेति । धेनुरिति शेषः । कामं दोग्धीति विग्रहः

Bālamanoramā

अदोऽनन्ने - अदोऽनन्ने । विट् स्यादिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । अन्नशब्दभिन्ने सुप्युपपदे अदेर्विट् स्यादिति फलितम् ।जनसनखनक्रमगमो वि॑जिति छान्दससूत्राद्विडित्यनुवर्तते । सस्यादिति । सस्यमत्तीति विग्रहः । अन्नाद इति । कर्मण्यण् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'viṭ syāt' completes the sūtra (śeṣa-pūraṇa); the resulting sense is that after ad viṭ comes when a sup-ending word other than the word anna is upapada. viṭ is carried forward (anuvartate) from the Vedic sūtra janasanakhanakramagamo viṭ. sasyāt: sasyam atti. annādaḥ: [aṇ by] karmaṇy aṇ. Followed: the brackets in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB on 'viṭ syāt': by anuvṛtti from the preceding sūtra janasanakhanakramagamo viṭ; that sūtra is not set out here [in the SK] because 'chandasi' runs on into it from chandasi sahaḥ. Followed: the anuvṛtti bracket in sutra_en.
translator janasanakhanakramagamo viṭ is A 3.2.67 = SK 3413, in the vaidikī-prakriyā (p70); the SK does not give it in this prakaraṇa (TB's point).
textual sk.2977.t1 ends with TB on SK 2979 ('kāmadughā …'); see sk2979.

SK 2978 · A 3.2.69V

क्रव्ये च ॥ २९७८ ॥

kravye ca

kravye ca — And when kravya [is upapada, viṭ comes after ad — supplied to complete the rule (śeṣapūraṇa), per BM].

Rule. With kravya "raw flesh" as upapada too, ad takes viṭ. Bhaṭṭoji: "after ad, viṭ".

Example.

kravya + ad + viṭ → kravya-ad → kravyāt "an eater of raw flesh".

Applies when / blocked by. The form would already come by SK 2977. So why this rule? Bhaṭṭoji: it blocks aṇ. One of his commentators calls it a restriction (niyama). With kravya as upapada, ad takes only viṭ, never aṇ.

Watch out. A line of the Amarakośa, a Sanskrit thesaurus, has kravyādo 'srapa āśaraḥ. How can kravyāda, with aṇ, stand? Bhaṭṭoji answers. The aṇ comes with pakvamāṃsa "cooked flesh" as upapada. Then kravya replaces that upapada, because the word belongs to the pṛṣodarādi class. That class admits irregular forms as found in use.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अदेर्विट् । पूर्वेण सिद्धे वचनमण्बाधनार्थम् । क्रव्यात् आममांसभक्षकः । कथं तर्हि क्रव्यादोऽस्रप आशर इति । पक्वमांसशब्दे उपपदेऽण् । उपपदस्य क्रव्यादेशः पृषोदरादित्वात् ॥

viṭ [comes] after ad. Since [the form] would be established by the preceding [rule], the statement is for the purpose of blocking aṇ: kravyāt, [that is] an eater of raw flesh. How then [is] "kravyādo 'srapa āśaraḥ" [to be justified, with the form kravyāda]? [There,] aṇ [comes] with the word pakvamāṃsa "cooked flesh" as upapada, and kravya is substituted for the upapada because [the word] belongs to the pṛṣodarādi group.

Bālamanoramā

क्रव्ये च - क्रव्ये च । अदेर्विडिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । अण्बाधनार्थमिति । क्रव्ये अदेर्विडेव, न त्वणित्यर्थलाभादिति भावः । कथं तर्हीति ।क्रव्ये उपपदे अदेर्विडेवे॑ति नियमादणोऽसंभवादित्याक्षेपः । समाधत्ते — पक्वमांसशब्द इति । तर्हि 'पक्वमांसाद' इति स्यादित्यत आह — उपपदस्य क्रव्यादेश इति । कुत इत्यत आह — पृषोदरादित्वादिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ader viṭ' completes the sūtra (śeṣa-pūraṇa). 'aṇbādhanārtham': the sense obtained is that with kravya as upapada ad takes only viṭ, not aṇ. 'katham tarhi': the objection is that by this restriction (niyama) aṇ is impossible with kravya as upapada. The answer: aṇ with pakvamāṃsa; then 'pakvamāṃsāda' would result, so the upapada is replaced by kravya; why? because of pṛṣodarādi. Followed: '[with the form kravyāda]' and the construal of the answer.
translator There is no TB on this sūtra in the print or in ours (NSP p. 497: TB passes from ado 'nanne, SK 2977, to kāmadughā, SK 2979). 'kravyādo 'srapa āśaraḥ' is cited without attribution in the kaumudī; it is from the Amarakośa, svargavarga, in the list of names for a rākṣasa ('rākṣasaḥ kauṇapaḥ kravyāt kravyādo 'srapa āśaraḥ'; verse number not checked here). Since the Kośa lists both kravyāt and kravyāda, Bhaṭṭoji must account for kravyāda (with aṇ) beside the rule's viṭ.
translator BM calls the kaumudī's 'ader viṭ' a completion of the sūtra (śeṣapūraṇa) and names no source. That viṭ and ad run on from ado 'nanne (SK 2977) is the translator's identification.

SK 2979 · A 3.2.70V

दुहः कब् घश्च ॥ २९७९ ॥

duhaḥ kab ghaśca

duhaḥ kab ghaś ca — After duh [with a sup-ending word as upapada], kap [comes], and gh [replaces the final of the root].

Rule. duh "to milk" takes kap when a sup-ending word is upapada. And gh replaces the final of the root. The kab of the sūtra is kap, with p voiced before gh.

Example.

kāmaṃ dogdhi "she yields what is desired".

kāma + duh + kap → k and p are markers → kāma + duh + a

→ gh replaces the h → kāma + dugh + a

→ feminine → kāmadughā.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supply dhenuḥ "a cow".

Watch out. The sūtra names two operations at once. kap is the affix, and gh is a substitute for the root's final. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads the gh as replacing the final of the base.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कामदुघा ॥

kāmadughā "[a cow] that yields what is desired".

Bālamanoramā

दुहः कब् घश्च - दुहः कब्घश्च । सुप्युपपदे दुहेः कप्स्यात्, प्रकृतेर्घश्चान्तादेश इत्यर्थः । कामदुघेति ।धेनु॑रिति शेषः । कामम् = अपेक्षितं दुग्धे इति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: with a sup-ending word as upapada, kap comes after duh, and gh replaces the final of the base (prakṛti). Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: kāmadughā — 'dhenuḥ' (a cow) is to be supplied; analysis kāmam 'what is desired' dugdhe. Followed in the gloss.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2977.t1: kāmadughā — 'dhenuḥ' is to be supplied; analysis kāmaṃ dogdhi. Followed in the gloss.
translator 'kab' in the sūtra is kap with p voiced before gh; BM's gloss reads 'kap syāt'. The kaumudī gives only the form kāmadughā.

SK 2980 · A 3.2.75V

अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यन्ते ॥ २९८० ॥

anyebhyo'pi dṛśyante

anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyante — [manin, kvanip and vanip — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from āto manin-kvanib-vanipaś ca (A 3.2.74 = SK 3418) — and vic — carried forward from vij upe chandasi (A 3.2.73 = SK 3417) —] are seen after other [roots] too.

Rule. The affixes manin, kvanip, vanip and vic are seen after other roots too. Bhaṭṭoji: "in the Veda" has stopped. These affixes come after a root. One of his commentators names their source. manin, kvanip and vanip run on from āto manin-kvanib-vanipaś ca (A 3.2.74, SK 3418). vic runs on from vij upe chandasi (A 3.2.73, SK 3417).

Example. The other commentator names the markers.

manin → final n a marker, i for pronunciation → man.

kvanip, vanip → k and p markers, i for pronunciation → van.

vic → c a marker, i for pronunciation → v, which is then lost.

Bhaṭṭoji's examples come under the next two sūtras: suśarmā and prātaritvā at SK 2981, vijāvā, avāvā, roṭ, reṭ and sugaṇ at SK 2982.

Watch out. The sūtra stands within the scope of the two Vedic rules it draws on. One commentator says so. Only "in the Veda" is dropped.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

छन्दसीति निवृत्तम् । मनिन् क्वनिप् वनिप् विच् एते प्रत्यया धातोः स्युः ॥

"In the Veda (chandasi)" is discontinued. The affixes manin, kvanip, vanip and vic come after a root.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 507

—अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यन्ते । इह ‘विजुपे छन्दसि’ इत्यतो विच् प्रत्ययः । ‘आतो मनिन्’—इति सूत्रान्मनिनादयश्चानुवर्तन्ते तदाह—मनिन्क्वनिबित्यादि ॥—सुशर्मेति । सुष्टु शृणातीति विग्रहः । प्रातः एतीति प्रा-तरित्वा । इणः क्वनिपि ‘ह्रस्वस्य पिति’—इति तुक् ॥—अवावेति । अनुनासिकस्य आत्वे अवादेशः । सौ दीर्घनलोपौ ॥—रोट् रेडिति । रुष रिष हिंसायाम् । उपधागुणः जश्त्वचर्त्वे । वाहभ्रडिति पाठः । वाहादश्वात् भ्रश्यतीति विग्रहः । वृत्तौ तु वहाभ्रडिति पाठः । वहः स्कन्धः ‘अन्येषामपि दृश्यते’ इति पूर्वपदान्तस्य दीर्घं इति हरदत्तः

Bālamanoramā

अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यन्ते - अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यन्ते । 'विजुपे छन्दसि'आतोमिन्क्वनिब्वनिपश्चे॑त्यधिकारे इदं इत्, इकार उच्चारणार्थः । विचि चकार इत् इकार उच्चारणार्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB: here vic is the affix [carried] from vij upe chandasi, and manin etc. are carried forward (anuvartante) from the sūtra āto manin…; so he says 'manin, kvanip' etc. Followed: the anuvṛtti brackets in sutra_en.
commentary BM: this sūtra stands within the adhikāra of 'vij upe chandasi' and 'āto manin-kvanib-vanipaś ca'. On 'nivṛttam' [Wikisource text]: 'that is, by explanation (vyākhyāna)'. In manin the final n is an it-letter and the i is for pronunciation; in kvanip and vanip p is an it-letter and the i is for pronunciation; in vic c is an it-letter and the i is for pronunciation. Recorded.
textual Our sk.2980.b1 is garbled after the two quoted sūtras ('…ityadhikāre idaṃ it, ikāra uccāraṇārthaḥ'); Wikisource BM (sources/wikisource-bm/raw/uttara-3/0094.txt) reads '…ityadhikāre idaṃ sūtram. nivṛttam iti vyākhyānād iti bhāvaḥ. manini antyo nakāra it …', which the BM note follows.
textual sk.2980.t1 also carries TB on SK 2981 (suśarmā, prātaritvā), SK 2982 (avāvā, roṭ reṭ) and SK 2983 (vāhabhraṭ); see those units.
translator The kaumudī illustrates these four affixes under the next two sūtras: suśarmā (manin) and prātaritvā (kvanip) at SK 2981; vijāvā and avāvā (vanip) and roṭ, reṭ, sugaṇ (vic) at SK 2982, as BM's glosses there show.

SK 2981 · A 7.2.8V

नेड् वशि कृति ॥ २९८१ ॥

neḍ vaśi kṛti

neḍ vaśi kṛti — iṭ does not come to a kṛt [affix] beginning with vaś.

Rule. iṭ does not come before a kṛt affix that begins with a vaś sound. vaś is a pratyāhāra; it includes m and v. So man and van take no iṭ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says vaś qualifies kṛt. By the reading "beginning with" (tadādi-vidhi), it means a kṛt that begins with vaś.

Example.

suṣṭhu śṛṇāti "he crushes well".

su + śṝ + manin → su + śṝ + man → m is a vaś sound, so no iṭ

→ guṇa: ar for ṝ → su + śar + man → suśarmā.

prātar eti "he goes early".

prātar + iṇ + kvanip → prātar + i + van → no iṭ

→ tuk after the short vowel (SK 2858) → prātar-i-t-van → prātaritvā.

Both commentators name the affixes; one gives the tuk.

Watch out. The i of prātaritvā is the root iṇ "to go" itself, not the augment iṭ. The rule has just barred iṭ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वशादेः कृत इण्न स्यात् । शॄ । सुशर्मा । प्रातरित्वा ॥

iṭ does not come to a kṛt [affix] beginning with vaś. śṝ [with manin]: suśarmā "one who crushes well". [iṇ with kvanip:] prātaritvā "one who goes early".

Bālamanoramā

नेड् वशि कृति - नेड्वशि कृति । षष्ठ्यर्थे सप्तम्यौ । वशा कृद्विशेष्यते । तदादिविधिः । तदाह — वशादेरिति । सुशर्मेति । शृधातोर्मनिन् । प्रातरित्वेति । इण्धातोः क्वनिप् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the two seventh-case words (saptamī) stand in the sense of the sixth case; vaś qualifies kṛt, and by tadādi-vidhi [the sense is 'beginning with vaś']; hence the kaumudī's 'vaśādeḥ'. suśarmā: manin after the root śṝ. prātaritvā: kvanip after the root iṇ. Followed: 'to a kṛt [affix] beginning with vaś' and the bracketed affixes in k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2980.t1 (OCR 'suśameti' = suśarmeti): suśarmā — analysis suṣṭhu śṛṇāti 'crushes well'; prātar eti → prātaritvā, where with kvanip after iṇ tuk comes by hrasvasya piti. Followed in the glosses; the tuk step recorded.

SK 2982 · A 6.4.41V

विड्वनोरनुनासिकस्यात् ॥ २९८२ ॥

viḍvanoranunāsikasyāt

viḍvanor anunāsikasyāt — Before viṭ and van, ā replaces a nasal.

Rule. Before viṭ and van, ā replaces a nasal.

Example.

vijāyate "is born".

vi + jan + vanip → vi + jan + van

→ ā replaces the nasal n → vi + ja-ā + van

→ like vowels merge (savarṇadīrgha) → vijāvā.

oṇṛ: oṇ + vanip → oṇ + van → ā replaces the nasal ṇ → o + ā + van

→ av for o (SK 61) → avāvan → avāvā.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.

Bhaṭṭoji then illustrates vic from SK 2980: roṭ, reṭ, sugaṇ. One commentator: roṭ, reṭ are vic after ruṣ, riṣ "to injure"; the v is lost by SK 375. The other commentator adds guṇa of the penultimate vowel. sugaṇ is vic after gaṇ.

Watch out. vijāvā and avāvā are also the vanip examples promised at SK 2980. Only these two show the ā of this rule. roṭ, reṭ and sugaṇ simply illustrate vic.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अनुनासिकस्य आत्स्यात् । विजायत इति विजावा । ओणृ । अवावा । विच् । रोट् । रेट् । सुगण् ॥

ā is substituted for a nasal [before viṭ and van]. vijāyate "is born" → [jan with vanip:] vijāvā. oṇṛ [with vanip]: avāvā. vic [is now illustrated]: roṭ, reṭ, sugaṇ.

Bālamanoramā

विड्वनोरनुनासिकस्यात् - विड्वनोरनुनासिकस्याऽऽत् । विड्वनोरिति सप्तमी । अनुनासिकस्य — आदिति छेदः । विजावेति । जनेर्वनिप् । जनेर्नकारस्य आकारः । सवर्णदीर्घः । अवावेति । ओणेर्वनिप् । णकारस्य आकारः । अवादेशः । विजिति । 'उदाह्रियते' इति शेषः । रोट् रेडिति ।रुष, रिष हिंसायाम् विच् ।वेरपृक्तस्ये॑ति वलोपः । सुगण्णिति । गणेर्विच् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'viḍvanoḥ' is a seventh-case word (saptamī); the split is 'anunāsikasya āt'. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: vijāvā — vanip after jan; ā for the n of jan; lengthening of like vowels (savarṇadīrgha). avāvā — vanip after oṇ; ā for the ṇ; av substituted [for o]. 'vic': 'udāhriyate' (is illustrated) is to be supplied. roṭ, reṭ — vic after ruṣ and riṣ 'to injure'; v deleted by ver apṛktasya. sugaṇ — vic after gaṇ. Followed: the brackets in k1; the steps recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2980.t1: avāvā — after ā is substituted for the nasal, av is substituted; with su [the first-case singular ending], lengthening and deletion of n. roṭ, reṭ — ruṣ, riṣ 'to injure'; guṇa of the penultimate vowel; jaśtva and cartva. Recorded.
textual Our sk.2982.b1 reads the root of sugaṇ as 'gamaer vic' (garbled); Wikisource BM (sources/wikisource-bm/raw/uttara-3/0094.txt) reads 'gaṇer vic', which the BM note follows. The print's sūtra has the avagraha 'anunāsikasyā''t' (NSP p. 497); no difference in sense.
translator Only vijāvā and avāvā illustrate this sūtra; they are also the vanip examples of SK 2980, whose vic examples (roṭ, reṭ, sugaṇ) follow here.

SK 2983 · A 3.2.76V

क्विप् च ॥ २९८३ ॥

kvip ca

kvip ca — And kvip [is seen (dṛśyate), as the kaumudī supplies: after any root, with or without an upapada, in the Veda and in ordinary usage, per BM].

Rule. kvip too is seen. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators widens it: after any root, with or without an upapada, in the Veda and in ordinary usage.

Example.

ukhāyāḥ sraṃsate "it slips from the pot".

ukhā + sraṃs + kvip → the nasal is lost; s becomes d, then t → ukhāsrat.

Also parṇadhvat "falling from the leaf" and vāhabhraṭ "falling from the horse".

One commentator gives the analyses and the steps.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: SK 2975 is only an elaboration (prapañca) of this very rule. One commentator explains. kvip after any root already covers the twelve roots of SK 2975. So that rule adds nothing new; it spells out cases.

Watch out. The other commentator reports a variant. The Vṛtti reads vahābhraṭ, with vaha "shoulder", according to Haradatta. Bhaṭṭoji's reading is vāhabhraṭ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अयमपि दृश्यते । सत्सूद्विष - SK 2975 इति त्वस्यैव प्रपञ्चः । उखास्रत् । पर्णध्वत् । वाहभ्रट् ॥

This [kvip] too is seen. satsūdviṣa… (SK 2975) is, however, only an elaboration (prapañca) of this very [rule]. ukhāsrat ["slipping from the pot"], parṇadhvat ["falling from the leaf"], vāhabhraṭ ["falling from the horse"].

Bālamanoramā

क्विप् च - क्विप् च । अयमपीति । सर्वधातुभ्यः सोपपदेभ्यो निरुपपदेभ्यश्च छन्दसि लोके च क्विप् दृश्यते इत्यर्थः । नन्वनेनैव सिद्धेसत्सूद्विषे॑ति सूत्रं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — सत्सूद्विषेति ।सत्सूद्विषे॑ति सूत्रं तुक्विप् चे॑त्यस्यैव प्रपञ्च इत्यर्थः । उखास्रदिति । उखायाः स्रंसत इति विग्रहः । स्रंसेः क्विप्,अनिदिता॑मिति नलोपः, 'वसुस्रंसु' इति दत्वम् । एवं पर्णध्वत् । पर्णात् ध्वंसत इति विग्रहः । वाहभ्रडिति । वाहात् भ्रश्यतीति विग्रहः । व्रश्चादिना षः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ayam api' means that kvip is seen after all roots, with an upapada or without, in the Veda (chandas) and in ordinary usage (loka). Objection: since [kvip] is established by this rule alone, satsūdviṣa… is pointless. Answer: satsūdviṣa… is only an elaboration of kvip ca. Followed: 'This [kvip] too is seen' and the bracket in sutra_en.
commentary BM gives the analyses: ukhāyāḥ sraṃsate (sraṃs + kvip, n-elision by aniditām…, d by vasusraṃsu…); parṇād dhvaṃsate; vāhād bhraśyati (ṣ by vraścādi…). Followed in the bracketed glosses; the kaumudī itself gives only the forms.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2980.t1 (sk.2983 has no t1): 'vāhabhraṭ' is the reading [here], analysed vāhād aśvāt bhraśyati 'falls from the horse (vāha)'; the Vṛtti (Kāśikā) reads 'vahābhraṭ', vaha being 'shoulder', with lengthening of the end of the first member by anyeṣām api dṛśyate, according to Haradatta. Followed: vāhabhraṭ, 'from the horse'.
translator The kaumudī gives only the three forms; the derivational steps (n-elision, d for s, ṣ for ś with its final treatment) are supplied by BM and are not repeated in the English (§9).

SK 2984 · A 8.4.20V

अन्तः ॥ २९८४ ॥

antaḥ

antaḥ — [ṇ replaces the n of an — 'aniteḥ' (SK 2478) and 'raṣābhyāṃ no ṇaḥ' (SK 235) carried forward (anuvṛtti)] when it stands at the end [of a pada — 'antaḥ' is a first-case word (prathamānta) in the sense of the sixth], [after a cause in an upasarga — 'upasargāt' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2287; all per BM].

Rule. The n of the root an "to breathe" becomes ṇ at the end of a pada. The condition: a cause of ṇatva stands before it, in an upasarga. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists what runs on. aniteḥ (SK 2478) gives the root an. raṣābhyāṃ no ṇaḥ (SK 235) gives the change. upasargāt (SK 2287) gives the upasarga.

Example.

pra + an + kvip → the affix goes → pra-an → prān

→ ṇ for the pada-final n after the r of pra → prāṇ

→ vocative singular → he prāṇ.

One commentator reads an here as an prāṇane "to breathe" with kvip. Both say why the example is a vocative. Elsewhere the final n would be lost. In the vocative na ṅisaṃbuddhyoḥ (SK 352) bars that loss.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji glosses antaḥ as "at the end of a pada". One commentator explains: the end is reckoned from the following word. The n of an is always final in the root itself, so that reading would be empty.

Bhaṭṭoji then gives more kvip forms.

mitrāṇi śāsti "he instructs friends". śās + kvip → i for the ā by śāsa id aṅhaloḥ (SK 2486) → mitraśīḥ. One commentator adds the lengthening by SK 433.

A vārttika: āśāsaḥ kvāv upadhāyā itvaṃ vācyam. Before kvi, i replaces the penultimate of āśās "to wish" → āśīḥ.

With i and u replacing ṝ: gīḥ (from gṝ), pūḥ (from pṝ). One commentator gives SK 2390 for the i and SK 2494 for the u.

Watch out. Is the āśās vārttika a restriction or a fresh rule? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports both views; the other takes it as a fresh rule. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पदान्तस्यानितेर्नस्य णत्वं स्यादुपसर्गस्थान्निमित्तात्परश्चेत् । हे प्राण् । शास इत् - SK 2486 इतीत्वम् । मित्राणि शास्ति मित्रशीः ।

The n of an (aniti) at the end of a pada is replaced by ṇ (ṇatva), if it comes after a cause (nimitta) standing in an upasarga: he prāṇ [form of address (saṃbuddhi)]. By śāsa id aṅhaloḥ (SK 2486) i replaces [the penultimate of śās]: mitrāṇi śāsti "he instructs friends": mitraśīḥ.

vārttika

आशासः क्वावुपाधाया इत्वं वाच्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated that i replaces the penultimate (upadhā) of āśās before kvi.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ आशीः इत्वोत्वे । गीः । पूः ॥

āśīḥ. [With] i-substitution and u-substitution [respectively]: gīḥ, pūḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 507–508

—अन्तः । अनितेरिति वर्तते अन्तश्चोत्तरपदापेक्षो गृह्यते नानितेरपेक्षयाऽव्यभिचारादत आह—पदान्तस्येति ॥—हे प्राणिति । अन प्राणने क्विप् ‘अनुनासिकस्य’—इति दीर्घः । ‘न ङिसंबुद्ध्योः’ इति नलोपनिषेधः । अन्यत्र तु नलोपेन भाव्यमिति संबुद्ध्यन्तमुदाहृतम् ॥—मित्रशीरिति । लुप्तेऽपि क्विप्प्रत्यये प्रत्ययलक्षणन्यायेन हलादिकित्प्रत्ययपरत्वमस्ति, वर्णाश्रये नास्ति प्रत्ययलक्षणमित्येतद्वर्णप्राधान्य एवेत्युक्तत्वादिति भावः ॥—आशास इति । शासु अनुशिष्टौ, आङः शासु इच्छायाम्, आत्मनेपदे ‘शास इत्’—इत्यादिना सिद्धे क्वावेव उपधाया इत्वमिति नियमार्थमिदम् । तेन आशास्ते इति सिद्धमित्येके । अन्ये तु विध्यर्थमेवेदं न नियमार्थं प्राप्त्यभावात् । न च ‘शास इदङ् हलोः’ इति इत्वस्य प्राप्तिरस्तीति वाच्यम् । तत्राङ्-साहचर्यात्परस्मैपदिन एव शासेर्ग्रहणात् । यद्यपि ‘सर्तिशास्ति’ इति सूत्रे पृथक् योगकरणादर्तेर्लुङि आरत समारतेति पदद्वयेऽप्यङिति सिद्धान्तस्तथाप्युत्तरार्थतया परस्मैपदग्रहणानुवृत्तेरप्याकरे स्पष्टतया परस्मैपदे दृष्टो यः शासिस्तस्मात्परस्याङिति निष्कर्षः । तथा चाऽशास्ते इत्यत्र इत्वप्रसक्तिरेव नास्तीत्याहुः । वस्तुतस्तु ‘आशिषि लिङ्लोटौ’ ‘क्षियाशीःप्रैषेषु’ इत्यादिनिर्देशेनैव सिद्धमिति नेदमपूर्वं वार्तिकम् । ततश्च इत्वं वाच्यमित्यस्य इत्वं व्याख्येयमित्यर्थः । आशिषीत्याद्युक्तनिर्देशादिति दिक् ॥—सुम्वाविति । ‘ओः सुपि’ इति यण्

Bālamanoramā

अन्तः ।अनिते॑रिति सूत्रमनुवर्तते, 'रषाभ्यां नो णः' इति च । अन्त इति षष्ठर्थे प्रथमा.पदस्याऽन्तो विवक्षितः ।उपसर्गादसमासेऽपी॑त्यत उपसर्गादित्यनुवर्तते । तदाह — पदान्तस्येत्यादिना । हे प्राणिति । प्रपूर्वादनेः क्विबन्तात्संबोधनैकवचनस्य हल्ङ्यादिलोपः, नस्य णः । नलोपस्तु न, 'न ङिसंबुद्ध्योः' इति निषेधात् । मित्रशीरिति । मित्राणि शास्तीति विग्रहः । शासः क्विप् । 'शास इदङ्हलोः' नित्युपधाया इत्त्वम्, 'र्वोरुपधायाः' इति दीर्घः । मित्रशिषावित्यादौ अपदान्त्तवान्न दीर्घः । आशासः क्वाविति ।आङः शासु इच्छाया॑मित्यात्मनेपदी । तस्य 'शास इदङ्हलोः' इति इत्त्वं तु न भवति, तत्र परस्मैपदिन एव शासेग्र्रहणात् । अन्यथा आशास्ते इत्यादावपि इत्त्वापत्तेः । अतआशासःर क्वा॑विति विधिः । इत्त्वोत्त्वे इति । गृ धातोः क्विपि, ऋत इत्त्वे,रपरत्वे, सोर्लोपे, 'र्वोरुपधायाः' इतिदीर्घे गीरिति रूपम् । पृधातोः क्विपि,उदोष्ठपूर्वस्ये॑ति ऋत उत्त्वे, रपरत्वे , सुलोपे, उपधादीर्घे पूरिति रूपमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.2984.t1: 'aniteḥ' continues; and 'anta' is taken relative to the [following] word (uttarapada), not relative to an, since relative to an [its n] never varies [it is always final]; hence he says 'padāntasya'. Followed: 'at the end of a pada'.
commentary BM (sk.2984.b1; Wikisource uttara-3/0094 agrees): the sūtra aniteḥ is carried forward, and also raṣābhyāṃ no ṇaḥ; 'antaḥ' is a first-case word in the sense of the sixth, the end of a pada being meant; 'upasargāt' is carried forward from upasargād asamāse 'pi [ṇopadeśasya]. Followed in the brackets of sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.2984.t1, on he prāṇ: the root an (an prāṇane, 'to breathe') takes kvip — the print reads 'ana prāṇane kvip' (NSP p. 498, scan page-0508, read), where our OCR has 'atra prāṇane kvip'; lengthening by 'anunāsikasya…'; elision of n is barred by na ṅisaṃbuddhyoḥ (SK 352); elsewhere n-elision would take place, hence a form of address is given as the example. BM (sk.2984.b1): from an with pra, ending in kvip; elision of the ending of the address-singular by halṅyādi…; n → ṇ; n-elision blocked by na ṅisaṃbuddhyoḥ. Followed: the example is glossed as a form of address.
commentary TB, sk.2984.t1, on mitraśīḥ: although kvip is elided, by the principle of pratyayalakṣaṇa [śās] is still followed by a hal-initial k-marked affix, since the rule that pratyayalakṣaṇa does not hold for an operation conditioned by a letter applies only where the letter is primary. BM (sk.2984.b1): mitrāṇi śāsti is the analysis; śās + kvip, i for the penultimate by śāsa id aṅhaloḥ, lengthening by rvor upadhāyā… (SK 433); no lengthening in mitraśiṣau etc., not being pada-final. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.2984.t1: some hold the vārttika is restrictive (niyama: for ātmanepadin āśās, i only before kvi, so āśāste stands); others that it is an injunction (vidhi), since śāsa id aṅhaloḥ concerns only the parasmaipadin śās; in fact the usage 'āśiṣi' in āśiṣi liṅloṭau, kṣiyāśīḥpraiṣeṣu etc. already establishes it, so 'vācyam' means 'is to be explained'. Recorded; the English keeps 'It should be stated'.
commentary BM (sk.2984.b1): āṅ-śāsu 'to wish' is ātmanepadin; śāsa id aṅhaloḥ does not give it i, since that rule takes only the parasmaipadin śās (otherwise āśāste too would get i); hence the vārttika prescribes it before kvi. Recorded (agrees with TB's second view).
commentary BM (sk.2984.b1): gīḥ: gṝ + kvip, i for ṛ (by ṝta id dhātoḥ, SK 2390), r-augment (raparatva), elision of s, lengthening by rvor upadhāyāḥ; pūḥ: pṝ + kvip, u for ṛ by udoṣṭhyapūrvasya (SK 2494), raparatva, elision of su, lengthening of the penultimate. Followed: 'respectively'.
textual Ours reads 'kvāv upādhāyā'; the print reads 'kvāv upadhāyā' (NSP p. 498, scan page-0508, read). The English follows the print.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial; the print marks the vārttika 'āśāsaḥ kvāv upadhāyā itvaṃ vācyam' with the vārttika sign before it (NSP p. 498, scan page-0508), and 'āśīḥ. itvotve. gīḥ. pūḥ.' is Bhaṭṭoji's prose.
textual BM on this sūtra is sk.2984.b1, re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.2478.b1 (p45), where it stood under the label of aniter antaḥ. The BM notes above, first taken from Wikisource (uttara-3/0094–0095), have been checked against sk.2984.b1 and agree with it. Our OCR has gṛ and pṛ for the roots of gīḥ and pūḥ; the notes give gṝ, pṝ, as ṝta id dhātoḥ requires. Nothing in sk.2984.b1 calls for a change to sutra_en or the blocks.
textual The tail of sk.2984.t1 ('sumbāv iti. oḥ supi iti yaṇ') is TB on SK 2985 (sumvau), not on this sūtra.

SK 2985 · A 6.4.97V

इस्मन्त्रन्क्विषु च ॥ २९८५ ॥

ismantrankviṣu ca

ismantrankviṣu ca — And when is, man, tran or kvi follows, [a short vowel replaces the vowel of chādi — 'chādeḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3297 and 'hrasvaḥ' from SK 2955, per BM].

Rule. Before is, man, tran and kvi, a short vowel replaces the ā of chādi "to cover". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the sources. chādeḥ runs on from SK 3297, hrasvaḥ from SK 2955.

Example.

tanuṃ chādayati "it covers the body".

tanu + chādi + kvip → short a for ā → tanu + chad → tanucchat.

The same commentator gives the other three: chadiḥ with is, chadma with man, chatram with tran.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji now runs through other kvip forms, naming only the rules.

Lengthening by anunāsikasya kvijhaloḥ kṅiti (SK 2666), and n for m by mo no dhātoḥ (SK 341): pratān, praśān. One commentator gives the roots tan and śam.
The substitute ū (ūṭh) by cchvoḥ (SK 2561): akṣadyūḥ "one who plays with dice" (akṣair dīvyati). One commentator gives ūṭh for the v of div.
ūṭh by jvaratvara… (SK 2654): jūḥ, jūrau, jūraḥ; tūḥ; srūḥ; ūḥ.
vṛddhi: janān avati "he protects people" → janauḥ, janāvau, janāvaḥ. One commentator gives the rule, SK 73.
mūḥ, muvau, muvaḥ; sumūḥ, sumvau, sumvaḥ. One commentator gives oḥ supi (SK 281) for the v of sumvau.
rāl lopaḥ (SK 2655): from mūrchā, mūḥ, murau, muraḥ; from dhurvī, dhūḥ.

Watch out. Only tanucchat belongs to this sūtra. The rest of the list is a tour of kvip forms. Each line names its own rule.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषु छादेर्ह्रस्वः स्यात् । तनुच्छत् । अनुनासिकस्य क्वि -SK 2666 इति दीर्घः । मो नो धातोः SK 341 । प्रतान् । प्रशान् । च्छ्वोः -SK 2561 इत्यूठ् । अक्षद्यूः । ज्वरत्वरः -SK 2654 इत्यूठ् । जूः । जूरौ । जूरः । तूः । स्रूः । ऊः । वृद्धिः । जनानवतीति जनौः । जनावौ । जनावः । मूः । मुवौ । मुवः । सुमूः । सुम्वौ । सुम्वः । राल्लोपः SK 2655 । मूर्छा, मूः । मुरौ । मुरः । धुर्वी, धूः ॥

When these follow, a short vowel replaces [the ā of] chādi: tanucchat ["covering the body"]. Lengthening by anunāsikasya kvi[jhaloḥ kṅiti] (SK 2666); mo no dhātoḥ (SK 341): pratān, praśān. ūṭh by cchvoḥ… (SK 2561): akṣadyūḥ. ūṭh by jvaratvara… (SK 2654): jūḥ, jūrau, jūraḥ; tūḥ; srūḥ; ūḥ. vṛddhi [by etyedhatyūṭhsu (SK 73)]: janān avati "he protects people": janauḥ, janāvau, janāvaḥ. mūḥ, muvau, muvaḥ; sumūḥ, sumvau, sumvaḥ. rāl lopaḥ (SK 2655): [from] mūrchā, mūḥ, murau, muraḥ; [from] dhurvī, dhūḥ.

Bālamanoramā

इस्मन्त्रन्क्विषु च - इस्मन्त्रन् । इस्, मन्, त्रन्, क्वि एषां चतुर्णां द्वन्द्वः ।छादेर्घेऽद्व्युपसर्गस्य॑त्यतश्छादेरिति, 'खचि ह्रस्वः' इत्यतो ह्रस्व इति चानुवर्तते । तदाह — एषु छादेरिति । अर्थादाकारस्येति गम्यते, अलोन्त्यपरिभाषामाश्रित्य इकारस्य ह्रस्वविधौ प्रयोजनाऽभावात् । एवं च 'ऊदुपधायाः' इत्यत उपधाया इति नानुवर्तनीयम्, ण्यन्तस्य छादेर्दकारोपधत्वात् ।इस्- छदिः । मन्- छद्म । त्रन् - छत्रम् । क्वौ उदाहरति — तनुच्छदिति । तनुं छादयतीति विग्रहः । अथ तनेः शमेश्च क्विपि विशेषमाह — अनुनासिकस्येति ।अक्षद्यू॑रित्यत्र आह — च्छ्वोरिति । योरेकस्मिन् ऊठिजूरिति रूपम् । एवं त्वरेः तूरिति रूपम् । स्रिवेः क्विपि इकारवकारयोरूठि स्रूरिति रूपम् । अवधातोः क्विपि अकारवकारयोरूठि ऊरिति रूपम् । वृद्धिरिति । जनानवतीति विग्रहे, अवेः क्विपि, अकारवकारयोरूठि , जन ऊ इति स्थिते आद्गुणं बाधित्वा 'एत्येध्त्यूठ्सु' इति वृद्धिरौकारादेश इत्यर्थः । मूरिति । मवेः क्विपि, अकारवकारयोरूठ् । सुम्वौ सुम्वः इति । अनेकाच्त्वाद्गतिपूर्वत्वाच्च यणिति भावः । रादिति । मुर्छाधातोः क्विपि 'राल्लोपः' इति छकारस्य लोपे सुलोपेर्वो॑रिति दीर्घे धूरिति रूपमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: is, man, tran and kvi form a dvandva; 'chādeḥ' is carried forward from chāder ghe 'dvyupasargasya and 'hrasvaḥ' from khaci hrasvaḥ; by implication [the short replaces] the ā, since applying the short to the [final] i by the alo 'ntya paribhāṣā would serve no purpose; and 'upadhāyāḥ' is not to be carried forward from ūd upadhāyāḥ, since chādi ending in ṇic has d as its penultimate. With is: chadiḥ; man: chadma; tran: chatram. Followed: '[the ā of] chādi'.
commentary BM: tanucchat is analysed tanuṃ chādayati. With 'anunāsikasya' he states the special feature of tan and śam with kvip [pratān, praśān]. Followed in the gloss; the attribution of pratān to tan and praśān to śam is BM's.
commentary BM (Wikisource uttara-3/0095; garbled in ours): akṣadyūḥ is analysed akṣair dīvyati; div + kvip, ūṭh for v, yaṇ for i. jūḥ: jvar + kvip, a single ūṭh for a and v; likewise tūḥ from tvar, srūḥ from sriv (ūṭh for i and v), ūḥ from av. janauḥ: av + kvip, ūṭh, then from jana + ū vṛddhi au by etyedhatyūṭhsu, blocking ād guṇaḥ. mūḥ: mav + kvip, ūṭh for a and v. Followed in the bracket '[by etyedhatyūṭhsu (SK 73)]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2984.t1 (the only TB on this sūtra): 'sumvau': yaṇ by oḥ supi (SK 281). BM: yaṇ because [the stem] has more than one vowel and is preceded by a gati. Recorded; both account for sumvau, sumvaḥ beside muvau, muvaḥ.
commentary BM (Wikisource): mūḥ from mūrchā: kvip, elision of ch by rāl lopaḥ, lengthening by rvoḥ [upadhāyāḥ] after elision of su; murau, muraḥ have no lengthening of the penultimate, not being pada-final; dhūḥ from dhurvī with elision of v. Followed: 'mūrchā' and 'dhurvī' are the roots.
translator After tanucchat the kaumudī leaves this sūtra and runs through further kvip formations from roots ending in a nasal, v or r, giving only the rule names and the forms. The English keeps that terse form; the steps are recorded from BM in the notes above (§9).
textual The print (NSP p. 498, scan page-0508, read) agrees with ours throughout this block, including 'mūrchā, mūḥ' and 'dhurvī, dhūḥ'.

SK 2986 · A 6.4.40V

गमः क्वौ ॥ २९८६ ॥

gamaḥ kvau

gamaḥ kvau — Of gam, before kvi, [the nasal (anunāsika) is elided — 'anunāsikalopaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2428, per BM].

Rule. Before kvi, the nasal of gam is lost. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "the nasal is lost". One of his commentators says it comes from SK 2428. That rule works only before an affix beginning with a jhal consonant. kvi is not one, so this rule is needed.

Example.

aṅgaṃ gacchati "goes to Aṅga".

aṅga + gam + kvip → the affix goes → m is lost → aṅga-ga

→ tuk after the short vowel (SK 2858) → aṅga-ga-t → aṅgagat.

One commentator gives the m-loss and tuk, and adds vaṅgagat, kaliṅgagat.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: gamādīnām iti vaktavyam, "of gam and the rest". parītat, saṃyat, sunut. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads and explains purītat and sunat; scholars discuss this.

A second vārttika: ūṅ ca gamādīnām iti vaktavyam. ū replaces the penultimate of gam and the rest, and the nasal is lost. agre gacchati "goes in front" → agregūḥ; likewise agrebhrūḥ from bhram. One commentator says the locative of agre stays by SK 972.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अनुनासिकलोपः स्यात् । अङ्गत् ।

The nasal is elided: aṅgagat ["going to Aṅga"].

vārttika

गमादीनामिति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated [as] "of gam and the rest" (gamādīnām).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ परीतत् । संयत् । सुनुत् ।

parītat, saṃyat, sunut.

vārttika

ऊङ् च गमादीनामिति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated that ūṅ also [replaces the penultimate] of gam and the rest.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ लोपश्च ॥ अग्रेगूः । अग्रेभ्रूः ॥

And elision [of the nasal]: agregūḥ, agrebhrūḥ.

Bālamanoramā

गमः क्वौ - अनुनासिकलोपः स्यादिति शेषपूरणमिदम् ।अनुदात्तोपदेश इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । झलादिप्रत्ययपरकत्वाऽभावादनुदात्तोपदेशेत्यप्राप्तौ वचनम् । अङ्गगदिति । अङ्गाख्यं देशं गच्छतीति विग्रहः । क्विपि मकारलोपे तुक् । एवं वङ्गगत् । कलिङ्गगदित्यादि । गमादीनामिति । 'क्वावनुनासिकलोप' इति शेषः । पुरीतदिति । पुरिः = हृदयाख्यो मांसखण्डविशेषः,तं तनोति = आच्छादयतीति विग्रहः । हृदयकमलाच्छादको मेदोविशेषः ।पुरीतता हि हृदयमाच्छाद्यते॑ इति श्रुति॑रिति कर्किभाष्यम् । तनेः क्विपि नकारलोपे तुक् ।नहिवृतिवृषि॑ति पूर्वपदस्य दीर्घः । संयदिति । यमेः क्विप् । मलोपे तुक् । सुनदिति । नमेः क्विपि मलोपे तुक् । ऊ चेति । गमादीनामुपधाया ऊभावश्चेति वक्तव्यमित्यर्थः । लोपश्चेति.चकारादनुनासिकलोपः समुच्चीयते इति भावः । अग्रेगूरिति । अग्रे गच्छतीति विग्रहः । गमेरकारस्य ऊभावः, मलोपश्च ।तत्पुरुषे कृति बहुल॑मित्यलुक् । अग्रेभ्रूरिति । भ्रमेरकारस्य ऊभावः, मलोपश्च ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'anunāsikalopaḥ syāt' completes the ellipsis (śeṣapūraṇa), the idea being that it is carried forward from anudāttopadeśa…; since [kvi] is not an affix beginning with jhal, that rule does not reach here, hence this statement. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: aṅgagat is analysed 'goes to the country called Aṅga'; with kvip, m is elided and tuk added; likewise vaṅgagat, kaliṅgagat etc. Followed in the gloss (BM's garbled pratīka 'aṅgagamad iti' = 'aṅgagad iti' in Wikisource).
commentary BM: after 'gamādīnām' the remainder is 'kvāv anunāsikalopaḥ'. Followed: the vārttika extends the elision before kvi to gam and the rest.
commentary BM reads 'purītat' (not parītat): puri is the lump of flesh called the heart; [purītat] covers it (tanoti = ācchādayati), the fatty membrane covering the heart-lotus, citing Karka's bhāṣya ('by the purītat the heart is covered', a śruti); tan + kvip, n-elision, tuk, lengthening of the first member by nahivṛtivṛṣi… (SK 1037). saṃyat: yam + kvip, m-elision, tuk. BM then reads 'sunat': nam + kvip, m-elision, tuk. Recorded; the English keeps the print's parītat and sunut (see textual note).
commentary BM: 'ū ca' means it should be stated that ū also replaces the penultimate (upadhā) of gam and the rest. Followed: '[replaces the penultimate]'.
commentary BM: 'lopaś ca': by the 'ca' [of the vārttika] the elision of the nasal is added. agregūḥ: agre gacchati; the a of gam becomes ū and m is elided; the seventh-case ending is not dropped by tatpuruṣe kṛti bahulam (SK 972). agrebhrūḥ: the a of bhram becomes ū and m is elided. Followed: 'And elision [of the nasal]'.
textual Ours reads 'aṅgat'; the print reads 'aṅgagat' (NSP p. 498, scan page-0508, read at zoom), as do Wikisource and BM's explanation (aṅgākhyaṃ deśaṃ gacchati). Not in the collation report. The English follows the print.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 498, scan page-0508, read at zoom) agree on 'parītat. saṃyat. sunut.' BM's explanations, and the Wikisource SK text, read 'purītat' and 'sunat' (from nam). 'sunut' is accounted for by neither commentator and may be a misprint for 'sunat'; 'parītat' (pari + tan) is a possible formation in its own right. The English keeps the transmitted forms; referred to Ajai as a mūla question.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags heading k3 and k5 are editorial; the print marks 'gamādīnām iti vaktavyam' and 'ūṅ ca gamādīnām iti vaktavyam' with the vārttika sign, and 'lopaś ca' stands in plain type after the second vārttika (NSP p. 498, scan page-0508).
textual No TB on this sūtra in the print: TB passes from 'sumbāv iti' (SK 2985) directly to 'sthaḥ ka ca' (SK 2987) on NSP p. 498.

SK 2987 · A 3.2.77V

स्थः क च ॥ २९८७ ॥

sthaḥ ka ca

sthaḥ ka ca — After sthā, ka [comes], and [by 'ca'] kvip [— when a word ending in sup is upapada, with or without an upasarga, per BM's resultant sense; 'supi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2916, as BM states under SK 2988 (sk.2988.b1)].

Rule. sthā takes ka, and by ca, kvip. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the upapada: a sup-ending word, with or without an upasarga. Under SK 2988 he says supi runs on from SK 2916.

Example.

śam + sthā + ka → k is a marker → the ā is lost (SK 2372) → śaṃsthaḥ.

śam + sthā + kvip → the affix goes → śaṃsthāḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. ka already comes by supi sthaḥ (SK 2916), and kvip by kvip ca (SK 2983). Bhaṭṭoji: this sūtra blocks the ac of śami dhātoḥ (SK 2928). Both of his commentators explain. That rule names "a root", so its ac would come after every root after śam. It would set aside ka and kvip after sthā, as it sets aside ṭa after kṛñ.

Watch out. In śaṃsthāḥ the ā does not become ī by SK 2462. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give different grounds for this; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चात् क्विप् । शंस्थः । शंस्थाः । शमि धातोः - SK 2928 इत्यचं बाधितुं सूत्रम् ॥

By 'ca', kvip [also comes]: śaṃsthaḥ [with ka], śaṃsthāḥ [with kvip]. The sūtra is [made] in order to block ac [which would come] by śami dhātoḥ [saṃjñāyām] (SK 2928).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 508–509

—स्थः क च ॥—शंस्था इति । क्विपि लुप्ते ‘घुमास्था’—इति इत्वं न, स्थानिवद्भावस्य अनल्विधाविति निषेधात् । प्रत्ययलक्षणसूत्रं तु प्रत्ययस्यासाधारणरूपं यत्राश्रीयते तत्रैवेति नियमार्थमिति निष्कर्षात् । यत्तु कैयटेनोक्तम् । ईत्वमवकारादाविति वचनाद्भाष्यकारीयोदाहरणप्रामाण्याद्वा प्रत्ययलक्षणेन इत्वं नेति । तत् अतृणेडित्यादिसिद्धये प्रत्ययप्राधान्ये अल्विध्यर्थं प्रत्ययलक्षणसूत्रमिति पक्षमभिप्रेत्य तत्राप्यवकारादाविति वचनस्वीकारे सुधीवेति न सिद्धेदित्यपरितोषेण पक्षान्तरस्वीकार इति बोध्यम् । ननु नियमार्थमिति निष्कर्षपक्षे तु प्रागुक्तमित्रशीरित्यत्र कथमित्वं भवेदिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । शासः इदिति । ततः अङि नियमार्थमिदम् । अजादौ चेदित्वं स्यादङ्येव नान्यत्रेति हल्ग्रहणं मास्त्विति ज्ञेयमिति । न चैवमपि हलादौ पिति सार्वधातुके तृणह इमो विधानादतृणेडित्यादितु नियमपक्षे न सिद्ध्यतीत्यल्विध्यर्थमिति पक्षोऽपि स्वीकार्य इति वाच्यम् । ‘उतो वृद्धिः—’ इति सूत्रादल्ग्रहणमनुवर्त्य तृणहानीत्यत्रानिष्टवारणाय ‘नाभ्यस्तस्याचि—’ इति सूत्रादचि नेत्यनुवर्त्य व्याख्यानात् । एतच्च रुधादिगण एव व्याख्यातम् । स्यादेतत् । ‘सुपि स्थः’ ‘क्विप् च’ इति सूत्राभ्यां कक्विपौ सिद्धौ तत्राह—शमीत्यादि । धातुग्रहणसामर्थ्याद्धि धातुमात्राद्भवन्नच्प्रत्ययो हेत्वादिषु कृञष्टं यथा बाधते तथा तिष्ठतेः कक्विपावपि बाधेतेति ‘स्थः क च’ इत्यारम्भ इति भावः । नन्वेवं ‘शमि धातोः—’ इत्यस्यानन्तरं ‘स्थः क च’ इति सूत्र्यतां चकारेणाचि समुच्चिते सवर्णदीर्घे शंस्था इति भविष्यति । एवं चोत्सर्गापवादयोः समानदेशतया संदर्भशुद्धिरपि लभ्यते इत्वाभावार्थं च न यतनीयमिति महल्लाघवमिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । अशंस्था इत्यत्र ‘अच्कावशक्तौ’ इति सूत्रेणोत्तरपदमन्तोदात्तं स्यात् । ‘कृद्ग्रहणे गतिकारकपूर्वस्यापि’ इति शंस्थाशब्दस्याजन्तत्वात् । क्विबन्तेन नञ्समासे तु नञ्पूर्वपदप्रकृतिस्वरः सिध्यतीति ॥—उष्णभोजीति । उष्णं भोक्तुं शीलमस्य ॥—आमन्त्रयितेति । मत्रि गुप्तपरिभाषणे चुरादिराङ्पूर्वः । इदित्वानुम् ताच्छिल्यस्य विवक्षितत्वात्तृन् । अत एव ‘न लोक—’ इति निषेधात् ब्राह्मणानित्यत्र कर्मणि षष्ठी न कृता ॥—उपसर्गभिन्न एवेति । ‘सत्सूद्विष—’ इति सूत्रे उपसर्गेऽपीत्युक्तत्वादुपसर्गभिन्नस्यैव सुपो लाभायास्मिन्सूत्रे पुनः सुब्ग्रहणं कृतमिति भावः ॥—भाष्यविरोधादिति । उक्तं च भाष्ये सुपीति वर्तमाने पुनः सुब्ग्रहणं किमर्थमनुपसर्ग इत्येव तदभूत् इदं तु सुप्मात्रे यथा स्यादुदासारिण्यः प्रत्यासारिण्य इति । अस्यायमाशयः—‘सत्सूद्विष—’ इति सूत्रे ‘सुपि स्थः’ इत्यतः सुपीत्यनुवर्तते । उपसर्गेऽपीति पृथक्कृते तदिह नियमार्थाधिकारादुपसर्गेतरपरमेव स्यादिति निष्कर्षे तु मा भूदिह सुव्यवहणम् । उपसर्गं पीतं शस्याप्यनुवृत्त्या निर्वाहात् । सर्वथापि सुव्यात्रे उपपदे णिनिः न त्वनुपसर्ग एवेति सिद्धान्तः । एतच्च शब्दकौस्तुभे स्पष्टम्

Bālamanoramā

स्थः क च - स्थः क च ।के॑त्यविभक्तिकम् । स्थ इति पञ्चम्यन्तम् ।चात् क्विबिति । उपसर्गे अनुपसर्गे च सुबन्ते उपपदे स्थाधातोः कप्रत्ययः स्यात्, क्विप् चेति फलितम् । शंस्थ इति । शमित्यव्ययं सुखे । तत्पूर्वात्स्थाधातोः कप्रत्यये आतो लोपः । शंस्था इति, - क्विपि रूपम् ।सुखं स्थापयतीत्यर्थः । तिष्ठतिरन्तर्भावितण्यर्थः ।शंस्था इति भाष्यप्रयोगात्पृषोदरादित्वाच्चघुमास्थे॑ति ईत्त्वं न । केचित्तुक चे॑ति चकाराद्विजेवानुकृष्यते इत्याहुः । ननु 'सुपि स्थः' इति कप्रत्ययेक्विप् चे॑ति क्विपि च सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — शमिधातोरित्यचमिति । अन्यथा धातुग्रहणसामर्थ्यात्कृञो हेत्वादिषु टप्रत्ययमिव शम्पूर्वात् स्थाधातोः कं क्विपं च अच्प्रत्ययो बाधेतेति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ka' is without case ending, 'sthaḥ' is a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta); the resulting sense is that, when a word ending in sup is upapada, with or without an upasarga, the affix ka comes after sthā, and kvip too. BM here names no anuvṛtti. Followed in sutra_en (the upapada condition).
commentary BM under SK 2988 (sk.2988.b1): 'supi sthaḥ ity ataḥ supīty anuvṛttau…' — 'supi' is carried forward from supi sthaḥ (SK 2916). This is the source for the anuvṛtti stated in sutra_en.
commentary BM: śam is an indeclinable meaning 'happiness'; śaṃsthaḥ has ka with elision of ā; śaṃsthāḥ is the kvip form, meaning 'who makes [one] stand in happiness', sthā having the causative sense internalised; ī does not come by ghumāsthā… (SK 2462) because of the Bhāṣya's usage 'śaṃsthāḥ' and because it belongs to pṛṣodarādi. Some say the 'ca' draws in vic only. Recorded; the bracketed labels '[with ka]', '[with kvip]' follow BM.
commentary BM: Objection: ka is established by supi sthaḥ and kvip by kvip ca, so why this rule? Answer: otherwise, by the force of the word 'dhātoḥ' [in śami dhātoḥ], ac would block ka and kvip after sthā preceded by śam, just as it blocks ṭa after kṛñ in [the senses of] hetu etc. Followed: 'to block ac'.
commentary TB, sk.2987.t1: same purpose: by the force of 'dhātu', ac, coming after every root, would block ka and kvip after sthā as it blocks ṭa for kṛñ in hetu etc. Objection: then put sthaḥ ka ca right after śami dhātoḥ, adding ac by ca. Answer: with ac, in aśaṃsthāḥ the second member would be end-acute by ackāv aśaktau, whereas with the kvip form the nañ-compound keeps the first member's own accent. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.2987.t1, on śaṃsthāḥ: ī by ghumāsthā… does not come after the kvip is elided, since sthānivadbhāva is barred for an operation on a letter (analvidhau), the pratyayalakṣaṇa rule being restrictive (it holds only where the affix's own distinctive form is relied on); Kaiyaṭa's alternative grounds are discussed. Recorded; differs in its grounds from BM (Bhāṣya usage, pṛṣodarādi).
textual sk.2987.t1 runs on, after 'śamītyādi', into TB on SK 2988 (lemmas uṣṇabhojīti, āmantrayiteti, upasargabhinna eveti, bhāṣyavirodhād iti). The editorial note formerly filed as sk.2987.n1 (page 509) was not about this sūtra: it is TB on SK 2994 (ica ekācaḥ; gāṃmanya, naraṃmanya, bhāṣyakāra…), re-filed to sk.2994.t1 (2026-10-05).

SK 2988 · A 3.2.78V

सुप्यजातौ णिनिस्ताच्छील्ये ॥ २९८८ ॥

supyajātau ṇinistācchīlye

supy ajātau ṇinis tācchīlye — When a word ending in sup that does not denote a genus (jāti) is upapada, ṇini [comes after a root] when habitual disposition (tācchīlya) [is to be conveyed].

Rule. A root takes ṇini when a habitual disposition (tācchīlya) is conveyed. The upapada is a sup-ending word whose meaning is not a genus (jāti).

Example.

uṣṇa + bhuj + ṇini → uṣṇa + bhuj + in

→ the light penultimate u takes guṇa (SK 2189) → uṣṇa + bhojin → uṣṇabhojī.

Likewise śītabhojī "one who habitually eats it cold".

Not a genus? Bhaṭṭoji: brāhmaṇān āmantrayitā "one who habitually invites brāhmaṇas". brāhmaṇa is a genus word, so there is no ṇini. One of his commentators says tṛn comes instead, because habit is meant.

Not a habit? uṣṇaṃ bhuṅkte kadācit "he eats his food hot now and then": here there is no ṇini.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji reports the Vṛtti. Its author held that ṇini comes only with a sup-word other than an upasarga. So he read a vārttika to add sṛ after ut or prati with āṅ. Haradatta, Mādhava and others followed him. Bhaṭṭoji rejects this "because it conflicts with the Bhāṣya". ṇini with an upasarga is well established in usage. He quotes four phrases:

sa babhūvopajīvinām "he became foremost of the dependants";
anuyāyivargaḥ "the band of followers";
patatyadho dhāma visāri "the spreading radiance falls downward";
na vañcanīyāḥ prabhavo 'nujīvibhiḥ "masters are not to be deceived by dependants".

Each has ṇini after a root with an upasarga: upa-jīvin, anu-yāyin, vi-sārin, anu-jīvin. Both of his commentators side with the Bhāṣya. One calls the vārttika's place in the Bhāṣya an interpolation.

Two vārttikas give ṇini without habit, Bhaṭṭoji says.

sādhukāriṇy upasaṃkhyānam: in the sense "one who does it well" → sādhukārī.
brahmaṇi vadaḥ: after vad with brahman "the Veda" → brahmavādī.

One commentator takes kṛ in the first as standing for any root: sādhudāyī too.

Watch out. Is brahman not a genus word? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports the answer of the moderns (navya). SK 2988 excludes only a genus of living beings. That fits the counter-example brāhmaṇān āmantrayitā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अजात्यर्थे सुपि धातोर्णिनिः स्यात्ताच्छील्ये द्योत्ये । उष्णभोजी । शीतभोजी । अजातौ किम् । ब्राह्मणानाममन्त्रयिता । ताच्छील्ये किम् । उष्णं भुङ्क्ते कदाचित् । इह वृत्तिकारेणोपसर्गभिन्न एव सुपि णिनिरिति व्याख्याय उत्प्रतिभ्यामाङि सर्तेरुपसंख्यानमिति पठितम् । हरदत्तमाधवीदिभिश्च तदेवानुसृतम् । तच्च भाष्यविरोधादुपेक्ष्यम् । प्रसिद्धश्चोपसर्गेऽपि णिनिः । स बभूवोपजीविनाम् । अनुयायिवर्गः । पतत्यधो धाम विसारि । न वञ्चनीयाः प्रभवोऽनुजीविभिरित्यादौ ।

When a word ending in sup whose meaning is not a genus (jāti) is upapada, ṇini comes after a root when habitual disposition (tācchīlya) is to be conveyed: uṣṇabhojī "one who habitually eats [his food] hot", śītabhojī "one who habitually eats [it] cold". Why "not denoting a genus"? brāhmaṇān āmantrayitā "one who [habitually] invites brāhmaṇas". Why "when habitual disposition [is to be conveyed]"? uṣṇaṃ bhuṅkte kadācit "he eats [his food] hot now and then". Here the author of the Vṛtti, having explained that ṇini comes only when a word ending in sup other than an upasarga [is upapada], reads [the vārttika] "utpratibhyām āṅi sarter upasaṃkhyānam" ("[ṇini] after sṛ is to be added when āṅ [is used] after ut or prati"). Haradatta, Mādhava and others have followed that very [view]. But it is to be disregarded, because it conflicts with the Bhāṣya. And ṇini is well established with an upasarga too, in [usages] such as "sa babhūvopajīvinām" ("he became [foremost] of the dependants"), "anuyāyivargaḥ" ("the band of followers"), "patatyadho dhāma visāri" ("the spreading radiance falls downward"), "na vañcanīyāḥ prabhavo 'nujīvibhiḥ" ("masters are not to be deceived by their dependants").

vārttika

साधुकारिण्युपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) [ṇini] is to be added (upasaṃkhyāna) in [the sense of] one who does [something] well (sādhukārin).

(वार्तिकम्) ।

—

vārttika

ब्रह्मणि वदः

(vārttika) After vad, when brahman [is upapada, ṇini is to be added].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ अताच्छील्यार्थं वार्तिकद्वयम् । साधुकारी । ब्रह्मवादी ॥

The two vārttikas are for [ṇini] without habitual disposition: sādhukārī, brahmavādī.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 509

—प्रसिद्धश्चेति । एवं च पाणिनीयानुसारिणीमिति प्रक्रियाकारप्रयोगोऽपि निर्बाध एव । अमरश्च प्रायुङ्क्त—‘लिङ्गशेषविधिर्व्यापी विशेषैर्यद्यबाधितः’ इति दिक् ॥—साधुकारिणीति । एतच्च ज्ञापकसिद्धम् । ‘आ क्वेः—’ इति सूत्रे हि तच्छीलात्पृथक् साधुकारी गृह्यते तच्च ताच्छील्यं विनापि णिनौ सत्येव संगच्छते ॥—ब्रह्मणि वदः । इदं तु वाचनिकमेव ॥—अताच्छील्यार्थमिति । एतच्च कैयटहरदत्तादिग्रन्थे स्पष्टम् । यत्तु भट्टवार्तिके ब्रह्मवादिशब्दस्य तच्छीलतद्धर्मतत्साधुकारिपरतया व्याख्यानं कृतम् । आ क्वेरित्यधिकारे तु ब्रह्मणि वदेर्णिनिविधायकं वचनं नास्त्येवेति कथमिदं संगच्छेतेति चेत् । अत्राहुः—भट्टपादानामयमाशयः ‘सुप्यजातौ’—इति सूत्रेण ताच्छील्ये णिनिः । उपसंख्यानेन ज्ञापकेन वा साधुकारिणि णिनिः । ‘आवश्यकाधमर्ण्ययोर्णिनिः’ इत्यावश्यके णिनिस्तु तद्धर्मे पर्यवस्यति न त्विह ‘आ क्वेः—’ इति सूत्रस्य व्यापारोऽस्तीति । ननु ब्रह्मवादिनो वदन्ति इत्यत्र ब्रह्म वेद इति ब्रह्मशब्दस्यापि जातिवाचकत्वात्कथमिह ताच्छील्ये णिनिरिति समर्थनमिति चेत् । अत्र नव्याः । ‘सुप्यजातौ’—इत्यत्र प्राणिजातिरेव पर्युदस्यते ताच्छील्यसमभिव्याहारात् । ब्राह्मणानामन्त्रयितेति प्रत्युदाहरणानुगुण्याच्चेति न काप्यनुपपत्तिरिति

Bālamanoramā

सुप्यजातौ णिनिस्ताच्छिल्ये - सुप्यजातौ । 'सुपि स्थः' इत्यतः सुपीत्यनुवृत्तौ पुनः सुब्ग्रहणमुपसर्गेऽपि विधानार्थम् । अन्यथा 'आतोऽनुपसर्गे' इत्यतोऽनुपसर्गे इत्यनुवर्तेत । तद्ध्वनयन्नुदाहरति — उष्णभोजीति । उष्णभोजनशील इत्यर्थः । उपसर्गभिन्न एवेति । अनुपसर्ग इत्यनुवर्तते । सुब्ग्रहणं तुसत्सूद्विषे॑ति सूत्रादुपसर्गेऽपीत्यनुवृत्तिनिवृत्तये इति भावः । उत्प्रतिभ्यामिति । उत्प्रतिभ्यां परे आङि प्रयुज्यमाने सति तत्पूर्वात्सर्तेर्णिनेरुपसङ्ख्यानमिति तदर्थः । उदासारिणी प्रत्यासारिणीत्युदाहरणम् । भाष्यविरोधादिति । सुब्ग्रहणमुपसर्गग्रहणाऽनुवृत्तिनिवृत्त्यर्थम्, उपसर्गे अनुपसर्गे च सुबन्ते उपपदे धातोर्णिनिरित्येव भाष्ये उदाहृतत्वादिति भावः । तथा चउत्प्रतिभ्यामाङि सर्ते॑रिति वचं नादर्तव्यम् । भाष्ये तत्पाठस्तु प्रक्षिप्त एवेति भावः । अत एव 'अनुगादिनष्ठक्' इति सूत्रप्रयोगश्च सङ्गच्छते इति ज्ञेयम् ।उपसर्गभिन्न एव सुपि णिनि॑रिति मतं शिष्टप्रयोगविरुद्धं चेत्याहु — — प्रसिद्धश्चोपसर्गेऽपि णिनिरिति ।इत्यादा॑वित्यत्रान्वयः । साधुकारिणीति । कृञ्ग्रहणं सर्वधातूपलक्षणम् । साधुकारीत्यात्युदाहरणात् । ब्रह्मणि वद इति ।णिनेरुपसङ्ख्यान॑मिति शेषः । ननु 'सुप्यजातौ' इत्येव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदं वार्तिकमित्यत आह — अताच्छील्यार्थमिति । साधुदायीति । आतो युक् । ब्रह्मवादीति । ब्रह्म - वेदः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.2987.t1: āmantrayitā is from mantri 'secret speech' (curādi) with āṅ, num by the i-marking, tṛn because habitual disposition is intended; for that very reason the sixth case of the object is not used in 'brāhmaṇān', by na loka… (SK 627). Followed: the print's 'brāhmaṇān āmantrayitā' (see textual note) and 'habitually'.
commentary BM: although 'supi' is carried forward from supi sthaḥ (SK 2916), sup is mentioned again to prescribe [ṇini] with an upasarga too; otherwise 'anupasarge' would be carried forward from āto 'nupasarge [kaḥ] (SK 2915). On the Vṛtti's view ('upasargabhinna eva'), 'anupasarge' is carried forward and the [fresh] mention of sup is to stop the anuvṛtti of 'upasarge 'pi' from satsūdviṣa… (SK 2975). Recorded; sutra_en leaves the upasarga question open, as the kaumudī argues it.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2987.t1: on the Vṛtti's view, sup is mentioned again so as to get a sup other than an upasarga, since 'upasarge 'pi' was said in satsūdviṣa…. 'bhāṣyavirodhāt': the Bhāṣya says that with 'supi' continuing, the fresh mention of sup is so that [ṇini] comes with any sup at all, [instead of only] 'anupasarge' — udāsāriṇyaḥ, pratyāsāriṇyaḥ; the conclusion (siddhānta) is that ṇini comes with any sup as upapada, not only without an upasarga (Śabdakaustubha). Followed: 'it conflicts with the Bhāṣya'.
commentary BM: 'utpratibhyām…' means: when āṅ is used after ut or prati, ṇini is to be added after sṛ preceded by them; udāsāriṇī, pratyāsāriṇī are the examples. 'bhāṣyavirodhāt': the Bhāṣya illustrates ṇini with a sup upapada whether or not an upasarga [is present], the mention of sup serving to stop the anuvṛtti of 'upasarga'; so the statement 'utpratibhyām āṅi sarteḥ' is not to be accepted, its reading in the Bhāṣya being an interpolation. The view that ṇini comes only with a sup other than an upasarga also contradicts the usage of the learned, hence 'prasiddhaś ca…', construed with 'ityādau'. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.2988.t1, on 'prasiddhaś ca': so the Prakriyā[kaumudī]'s author's usage 'pāṇinīyānusāriṇīm' is unobjectionable, and Amara used 'liṅgaśeṣavidhir vyāpī'. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.2988.t1: [ṇini] in the sense of sādhukārin is established by a jñāpaka: in ā kveḥ… (SK 3114) sādhukārin is mentioned separately from tacchīla, which makes sense only if ṇini comes even without habitual disposition. 'brahmaṇi vadaḥ' is purely by statement (vācanika). Recorded.
commentary BM: the mention of kṛñ [in 'sādhukāriṇi'] stands for all roots (upalakṣaṇa), since [the Bhāṣya] gives sādhukārī, sādhudāyī etc. as examples; i.e. ṇini after a root when sādhu is upapada. Recorded.
commentary BM: after 'brahmaṇi vadaḥ' the remainder is 'ṇiner upasaṃkhyānam'. Followed: '[ṇini is to be added]'.
commentary BM: Objection: since [ṇini] is established by supy ajātau, why the vārttikas? Hence 'atācchīlyārtham'. sādhudāyī: yuk by āto yuk; brahmavādī: brahman = the Veda. Followed: 'for [ṇini] without habitual disposition'. BM's lemma reads 'sādhudāyī' (see textual note).
commentary TB, sk.2988.t1: 'atācchīlyārtham' is clear in Kaiyaṭa, Haradatta and others; the Bhaṭṭavārttika's reading of brahmavādin as tacchīla, taddharma or tatsādhukārin is defended; to the objection that brahman (= Veda) is itself a genus word, the moderns (navya) answer that supy ajātau excludes only a genus of living beings (prāṇijāti), in keeping with the counter-example brāhmaṇān āmantrayitā. Recorded.
textual Ours reads 'brāhmaṇānām amantrayitā' and 'haradattamādhavīdibhiḥ'; the print reads 'brāhmaṇān āmantrayitā' (written 'brāhmaṇānāmantrayitā') and 'haradattamādhavādibhiḥ' (NSP p. 498, scan page-0508, read), as do Wikisource and TB's lemma 'āmantrayiteti'. The English follows the print.
textual k3 holds only the editorial '(vārttikam)' tag; the '(vārttikam)' tag heading k5 is likewise editorial. The print marks 'sādhukāriṇy upasaṃkhyānam' and 'brahmaṇi vadaḥ' with the vārttika sign, and 'atācchīlyārthaṃ vārttikadvayam…' is Bhaṭṭoji's prose (NSP p. 499, scan page-0509).
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 499, scan page-0509, read) read 'sādhukārī. brahmavādī.' BM's lemma 'sādhudāyīti. āto yuk' and the Wikisource SK text read 'sādhudāyī' in place of 'sādhukārī'. The English follows the print. Not in the collation report (class C, ours = print); referred to Ajai.
translator The four quoted usages are not attributed in the kaumudī and are left unattributed here; each shows ṇini after a root with an upasarga (upa-jīvin, anu-yāyin, vi-sārin, anu-jīvin). 'The author of the Vṛtti' renders 'vṛttikāra', i.e. of the Kāśikā.

SK 2989 · A 3.2.79V

कर्तर्युपमाने ॥ २९८९ ॥

kartaryupamāne

kartary upamāne — [ṇini comes — 'ṇiniḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2988 —] when [the upapada denotes] an agent (kartṛ) that is the standard of comparison (upamāna) [for the agent denoted by the affix].

Rule. ṇini comes when the upapada names an agent that is the standard of comparison (upamāna). Bhaṭṭoji: "the agent which is the upapada's meaning is the standard for the agent which is the affix's meaning".

Example.

uṣṭra iva krośati "he cries out like a camel".

uṣṭra + kruś + ṇini → guṇa (SK 2189) → uṣṭra + krośin → uṣṭrakrośī.

Likewise dhvāṅkṣarāvī "cawing like a crow".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: the sūtra gives ṇini without habit, and with a genus word. uṣṭra "camel" and dhvāṅkṣa "crow" are genus words, which SK 2988 would exclude.

Why "agent"? apūpān iva bhakṣayati māṣān "he eats the beans as if they were cakes". The cakes are compared, but they are objects, not agents. No ṇini.

Why "standard of comparison"? uṣṭraḥ krośati "the camel cries out". Nothing is compared. No ṇini.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

णिनिः स्यात् । उपदार्थः कर्ता प्रत्ययार्थस्य कर्तुरुपमानम् । उष्ट्र इव क्रोशति उष्ट्रक्रोशी । ध्वाङ्क्षरावी । अताच्छील्यार्थं जात्यर्थं च सूत्रम् । कर्तरि किम् । अपूपानिव भक्षयति माषान् । उपमाने किम् । उष्ट्रः क्रोशति ॥

ṇini comes, [provided that] the agent which is the meaning of the upapada is the standard of comparison (upamāna) for the agent which is the meaning of the affix: uṣṭra iva krośati "he cries out like a camel": uṣṭrakrośī; dhvāṅkṣarāvī ["cawing like a crow"]. The sūtra is for [ṇini] without habitual disposition (tācchīlya) and with a genus (jāti) [word as upapada]. Why "agent"? apūpān iva bhakṣayati māṣān "he eats the beans as if they were cakes". Why "standard of comparison"? uṣṭraḥ krośati "the camel cries out".

Bālamanoramā

कर्तर्युपमाने - कर्तर्युपमाने । कर्तुरुपमानमिति ।चे॑दित्यध्याहार्यम् । ननु 'सुप्यजातौ' इति सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — अताच्छील्यार्थमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after 'kartur upamānam' the word 'cet' ('if') is to be supplied. Followed: '[provided that]'.
commentary BM: Objection: since [ṇini] is established by supy ajātau, why this rule? Hence 'atācchīlyārtham'. Followed: the sūtra extends ṇini to cases without habitual disposition and with genus words (uṣṭra, dhvāṅkṣa) as upapada, which SK 2988 excludes.
textual Ours reads 'upadārthaḥ'; the print reads 'upapadārthaḥ' (NSP p. 499, scan page-0509, read), as does Wikisource. The English follows the print.
textual No TB on this sūtra in the print: TB passes from 'atācchīlyārtham iti' (SK 2988) to 'manaḥ' (SK 2992) on NSP p. 499.

SK 2990 · A 3.2.80V

व्रते ॥ २९९० ॥

vrate

vrate — When a vow (vrata) [is understood, ṇini comes — 'ṇiniḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2988 — when a word ending in sup is upapada, per BM].

Rule. ṇini comes when a vow (vrata) is understood. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the upapada: a sup-ending word.

Example.

sthaṇḍila + śī + ṇini → vṛddhi of the final vowel (SK 254), and ai becomes āy (SK 61) → sthaṇḍila + śāyin

→ sthaṇḍilaśāyī "one who, by vow, lies on the bare ground".

Watch out. The condition here is the vow, not habit. The commentator's gloss is "when a vow is understood" (vrate gamye).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

णिनिः स्यात् । स्थण्डिलशायी ॥

ṇini comes [when a vow is understood]: sthaṇḍilaśāyī ["one who, by vow, lies on the bare ground"].

translator notes

commentary BM (Wikisource uttara-3/0097–0098; our BM layer has no block for this sūtra): 'ṇiniḥ syāt' means ṇini comes when a word ending in sup is upapada, that is, when a vow is understood (vrate gamye). Followed in the brackets.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 499, scan page-0509, read) read 'sthaṇḍilaśāyī'. The Wikisource SK text reads 'sthaṇḍileśāyī', and BM there comments 'sthaṇḍileśāyīti… tatpuruṣe kṛti bahulam ity aluk' (non-elision of the seventh-case ending). The English follows the print. Not in the collation report (class C, ours = print); referred to Ajai.
textual No TB on this sūtra in the print (NSP p. 499).

SK 2991 · A 3.2.81V

बहुलमाभीक्ष्ण्ये ॥ २९९१ ॥

bahulamābhīkṣṇye

bahulam ābhīkṣṇye — Variously (bahulam), when repetition (ābhīkṣṇya) [is to be conveyed, ṇini comes — 'ṇiniḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2988 — when a word ending in sup is upapada].

Rule. Variously (bahulam), ṇini comes when repetition (ābhīkṣṇya) is conveyed. Bhaṭṭoji glosses it as "again and again" (paunaḥpunya). The upapada is a sup-ending word.

Example.

kṣīra + pā + ṇini → pā ends in ā, so it takes yuk before the ṇ-marked kṛt (SK 2761) → kṣīra + pāyin

→ ṇ for the stem-final n, optionally, after the r in the first member (SK 1055, with SK 197 for the sounds between) → kṣīrapāyiṇaḥ.

kṣīrapāyiṇa uśīnarāḥ "the Uśīnaras drink milk again and again".

Neither Bhaṭṭoji nor his commentator gives the ṇ step here.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this rule lets a genus word be the upapada. kṣīra "milk" is one, and Bhaṭṭoji chose it to suggest this.

Watch out. Repetition (ābhīkṣṇya) is not the same as habit (tācchīlya, SK 2988). Read the example as "again and again", not "by habit".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पौनःपुन्ये द्योत्ये सुप्युपपदे णिनिः । क्षीरपायिण उशीनराः ॥

When repetition (paunaḥpunya) is to be conveyed, ṇini comes when a word ending in sup is upapada: kṣīrapāyiṇa uśīnarāḥ "the Uśīnaras are [regular] milk-drinkers".

Bālamanoramā

बहुलमाभीक्ष्ण्ये - बहुलमाभीक्ष्ण्ये । जातावप्युपपदे प्राप्त्यर्थमिदम् । तद्ध्वनयन्नुदाहरति — क्षीरपायिण इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: this [rule] is in order that [ṇini] may apply even when a genus (jāti) [word] is upapada; suggesting this, he gives the example kṣīrapāyiṇaḥ. Recorded (kṣīra is a genus word, excluded by SK 2988).
textual No TB on this sūtra in the print (NSP p. 499). The print misnumbers the following sūtra (SK 2992) as 3.2.81; this does not touch our text.

SK 2992 · A 3.2.82V

मनः ॥ २९९२ ॥

manaḥ

manaḥ — After man [of the divādi class (manyate) — so because 'bahulam' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2991, per BM and TB], [ṇini comes — 'ṇiniḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2988 — when a word ending in sup is upapada].

Rule. man takes ṇini when a sup-ending word is upapada. Bhaṭṭoji writes manyateḥ: the man of the divādi class, manyate "thinks".

Example.

darśanīya + man + ṇini → vṛddhi of the penultimate a (SK 2282) → darśanīya + mānin

→ darśanīyamānī "one who thinks another handsome".

One commentator: darśanīyamānī devadatto yajñadattasya, Devadatta who thinks Yajñadatta handsome.

Applies when / blocked by. Why only the divādi man? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: bahulam runs on from SK 2991. So the tanādi manu "to understand" is not taken. One adds a consequence for the next rule. With khaś the divādi man takes śyan, not the tanādi affix u.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सुपि मन्यतेर्णिनिः स्यात् । दर्शनीयमानी ॥

When a word ending in sup is upapada, ṇini comes after manyate: darśanīyamānī ["one who considers (another) handsome"].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 509

—मनः । बहुलग्रहणानुवृत्तेरिह मन ज्ञाने इति दैवादिकस्यैव ग्रहणं न तु मनु अवबोधन इति तानादिकस्य । तेन उत्तरसूत्रे खशि श्यनेव भवति न तूप्रत्ययस्तदाह—मन्यतेरिति

Bālamanoramā

मनः - मनः । दैवादिकस्यैव मनेर्ग्रहणं न तु तानादिकस्य, बहुलग्रहणाऽनुवृत्तेः । तदाह — मन्यतेरिति । मनुतेग्र्रहणे तु बाधकमुत्तरसूत्रे वक्ष्यते ।

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.2992.t1: because 'bahula' is carried forward, only the divādi man 'to know' (jñāne) is taken here, not the tanādi manu 'to understand' (avabodhane); hence in the next sūtra, with khaś, śyan alone comes, not the affix u; so he says 'manyateḥ'. Followed: 'manyate' kept as the divādi root.
commentary BM: only the divādi man is taken, not the tanādi, because 'bahula' is carried forward; hence 'manyateḥ'; the obstacle to taking manute will be stated under the next sūtra. Followed; agrees with TB.
commentary TB, sk.2993.t1 (on ātmamāne kim): 'darśanīyamānī devadatto yajñadattasya' — Devadatta, who thinks Yajñadatta handsome. Followed in the gloss '(another)'.

SK 2993 · A 3.2.83V

आत्ममाने खश्च ॥ २९९३ ॥

ātmamāne khaśca

ātmamāne khaś ca — [After manyate] in the sense of thinking [something] of oneself (ātmamāna), khaś [comes], and [by 'ca'] ṇini [— 'manaḥ' (SK 2992) and 'supi' (SK 2988) carried forward (anuvṛtti), as the kaumudī supplies].

Rule. manyate takes khaś when the thinking has oneself as its object (ātmamāna). The upapada is a sup-ending word. By ca, ṇini also comes.

Example.

paṇḍitam ātmānaṃ manyate "he thinks himself learned".

paṇḍita + man + khaś → ś makes khaś sārvadhātuka → śyan → paṇḍita + man-ya + a → paṇḍita + manya

→ kh gives m to the upapada (SK 2942) → paṇḍitaṃmanyaḥ.

With ṇini: paṇḍitamānī.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the śyan and the m.

Applies when / blocked by. A feminine upapada is shortened by khity anavyayasya (SK 2943). kālīm ātmānaṃ manyate → kāliṃmanyā "she who thinks herself Kālī". Both commentators add a point. This shortening is the later rule. So it blocks the masculine form of the stem (puṃvadbhāva) by striyāḥ puṃvat… (SK 831).

Why "not an indeclinable" in SK 2943? Bhaṭṭoji: divāmanyā. divā "by day" is indeclinable, so it keeps its ā and takes no m.

Watch out. The ca has a further job. ṇini would come anyway beside khaś, by vāsarūpa. One commentator says ca keeps ṇini alive, so that ṇini, not khaś, runs on into SK 2996.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्वकर्मके मनने वर्तमानान्मन्यतेः सुपि खश् स्यात् चाण्णिनिः । पण्डितमात्मानं मन्यते पण्डितंमन्यः । पण्डितमानी । खित्यनव्ययस्य SK 2943 । कालिंमन्या । अनव्ययस्य किम् । दिवामन्या ॥

After manyate, when it functions in [the sense of] thinking that has oneself as its object, khaś comes when a word ending in sup is upapada, and by 'ca' ṇini: paṇḍitam ātmānaṃ manyate "he thinks himself learned": paṇḍitaṃmanyaḥ, paṇḍitamānī. khity anavyayasya (SK 2943) [shortens the vowel]: kāliṃmanyā. Why "not an indeclinable" (anavyayasya)? divāmanyā.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 509–510

—आत्ममाने—। मननं मानः, भावे घन्, आत्मनो मान इति कर्मणि षष्ठ्या समासः । स्वपर्याय आत्मशब्दः प्रत्ययार्थत्वेन सन्निहितकर्ता स्वपदार्थस्तदाह—स्वकर्मक इत्यादि ॥—चादिति । ननु वासरूपविधिना लभ्यत एव णिनिरिति किमर्थश्चकार इति चेत् । अत्राहुः । चकारेणाविच्छेदाय णिनिः समुच्चीयते । तेन ‘करणे यजः’ इत्यादौ णिनिरेवानुवर्तते न तु खश्, एवं चोक्तप्रयोजनानुरोधेन चानुकृष्टं नोत्तरत्रेतीह न प्रवर्तेत इति ॥—पण्डितमात्मानमिति । एकस्याप्यात्मनः स्वरूपेण कर्तृत्वं पण्डितत्वविशिष्टरूपेण च कर्मत्वं बोध्यम् । आत्ममाने किम् । दर्शनीयमानी देवदत्तो यज्ञदत्तस्य ॥—कालिमन्येति । ‘स्त्रियाः पुंवत्’—इति प्राप्तं पुंवद्भावं बाधित्वा परत्वात् ह्रस्वः । यत्त्वत्र ‘क्यङ्मानिनोः’—इति प्राप्तः पुंवद्भाव इति प्रसादकृतोक्तं तद्रभसोक्तमेव, मानिन् रूपाभावस्य स्पष्टत्वात् ॥— दिवामन्येति । अधिकरणशक्तिप्रधानस्याप्यस्य वृत्तिस्वभावात्कर्मत्वम् ॥

Bālamanoramā

आत्ममाने खश्च - आत्ममाने खश्च । आत्मनः = स्वस्य, मानः = मननम् - आत्ममानः । तदाह — स्वकर्मके मनने इति । पण्डितम्मन्य इति । खशः शित्त्वेन सार्वधातुकत्वाच्छ्यन् । खित्त्वात्'अरुर्द्विषत्' इति मुम् । तानादिकस्य मनेर्ग्रहणे तु उविकरणः स्यात् । कालीमात्मानं मन्यते इत्यर्थे खशि श्यनि कृते आह — खित्यनव्ययस्येति ।स्त्रियाः पुंव॑दिति पुंवत्त्वं बाधित्वा परत्वाद्ध्रस्व इत्यर्थः । दिवामन्येति । अधिकरणशक्तिप्रधानस्यापि दिवाशब्दस्य वृत्तिविषये कर्मत्वं बोध्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ātmamāna = ātmanaḥ (one's own) mānaḥ (thinking); hence 'svakarmake manane'. Followed: 'thinking that has oneself as its object'.
commentary TB, sk.2993.t1: māna is 'thinking', ghañ in the sense of the action; ātmano mānaḥ is a compound with the sixth case of the object; ātman, a synonym of sva, means the agent present as the affix's meaning; one and the same self is agent in its own form and object in the form qualified by learnedness. Followed: 'thinking that has oneself as its object'.
commentary TB, sk.2993.t1, on 'cāt': ṇini would come anyway by vāsarūpa [optionality], so why 'ca'? It adds ṇini so as to keep the anuvṛtti unbroken, so that in karaṇe yajaḥ (SK 2996) etc. ṇini, not khaś, is carried forward. Recorded.
commentary BM: paṇḍitaṃmanyaḥ: khaś, being ś-marked, is sārvadhātuka, so śyan; being kh-marked, it brings mum by arurdviṣadajantasya mum (SK 2942); were the tanādi man taken, the vikaraṇa u would come. Recorded (the steps are not in the kaumudī).
commentary BM: kālīm ātmānaṃ manyate: after khaś and śyan, the shortening by khity anavyayasya blocks puṃvadbhāva by striyāḥ puṃvat… (SK 831), being the later rule (paratva). TB, sk.2993.t1: the same, rejecting the Prasāda's claim that puṃvadbhāva is due by kyaṅmāninoś ca, since no form with mānin is present. Followed: '[shortens the vowel]'.
commentary BM: divāmanyā: divā, though primarily expressing the capacity of locus (adhikaraṇa-śakti), is to be understood as object within the compound (vṛtti). TB, sk.2993.t1: likewise, by the nature of the compound. Recorded.
textual The print (NSP p. 499, scan page-0509, read) agrees with ours ('cāṇṇiniḥ', 'paṇḍitaṃmanyaḥ', 'kāliṃmanyā'); the raw OCR's 'cāṇiniḥ' and 'kālimanyā' are OCR losses. TB's lemma reads 'kālimanyeti'.
textual The tail that sk.2993.t1 carried, from '—ica ekācaḥ—', is TB on SK 2994; it was re-filed to sk.2994.t1 (2026-10-05), together with its continuation from sk.2987.n1.

SK 2994 · A 6.3.68अम्प्रत्ययवदतिदेशः

इच एकाचोऽम्प्रत्ययवच्च ॥ २९९४ ॥

ica ekāco'mpratyayavacca

ica ekāco 'm pratyayavac ca — After [a pūrvapada] ending in ic and having a single vowel (ekāc), am [comes] when [an uttarapada ending in] a kh-marked (khit) [affix] follows ['khiti' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from khity anavyayasya, SK 2943, and 'uttarapade' in force from aluguttarapade, SK 958, per BM]; and that [am] is treated like the affix am.

Rule. A first member that ends in an ic vowel and has one vowel (ekāc) takes am. This happens before a second member ending in a kh-marked affix. And this am is treated like the case-affix am. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the sources. khiti runs on from SK 2943, and "second member" from SK 958. The same commentator calls am an exception (apavāda) to mum.

Example.

gām ātmānaṃ manyate "he thinks himself a cow".

go + man + khaś → go + am + manya

→ am counts as the case-affix, so auto 'mśasoḥ (SK 285) applies: ā for o and the vowel of am → gām + manya

→ gāṃmanyaḥ.

With strī "woman": iyaṅ optionally by vām-śasoḥ (SK 302) → striyaṃmanyaḥ, strīṃmanyaḥ.

With nṛ "man": guṇa (SK 275) → naraṃmanyaḥ.

With bhū "earth": bhuvaṃmanyaḥ.

One commentator names the rules for nara- (SK 275) and bhuva- (SK 271).

Applies when / blocked by. Why "like the case-affix"? So that the case-affix rules (SK 285, SK 302, SK 275) apply to it. One commentator says bhuvaṃmanyaḥ too needs this: its uvaṅ is taught before a vowel-initial affix. The other commentator adds two more effects. The m of am is not a marker, by na vibhaktau tusmāḥ (SK 190). And am comes after the word, like an affix.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji gives a special case. śriyam ātmānaṃ manyate "it thinks itself Śrī" → śrimanyaṃ kulam "a family that thinks itself Śrī". On the Bhāṣya's authority, śrī is shortened, and neither mum nor am appears. One commentator supplies the rule: hrasvo napuṃsake prātipadikasya (SK 318). The family is neuter, so śrī takes the neuter's short vowel. Both commentators say the am is then removed by svamor napuṃsakāt (SK 319).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इजन्तादेकाचोऽम् स्यात्स च स्वाद्यम्वत्खिदन्ते परे । औतोऽम्शसोः SK 285 । गांमन्यः । वाम्शसोः SK 302 । स्त्रियंमन्यः । स्त्रींमन्यः । नृ । नरंमन्यः । भुवंमन्यः । श्रियमात्मानं मन्यते श्रिमन्यं कुलम् । भाष्यकारवचनात् श्रीशब्दस्य ह्रस्वो मुममोरभावश्च ॥

After [a pūrvapada] that ends in ic and has a single vowel (ekāc), am comes, and it is like am among the affixes beginning with su (svādi), when [an uttarapada] ending in a kh-marked [affix] follows. By auto 'mśasoḥ (SK 285) [ā replaces the o together with the following vowel]: gāṃmanyaḥ ["one who thinks himself a cow"]. By vām-śasoḥ (SK 302) [iyaṅ optionally]: striyaṃmanyaḥ, strīṃmanyaḥ ["one who thinks himself a woman"]. nṛ: naraṃmanyaḥ ["one who thinks himself a man"]. bhuvaṃmanyaḥ ["one who thinks himself the earth"]. śriyam ātmānaṃ manyate "it thinks itself Śrī": śrimanyaṃ kulam "a family that thinks itself Śrī". On the authority of the statement of the author of the Bhāṣya (Bhāṣyakāra), the word śrī has a short vowel [by hrasvo napuṃsake prātipadikasya, SK 318 — supplied by BM], and neither mum nor am [appears].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 509–510

—इच एकाचः—। अम्ग्रहणमिहावर्तते, तत्र एकेन अम् विधीयते परेण प्रत्ययो विशेष्यते तदाह—स्वाद्यम्वदिति । एवं च ‘न विभक्तौ तुस्माः’ इति निषेधान्मकारस्य नेत्संज्ञा, अतएव परश्च भवति । ‘आतोऽमृशसोः’ इत्यत्र शसा साहचर्यात् सुबेवाम् गृह्णात् इत्युक्तत्वादोत आकारश्च भवतीत्याशयेनोदाहरति—गांमन्य इति ॥—नरंमन्य इति । ‘ऋतोऽङि’- इत्यादिना गुणः ॥—भाष्यकारेति । अयं भावः । यथा प्रष्ठादयः शब्दाः पुंयोगात्स्त्रियां वर्तन्ते प्रष्ठौ गणिकेति तथैह श्रीशब्दः परित्यक्तस्वलिङ्गः क्लीबः सन् कुले वर्तते, तत्र ‘हृस्वो नपुंसके’- इति ह्रस्वः । मुम् तु न । अपवादेन अमा बाधात् । ‘स्वमोर्नपुंसकात्’ इत्यमो लुक् । न चैवं गांमन्य इत्यादावपि ‘सुपो धातुप्रातिपदिकयोः’- इति लुक् स्यादिति वाच्यम् । अम्विधिसामर्थ्यादेव तद्बाधादित्याहुः । अम्प्रत्ययस्तु ‘मध्येऽपवादाः’- इति न्यायेन ‘सुपो धातुप्रातिपदिकयोः’- इति लुक्मेव बाधते न तु ‘स्वमोर्नपुंसकात्’ इति लुक्मिति भाष्यादौ स्थितम् । स्यादेतत् । नपुंसकहृस्वे कृते मुमः प्राप्तिरेव नास्ति कथमत्रापवादेन अमा बाधादित्युक्तिः सङ्गच्छेत, ‘अरुर्द्विषत्’- इति सूत्रे हि अन्तग्रहणस्य समीपवाचित्वेन ‘खित्यनव्ययस्य’ इति हृस्वे कृते पश्चान्मुमिति व्याख्यातत्वात् । सत्यम् । जनमेजय इत्यत्र स्वतः सिद्धेऽपि हृस्वे यथा ‘खित्यनव्ययस्य’ इति पुनर्हृस्वो मुमर्थं स्वीक्रियते तथात्रापि भवेदि- खस्त्येव मुमः प्राप्तिरिति

Bālamanoramā

इच एकाचोऽम्प्रत्ययवच्च - इच एकाचः । एकाच अमिति छेदः । अम् च अम् चेत्येकशेषः । एकं विधेयसमर्पकम् ।इच एकाचो॑ऽमिति प्रथमं वाक्यम् । इच इत्येकाचेति च पञ्चमी । 'अलुगुत्तरपदे' इत्युत्तरपदाधिकारादाक्षिप्तं पूर्वपदमिचा विशेष्यते । तदन्तविधिः । तदाह — इजन्तादेकाचोऽम्स्यादिति । मुमोऽपवादः । द्वितीयमम्पदंप्रत्ययव॑दित्येकदेशेन प्रत्ययेन समानाधिकरणं संबध्यते । असामर्थ्येऽपि वतिप्रत्यय आर्षः ।अम्प्रत्ययव॑दिति द्वितीयं वाक्यं संपद्यते । स्वादिप्रत्ययेषु यद्द्वितीयैकवचनं तदेवाऽत्र अमिति विवक्ष्यते, व्याख्यानात् । तदाह — स च स्वाद्यम्वदिति । एतत्सर्वं भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । खिदन्ते पर इति । खिदन्ते उत्तरपदे परत इत्यर्थः ।खित्यनव्ययस्ये॑त्यतः खितीत्यनुवर्तते इति भावः ।अम्प्रत्ययव॑दित्यतिदेशस्य प्रयोजनमाह — औतोम्शसोरिति । गाम्मन्य इति । गामात्मानं मन्यते इत्यर्थे मनेः खशि श्यन्, सुपो लुक्, गोशब्दादम्,अम्प्रत्ययव॑दित्यस्य प्रयोजनान्तरमाह — वाऽम्शसोरिति । स्त्रियम्मन्य इति । स्त्रियमात्मानं मन्यते इत्यर्थे मनेः खशि श्यन् । सुपो लुक् । स्त्रीशब्दात् 'वाऽम्शसोः' इति इयङ्विकल्पः । अत्र यकारादकारस्य श्रवणार्थमम्विधिः । मुमि तु अकारो न श्रुयेत । स्त्रीम्मन्य इति । इयङभावपक्षेअमि पूर्वः॑ ।अम्प्रत्ययव॑दित्यस्य प्रयोजनान्तरमाह — नृ - नरम्मन्य इति ।नृ॑इत्यविभक्तिकम्, उदाहरणे नृशब्दस्य समावेशसूचनार्थम् । नरमात्मानं मन्यते इत्यर्थे मनेः खश्, श्यन्, सुपो लुक्, नृशब्दादम् ।अम्प्रत्ययव॑दित्यतिदेशात्ऋतोऽङी॑ति गुणः । अत्राऽपि रेफादकारश्रवणार्थोऽम्विधिः । मुमि त्वकारो न श्रूयेत ।अम्प्रत्यव॑दित्यस्य प्रयोजनान्तरमाह — भुवम्मन्य इति । भुवमात्मानं मन्यते इत्यर्थे मनेः खश्, श्यन्, सुपो लुक् । भूशब्दादम्,अम्प्रत्ययव॑दित्यतिदेशात् 'अचि श्नुधातु' इत्युवङ् । अतिदेशाऽभावे तु उवङ् न स्यात्, तस्याऽजादिप्रत्यये विधानात् । श्रिमन्यमिति । मनेः खश् । श्यन् । अत्र मननक्रियां प्रति कुलत्वेन रूपेण कुलं कर्तृ, तस्यैव कुलस्य अध्यारोपितश्रीत्वेन रूपेण कर्मत्वं चेति स्थितिः । एवं च श्रीशब्दस्य नित्यस्त्रीलिङ्गस्यापि कुले लक्षणया वृत्तेर्नपुंसकत्वम् । यत्र हि प्रातिपदिकस्यैव लक्षणा प्रसिद्धा तत्र पूर्वलिङ्गत्यागः । यथा प्रकृते श्रीशब्दः । यत्र तु पदस्य लक्षणा, न तत्र पूर्वलिङ्गत्यागः, यथागङ्गायां घोष॑इत्यादावितिपुंयोगादाख्याया॑मिति सूत्रे , प्रकृतसूत्रे च भाष्यकैयटयोर्मर्यादा स्थिता । एवं चकालिम्मन्यं कुल॑मित्यत्र कालीशब्दस्य न स्त्रीलिङ्गपरित्यागः, प्रयोगानुसारेण तत्र पदलक्षणाया एवाभ्युपगमात् ।श्रिमन्यं कुल॑मित्यत्र तु प्रयोगाऽनुसाराच्श्रीशब्दस्य प्रातिपदिकस्यैव लक्षणेति पूर्वलिङ्गपरित्यागान्नपुंसकलिङ्गत्वमेवाश्रीयते । ततश्च श्रीशब्दस्याऽत्र नपुंसकत्वात्खित्यनव्ययस्ये॑ति बहिरङ्गं ह्रस्वं बाधित्वाह्रस्वो नपुंसके प्रातिपदिकस्ये॑ति ह्रस्व एव न्याय्यः । मुमपवादे 'इच एकाचः' इत्यमि कृते तस्यस्वमोर्नपुंसकाद् इति लुक् । तथा चश्रिमन्यं कुल॑मिति सिद्धम् । नच गाम्मन्य इत्यादावपिसुपो धातुप्रातिपदिकयो॑रिति लुक् स्यादिति वाच्यम्, 'इच एकाचः' इत्यमः 'सुपो धातु' इति लुगपवादत्वात् ।स्वमोर्नपुंसका॑दिति लुकस्तु नायमम्विधिर्बाधकः, मध्येऽपवादन्यायादिति प्रकृतसूत्रे भाष्यकैयटयोः स्पष्टम् । तदाह — भाष्यकारेत्यादि । 'ह्रस्वो नपुंसके' इत्यनेने॑ति शेषः । मुममोरभावश्चेति । मुमपवादस्य अमःस्वमोर्नपुंसका॑दिति लुकि सति तयोः प्रयोगाऽभावः फलतीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'khiti' is carried forward from khity anavyayasya (SK 2943); the pūrvapada is implied by the uttarapada heading of aluguttarapade, and is qualified by 'icaḥ', so the ending is meant (tadantavidhi): 'ijantāt'. 'icaḥ' and 'ekācaḥ' are fifth-case words (pañcamyanta). Followed in the brackets of sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: 'am' is to be read twice (ekaśeṣa, am ca am ca); the first am is the item enjoined (ica ekāco 'm), the second is construed with 'pratyaya' in 'pratyayavat' (the vati affix being permitted by the sage despite the lack of syntactic capacity), giving the second clause 'am-pratyayavat'; by the explanation (vyākhyāna) the am meant is the second-case singular among the svādi affixes — hence 'sa ca svādy-amvat'. The am is an exception (apavāda) to mum. Followed: 'like am among the affixes beginning with su'.
commentary TB, sk.2994.t1: 'am' is repeated (āvartate); by one the am is enjoined, by the other the affix is qualified — hence 'svādy-amvat'. So, by na vibhaktau tusmāḥ (SK 190), its m is not an it, and for the same reason it comes after (paraś ca, SK 181). Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM's steps (not in the kaumudī): gāṃmanyaḥ = gām ātmānaṃ manyate, man + khaś, śyan, luk of sup, am after go, ā by auto 'mśasoḥ owing to the atideśa; striyaṃmanyaḥ: iyaṅ optionally by vām-śasoḥ, am (not mum) so that the a after y is heard; strīṃmanyaḥ: without iyaṅ, ami pūrvaḥ (SK 194); naraṃmanyaḥ: 'nṛ' is given without ending to show that nṛ is included among the examples, guṇa by ṛto ṅi-sarvanāmasthānayoḥ (SK 275) owing to the atideśa, am so that the a after r is heard; bhuvaṃmanyaḥ: uvaṅ by aci śnudhātubhruvām… (SK 271), which, being taught before an ac-initial affix, would not come without the atideśa. Recorded; the English gives only the rules the kaumudī cites, with their effect in brackets.
commentary TB, sk.2994.t1: 'gāṃmanya iti' is given with the view that, since under auto 'mśasoḥ the am taken is the sup am (by association with śas), the ā for o also follows here; on naraṃmanyaḥ, guṇa by ṛto ṅi… Agrees with BM; followed in the bracketed effects.
commentary BM on śrimanyam: kula is the agent of thinking as kula and its object under the superimposed form of śrī; śrī, though always feminine, refers to the family by secondary signification (lakṣaṇā) of the stem (prātipadika) and so drops its own gender and is neuter (Bhāṣya and Kaiyaṭa under puṃyogād ākhyāyām and under this sūtra); kālimmanyaṃ kulam keeps the feminine since there the lakṣaṇā is of the pada. So hrasvo napuṃsake prātipadikasya, not the bahiraṅga khity anavyayasya, shortens; am (the apavāda of mum) is then deleted by svamor napuṃsakāt (SK 319). This am blocks the luk of supo dhātuprātipadikayoḥ (SK 650) but not that of svamor napuṃsakāt, by the maxim that an apavāda placed in the middle blocks only the preceding rule (madhye 'pavāda-nyāya) — clear in the Bhāṣya and Kaiyaṭa here. 'By hrasvo napuṃsake' is to be supplied (śeṣa); 'mumamor abhāvaḥ' means that, the am being deleted, neither appears in the usage. Followed: the bracket in k1 and 'neither mum nor am [appears]'.
commentary TB, sk.2994.t1: as praṣṭha etc. are used in the feminine through connection with a man (praṣṭhī gaṇikā), so here śrī gives up its own gender and, as a neuter, applies to the family; shortening by hrasvo napuṃsake; no mum, being blocked by the apavāda am; luk of am by svamor napuṃsakāt; the am blocks only the luk of supo dhātu… (madhye 'pavādāḥ), per the Bhāṣya. Objection: after the neuter shortening, mum is not even due, since under arurdviṣad… (SK 2942) 'anta' means 'near' and mum follows the shortening by khity anavyayasya. Answer: as in janamejaya, where the vowel is already short, a fresh shortening by khity anavyayasya is accepted for the sake of mum, so it would be here, and mum is indeed due. Agrees with BM; followed.
textual The print (NSP p. 499, scan page-0509, read at zoom) agrees with ours throughout ('svādyamvat khidante', 'striyaṃmanyaḥ', 'strīṃmanyaḥ', 'śrimanyaṃ kulam', 'mumamor abhāvaś ca'); the raw OCR's 'svādyambat svidante' and 'hasto' are OCR losses.
textual TB on this sūtra ('—ica ekācaḥ—', NSP p. 499) runs through the TB band of p. 499; its final words ('[bhaved i]ty asty eva mumaḥ prāptir iti', OCR 'khastyeva…') stand at the head of the TB band of NSP p. 500 (scan page-0510). In our layer it was scattered: the head and the final words at the tail of sk.2993.t1, the band as the editorial note sk.2987.n1. On 2026-10-05 these were re-filed together as sk.2994.t1 and the duplicated first line of the p. 499 band dropped. sk.2995.t1 opens directly with '—bhūte'.

SK 2995 · A 3.2.84भूताधिकारः

भूते ॥ २९९५ ॥

bhūte

bhūte — In [the sense of] the past [— qualifying the root: after a root (dhātoḥ, SK 2829, in force as adhikāra) that expresses the past, per BM and TB].

Rule. This is a heading (adhikāra): "in the past". It runs up to vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151), not including it. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say it qualifies the root. dhātoḥ (SK 2829) is in force, so the sense is "after a root that denotes the past".

Example.

soma + yaj + ṇini (SK 2996) → somayājī "one who has sacrificed with soma".

The past sense comes from this heading.

Watch out. The heading stops before SK 2151. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says that limit rests on explanation (vyākhyāna), not on the wording.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अधिकारोऽयम् । वर्तमाने लट् SK 2151 । इति यावत् ॥

This is a heading (adhikāra), [extending] up to vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 510

—भूते । धातोरित्यधिकाराद्धालयस्य विशेषणमिदम् । भूतेऽर्थं विद्यमानाद्धातोरित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

भूते - भूते । अधिकारोऽयमिति । धातोरित्यधिकृतम् । ततश्च भूतार्थवृत्तेर्धातोरित्युत्तरत्राऽनुवर्तते इति फलति । वर्तमाने इति ।वर्तमाने ल॑डित्यतः प्रागित्यर्थः । अत्र व्याख्यानमेव शरणम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'dhātoḥ' is the heading in force; hence what is carried forward (anuvṛtti) into the following rules is 'after a root functioning in the past sense'. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.2995.t1: because of the heading 'dhātoḥ', this qualifies the root: 'after a root standing in the past sense'. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM: 'vartamāne' means up to [but not including] vartamāne laṭ (prāk); here the explanation (vyākhyāna) alone is the authority. Followed: 'up to', with the end-point exclusive.

SK 2996 · A 3.2.85V

करणे यजः ॥ २९९६ ॥

karaṇe yajaḥ

karaṇe yajaḥ — When [a word denoting] the instrument (karaṇa) is upapada, [ṇini — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from supy ajātau ṇinis tācchīlye, SK 2988, via SK 2993, per TB — comes] after yaj [expressing the past — bhūte, SK 2995, in force], [in the sense of the agent].

Rule. With an instrument-word (karaṇa) as upapada, yaj "to sacrifice" in the past takes ṇini, in the agent sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ṇini alone runs on, because it is marked svarita. khaś of SK 2993 does not.

Example.

somena iṣṭavān "he has sacrificed with soma".

soma + yaj + ṇini → vṛddhi of the penultimate a (SK 2282) → soma + yājin → somayājī.

Likewise agniṣṭomayājī "one who has sacrificed with the agniṣṭoma".

Watch out. soma here is the instrument, not the object. Both commentators take somena as "with the soma creeper", the means of the sacrifice.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

करणे उपपदे भूतार्थाद्यजेर्णिनिः स्यात्कर्तरि । सोमेनेष्टवान् सोमयाजी । अग्निष्टोमयाजी ॥

When [a word denoting] the instrument (karaṇa) is upapada, ṇini comes, in the sense of the agent (kartari), after yaj expressing the past: somena iṣṭavān "he has sacrificed with soma": somayājī. agniṣṭomayājī ["one who has sacrificed with the agniṣṭoma"].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 510

— करणे—खरितलाणिनिरेवानुवर्तते न तु खश् इत्याह—णिनिः स्यादिति । सोमेन लताविशेषेण यागं कृतवानि त्यर्थः ॥—अग्निष्टोमेति । अग्निष्टोमस्तोत्रेण समाप्यमानो यो यागः स लक्षणयाऽग्निष्टोमस्तेनापूर्वं भावितवानित्यर्थः । उक्तं च काशिकायाम् अग्निष्टोमः फलभावनायां करणमिति

Bālamanoramā

करणे यजः - करणे यजः । सोमेनेति । सोमाख्यलताविशेषरसेन यागं कृतवानित्यर्थः । सोमलतारसद्रव्यकेन यागेन अपूर्वमुत्पादितवानिति मीमांसकाः । एतच्च द्वितीयस्य द्वितीयेद्रव्यसंयोगाच्चोदना पशुसोमयो॑रित्यधिकरणेऽध्वरमीमांसाकुतूहलवृत्तौ प्रपञ्चितमस्माभिः । अग्निष्टोमयाजीति । अग्निष्टोमाख्ययागेन अपूर्वं भावितवानित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.2996.t1: because it is marked svarita, ṇini alone is carried forward, not khaś [of SK 2993]; so he says 'ṇiniḥ syāt'. Followed in sutra_en (cf. TB under SK 2993: 'ca' joins ṇini so that in karaṇe yajaḥ ṇini, not khaś, continues).
commentary BM: somena = he performed a sacrifice with the juice of the particular creeper called soma; the Mīmāṃsakas: he produced the unseen result (apūrva) by a sacrifice whose substance is soma juice (discussed by BM's author in his Adhvaramīmāṃsākutūhalavṛtti on the adhikaraṇa 'dravyasaṃyogāc codanā paśusomayoḥ'). agniṣṭomayājī: he brought about the apūrva by the sacrifice called agniṣṭoma. Recorded; the English keeps the kaumudī's bare 'has sacrificed with soma'.
commentary TB, sk.2996.t1: somena = by the particular creeper; agniṣṭoma is, by secondary signification (lakṣaṇā), the sacrifice completed with the agniṣṭoma stotra, by which the apūrva is brought about; the Kāśikā says agniṣṭoma is the instrument in bringing about the result. Agrees with BM in substance; recorded.
textual The print (NSP p. 500, scan page-0510, read at zoom) agrees with ours ('kartari', 'agniṣṭomayājī'); the raw OCR's 'kartare' and 'amiṣṭomayājī' are OCR losses.

SK 2997 · A 3.2.86V

कर्मणि हनः ॥ २९९७ ॥

karmaṇi hanaḥ

karmaṇi hanaḥ — When [a word denoting] the object (karman) is upapada, [ṇini — carried forward (anuvṛtti), as BM supplies — comes] after han [expressing the past — bhūte, SK 2995, in force].

Rule. With an object-word (karman) as upapada, han in the past takes ṇini. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies ṇini. Bhaṭṭoji adds: karmaṇi is a heading up to sahe ca (SK 3006).

Example.

pitṛvyaṃ hatavān "he has killed his paternal uncle".

pitṛvya + han + ṇini → t for n (SK 2574) → gh for h (SK 358) → vṛddhi → pitṛvya + ghātin

→ pitṛvyaghātī.

One commentator gives SK 2574 and SK 358.

Watch out. The other commentator reports the Kāśikā. It requires the object to be contemptible (kutsita), so that coraṃ hatavān "he killed a thief" gives no ṇini. Bhaṭṭoji says nothing of this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पितृव्यघाती । कर्मणीत्येतत् सहे च SK 3006 इति यावदधिक्रियते ॥

pitṛvyaghātī ["one who has killed his paternal uncle"]. 'karmaṇi' is a heading (adhikāra) up to sahe ca (SK 3006).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 510

—कर्मणि हनः ॥—पितृव्यघातीति । अत्र काशिका कुत्सितग्रहणं कर्तव्यमिह माभूत् चोरं हतवानिति । यद्यपीदं भाष्ये नास्ति तथापि शब्दशक्तिस्वाभाव्यादिदं लभ्यत इत्याहुः ॥ —चतुर्विध इति । अयमाशयः । इह सूत्रे श्रुतत्वात्पूर्वं ब्रह्मादय उद्देश्यास्ततोऽनन्तरं प्रकृतिलाद्धन्तिस्ततः परिशेषाद्भूत इति । क्विप् तु सर्वान्ते निर्देष्टव्यः । विधेयत्वात् । तदेवं वचनव्यक्तिः । ब्रह्मादिषूपपदेषु हन्तेर्भूते क्विबिति । एवं स्थिते यत्रैवकारस्ततोऽन्यत्र नियम इति न्यायेन नियमोऽत्र भवन्ननन्तरे भवति । ततश्च ब्रह्मादिष्वेवेत्यवधारणे हन्तेस्तदनन्तरं निर्दिष्टत्वादुपपदान्तरसंवन्धनिवृत्तिफलो नियमो भवति । ब्रह्मादिषु हन्तेरेव भूते इत्यवधारणे त्वनन्तरत्वाविशेषेऽपि प्राथम्यादुपपदनियमो धात्वन्तरनिवृत्तिफलकः, ब्रह्मादिषु हन्तेर्भूते एव क्विबित्यवधारणे तु क्विप्हन्त्योरानन्तर्येऽविशिष्टेऽपि प्राधान्यात्कालान्तरसंवन्धनिवृत्तिफलकः प्रत्ययनियमः । ब्रह्मादिषु हन्तेर्भूते क्विबेवेति वचनव्यक्तौ प्रत्ययान्तरसंवन्धनिवृत्तिफलकः कालनियमः । सोऽयं प्रकृत्युपपदप्रत्ययकालनियमानां विवेकः । अगृह्यमाणविशेषात्तु चतुर्विधस्यापीह ग्रहणम् । तत्र ब्रह्मादिष्वेव हन्तेरिति प्रकृतिनियमे भूत इत्याश्रयणाद्वर्तमानकाले भविष्यत्काले चोपपदान्तरेऽपि भवत्येव । पुरुषं हन्ति हनिष्यति वा पुरुषहा । 'अरिहयोरिहयोगविचक्षणः' । अरीन् हन्तीति अरिहा स चासौ योगश्च अरिहयोगस्तत्र विचक्षण इत्यर्थः । प्रकृतिनियमफलं तु पुरुषं हतवान् पुरुषह इति भूतार्थं प्रयोगाभावः । ब्रह्मादिषु हन्तेरेवेत्युपपदनियमेऽपि भूत इत्याश्रयणाद्वर्तमानभविष्यत्कालयोर्धात्वन्तरादपि भवत्येव । वृत्रं जयति जेष्यति वा वृत्रजिदिति । उपपदनियमफलं तु वृत्रं जितवान् वृत्रजिदिति प्रयोगाभावः । भूत एव क्विबिति प्रत्ययनियमेऽपि ब्रह्मादिष्वित्युक्तेरुपपदान्तरे वर्तमानभविष्यत्कालयोर्हन्तेः क्विप् भवत्येव । पुरुषं हन्ति हनिष्यति वा पुरुषहा अरिहेति प्राग्वत् । प्रत्ययनियमफलं तु ब्रह्माणं हन्ति ब्रह्महेत्यादिप्रयोगाभावः । भूते क्विबेवेति कालनियमेऽपि ब्रह्मादिष्वित्युक्तेरुपपदान्तरे भूतेऽपि प्रत्ययान्तरं भवत्येव । पितृव्यं हतवान् पितृव्यधाती । इह 'कर्मणि हनः' इति भूते णिनिः । कालनियमफलं तु ब्रह्माणं व्यकारस्तु प्रकृतिकालनियमावेवाशिश्रियत् । तस्यायमाशयः । धातुकालौ हि नेह सूत्रे श्रुतौ किं तु प्रकरणलक्षणजवन्यप्रमाणेनोपस्थितौ । अतस्तयोरेवोपरोधो न्याय्यो न तूपपदप्रत्यययोः श्रुत्युपस्थापितत्वात् । एवं न्यायोपष्टब्धेन भाष्येण सह विरोधात् वृत्तिमतमुपेक्ष्यमेवेति कैयटे स्थितम् । यत्त्विह हरदत्तेनोक्तं धातूपपदविषयं नियमद्वयं भाष्ये प्रदर्शितमिति तत्र धातुकालविषयमिति वक्तव्ये उपपदग्रहणं प्रामादिकमित्यवधेयम्

Bālamanoramā

कर्मणि हनः - कर्मणि हनः । कर्मण्युपपदे भूतार्थाद्धनेर्णिनिः स्यात् । पितृव्यघातीति । पितृव्यं हतवानित्यर्थः । 'हनस्तः' इति तः,हो हन्ते॑रिति हस्य घः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when [a word denoting] the object is upapada, ṇini comes after han expressing the past. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: pitṛvyaghātī = pitṛvyaṃ hatavān 'he has killed his paternal uncle'; t [for n] by hanas to 'ciṇṇaloḥ (SK 2574), gh for h by ho hanteḥ ñṇinneṣu (SK 358). Followed in the gloss; the steps are not in the kaumudī.
commentary TB, sk.2997.t1: the Kāśikā here requires 'kutsita' (contemptible) to be stated, so that [the rule] does not apply to coraṃ hatavān 'he has killed a thief'; though this is not in the Bhāṣya, they say it is obtained from the natural power of the words. Recorded; the kaumudī says nothing of it.
textual The print (NSP p. 500, scan page-0510, read at zoom) agrees with ours. The latter, longer part of sk.2997.t1 (from '—caturvidha iti') is TB on SK 2998.

SK 2998 · A 3.2.87V

ब्रह्मभ्रूणवृत्रेषु क्विप् ॥ २९९८ ॥

brahmabhrūṇavṛtreṣu kvip

brahmabhrūṇavṛtreṣu kvip — When brahman, bhrūṇa or vṛtra [as object — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2997, per BM] is upapada, kvip [comes after han — from SK 2997 — in the past — bhūte, SK 2995, in force].

Rule. With brahman, bhrūṇa "embryo" or vṛtra as object-upapada, han in the past takes kvip.

Example.

brahman + han + kvip → the affix goes → brahma-han → brahmahā "slayer of a brāhmaṇa".

Likewise bhrūṇahā "slayer of an embryo", vṛtrahā "slayer of Vṛtra".

Applies when / blocked by. kvip ca (SK 2983) would already give these forms. So, Bhaṭṭoji says, this rule is for restriction (niyamārtha). He reports two readings.

The Kāśikā: fourfold. Only with brahman etc.; only after han; only in the past; only kvip.
The Bhāṣya: twofold. Only with brahman etc.; only kvip.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives an example for each of the four. "Only with brahman": no kvip in puruṣaṃ hatavān. "Only after han": no kvip in brahma adhītavān. "Only in the past": no kvip in brahma hanti. "Only kvip": no aṇ in brahma hatavān. The other commentator assigns the four restrictions differently; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. "Only kvip" does not shut out the past participle. Both commentators say the restriction excludes only affixes taught with an upapada. So brahma hatavān "he killed a brāhmaṇa" stands.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषु कर्मसूपपदेषु हन्तेर्भूते क्विप्स्यात् । ब्रह्महा । भ्रूणहा । वृत्रहा । क्विप् च SK 2983 इत्येव सिद्धे नियमार्थमिदम् । ब्रह्मादिष्वेव हन्तेरेव भूते एव क्विबेवेति चतुर्विधोऽत्र नियम इति काशिका । ब्रह्मादिष्वेव क्विबेवेति द्विविधो नियम इति भाष्यम् ॥

When these, as objects (karman), are upapada, kvip comes after han in the past: brahmahā ["slayer of a brāhmaṇa"], bhrūṇahā ["slayer of an embryo"], vṛtrahā ["slayer of Vṛtra"]. Since [this] is already established by kvip ca (SK 2983) alone, this [rule] is for restriction (niyamārtha). "Only when brahman etc. [are upapada], only after han, only in the past, only kvip: so the restriction here is fourfold" — the Kāśikā. "Only when brahman etc. [are upapada], only kvip: so the restriction is twofold" — the Bhāṣya.

Bālamanoramā

ब्रह्मभ्रूणवृत्रेषु क्विप् - ब्राहृभ्रूण । पूर्वसूत्रात्कर्मग्रहणाऽनुवृत्तेराह — कर्मस्विति । हन्तेभूते इति । भूतार्थवृत्तेर्हन्तेरित्यर्थ- । चतुर्विध इति । पुनर्विधानलब्धस्य एवकारस्य विनिगमनाविरहाच्चतुर्ष्वपि निवेश इति भावः । तत्रब्रह्मादिष्वेव हन्ते॑रिति नियमात् पुरुषं हतवानित्यत्र न क्विप् ।ब्रह्मादिषु हन्तेरेवे॑ति नियमाद्ब्राहृ अधीतवानित्यत्र न क्विप् ।ब्रह्मादिषु हन्तेर्भूतकाले एवे॑ति नियमाद्ब्राहृ हन्ति हनिष्यति वेत्यत्र न क्विप् ।क्विबेवे॑ति नियमाद्ब्राहृ हतवानित्यतर् अण् न भवति, किंतुब्राहृभ्रूणे॑ति क्विबेव । निष्ठा तु भवत्येव, सोपपदप्रत्ययस्यैव नियमेन व्यावृत्तेः । द्विविध इति । 'उभयतो नियमोऽयम्' - ब्रह्मादिष्वेव॑क्विबेवे॑ति च भाष्यमित्यर्थः । एवं चहन्तेरेव॑,भूत एवे॑ति नियमद्वयमुपेक्ष्यमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: because 'karman' is carried forward from the previous sūtra, he says 'karmasu'; 'hanter bhūte' = after han functioning in the past sense. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM on 'caturvidhaḥ': the 'eva' obtained from the re-enjoining [of kvip] is placed in all four positions, there being no reason to choose one (vinigamanā-viraha). By 'brahmādiṣv eva hanteḥ', no kvip in puruṣaṃ hatavān; by 'brahmādiṣu hanter eva', no kvip in brahma adhītavān; by 'bhūtakāla eva', no kvip in brahma hanti / haniṣyati; by 'kvib eva', in brahma hatavān aṇ does not come, only kvip. The niṣṭhā [ktavatu] still comes, since the restriction excludes only an affix taught with an upapada. Recorded; the English keeps the kaumudī's bare list.
commentary BM on 'dvividhaḥ': the Bhāṣya says 'this is a restriction both ways (ubhayato niyamaḥ): only when brahman etc. [are upapada], and only kvip'; so the two restrictions 'only after han' and 'only in the past' are to be disregarded. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed in the latter part of sk.2997.t1 ('—caturvidha iti'): in the sūtra the upapadas brahman etc. are heard first, then han (as the base), then bhūta (by elimination), with kvip, the thing enjoined, last; by the maxim 'the restriction lies elsewhere than where eva stands' (yatraivakāras tato 'nyatra niyamaḥ) it falls on the member adjacent to the eva-marked one, a tie in adjacency being settled by priority (prāthamya, for 'hanter eva'; so the print, scan page-0510, zoom — OCR 'prādhānyāt') or by primacy (prādhānya, for 'bhūta eva'); thus 'brahmādiṣv eva' is the restriction of the base (prakṛti-niyama: no puruṣahā in the past; puruṣahā, arihā in present and future stand), 'hanter eva' that of the upapada (no vṛtrajit in the past; it stands in present and future), 'bhūta eva' that of the affix (no brahmahā in present or future), 'kvib eva' that of the time (no brahmaghātī in the past; pitṛvyaghātī by karmaṇi hanaḥ stands). All four are taken because no distinguishing ground is apprehended. Recorded: TB's examples differ from BM's for 'hanter eva' (BM: brahma adhītavān) and 'kvib eva' (BM: aṇ excluded).
commentary TB, sk.2997.t1: the Bhāṣyakāra adopted only the restrictions of base and time [in TB's labels: brahmādiṣv eva, kvib eva], because the root and the time are not heard in the sūtra but supplied by context (prakaraṇa), the weakest means of knowledge, so it is right to curtail them, not the upapada and affix which are presented by direct statement (śruti); thus Kaiyaṭa: the Vṛtti's view, conflicting with the Bhāṣya backed by reasoning, is to be disregarded. Haradatta's statement that the Bhāṣya shows two restrictions concerning root and upapada is a slip for 'root and time'. Recorded; the kaumudī reports the two views without deciding.
textual The print (NSP p. 500, scan page-0510, read at zoom) agrees with ours. sk2998 has no t1; its TB is the latter part of sk.2997.t1. That layer drops a line of the print after 'kālaniyamaphalaṃ tu brahmāṇaṃ': print (scan page-0510, zoom) 'hatavān brahmaghātīti prayogābhāvaḥ | sopapadaś ca pratyayo niyamena vyāvartyate niṣṭhā tu bhavaty eva vṛtraṃ hatavān iti | bhā-' before '-ṣyakāras tu prakṛtikālaniyamāv evāśiśriyat' (ours 'vyakāras tu …'). Used here from the scan.

SK 2999 · A 3.2.89V

सुकर्मपापमन्त्रपुण्येषु कृञः ॥ २९९९ ॥

sukarmapāpamantrapuṇyeṣu kṛñaḥ

sukarmapāpamantrapuṇyeṣu kṛñaḥ — When su, karman, pāpa, mantra or puṇya is upapada, [kvip — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2998, as the kaumudī supplies — comes] after kṛñ [in the past — bhūte, SK 2995, in force].

Rule. With su, karman, pāpa, mantra or puṇya as upapada, kṛñ in the past takes kvip. Bhaṭṭoji supplies kvip.

Example.

su + kṛ + kvip → the affix goes → tuk after the short ṛ (SK 2858) → su-kṛ-t → sukṛt "one who has done well".

Likewise karmakṛt "one who has done the work", pāpakṛt, mantrakṛt, puṇyakṛt.

Applies when / blocked by. "The restriction here is threefold", says the Kāśikā, and Bhaṭṭoji works it out.

"Only kvip": in karma kṛtavān "he has done the work", aṇ does not come.
"Only after kṛñ": mantram adhītavān "he has studied the mantra" gives mantrādhyāyaḥ, not kvip.
"Only in the past": for mantraṃ karoti or kariṣyati "makes / will make", no kvip.

There is no restriction "only with su etc.". So kvip comes with other upapadas too: śāstrakṛt "author of a śāstra", bhāṣyakṛt "author of a Bhāṣya".

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators repeats the point of SK 2998. ktavatu still comes: karma kṛtavān.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सौ कर्मादिषु च कृञः क्विप्स्यात् । त्रिविधोऽत्र नियम इति काशिका । सुकृत् । कर्मकृत् । पापकृत् । मन्त्रकृत् । पुण्यकृत् । क्विबेवेति नियमात्कर्म कृतवानित्यत्राण्न । कृञ एवेति नियमान्मन्त्रमधीतवान्मन्त्राध्यायः । अत्र न क्विप् । भूत एवेति नियमान्मन्त्रं करोति करिष्यति वेति विवक्षायां न क्विप् । स्वादिष्वेवेति नियमाभावादन्यस्मिन्नप्युपपदे क्विप् । शास्त्रकृत् । भाष्यकृत् ॥

When su, and when karman etc., are upapada, kvip comes after kṛñ. "The restriction here is threefold" — the Kāśikā. sukṛt ["one who has done well"], karmakṛt ["one who has done the work"], pāpakṛt ["one who has done evil"], mantrakṛt ["one who has made a mantra"], puṇyakṛt ["one who has done merit"]. By the restriction "only kvip", in karma kṛtavān "he has done the work" aṇ does not come. By the restriction "only after kṛñ", mantram adhītavān "he has studied the mantra" is mantrādhyāyaḥ; here there is no kvip. By the restriction "only in the past", when 'mantraṃ karoti' or 'kariṣyati' "he makes / will make the mantra" is meant, there is no kvip. Because there is no restriction "only when su etc. [are upapada]", kvip comes with another upapada too: śāstrakṛt ["author of a śāstra"], bhāṣyakṛt ["author of a Bhāṣya"].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 510

—सुकर्म—॥—त्रिविध इति । धातुनियमस्त्विह नेष्यत इति भावः ॥—क्विबेवेतीति । भूते क्विबेवेति प्रत्ययान्तरसंवन्धनिवृत्तिफलककालनियमादित्यर्थः ॥— कृञ एवेतीति । सुकर्मादिषु कृञ एवेति धात्वन्तरसंवन्धनिवृत्तिफलकोपपदनियमादित्यर्थः ॥—भूत एवेतीति । भूत एव क्विबिति कालान्तरसंवन्धनिवृत्तिफलकप्रत्ययनियमादित्यर्थः ॥—स्वादिष्वेवेतीति । स्वादिष्वेव कृञ इत्युपपदान्तरसंवन्धनिवृत्तिफलकधातुनियमाभावादित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

सुकर्मपापमन्त्रपुण्येषु कृञः - सुकर्म.सु, कर्म, पाप, मन्त्र, पुण्य एषां पञ्चानां द्वन्द्वः । त्रिविध इति ।सुकर्मादिषु भूते कृञः क्विबेवे॑ति,सुकर्मादिषु भूते कृञ एव क्विबिति,सुकर्मादिषु भूत एव कृञ॑ इति त्रिविध इत्यर्थः । अण् नेति । क्तवतुस्तु भवत्येव, सोपपदप्रत्ययस्यैव नियमेन व्यावृत्तेरिति भावः । स्वादिष्वेवेति । सुकर्मादिषु पञ्चस्वित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: su, karman, pāpa, mantra, puṇya — a dvandva of these five. Followed.
commentary BM: the three are 'sukarmādiṣu bhūte kṛñaḥ kvib eva', 'sukarmādiṣu bhūte kṛña eva kvip', and 'sukarmādiṣu bhūta eva kṛñaḥ [kvip]'. On 'aṇ na': ktavatu does come, since the restriction excludes only an affix taught with an upapada. 'svādiṣv eva' = among the five, su etc. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.2999.t1, in its own labels (as under SK 2998): 'threefold' because the root-restriction is not wanted here; 'kvib eva' is the time-restriction (bhūte kvib eva) whose effect is to exclude other affixes; 'kṛña eva' is the upapada-restriction excluding other roots; 'bhūta eva' is the affix-restriction excluding other times; 'svādiṣv eva' would be the root-restriction excluding other upapadas, and it is absent. Agrees with BM on substance; recorded.
textual The print (NSP p. 500, scan page-0510, read at zoom) agrees with ours; the raw OCR's 'kriṣ', 'kṛṣa eva', 'krip' are OCR losses. Our BM's list of the three restrictions repeats the second clause ('…kṛña eva kvib iti sukarmādiṣu…'); Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0100–0101) has the three cleanly.

SK 3000 · A 3.2.90V

सोमे सुञः ॥ ३००० ॥

some suñaḥ

some suñaḥ — When soma [as object — 'karmaṇi', SK 2997, in force] is upapada, [kvip — carried forward (anuvṛtti) — comes] after suñ [in the past — so BM: 'some karmaṇy upapade bhūte sunoteḥ kvip'].

Rule. With soma as object-upapada, suñ "to press" in the past takes kvip. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies "object", "past" and kvip.

Example.

soma + su + kvip → tuk (SK 2858) → somasut "one who has pressed soma".

Applies when / blocked by. "The restriction here is fourfold", says the Kāśikā, and Bhaṭṭoji adds: so too in the next sūtra. One commentator gives the effects. With aṇ: no somasāva for "has pressed soma". Other roots with soma take aṇ: somakrāya. Other objects with su take aṇ: surāsāva. And no kvip for "presses" or "will press".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सोमसुत् । चतुर्विधोऽत्र नियम इति काशिका । एवमुत्तरसूत्रेऽपि ॥

somasut ["one who has pressed soma"]. "The restriction here is fourfold" — the Kāśikā. So too in the next sūtra.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 510–511

—सोमे सुञः । इहापि चतुर्विधो नियम इति वृत्तिः । एवमुत्तरसूत्रेऽपि । तत्र भूतकालस्य क्विपि नियतत्वात्सोमं सुतवान् सोमसावः, अग्निं चितवान् अग्निचाय इत्यण् न भवति । सुनोतेः सोम इव उपपदे नियतत्वाच्चिनोतेस्त्वग्नावेवोपपदे नियतत्वात् । सुरां सुतवान् सुरासुत्, इष्टकाश्चितवानिष्टकाचिदिति न भवति किं तु सुरासावः इष्टकाचाय इत्यणेव भवति, सोमस्य सुनोतावेव धातोर्नियतत्वात् । अग्नेस्तु चिनोतावेव । नियतत्वात् । सोमं क्रीतवान् सोमक्रीः अग्निं भृतवान् अग्निभृत् इति क्विप् न भवति किं तु सोमक्रायः अग्निभार इत्यणेव भवति । भूत एव क्विपो नियतत्वात्सोमं सुनोति सोष्यति वेत्यर्थे क्विप् न भवति । तथा अग्निं चिनोति चेष्यति वेत्यर्थे क्विबभावः किं त्वणेव

Bālamanoramā

सोमे सुञः - समो सुञः । सोमे कर्मण्युपपदे भूते सुनोतेः क्विबित्यर्थः । चतुर्विध इति । पूर्ववद्व्याख्येयम् । एवमिति ।अग्नौ चे॑रित्युत्तरसूत्रेऽपि चतुर्विधो नियम इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sense is: when soma as object is upapada, kvip comes after su (sunoti) in the past. 'caturvidhaḥ' is to be explained as before (SK 2998); 'evam' = in the next sūtra, agnau ceḥ, the restriction is also fourfold. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, sk.3000.t1 (scan page-0510/0511): the Vṛtti says the restriction here too is fourfold, and likewise in the next sūtra. Since the past time is fixed to kvip, somasāva (somaṃ sutavān) and agnicāya (agniṃ citavān) with aṇ do not occur; since su is fixed to the upapada soma and ci to agni, not surāsut, iṣṭakācit but surāsāva, iṣṭakācāya; since soma is fixed to su and agni to ci, not somakrīḥ (somaṃ krītavān), agnibhṛt, but somakrāya, agnibhāra with aṇ; since kvip is fixed to the past, no kvip for 'somaṃ sunoti / soṣyati' or 'agniṃ cinoti / ceṣyati', but aṇ. Recorded; it bears out 'so too in the next sūtra'.
textual The print (NSP p. 500, scan page-0510, read at zoom) agrees with ours. Our sk.3000.t1 conflates and garbles several lines of TB ('sutavān surāsul ity akālitavān iṣṭakācid …'); the coherent text was read from the scan (pp. 500–501) for the commentary note above.

SK 3001 · A 3.2.91V

अग्नौ चेः ॥ ३००१ ॥

agnau ceḥ

agnau ceḥ — When agni [as object] is upapada, [kvip comes] after ci [in the past — so BM: 'agnau karmaṇy upapade bhūtārthavṛtteś cinoteḥ kvip'].

Rule. With agni as object-upapada, ci in the past takes kvip.

Example.

agni + ci + kvip → tuk (SK 2858) → agnicit "one who has piled the fire-altar".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: one who has piled with bricks the altar-ground called agni.

Applies when / blocked by. The restriction is fourfold, as at SK 3000. One commentator: agnicāya with aṇ does not occur for "has piled the fire"; with other objects aṇ comes: iṣṭakācāya.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अग्निचित् ॥

agnicit ["one who has piled the fire-altar"].

Bālamanoramā

अग्नौ चेः - अग्नौ चेः । अग्नौ कर्मण्युपपदे भूतार्थवृत्तेश्चिनोतेः क्विप् स्यादित्यर्थः । अग्निचिदिति । अग्न्याख्यं स्थण्डिलविशेषमिष्टकाभिश्चितवानित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when agni as object is upapada, kvip comes after ci functioning in the past sense. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: agnicit = one who has piled with bricks the particular altar-ground (sthaṇḍila) called agni. Followed in the gloss.
textual No TB of its own: TB on this sūtra (agnicāya, iṣṭakācit, agnibhṛt, the fourfold restriction) is inside sk.3000.t1. The print (NSP p. 500, scan page-0510) agrees with ours.

SK 3002 · A 3.2.92V

कर्मण्यग्न्याख्यायाम् ॥ ३००२ ॥

karmaṇyagnyākhyāyām

karmaṇy agnyākhyāyām — [When a word denoting the object is upapada — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2997, per BM —, kvip comes after ci — from SK 3001 — in the past], in the sense of the object (karmaṇi), when [the derivative] is a name of [a site for] the fire (agnyākhyā).

Rule. With an object-word as upapada, ci takes kvip in the sense of the object itself. The condition: the whole names a site that holds the fire.

Example.

śyena iva citaḥ "piled like a falcon".

śyena + ci + kvip → tuk → śyenacit.

One commentator: śyena "falcon" here means falcon-shaped. The other: the compound is the fixed name of a brick site for the āhavanīya fire.

Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra's karmaṇi and the heading's karmaṇi do two jobs. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators keeps them apart. The heading's karmaṇi gives the upapada. The sūtra's karmaṇi gives the affix its sense. So kartari kṛt (SK 2832) does not apply here.

Watch out. śyenacit is not "one who piled a falcon". The affix means the thing piled.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्मण्युपपदे कर्मण्येव कारके चिनोतेः क्विप्स्यात् अग्न्याधारस्थलविशेषस्याख्यायाम् । श्येन इव चितः श्येनचित् ॥

When [a word denoting] the object is upapada, kvip comes after ci in [the sense of] the object itself as the kāraka, when [the whole] names a particular site that holds the fire: śyena iva citaḥ "piled like a falcon": śyenacit.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 511

—कर्मण्यग्न्याख्यायाम् ॥—श्येनचिदिति । समुदायोऽयं आहवनीयधारणार्थे इष्टकानिर्मितस्थलविशेषे निरूढः

Bālamanoramā

कर्मण्यग्न्याख्यायाम् - कर्मण्यग्न्याख्यायाम् । कर्मणीत्यनुवृत्तमुपपदसमर्पकम् । अत्रत्यं तु कर्मणीत्येतत्प्रत्ययार्थसमर्पकम् । तथा चाऽत्र कर्तरीति न सम्बध्यते । तदाह — कर्मण्युपपदे इत्यादि । चिनोतेरिति । भूतार्थादित्यपि बोध्यम् । श्येन इवेति । श्येनशब्दः श्येनसदृशे लाक्षणिक इति भावः । श्येनाकृतिक इति यावत् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the 'karmaṇi' carried forward supplies the upapada; the 'karmaṇi' of this sūtra supplies the sense of the affix; so 'kartari' [of kartari kṛt, SK 2832] is not construed here. 'cinoteḥ': understand also 'expressing the past'. Followed: the two 'karmaṇi' kept apart in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: śyena (falcon) is used by secondary signification (lakṣaṇā) for what resembles a falcon, i.e. falcon-shaped. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3002.t1: the whole compound is conventional (nirūḍha) for a particular site built of bricks to hold the āhavanīya fire. Followed in 'names a particular site that holds the fire'.
textual The print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511) agrees with ours.

SK 3003 · A 3.2.93V

कर्मणीनिविक्रियः ॥ ३००३ ॥

karmaṇīnivikriyaḥ

karmaṇīni vikriyaḥ — When [a word denoting] the object (karman) is upapada, ini [comes] after krī preceded by vi [in the past — bhūte, SK 2995, in force].

Rule. With an object-word as upapada, krī "to buy" with vi "to sell" takes ini in the past. ini leaves in; unlike ṇini it has no ṇ.

Example.

soma + vi + krī + ini → guṇa (SK 2168) → vi-kre-in → ay for e (SK 61) → vikrayin

→ somavikrayī "one who has sold soma". Likewise ghṛtavikrayī.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: kutsitagrahaṇaṃ kartavyam. The word "contemptible" is to be added. The rule holds only when the object brings contempt on the seller. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain. Selling soma is forbidden, so its seller is contemned. One commentator gives the counter-example dhānyavikrāyaḥ "grain-seller", with aṇ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्मण्युपपदे विपूर्वात्क्रीणातेरिनिः स्यात् ।

When [a word denoting] the object is upapada, ini comes after krī (krīṇāti) preceded by vi.

vārttika

कुत्सितग्रहणं कर्तव्यम्

(vārttika) The word 'contemptible' (kutsita) should be included [i.e. the rule applies when the object is something contemptible].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सोमविक्रयी । घृतविक्रयी ॥

somavikrayī ["one who has sold soma"], ghṛtavikrayī ["one who has sold ghee"].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 511

—कर्मणीनि—कुत्सितग्रहणमिति । एतच्च वार्तिकं पुनः कर्मग्रहणसामर्थ्याल्लभ्यते, यत्कर्म क्रियया संबध्यमानं कर्तृ कुत्सामावहति तत्रेत्यर्थः । सोमादयश्च विक्रीयमाणाः शास्त्रे प्रतिषेधात्कुत्सावहाः । कुत्सितग्रहणान्नेह । धान्यविक्रायः

Bālamanoramā

कर्मणीनिविक्रियः - कर्मणीनि विक्रियः । 'इनि' इत्यविभक्तिकम् । विपूर्वस्य क्रीञ्धातोर्विक्रिय इति पञ्चम्यन्तम् । कुत्सितेति । कुत्सिते कर्मण्युपपदे उक्तविधिर्भवतीत्यर्थः । सोमविक्रयीति । सोमद्रव्यं च विक्रीयमाणं विक्रेतुः कुत्सामावहति, तद्विक्रयस्य निषिद्धत्वादिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ini' is given without a case ending; 'vikriyaḥ' is the fifth-case word (pañcamyanta) of the root krīñ preceded by vi. Followed.
commentary BM: 'kutsita…' means the rule applies when a contemptible object is upapada; soma, when sold, brings contempt on the seller, since its sale is forbidden. Followed in the bracket of k2.
commentary TB, sk.3003.t1: this vārttika is obtained from the force of the repeated 'karman' [already in force from SK 2997]: [the rule applies] where the object, connected with the action, brings contempt on the agent; soma etc., when sold, bring contempt because of the prohibition in śāstra. Because of 'kutsita', not here: dhānyavikrāyaḥ ['seller of grain', with aṇ]. Agrees with BM; followed.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag at the head of k3 in the digital source is editorial; the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read) marks the vārttika 'kutsitagrahaṇaṃ kartavyam' with the vārttika sign and runs on 'somavikrayī | ghṛtavikrayī' as Bhaṭṭoji's examples. Only k2 is labelled a vārttika. Print otherwise agrees with ours (sūtra printed as 'karmaṇīni vikriyaḥ').
textual The source layer's sūtra padaccheda lists 'iniḥ' (with case ending); BM says ''ini' ity avibhaktikam' ('ini' is without case ending), and the print reads 'karmaṇīni vikriyaḥ'. The padaccheda should read 'ini'. A metadata slip in the source layer, not in the collation report; it does not affect the English.

SK 3004 · A 3.2.94V

दृशेः क्वनिप् ॥ ३००४ ॥

dṛśeḥ kvanip

dṛśeḥ kvanip — After dṛś, kvanip [comes — when (a word denoting) the object is upapada, in the past: 'karmaṇi', SK 2997, and 'bhūte', SK 2995, continue (ity eva), as the kaumudī states].

Rule. dṛś takes kvanip. Bhaṭṭoji: "with an object" and "in the past" continue.

Example.

pāraṃ dṛṣṭavān "he has seen the far shore".

pāra + dṛś + kvanip → pāra + dṛś + van → no guṇa before the k-marked affix (SK 2217)

→ pāradṛśvan → pāradṛśvā.

Applies when / blocked by. kvanip is already available by SK 3418 and SK 2980. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators therefore read this rule as a restriction. It shuts out manin and vanip, and aṇ and the other upapada affixes. It does not shut out the niṣṭhā (dṛṣṭavān).

Watch out. One commentator says other times are not excluded. So viśvadṛśvan "seeing the universe", analysed in the present, is no fault.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्मणि भूत इत्येव । पारं दृष्टवान् पारदृश्वा ॥

"[When a word denoting] the object [is upapada]" and "in the past" continue [here] (ity eva). pāraṃ dṛṣṭavān "he has seen the far shore": pāradṛśvā.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 511

—दृशेः क्वनिप् । ‘अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यन्ते’ इति सिद्धे नियमार्थमिदं क्वनिवेव यथा स्यात्तत्सहनिर्दिष्टौ मनिन्वनिपौ माभूतां न वा अणादय इति । सोपपदप्रत्ययस्यैव नियमेन निवर्तनान्निष्ठा तु भवत्येव ॥ —पारं दृष्टवानिति । एवं स्थिते ‘विश्वदृश्वनयना वयमेव’ इत्यादौ विश्वं पश्यन्ति विश्वदृश्वानि तानि नयनानि येषां ते विश्वदृश्वनयना इत्येवं क्वनिवन्तस्य लटा विग्रहेऽपि न क्षतिः । प्रत्ययान्तरनिवृत्त्यर्थं सूत्रमित्येवं वृत्तिकारादिभिर्व्याख्यातत्वात् । कालान्तरनिवृत्त्यर्थमिदमिति कैरप्यभियुक्तैरनुक्तत्वादिति दिक्

Bālamanoramā

दृशेः क्वनिप् - दृशेः क्वनिप् ।आतो मनिन्क्वनिब्वनिपश्च॑,अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यन्ते॑ इत्येव क्वनिपि सिद्धे तत्सहचरितमनिनादिव्यावृत्त्यर्थमिदं, सोपपदाऽणादिबाधनार्थं च । निष्ठा तु भवत्येव, सोपपदप्रत्ययस्यैवाऽत्र पुनः क्विब्ग्रहणेन निवृत्तेः । पारं दृष्टवान् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kvanip being already established by āto manin-kvanib-vanipaś ca (SK 3418) [and] anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyante (SK 2980), this [sūtra] serves to exclude manin etc. mentioned along with it, and to block aṇ etc. taught with an upapada; the niṣṭhā still comes, since only an affix taught with an upapada is excluded. Recorded; the kaumudī does not state the purpose.
commentary TB, sk.3004.t1: since [kvanip] is established by anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyante, this is for restriction: only kvanip, not manin and vanip mentioned with it, nor aṇ etc.; the niṣṭhā comes, as only an affix with an upapada is excluded. Agrees with BM; recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3004.t1, on 'pāraṃ dṛṣṭavān': this being so, in 'viśvadṛśvanayanā vayam eva' the analysis of the kvanip form with the present tense (viśvaṃ paśyanti) is no fault, since the Vṛtti-author and others explain the sūtra as excluding other affixes, and no authority has said it excludes other times. Recorded.
textual The print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read) agrees with ours.

SK 3005 · A 3.2.95V

राजनि युधिकृञः ॥ ३००५ ॥

rājani yudhikṛñaḥ

rājani yudhikṛñaḥ — When rājan [is upapada as the object — 'karmaṇi' carried forward (anuvṛtti), as in SK 3004, per BM], [kvanip — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3004 — comes] after yudh and kṛñ [denoting a past action — 'bhūte', adhikāra from SK 2995].

Rule. With rājan "king" as object-upapada, yudh "to fight" and kṛñ take kvanip, in the past.

Example.

rājānaṃ yodhitavān "he made the king fight".

rājan + yudh + kvanip → rāja + yudh + van → rājayudhvā.

rājan + kṛ + kvanip → tuk after the short ṛ (SK 2858) → rāja-kṛ-t-van → rājakṛtvā "one who made the king".

Applies when / blocked by. yudh takes no object, so how can an object be its upapada? Bhaṭṭoji: yudh here has the causative sense taken into it (antarbhāvita-ṇyartha). It means "make fight". One commentator raises and answers the objection in the same way.

Watch out. Is this a restriction like SK 3004, or a fresh rule? One commentator cites the Śabdakaustubha. These forms could come through SK 2980 only as a last resort. So SK 3004–3006 may as well be called prescriptive. The older works are silent; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्वनिप्स्यात् । युधिरन्तर्भावितण्यर्थः । राजानं योधितवान् राजयुध्वा । राजकृत्वा ॥

kvanip comes [after yudh and kṛñ, when rājan is upapada as the object]. yudh has the causative sense taken into itself (antarbhāvitaṇyartha): rājayudhvā "one who made the king fight" (rājānaṃ yodhitavān); rājakṛtvā ["one who made the king"].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 511

—राजनि युधि कृञः । सहे च । इदमपि सूत्रद्वयं ‘दृशेः क्वनिप्’ इतिवन्नियमार्थमिति न्याय्यम् । वस्तुतस्तु दृशिग्रहणेन निर्वाहस्यागतिकत्वादियं त्रिसूत्री विधात्रीत्यपि सुवचम् । प्राचां ग्रन्थास्त्विहोदासीना एवेति शब्दकौस्तुभे स्थितम् ॥—मन्दुरायामिति । ‘वाजिशाला तु मन्दुरा’ इत्यमरः॥ —पुमनुजेति । इह जनिः सकर्मकः, अनुरोधविशिष्टजननवृत्तित्वात्

Bālamanoramā

राजनि युधिकृञः - राजनि युधि कृञः । युधि, कृञ् अनयोः समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । क्वनिप् स्यादिति । राजनि कर्मण्युपपदे भूतार्थाद्युधेः कृञश्च क्वनिबित्यर्थः । ननु युधेरकर्मकत्वात्तत्र कर्मण्युपपदे इत्यस्य कथमन्वय इत्यत आह — युधिरन्तर्भावितेति । राजकृत्वेति.राजानं कृतवानित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'yudhikṛñaḥ' is a fifth-case ending (pañcamī) after a collective dvandva (samāhāradvandva) of yudhi and kṛñ. Followed: 'after yudh and kṛñ'.
commentary BM: 'kvanip syāt' means: when rājan is upapada as the object (karmaṇy upapade), kvanip comes after yudh and kṛñ denoting the past (bhūtārthāt). Objection: yudh being intransitive (akarmaka), how can 'when the object is upapada' be construed with it? Hence 'yudhir antarbhāvita…'. rājakṛtvā means rājānaṃ kṛtavān. Followed in the brackets and the gloss 'made the king fight'.
commentary TB, sk.3005.t1 (lemma 'rājani yudhi kṛñaḥ; sahe ca', covering SK 3006 too): it is proper to take this pair of sūtras too as restrictive (niyamārtha), like dṛśeḥ kvanip (SK 3004); in fact, since getting [these forms] through the 'dṛśyante' of anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyante (SK 2980) — the route by which the restrictive view obtains kvanip — is a last resort (agatika), it may equally well be said that this group of three sūtras [SK 3004–3006] is prescriptive (vidhi); the older works are silent on the point — so the Śabdakaustubha. Recorded; the English 'kvanip comes' leaves the question open.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read); the print sets the sūtra as 'rājani yudhi kṛñaḥ' (presentation only). The TB OCR's lemma 'kṛjaḥ' is an OCR misreading of kṛñaḥ (scan).

SK 3006 · A 3.2.96V

सहे च ॥ ३००६ ॥

sahe ca

sahe ca — And when saha [is upapada, kvanip comes after yudh and kṛñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3005, per BM — denoting a past action].

Rule. With saha "together" as upapada, yudh and kṛñ also take kvanip. Bhaṭṭoji: karmaṇi has stopped here.

Example.

saha + yudh + kvanip → sahayudhvā "one who fought together with another".

saha + kṛ + kvanip → tuk → sahakṛtvā "one who did something together with another".

Watch out. The heading karmaṇi began at SK 2997. Bhaṭṭoji's remark marks its end, so saha need not be an object.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्मणीति निवृत्तम् । सहयुध्वा । सहकृत्वा ॥

"karmaṇi" ("when the object [is upapada]") has stopped (nivṛtta) [here]: sahayudhvā ["one who fought together (with another)"], sahakṛtvā ["one who did (something) together (with another)"].

Bālamanoramā

सहे च - सहे च । सहशब्दे उपपदे युधिकृञ्भ्यां क्वनिबित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when the word saha is upapada, kvanip comes after yudh and kṛñ. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3005.t1 (lemma 'rājani yudhi kṛñaḥ; sahe ca'): this pair of sūtras is properly restrictive (niyamārtha) like dṛśeḥ kvanip (SK 3004), though it may also be called prescriptive (Śabdakaustubha). Recorded; see sk.3005.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read). sk3006 has no TB block of its own; its TB is printed under sk.3005.t1.
translator The bracketed glosses of sahayudhvā and sahakṛtvā are the translator's; the kaumudī gives no gloss.

SK 3007 · A 3.2.97V

सप्तम्यां जनेर्डः ॥ ३००७ ॥

saptamyāṃ janerḍaḥ

saptamyāṃ janer ḍaḥ — When a seventh-case word (saptamyanta) [is upapada], ḍa comes after jan [denoting a past action — 'bhūte', adhikāra from SK 2995, per BM].

Rule. With a seventh-case word as upapada, jan in the past takes ḍa.

Example.

sarasi + jan + ḍa → the ṭi an is lost by the ḍ-marking → sarasi + j + a → sarasijam "lotus".

mandurāyāṃ jātaḥ "born in a stable" → mandurajaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji: the shortening of mandurā is by ṅyāpoḥ… (SK 1001).

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the ṭi-loss for sarasijam.

Applies when / blocked by. In sarasijam the seventh-case ending -i stays. One commentator says it stays by SK 966 or SK 972. Both rules let the ending stand inside the compound.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सरसिजम् । मन्दुरायां जातो मन्दुरजः । ङ्यापोः - SK 1001 इति ह्रस्वः ॥

sarasijam ["lotus", lit. "born in a lake"]. mandurajaḥ "born in a stable" (mandurāyāṃ jātaḥ): the shortening [of the final ā of mandurā] is by ṅyāpoḥ [saṃjñāchandasor bahulam] (SK 1001).

Bālamanoramā

सप्तम्यां जनेर्डः - सप्तम्यां जनेर्डः । सप्तम्यन्ते उपपदे जनेर्भूताऽर्थाड्ड इत्यर्थः । सरसिजमिति । डित्त्वसामर्थ्यादभस्यापि टेर्लोपः । `हलदन्तात्` इति `तत्पुरुषे कृति` इति वा अलुक् । मन्दुरज इति । वाजिशाला तु मन्दुरेत्यमरः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sense is that ḍa comes after jan denoting the past when a word ending in the seventh case is upapada. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM on sarasijam: by force of the ḍ-marking (ḍittva) the ṭi is elided even though [the stem] is not bha; the non-elision (aluk) [of the seventh-case ending] is by haladantāt [saptamyāḥ saṃjñāyām] (SK 966) or by tatpuruṣe kṛti [bahulam] (SK 972). mandura: 'vājiśālā tu mandurā' (Amara). Recorded; the kaumudī gives no derivation of sarasijam.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3005.t1 ('mandurāyām iti'): 'vājiśālā tu mandurā' (Amara) — mandurā is a stable for horses. Followed in the gloss 'stable'.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read). sk3007 has no TB block of its own; its TB is printed under sk.3005.t1.
translator '[of the final ā of mandurā]' is supplied by the translator: the shortening must apply to the ā of the upapada mandurā in mandurajaḥ.

SK 3008 · A 3.2.98V

पञ्चम्यामजातौ ॥ ३००८ ॥

pañcamyāmajātau

pañcamyām ajātau — When a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta) that is not [a word for] a genus (jāti) [is upapada, ḍa comes after jan — 'janer ḍaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3007 — denoting a past action, per BM].

Rule. With a fifth-case word that is not a genus-word as upapada, jan takes ḍa. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds "denoting the past".

Example.

saṃskārāj jātaḥ "born of a saṃskāra" → saṃskāra + jan + ḍa → saṃskārajaḥ.

Likewise adṛṣṭajaḥ "born of the unseen".

Watch out. The fifth-case ending does not stay here: the form is saṃskārajaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

जातिशब्दवर्जिते पञ्चम्यन्ते उपपदे जनेर्डः स्यात् । संस्कारजः । अदृष्टजः ॥

When a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta) other than a genus-word (jātiśabda) is upapada, ḍa comes after jan [denoting a past action]: saṃskārajaḥ ["born of a saṃskāra"], adṛṣṭajaḥ ["born of the unseen (adṛṣṭa)"].

Bālamanoramā

पञ्चम्यामजातौ - पञ्चम्यामजातौ । जनेरिति ।भूतार्था॑दिति शेषः । संस्कारज[म] इति । संस्काराज्जात्[म] इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after 'janeḥ' the remainder (śeṣa) is 'bhūtārthāt' ('denoting the past'); saṃskāraja means 'born (jāta) of a saṃskāra' (saṃskārāt). Followed in the brackets and the gloss.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read). No TB on this sūtra in the print (TB passes from 'mandurāyām iti' on SK 3007 to 'pumanujeti' on SK 3010, both printed under sk.3005.t1).
textual Our BM block brackets an '[m]' after both 'saṃskāraja' and 'jāt': BM read 'saṃskārajam iti … saṃskārāj jātam' (so Wikisource BM uttara-3/0102). Ours and the print's kaumudī have the masculine saṃskārajaḥ.

SK 3009 · A 3.2.99V

उपसर्गे च संज्ञायाम् ॥ ३००९ ॥

upasarge ca saṃjñāyām

upasarge ca saṃjñāyām — And when an upasarga [is upapada, ḍa comes after jan — 'janer ḍaḥ' supplied (śeṣa) from SK 3007, per BM], when [the whole derived word is] a name (saṃjñā).

Rule. With an upasarga as upapada, jan takes ḍa when the whole is a name. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "name" is a condition on the whole derived word.

Example.

pra + jan + ḍa → ṭi lost → pra + j + a → feminine → prajā.

Bhaṭṭoji quotes a line of the Amarakośa: prajā syāt santatau jane. prajā means offspring or people.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रजा स्यात्सन्ततौ जने ॥

"prajā is [used] for offspring (santati) and for people (jana)."

Bālamanoramā

उपसर्गे च संज्ञायाम् - उपसर्गे च । 'जनेर्ड' इति शेषः । संज्ञायामिति समुदायोपाधिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the remainder (śeṣa) is 'janer ḍaḥ'; 'saṃjñāyām' is a condition on the whole [derived form] (samudāyopādhi). Followed in sutra_en.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read: 'prajā syāt santatau jane'). No TB on this sūtra in the print.
translator The kaumudī's only example is this eight-syllable metrical quarter-verse (pāda) giving the senses of prajā; the kaumudī does not attribute it. It is the Amarakośa's line on prajā (nānārthavarga, section of words ending in j); verse number not verified here.

SK 3010 · A 3.2.100V

अनौ कर्मणि ॥ ३०१० ॥

anau karmaṇi

anau karmaṇi — [After jan] preceded by anu, when an object (karman) [is upapada, ḍa comes — 'janer ḍaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3007].

Rule. jan with anu takes ḍa when an object is upapada.

Example.

pumāṃsam anurudhya jātā "she who was born following upon a male".

pums + anu + jan + ḍa → ṭi lost → pum-anu-j-a → pumanujā.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the final of the cluster in pums is lost.

Applies when / blocked by. jan takes no object. How can an object be its upapada? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. With anu, jan means "to be born following upon", and that takes an object. The male is the object.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अनुपूर्वाज्जनेः कर्मण्युपपदे डः स्यात् । पुमांसमनुरुध्य जाता पुमनुजा ॥

After jan preceded by anu, when an object (karman) is upapada, ḍa comes: pumanujā "[a female] born following upon a male" (pumāṃsam anurudhya jātā).

Bālamanoramā

अनौ कर्मणि - अनौ कर्मणि । ननु जनेरकर्मकत्वात्तत्र कर्मण्युपपदे इत्यर्थस्य कथमन्वय इत्यत आह — पुमांसमनुरुध्येति । अनुरुध्य जननं धात्वर्थ इति भावः । पुमनुजेति । पुंस् इति पूर्वपदे संयोगान्तलोप इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: Objection: jan being intransitive (akarmaka), how can 'when an object is upapada' be construed with it? Hence 'pumāṃsam anurudhya…': being born following upon (anurudhya jananam) is the meaning of the root. In pumanujā the final of the conjunct of pums is elided (saṃyogāntalopa) in the prior member. Followed: 'born following upon a male' keeps the male as the object of the root-sense.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3005.t1 ('pumanujeti'): here jan is transitive (sakarmaka), because it denotes birth qualified by following (anurodha). Followed; agrees with BM.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read; the print's sūtra number 3.2.10 for 3.2.100 does not touch our text). sk3010 has no TB block of its own; its TB is printed under sk.3005.t1.

SK 3011 · A 3.2.101V

अन्येष्वपि दृश्यते ॥ ३०११ ॥

anyeṣvapi dṛśyate

anyeṣv api dṛśyate — [ḍa after jan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3007] is seen also when other [words are upapada].

Rule. ḍa after jan is seen with other upapadas too.

Example.

a + jan + ḍa → ajaḥ "unborn".

dvi + jan + ḍa → dvijaḥ "twice-born".

brāhmaṇa + jan + ḍa → brāhmaṇajaḥ "born of a brāhmaṇa".

One commentator says aja and dvija have no seventh-case word, and brāhmaṇaja has a genus word. So neither SK 3007 nor SK 3008 could give them.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: the word api "also" lets every condition of the ḍa rules lapse (sarvopādhivyabhicāra). So ḍa sometimes comes after another root, and in the sense of another kāraka. paritaḥ khātā "dug all around" → parikhā "a moat". Here the root is khan "to dig", not jan. And the affix means the object, not the agent.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this api also covers the vārttika "seen elsewhere too" at SK 2965. He finds the same point in the Bhāṣya.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अन्येष्वप्युपपदेषु जनेर्डः स्यात् । अजः । द्विजः । ब्राह्मणजः । अपिशब्दः सर्वोपाधिव्यभिचारार्थः । तेन धात्वन्तरादपि कारकान्तेरेष्वपि क्वचित् । परितः खाता परिखा ॥

ḍa comes after jan also when other [words] are upapada: ajaḥ ["unborn"], dvijaḥ ["twice-born"], brāhmaṇajaḥ ["born of a brāhmaṇa"]. The word api ("also") serves to allow deviation from all the conditions (sarvopādhivyabhicāra) [laid down in the preceding ḍa rules]. Hence [ḍa comes] sometimes even after another root, and even in [the sense of] other kārakas: parikhā "[a moat,] dug all around" (paritaḥ khātā).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 511

—अन्येष्वपि दृश्यते । ‘सप्तम्यां जनेः—’ इत्युक्तमसप्तम्यामपि दृश्यत इत्याह—अजः । द्विज इति । न जायत इत्यजः, द्विर्जातो द्विजः, ‘जन्मना जायते शूद्रः कर्मणा जायते द्विजः’ इत्यभियुक्तोक्तेः । ‘पञ्चम्यामजातौ’ इत्युक्तं जातावपि दृश्यत इत्याह—ब्राह्मणज इति ॥—अपिशब्द इति । यत्तु ‘अन्तात्यन्ताध्व—’ इति प्रकरणे ‘अन्यत्रापि दृश्यते’ इत्युपसंख्यानं, तद्भूतकालं विनापि यथा स्यादित्येवमर्थम् । वस्तुतस्तु प्रकृतसूत्रस्थस्यापिग्रहणस्य सर्वोपाधिव्यभिचारार्थत्वात्तद्वार्तिकमनेनैव गतार्थम् । विभावितं चेदं ‘इको गुणवृद्धौ’ इति सूत्रे जनेर्डं प्रक्रम्य ‘गमेरप्ययं डो वक्तव्यः’ इति वदता भाष्यकारेण । एवं च प्रकृतसूत्रस्थं ‘अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते’ इति वार्तिकमपि गतार्थमिति बोध्यम्

Bālamanoramā

अन्येष्वपि दृश्यते - अन्येष्वपि दृश्यते । अज इति । न जात इत्यर्थः । द्विजो ब्राह्मण इति । द्विर्जात इत्यर्थः ।मातुर्यदग्रे जायन्ते द्वितीयं मौञ्जिबन्धना॑दित्यादिस्मृतेरिति भावः । अपि शब्द इति । 'सप्तम्यां जनेर्डः' इत्यादिसूत्रेषु डविधिषु यानि विशेषणान्युपात्तानि प्रकृतिविशेषरूपाणि, भूते कर्तरीति प्रत्ययार्थविशेषणं च तदतिक्रमार्थ इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.3011.t1: saptamyāṃ janeḥ (SK 3007) was stated, and [ḍa] is seen also without a seventh-case word, hence ajaḥ, dvijaḥ; pañcamyām ajātau (SK 3008) was stated, and it is seen also with a genus, hence brāhmaṇajaḥ. TB glosses 'na jāyata ity ajaḥ' and 'dvir jāto dvijaḥ', citing 'janmanā jāyate śūdraḥ karmaṇā jāyate dvijaḥ' as a saying of the learned. Followed: the three forms are kept as examples of 'other upapadas'.
commentary BM: 'aja' means 'na jātaḥ' ('not born'); its lemma reads 'dvijo brāhmaṇa iti' and glosses 'dvir jātaḥ' ('born twice'), citing the smṛti 'mātur yad agre jāyante dvitīyaṃ mauñjibandhanāt'. BM has no lemma on brāhmaṇajaḥ (see textual note). Recorded; the gloss '[unborn]' is kept neutral between BM's 'na jātaḥ' and TB's 'na jāyate'.
commentary BM on 'apiśabda': api serves to override the qualifications taken in the ḍa rules beginning with saptamyāṃ janer ḍaḥ — those that specify the base (prakṛtiviśeṣa) and the specification of the affix's meaning 'bhūte kartari' ('in the past, in the agent'). Followed in '[laid down in the preceding ḍa rules]'.
commentary TB, sk.3011.t1, on 'apiśabda': the upasaṃkhyāna 'anyatrāpi dṛśyate' in the section of antātyantādhva… is for [ḍa] even without past time; but since api in the present sūtra serves to allow deviation from all conditions, that vārttika is already covered by it, as the Bhāṣyakāra shows under iko guṇavṛddhī by saying 'gamer apy ayaṃ ḍo vaktavyaḥ' after taking up ḍa after jan; likewise the vārttika 'anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate' on the present sūtra is covered. Recorded.
textual Ours reads 'kārakāntereṣv api'; the print reads 'kārakāntareṣv api' (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read at zoom), as do Wikisource SK and BM. The English follows the print ('other kārakas').
textual Ours and the print read 'ajaḥ. dvijaḥ. brāhmaṇajaḥ.' (scan page-0511, zoom). The Wikisource SK text reads 'ajaḥ. dvijo brāhmaṇaḥ. (brāhmaṇajaḥ)', and BM's lemma 'dvijo brāhmaṇa iti' presupposes that reading, whereas TB's lemma 'brāhmaṇaja iti' presupposes ours. The English follows the print. Not in the collation report (class C, ours = print; logged in p67-notes [T11]); referred to Ajai.
translator The glosses of ajaḥ, dvijaḥ, brāhmaṇajaḥ and 'a moat' for parikhā are the translator's. parikhā shows 'another root' (khan, not jan) and 'another kāraka' (khātā: the object, not the agent).

SK 3012 · A 1.1.26निष्ठासंज्ञा

क्तक्तवतू निष्ठा ॥ ३०१२ ॥

ktaktavatū niṣṭhā

ktaktavatū niṣṭhā — kta and ktavatu are [each] called niṣṭhā.

Rule. The affixes kta and ktavatu are each called niṣṭhā. This is a name (saṃjñā). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the singular niṣṭhā applies to each of the two separately.

Example.

snā + kta → kta bears the name niṣṭhā → snā + ta → snātam.

kṛ + ktavatu → ktavatu bears the name niṣṭhā → kṛ + tavat → kṛtavān.

Applies when / blocked by. The other commentator answers an objection of mutual dependence (anyonyāśraya). The name needs the affixes to exist, and SK 3013 adds the affixes by the name. His answer: the name is "one that will be" (bhāvinī saṃjñā). SK 3013 means "that affix comes which, once it has come, will be called niṣṭhā". So this sūtra in effect prescribes kta and ktavatu.

Watch out. From here to the end of this part, "the niṣṭhā-t" means the t of ta or tavat. Most rules of II.O–II.Q replace it with n.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एतौ निष्ठासंज्ञौ स्तः ॥

These two [affixes, kta and ktavatu,] have the name (saṃjñā) niṣṭhā.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 511

—क्तक्तवतू निष्ठा । ननु क्तक्तवत्वोः सिद्धयोर्निष्ठेति संज्ञासिद्धिः, सिद्धायां निष्ठासंज्ञायां कक्तवत्वोर्विधानमित्यन्योन्याश्रय इति चेत् । अत्राहुः । भाविनी संज्ञाऽत्र विज्ञायते स भूते भवति यस्योत्पन्नस्य निष्ठेति संज्ञा भवति इत्याश्रयणे सामर्थ्यात् कक्तवत्वोर्विधानमेतदिति नास्त्युक्तदोष इति

Bālamanoramā

क्तक्तवतू निष्ठा - क्तक्तवतू निष्ठा । क्त, क्तवतु अनयोद्र्वन्द्वः । निष्ठेति प्रत्येकाभिप्रायमेकवचनम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ktaktavatū' is a dvandva of kta and ktavatu; the singular 'niṣṭhā' is meant of each one separately (pratyekābhiprāya). Followed: 'are [each] called niṣṭhā'.
commentary TB, sk.3012.t1: Objection: the name niṣṭhā is established once kta and ktavatu are established, and kta and ktavatu are prescribed once the name is established — mutual dependence (anyonyāśraya). Answer: the name is understood here as one that is to be (bhāvinī saṃjñā): 'that [affix] comes in the past which, once it has arisen, will have the name niṣṭhā'; on this footing, by implication (sāmarthya) this is a prescription of kta and ktavatu, so the fault does not arise. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read).

SK 3013 · A 3.2.102V

निष्ठा ॥ ३०१३ ॥

niṣṭhā

niṣṭhā — [After a root — 'dhātoḥ', adhikāra from SK 2829 — denoting a past action — 'bhūte', adhikāra from SK 2995, per BM] a niṣṭhā [comes].

Rule. A niṣṭhā comes after a root whose meaning lies in the past. Bhaṭṭoji divides the senses. kta comes in bhāva and karman, by tayor eva… (SK 2833). ktavatu comes in the agent sense, by kartari kṛt (SK 2832). The u and the k are markers: the u of ktavatu, and the k of both.

Example.

snā + kta → snā + ta → snātaṃ mayā "bathing has been done by me" (bhāva).

stu + kta → stu + ta → no guṇa before the k-marked affix (SK 2217) → stutas tvayā viṣṇuḥ (karman).

kṛ + ktavatu → kṛ + tavat → no guṇa → kṛtavat → viṣṇur viśvaṃ kṛtavān (agent).

Applies when / blocked by. Why bhāva for snā but karman for stu? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. SK 2152 runs on into SK 2833. After a root with no object, kta is in bhāva. After a root with an object, it is in karman. snā "to bathe" takes no object; stu "to praise" takes one.

Watch out. kta does not mean the agent here. The agent sense belongs to ktavatu. Exceptions where kta means the agent come in a later part of the chapter.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भूतार्थवृत्तेर्धातोर्निष्ठा स्यात् । तत्र तयोरेव - SK 2833 इति भावकर्मणोः क्तः कर्तरि कृत् SK 2832 इति कर्तरि क्तवतुः । उकावितौ । स्नातं मया । स्तुतस्त्वया विष्णुः । विष्णुर्विश्वं कृतवान् ॥

A niṣṭhā comes after a root whose meaning lies in the past (bhūtārthavṛtti). Of the two, kta comes in [the senses of] bhāva (the bare action) and karman (the object) by tayor eva [kṛtyaktakhalarthāḥ] (SK 2833), and ktavatu in [the sense of] the agent by kartari kṛt (SK 2832). The u and the k [of ktavatu, and the k of kta,] are it-markers. snātaṃ mayā "bathing has been done by me" [bhāva]; stutas tvayā viṣṇuḥ "Viṣṇu has been praised by you" [karman]; viṣṇur viśvaṃ kṛtavān "Viṣṇu made the universe" [agent].

Bālamanoramā

निष्ठा - निष्ठा । भूते इति धातोरिति चाधिकृतम् । तदाह — भूतार्थेत्यादि । भावकर्मणोः क्त इति । तथा च क्तप्रत्ययविषये कर्तरीति न संबध्यते इति भावः । कर्तरि क्तवतुरिति । कृत्यक्तखलर्थानामेव भावकर्मणोर्विधानादिति भावः ।तयोरेव कृत्युक्ते॑त्यत्रलः कर्मणी॑त्यस्मात्सकर्मकेभ्यः कर्मणि कर्तरि च अकर्मकेभ्यो भावे कर्तरि चेत्यनुवर्तते । ततश्च अकर्मकेभ्यो भावे क्तः, सकर्मकेभ्यस्तु कर्मणीति व्यवस्था लभ्यते इति मत्वोदाहरति — स्नातं मयेति । अकर्मकत्वाद्भावे क्तः । स्तुतस्त्वया विष्णुरिति । सकर्मकत्वात्कर्मणि क्तः । कर्तरि क्तवतुमुदाहरति — विष्णुर्विश्वमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'bhūte' and 'dhātoḥ' are in force as adhikāras; hence 'bhūtārtha…'. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'bhāvakarmaṇoḥ ktaḥ': so where the affix is kta, 'kartari' is not connected; 'kartari ktavatuḥ': because only kṛtya affixes, kta and the khal-sense affixes are prescribed in bhāva and karman. Into tayor eva… (SK 2833) is carried forward (anuvṛtti), from laḥ karmaṇi [ca bhāve cākarmakebhyaḥ] (SK 2152): 'after transitive roots, in the object and the agent; after intransitive roots, in bhāva and the agent'; hence the arrangement: after intransitive roots kta in bhāva, after transitive roots in the object. With that in mind he gives snātaṃ mayā (intransitive, so kta in bhāva), stutas tvayā viṣṇuḥ (transitive, so kta in the object), and viṣṇur viśvaṃ kṛtavān for ktavatu in the agent. Followed in the bracketed labels [bhāva], [karman], [agent].
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read; a tool-overlay label covers the first word of 'snātaṃ mayā' on the preview, the OCR reads snātaṃ). No TB on this sūtra in the print (TB passes from ktaktavatū niṣṭhā, SK 3012, to 'ṇyadartho bhāvakarmaṇī', SK 3014).
translator 'ukāv itau' is read as 'u and k are it-markers', i.e. the u and the k of ktavatu and the k of kta; the Sanskrit does not restrict it to ktavatu, so the bracket names both. 'Of the two' renders 'tatra'.

SK 3014 · A 6.4.60V

निष्ठायामण्यदर्थे ॥ ३०१४ ॥

niṣṭhāyāmaṇyadarthe

niṣṭhāyām aṇyadarthe — When a niṣṭhā [follows] in a sense other than the sense of ṇyat, [a long vowel — 'dīrghaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3544 — replaces kṣi — 'kṣiyaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3338, per BM].

Rule. Before a niṣṭhā outside the sense of ṇyat, kṣi takes a long vowel. Bhaṭṭoji: the sense of ṇyat is bhāva and karman. "Elsewhere" is therefore the agent. One of his commentators gives the sources. kṣiyaḥ runs on from SK 3338, dīrghaḥ from SK 3544. In effect, he says, the rule works before ktavatu.

Example.

kṣi + ktavatu → kṣi + tavat → agent sense, so the vowel is long → kṣī + tavat.

SK 3015 then gives kṣīṇavān.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators raises a doubt. By bahula, ṇyat also comes in the instrument and other senses. Still, bhāva and karman are the senses SK 2833 names for it. Only those are meant here.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ण्यदर्थो भावकर्मणी ततोऽन्यत्र निष्ठायां क्षियो दीर्घः स्यात् ॥

The sense of ṇyat is bhāva (the bare action) and karman (the object). Elsewhere than that [i.e. in the agent], when a niṣṭhā follows, a long vowel (dīrgha) replaces kṣi.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 511

—ण्यदर्थो भावकर्मणी इति । यद्यपि याज्या ऋगित्यादौ करणादावपि बाहुलकाण्ण्यद्भवति, तथापि ‘तयोरेव—’ इति वचनाद्भावकर्मणी एव साक्षादुपात्तोऽर्थ इति स एवेह विवक्षित इति भावः

Bālamanoramā

निष्ठायामण्यदर्थे - निष्ठायामण्यदर्थे । ण्यदर्थो भावकर्मणी इति ।ऋहलो॑रिति ण्यतः कृत्यसंज्ञकस्यतयोरेवे॑ति भावकर्मणोरेव प्रवृत्तेरिति भावः । ततोऽन्यत्रेति । कर्तरीत्यर्थः । क्तवताविति फलितम् । क्षियो दीर्घः स्यादिति । क्षिय इति पूर्वसूत्रमनुवर्तते,युप्लुवोर्दीर्घश्छन्दसी॑त्यतो दीर्घ इति चेति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ṇyat's sense is bhāva and karman because ṇyat by ṛhalor ṇyat (SK 2872), having the name kṛtya, operates only in bhāva and karman by tayor eva (SK 2833). 'tato 'nyatra' means 'in the agent' (kartari); in effect (phalita), 'before ktavatu'. 'kṣiyo dīrghaḥ syāt': 'kṣiyaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from the preceding sūtra, and 'dīrghaḥ' from yupluvor dīrghaś chandasi. Followed: '[i.e. in the agent]' and the anuvṛtti in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.3014.t1, on 'ṇyadartho bhāvakarmaṇī': although by bahula ṇyat also comes in the instrument etc., as in yājyā ṛk, still, by the statement tayor eva…, bhāva and karman are the sense directly taken up, and that alone is intended here. Followed: 'The sense of ṇyat is bhāva and karman'.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 501, scan page-0511, read).
translator 'The preceding sūtra' in BM is kṣiyaḥ (A 6.4.59), placed by Bhaṭṭoji at SK 3338; yupluvor dīrghaś chandasi (A 6.4.58) is SK 3544. 'Replaces kṣi' follows the kaumudī's 'kṣiyo dīrghaḥ'; which sound of kṣi is replaced is not stated here.

SK 3015 · A 8.2.46V

क्षियो दीर्घात् ॥ ३०१५ ॥

kṣiyo dīrghāt

kṣiyo dīrghāt — After kṣi ending in a long vowel, [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā — 'niṣṭhātaḥ' and 'naḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ… (SK 3016), per BM].

Rule. After kṣī with a long vowel, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "niṣṭhā-t" and "n" run on from SK 3016.

Example.

kṣī + tavat (from SK 3014) → n for t → kṣī + navat

→ ṇ for n after ṣ → kṣīṇavān "he has wasted away".

In bhāva or karman there is no lengthening, so no n: kṣitaḥ kāmo mayā "desire has been made to waste away by me".

Both commentators say kṣi here has the causative sense taken in.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then recalls śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381). It bars iṭ before a k-marked affix after śri and the uk-final roots. śritaḥ, śritavān; bhūtaḥ, bhūtavān; kṣutaḥ. Both commentators derive kṣutaḥ from ṭukṣu "to sound".

A vārttika: ūrṇoter ṇuvadbhāvo vācyaḥ. ūrṇu "to cover" is treated like ṇu. So it counts as single-vowelled and takes no iṭ: ūrṇutaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji adds nutaḥ and vṛtaḥ. One commentator states the problem the vārttika solves. ūrṇu has two vowels, so śryukaḥ kiti would not reach it.

Watch out. The long vowel is the trigger. kṣitaḥ keeps its t because SK 3014 gave no long vowel in the object sense.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दीर्घात् क्षियो निष्ठातस्य नः स्यात् । क्षीणवान् । भावकर्मणोस्तु क्षितः कामो मया । श्र्युकः किति SK 2381 । श्रितः । श्रितवान् । भूतः । भूतवान् । क्षुतः ।

After kṣi [ending in] a long vowel, n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā: kṣīṇavān ["he has wasted away"]. But in bhāva and karman: kṣitaḥ kāmo mayā ["desire has been made to waste away by me"]. śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381) [prohibits iṭ]: śritaḥ, śritavān; bhūtaḥ, bhūtavān; kṣutaḥ.

vārttika

ऊर्णोतेर्णुवद्भावो वाच्यः

(vārttika) It should be stated that ūrṇu is treated like ṇu (ṇuvadbhāva).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ तेन एकाच्त्वान्नेट् । ऊर्णुतः । नुतः । वृतः ॥

Hence, because [ūrṇu counts as] having a single vowel (ekāc), there is no iṭ: ūrṇutaḥ. nutaḥ. vṛtaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 511–512

—क्षियो—। क्षि क्षये, क्षि निवासगत्योः, द्वयोरपि ग्रहणम् ॥—क्षितः काम इति । अन्तर्भावितण्यर्थत्वेन सकर्मकत्वात्कर्मणि क्तम् । अक्षितोतिः सनेदिमम्’ इति मन्त्रव्याख्यायां माधवग्रन्थे स्पष्टम् । भावे तु क्षितं कामेनेत्याद्युदाहरणीयम् । इण्निषेधसूत्रं स्मारयति—श्र्युकः कितीति ॥—क्षुत इति । टुक्षु शब्दे ॥—नुत इति । णु स्तुतौ ॥—वृत इति । वृङ् संभक्तौ, वृञ् वरणे ॥—रदाभ्याम्—इह रदाभ्यामित्यनेन तकारो विशेष्यते न निष्ठा, तेन चरितमुदितमित्यत्र न, तकारस्येटा व्यवहितत्वात्देतदाह—परस्य निष्ठातस्येति ॥—वहिरङ्गत्वेनेति । निष्ठातकाराद्वहिर्भूततद्धितञित्प्रत्ययमाश्रित्याङ्गस्यादेरचो विधीयमानत्वाद्वृद्धिर्बहिरङ्गेति भावः ॥—द्राण इति । द्रा कुत्सायां गतौ ॥ ग्लानः । म्लान इति । ग्लै म्लै हर्षक्षये ॥—एकविंशतेरिति । क्र्यादिषु प्वादयो द्वाविंशतिः पठ्यन्ते, तत्र पूञं विहाय ल्वादयो ज्ञेयाः ॥—जीन इति । हल इति दीर्घः । सिद्धत्वान्नित्यत्वाच्च ‘ग्रहिज्या—’ इति संप्रसारणे कृते ‘संयोगादेरातः—’ इत्यस्याप्राप्तिः ॥—गून इति । गु पुरीषोत्सर्गे ॥—विनष्टा इति । धातूनामनेकार्थत्वात्पूञ् पवन इत्यस्य विनाशेऽपि वृत्तिः ॥—सिनोतेरिति । षिञ् बन्धने । ग्रासरूपं कर्म ग्रासकर्म तत्कर्तृ यस्य सिनोतेस्ततः परस्य निष्ठातस्य नः स्यादित्यर्थः ॥—सिनो ग्रास इति । पिण्डीक्रियमाणो ग्रासो यदा दध्यादिव्यञ्जनवशाद् बन्धनेऽनुकूलो भवति तदा कर्मण एव कर्तृत्वमिति बोध्यम् ॥—ग्रासेति किमिति । ग्रासकर्मकर्तृकस्येति किमर्थमित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

क्षियो दीर्घात् - क्षियो दीर्घात् । दीर्घादितिक्षियो विशेषणम् । तदाह — दीर्घात्क्षिय इति । दीर्घान्तादित्यर्थः । निष्ठातस्य न इति ।रदाभ्या॑मित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । क्षीणवानिति । क्षिधातोः कर्तरि क्तवतुः, 'निष्ठायामण्यदर्थे' इति दीर्घः, तकारस्य नत्वम्, षात्परत्वाण्णः । क्षितः कामो मयेति । क्षपित इत्यर्थः । 'क्षि क्षये' इत्यस्मादन्तर्भावितण्यर्थात्कर्मणि क्तः । भावे तु क्षितं कामेनेत्युदाहार्यम् । अत्र ण्यदर्थयोर्भावकर्मणोर्विहिते क्ते दीर्घो न भवति, अण्यदर्थ इत्युक्तेः । दीर्घान्तत्वाऽभावात्क्षियो दीर्घा॑दिति नत्वं न । श्र्युकः कितीति । 'श्रित' इत्यादौ इण्निषेधस्मारकमिदम् । क्षुत इति । 'टु क्षु शब्दे' अस्मात्क्तः । ननु ऊर्णुत इति कथम्, अनेकाच्कत्वेनश्र्युक॑इति निषेधस्याऽप्रवृत्तेरित्यत आह — ऊर्णोतेर्नुवदिति । वार्तिकमिदम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'dīrghāt' qualifies 'kṣiyaḥ', hence 'dīrghāt kṣiyaḥ', meaning 'after [kṣi] ending in a long vowel' (dīrghāntāt). 'niṣṭhātasya naḥ': because that is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from radābhyām… Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, sk.3015.t1: both kṣi 'to waste' (kṣaye) and kṣi 'to dwell, to go' (nivāsagatyoḥ) are taken. Recorded.
commentary BM on kṣīṇavān: ktavatu in the agent after the root kṣi; lengthening by niṣṭhāyām aṇyadarthe (SK 3014); n for the t; ṇ because it follows ṣ. On kṣitaḥ kāmo mayā: it means kṣapitaḥ ('made to waste'); kta in the object after kṣi kṣaye with the causative sense taken into itself (antarbhāvitaṇyartha); in bhāva the example to give is kṣitaṃ kāmena. Here, with kta prescribed in bhāva and karman, the senses of ṇyat, there is no lengthening, because [SK 3014] says 'aṇyadarthe'; and since [kṣi] does not end in a long vowel, kṣiyo dīrghāt does not give n. Followed in the gloss 'made to waste away'.
commentary TB, sk.3015.t1, on kṣitaḥ kāmaḥ: kta in the object because [kṣi] is transitive by having the causative sense taken into itself; this is clear in Mādhava's work, in the explanation of the mantra 'akṣitotiḥ sanedimam'; in bhāva the example to give is kṣitaṃ kāmena etc. Followed; agrees with BM.
commentary BM: 'śryukaḥ kiti' serves to recall the prohibition of iṭ in śritaḥ etc.; kṣutaḥ is kta after ṭukṣu 'to sound' (śabde). Followed: '[prohibits iṭ]'.
commentary TB, sk.3015.t1: he recalls the iṭ-prohibiting sūtra [with] 'śryukaḥ kiti'; kṣutaḥ is from ṭukṣu śabde. Followed; agrees with BM.
commentary BM: Objection: how [is] ūrṇutaḥ [obtained], since, [ūrṇu] having more than one vowel, the prohibition śryukaḥ does not apply? Hence the vārttika 'ūrṇoter ṇuvat…'. Followed: '[ūrṇu counts as]' in k3.
commentary TB, sk.3015.t1: nutaḥ is from ṇu stutau ('to praise'); vṛtaḥ is from vṛṅ sambhaktau ('to honour') [and] vṛñ varaṇe ('to choose'). Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP pp. 501–502, scans page-0511 and page-0512, read at zoom: 'kṣutaḥ', 'nutaḥ', 'ekāctvān neṭ'). The raw OCR of p. 502 misreads kṣutaḥ as 'śrutaḥ' and nutaḥ as 'utaḥ'; the TB OCR likewise has 'śruta iti. duśca śabde' and 'ayukaḥ' where the scan reads 'kṣuta iti. ṭukṣu śabde' and 'śryukaḥ', and 'bhādhava-' for 'mādhava-'.
textual k3 opens with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)'; the print marks 'ūrṇoter ṇuvadbhāvo vācyaḥ' (k2) with the vārttika sign, and 'tena ekāctvān neṭ…' is Bhaṭṭoji's prose (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512). BM's lemma reads 'ūrṇoter nuvad'; ours and the print have ṇuvat.
translator The kaumudī does not say whether nutaḥ and vṛtaḥ illustrate the vārttika (ṇu as the model for ūrṇu) or simply further uk-final roots under śryukaḥ kiti; the English lists them as given. That the single-vowel condition belongs to śryukaḥ kiti (via ekāca upadeśe 'nudāttāt, SK 2246) is the translator's statement of BM's objection.

SK 3016 · A 8.2.42V

रदाभ्यां निष्ठातो नः पूर्वस्य च दः ॥ ३०१६ ॥

radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ pūrvasya ca daḥ

radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ pūrvasya ca daḥ — After r and d, n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t); and [n also replaces] the d that precedes [the niṣṭhā].

Rule. After r or d, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t. And n also replaces the root's d that stands before the niṣṭhā.

Example.

bhid + kta → bhid + ta

→ t after d becomes n; the d becomes n too → bhin + na → bhinnaḥ "split".

Likewise chinnaḥ "cut".

śṝ + kta → i for ṝ by ṛta id dhātoḥ (SK 2390), followed by r → śir + ta

→ n for t → śir + na

→ the i is lengthened before the consonant by hali ca (SK 354), a step Bhaṭṭoji leaves unstated → śīrna

→ ṇ for n → śīrṇaḥ "crushed".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives a case where the rule fails: kārtiḥ "the offspring of Kṛta". kṛta + the taddhita iñ gives initial vṛddhi, kār-. Now the t follows r. But the vṛddhi is bahiraṅga, conditioned by something outside the niṣṭhā. So it is asiddha to this rule, and the t stays. One commentator says the vṛddhi depends on the taddhita affix, which lies outside the niṣṭhā-t.

Watch out. The r or d must stand right before the t. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give caritam and uditam. There iṭ stands between, so the t stays.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

रेफदकाराभ्यां परस्य निष्ठातस्य नः स्यात् । निष्ठापेक्षया पूर्वस्य धातोर्दकारस्य च । शॄ । ऋत इत् SK 2390 । रपरः । णत्वम् । शीर्णः । बहिरङ्गत्वेन वृद्धेरसिद्धत्वान्नेह । कृतस्यापत्यं कार्तिः । भिन्नः । छिन्नः ॥

n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t) that follows r or d; and [n also replaces] the d of the dhātu that is prior with reference to the niṣṭhā. śṝ: [ṝ is replaced by i] by ṛta it (SK 2390); [that i] is followed by r (raparaḥ); [then n replaces the niṣṭhā-t, and] ṇ replaces n (ṇatva): śīrṇaḥ. Not here, because vṛddhi, being bahiraṅga, is asiddha [with respect to this rule]: kārtiḥ, "the offspring of Kṛta" (kṛtasyāpatyam). bhinnaḥ, chinnaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

रदाभ्यां निष्ठातो नः पूर्वस्य च दः - रदाभ्यां । रदाभ्यामित्यकारावुच्चारणाऽर्थौ । तदाह — रेफदकाराभ्यामिति । निष्ठायाः - त्- निष्ठात्, तस्य निष्ठात इति विग्रहः । तदाह — निष्ठातस्येति । निष्ठातकारस्येत्यर्थः । नः स्यादिति । नकारः स्यादित्यर्थः । सूत्रे 'न' इति प्रथमान्तम् । अकार उच्चारणार्थः । दकारस्य चेति । नकार इत्यनुषज्यते । सूत्रे 'द' इति षष्ठ्यन्तमिति भावः । चरितमुदितमित्यत्र तु नत्वं न, निष्ठातकारस्य इटा व्यवहितत्वेन रदाभ्यां परत्वाऽभावात् । रेफात्परस्योदाहरति — शॄ इति । शृ धातोः क्तप्रत्ययसूचनमिदम् ।ननु कृतस्यापत्यं कार्तिः । अत इञ् , आदिवृद्धिः, रपरत्वम् । अत्रनिष्ठातकारस्य रेफात् परस्य नत्वं स्यादित्यत आह — बहिरङ्गत्वेनेति । दात्परस्योदाहरति — छिन्नः भिन्न इति । अत्र निष्ठातकारस्य, धात्वन्तदकारस्यच नत्वमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in 'radābhyām' the two a's are for pronunciation only, hence 'rephadakārābhyām'; 'niṣṭhātaḥ' is analysed niṣṭhāyāḥ t = niṣṭhāt, 'of the t of the niṣṭhā'; 'naḥ' in the sūtra is a first-case word (prathamānta), the a again for pronunciation; with 'dakārasya ca' the word 'nakāraḥ' is supplied (anuṣajyate), the sūtra's 'daḥ' being a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta). Followed in sutra_en and k1: 'n replaces … and [n also replaces] the d'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1: 'radābhyām' qualifies the t, not the niṣṭhā; hence there is no n in caritam, uditam, where the t is separated [from r or d] by iṭ — which is why [Bhaṭṭoji] says 'parasya niṣṭhātasya'. Followed: 'the t of a niṣṭhā that follows r or d'.
commentary BM: in caritam, uditam there is no n, because the niṣṭhā-t, being separated by iṭ, does not follow r or d. 'śṝ iti' signals [the addition of] the affix kta to the root śṝ. On kārtiḥ: kṛta + iñ by ata iñ, initial vṛddhi, r after it (raparatva); the niṣṭhā-t would then stand after r and get n, hence 'bahiraṅgatvena'. bhinna, chinna: both the niṣṭhā-t and the root-final d become n. Followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1, on 'bahiraṅgatvena': the vṛddhi is bahiraṅga because it is prescribed for the first vowel of the aṅga in dependence on a taddhita ñit affix, which lies outside the niṣṭhā-t. Followed: 'vṛddhi, being bahiraṅga'.
translator The derivation of śīrṇaḥ is given in outline. The kaumudī names 'raparaḥ' without citing uraṇ raparaḥ (SK 70) and 'ṇatvam' without citing raṣābhyāṃ no ṇaḥ samānapade (SK 235); the lengthening of i to ī before a consonant (by hali ca, SK 354) is left unstated.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read at zoom). No separate TB block for this unit: TB on SK 3016 is printed in sk.3015.t1, from '—radābhyām—'.

SK 3017 · A 8.2.43V

संयोगादेरातो धातोर्यण्वतः ॥ ३०१७ ॥

saṃyogāderāto dhātoryaṇvataḥ

saṃyogāder āto dhātor yaṇvataḥ — After the ā of a dhātu that begins with a conjunct consonant (saṃyoga) and contains a yaṇ, [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā — supplied (śeṣapūraṇa), per BM].

Rule. The root must begin with a consonant cluster (saṃyoga) and contain a yaṇ, a semivowel y, v, r or l. After its ā, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "n for the niṣṭhā-t"; one of his commentators calls this a completion of the sūtra.

Example.

drā + kta → drā + ta → n for t → drā + na → ṇ after r → drāṇaḥ.

glai + kta → ā for the final diphthong (SK 2370) → glā + ta → glānaḥ "weary".

Likewise styānaḥ, mlānaḥ.

The commentators give the roots: drā "to go basely" and glai "to lose joy" (both), and mlai, also "to lose joy" (one).

Watch out. All three conditions must hold. The root begins with a cluster (dr, st, gl, ml), contains a semivowel, and has ā just before the t.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

निष्ठातस्य नः स्यात् । द्राणः । स्त्यानः । ग्लानः । म्लानः ॥

[After the ā of a dhātu that begins with a conjunct consonant (saṃyoga) and contains a yaṇ,] n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā: drāṇaḥ, styānaḥ, glānaḥ, mlānaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

संयोगादेरातो धातोर्यण्वतः - संयोगादेः । निष्ठातस्य नः स्यादिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । द्राण इति ।द्रा कुत्सायां गतौ॑अस्मात् क्तः, तनत्वम्, णत्वम् । ग्लान इति । 'ग्लै हर्षक्षये' 'आदेचः' इत्यात्त्वे नत्वम् । ल्वादिभ्य एकविंशतेरिति । क्र्यादिषु प्वादयो द्वाविंशतिः, तेषु आद्यं पूञं विहाय ल्वादिभ्य एकविंशतेरित्यर्थः । ज्येति । धातुसूचनम् । ग्रहिज्येति । संप्रसारणसूचनम् । जीन इति । ज्या- त इति स्थिते 'संयोगादेः' इति निष्ठानत्वस्याऽसिद्धत्वात्ततः प्रागेव संप्रसारणे पूर्वरूपे च कृते आतः परत्वाऽभावात् 'संयोगादेरातः' इति नत्वस्याऽप्राप्तावनेन नत्वम् । दुग्वोर्दीर्घश्चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । दु गु आभ्यां परस्य निष्ठातस्य नत्वं प्रकृतेर्दीर्घश्च इत्यर्थः । 'मृदुतया दुतया' इति माघकाव्ये दुतशब्दं साधयितुमाह — टु दु उपतापे इत्यादि । गून इति । गुधातोः क्ते दीर्घः । पूञो विनाशे इति । वार्तिकमिदम् । विनाशार्थात् पूञः परस्य निष्ठातस्य नत्वमित्यर्थः । सिनोतेरिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । कर्मैव कर्ता कर्मकर्ता, ग्रासः कर्म कर्ता यस्य सः ग्रासकर्मकर्तृकः, तस्मात् 'षिञ् बन्धने' इत्यस्मात्परस्य निष्ठातस्य नत्वमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'niṣṭhātasya naḥ syāt' completes the ellipsis of the sūtra (śeṣapūraṇam). Followed: the bracket in sutra_en.
commentary BM: drāṇa: drā kutsāyāṃ gatau with kta, n for the t, then ṇatva. glāna: glai harṣakṣaye; after ā replaces the final diphthong by ādeca upadeśe 'śiti (SK 2370), the t becomes n. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1: drāṇa from drā kutsāyāṃ gatau; glāna, mlāna from glai, mlai harṣakṣaye. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1 (on jīnaḥ, SK 3018): because [saṃprasāraṇa] is siddha and nitya, once it has been done by grahijyā… (SK 2412) saṃyogāder ātaḥ does not apply. Recorded (see SK 3018).
translator BM names no source for the supplied words 'niṣṭhātasya naḥ'. They are the translator's identification as carried forward from radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ pūrvasya ca daḥ (A 8.2.42 = SK 3016), the immediately preceding sūtra.
translator The kaumudī supplies only the operation; the bracketed conditions in k1 repeat the sūtra so the gloss can be read on its own. styānaḥ is not explained by either commentator.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read at zoom). No separate TB block: TB on this sūtra is printed in sk.3015.t1. sk.3017.b1 also carries the BM on SK 3018 (from 'lvādibhya ekaviṃśater iti' on); SK 3018 has no b-block of its own.

SK 3018 · A 8.2.44V

ल्वादिभ्यः ॥ ३०१८ ॥

lvādibhyaḥ

lvādibhyaḥ — After lū and the rest [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā — as in SK 3016–3017 ('prāgvat')].

Rule. After the twenty-one roots beginning with lūñ, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t, as before. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators identify the list. The kryādi class has twenty-two roots beginning with pūñ, the pvādi. Leave out pūñ, and the rest are the lvādi.

Example.

lū + kta → lū + ta → n for t → lūnaḥ "cut".

jyā + kta → saṃprasāraṇa by grahijyā… (SK 2412) → ji + ta

→ lengthening by halaḥ (SK 2559) → jī + ta → n for t → jīnaḥ "aged".

Applies when / blocked by. Why not n by SK 3017 for jyā? Both commentators answer. One says the n of SK 3017 is asiddha, so saṃprasāraṇa comes first. The other says saṃprasāraṇa is siddha and obligatory (nitya). Either way, ā is gone before the t. So n comes by this rule.

Three vārttikas follow.

dugvor dīrghaś ca: after du and gu, n, and the vowel is lengthened. du "to go" → dūnaḥ. ṭudu "to afflict" is not included, since it carries a marker. Hence Māgha's mṛdutayā dutayā. gu → gūnaḥ.
pūño vināśe: after pūñ in the sense of perishing. pūnā yavāḥ "the barley has spoiled". In another sense: pūtam "purified".
sinoter grāsakarmakartṛkasya: after si "to bind", when the mouthful is an object acting as agent. sino grāsaḥ "the mouthful has bound itself" (into a ball). Not the mouthful: sitā pāśena sūkarī "the sow bound with a noose". Not an object-agent: sito grāso devadattena "the mouthful bound by Devadatta".

Watch out. The lvādi start from lūñ, not pūñ. pūñ gets n only by the vārttika, and only when it means perishing.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एकविंशतेर्लूञादिभ्यः प्राग्वत् । लूनः । ज्या । ग्रहिज्या -SK 2412 । जीनः ॥

After the twenty-one [dhātus] beginning with lūñ [— the pvādi group of the kryādi class without its first member, pūñ —], as before [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā]: lūnaḥ. jyā: [saṃprasāraṇa by] grahijyā… (SK 2412): jīnaḥ.

vārttika

दुग्वोर्दीर्घश्च

(vārttika) After du and gu [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā], and [the base] is lengthened.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दु गतौ दूनः । टुदु उपताप इत्ययं तु न गृह्यते सानुबन्धकत्वात् । मृदुतया दुतयेति माघः । गूनः ।

du "to go" (du gatau): dūnaḥ. But ṭudu "to afflict" (ṭudu upatāpe) is not taken, because it carries an anubandha (sānubandhaka); [hence] Māgha's "mṛdutayā dutayā". gūnaḥ.

vārttika

पूञो विनाशे

(vārttika) After pūñ in the sense of perishing (vināśa) [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ पूना यवाः । विनष्टा इत्यर्थः । पूतमन्यत् ।

pūnā yavāḥ, "the barley has spoiled", that is, has perished (vinaṣṭāḥ). In another [sense]: pūtam.

vārttika

सिनोतेर्ग्रासकर्मकर्तृकस्य

(vārttika) After sinoti when its agent is the mouthful (grāsa) as an object-agent (karmakartṛ) [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ सिनो ग्रासः । ग्रासेति किम् । सिता पाशेन सूकरी । कर्मकर्तृकेति किम् । सितो ग्रासो देवदत्तेन ॥

sino grāsaḥ, "the mouthful has bound [itself]". Why "the mouthful"? sitā pāśena sūkarī, "the sow bound with a noose". Why "[whose] agent is the object" (karmakartṛka)? sito grāso devadattena, "the mouthful bound by Devadatta".

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 512

—कर्मकर्तृकेति किमिति । ग्रासकर्मकस्येत्येवास्तु कर्तृपदं किमर्थमित्यर्थः । कर्मपदं विहाय ग्रासकर्तृकस्येत्युक्तौ तु ग्रासेन कण्ठः सित इत्यत्रापि स्यादिति बोध्यम् ॥—भुग्न इति । भुजो कौटिल्ये । नत्वस्यासिद्धत्वात् झलि परतः कुत्वम् ॥—उच्छून इति । श्वयतेर्यजादित्वात् संप्रसारणे पूर्वरूपे च ‘हलः’ इति दीर्घः ॥—प्रहीण इति । ‘घुमास्था—’ इति ईत्त्वम् ॥—सून इति । षूङ् प्राणिप्रसवे ॥—दून इति । दूङ् परितापे

translator notes

commentary BM, printed in sk.3017.b1: in the kryādi class twenty-two dhātus beginning with pū (pvādayaḥ) are read; leaving out the first of them, pūñ, 'the twenty-one beginning with lū' is meant. 'jyā' names the dhātu and 'grahijyā' points to the saṃprasāraṇa. jīnaḥ: with jyā + ta, n by saṃyogāder ātaḥ (SK 3017) is asiddha, so saṃprasāraṇa and pūrvarūpa are done first; the t then no longer follows ā, so that rule does not apply, and n comes by this rule. Followed: the bracket on the pvādi group and '[saṃprasāraṇa by]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1: the twenty-two pvādi roots are read among the kryādi; leaving out pūñ, the lvādi are to be understood. jīnaḥ: lengthening by halaḥ (SK 2559); saṃprasāraṇa by grahijyā… being siddha and nitya, once it is done, saṃyogāder ātaḥ cannot apply. Followed: the bracket on the pvādi group.
commentary BM, printed in sk.3017.b1: 'dugvor dīrghaś ca' is a vārttika: after du and gu, n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā and the base (prakṛti) is lengthened. To account for the word duta in Māgha's 'mṛdutayā dutayā', [Bhaṭṭoji] adds 'ṭudu upatāpe…'. gūnaḥ: gu with kta, lengthening. Followed: '[the base] is lengthened'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1: gūnaḥ is from gu purīṣotsarge (gu 'to void excrement'). Recorded.
commentary BM, printed in sk.3017.b1: 'pūño vināśe' is a vārttika: n replaces the niṣṭhā-t after pūñ when it means perishing. Followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1, on 'vinaṣṭā iti': since dhātus have many meanings, pūñ pavane ('to purify') is also used in the sense of perishing. Recorded.
commentary BM, printed in sk.3017.b1: 'sinoteḥ…' is a vārttika. karmakartṛ means the object itself as agent; grāsakarmakartṛka is 'that whose karmakartṛ is the mouthful'; after such [a use of] ṣiñ bandhane, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t. Followed: 'when its agent is the mouthful as an object-agent (karmakartṛ)'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1: grāsakarma is the object that is the mouthful; [the vārttika means] n replaces the niṣṭhā-t after the sinoti of which that is the agent. Followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3015.t1, on 'sino grāsaḥ': when the mouthful being made into a ball becomes, through condiments such as curds, ready to hold together, the object itself is the agent. On 'grāseti kim': the question asks the purpose of 'grāsakarmakartṛkasya'. Followed: 'has bound [itself]'.
commentary TB, sk.3018.t1, on 'karmakartṛketi kim': i.e. 'let it be just grāsakarmakasya; what is the word -kartṛ- for?' And if 'karma' were dropped and 'grāsakartṛkasya' said, [n] would come also in grāsena kaṇṭhaḥ sitaḥ ('the throat is bound by the mouthful'). Recorded; the English keeps the question as 'why karmakartṛka?'.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read at zoom), which reads 'ekaviṃśater lūñādibhyaḥ' and 'ṭudu upatāpa'. No b-block of its own: the BM on this sūtra is filed in the second half of sk.3017.b1, from 'lvādibhya ekaviṃśater iti'. TB on the sūtra and on the first two vārttikas is in sk.3015.t1; sk.3018.t1 opens with TB on the counter-example 'karmakartṛketi kim' and then runs on to SK 3019.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags heading k3, k5 and k7 are editorial. The print marks 'dugvor dīrghaś ca', 'pūño vināśe' and 'sinoter grāsakarmakartṛkasya' with the vārttika sign, and what follows each is Bhaṭṭoji's prose (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512).

SK 3019 · A 8.2.45V

ओदितश्च ॥ ३०१९ ॥

oditaśca

oditaś ca — And after [a dhātu] marked with o (odit) [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā].

Rule. After a root marked with o (odit), n replaces the niṣṭhā-t. Bhaṭṭoji cites the roots with their markers, since the o is what brings the rule in.

Example.

bhujo "to bend": bhuj + ta → the n is asiddha, so g for j first → bhug + ta → bhugnaḥ "bent".

ṭuośvi "to swell": ut + śvi + ta → saṃprasāraṇa, u for v → ut + śu + ta → lengthening → ucchūnaḥ "swollen".

ohāk "to leave": pra + hā + ta → ī for ā (SK 2462) → pra + hī + na → ṇ (SK 2835) → prahīṇaḥ.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give these steps; one cites SK 3039 for the absence of iṭ in ucchūnaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji recalls a gaṇasūtra, a rule in the root list: svādaya oditaḥ "sū and the rest are o-marked". So sūnaḥ, sūnavān; dūnaḥ, dūnavān. One commentator: these are nine roots of the divādi class, beginning with ṣūṅ.

ḍīṅ "to fly" is read among the o-marked roots. Bhaṭṭoji: by the force of that reading (pāṭhasāmarthya), it takes no iṭ → uḍḍīnaḥ. Both commentators explain. With iṭ, the t would never follow the root, and the reading would be pointless. One reports another view, by which iṭ does come and merges; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. In bhugnaḥ the velar comes before the n. That order follows from the n being asiddha.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भुजो । भुग्नः । टुओश्वि । उच्छूनः । ओहाक् । प्रहीणः । (गणसूत्रम् -) स्वादय ओदितः इत्युक्तम् । सूनः । सूनवान् । दूनः । दूनवान् । ओदिन्मध्ये डीङ पाठमर्थ्यान्नेट् । उड्डीनः ॥

bhujo: bhugnaḥ. ṭuośvi: ucchūnaḥ. ohāk: prahīṇaḥ. "svādaya oditaḥ" (gaṇasūtra) — "ṣū and the rest are marked with o" — has been stated [in the divādi gaṇa]: sūnaḥ, sūnavān; dūnaḥ, dūnavān. Because of the force of its being read (pāṭhasāmarthya) among the o-marked [dhātus], ḍīṅ takes no iṭ [before the niṣṭhā]: uḍḍīnaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 512

—ओदिन्मध्ये इति । यदि डीङ इट् स्यात्तर्हि धातोः परो निष्ठातकारो न संभवतीति नत्वार्थः पाठोऽनर्थकः स्यादिति भावः । न च ओदिन्मध्ये पाठसामर्थ्यादिटा व्यवधाने नत्वं भवेदिति वैपरीत्यं किं न स्यादिति शङ्क्यम् । लक्ष्यानुरोधेन इडभावकल्पनाया एव न्याय्यत्वात् । अन्ये तु सत्यपि इडागमे सवर्णदीर्घे चैकादेशस्य पूर्वान्तत्वेन ग्रहणादिटा व्यवधानं नास्त्येवेतीष्टं सिध्यतीत्याहुः ॥—संशयान इति । श्यैङ् गतावित्यस्य ‘आदेच—’ इत्यात्वे ‘संयोगादेरातः—’ इति निष्ठातस्य नः

Bālamanoramā

ओदितश्च - ओदितश्च । ओकारेतो धातोः परस्य निष्ठातस्य नत्वमित्यर्थः । भुग्न इति । नत्वस्याऽसिद्धत्वाज्जस्य पूर्वं कुत्वम् । ततो नत्वम् । उच्छून इति । उत्पूर्वात् 'टु ओ श्वि' इति धातोः क्तः, यजादित्वात्संप्रसारणम्, पूर्वरूपम्, 'श्वीदितः' इति नेट्, 'हलः' इति दीर्घः, निष्ठानत्वम् । प्रहीण इति ।घुमास्थे॑तीत्त्वं, नत्वं, 'कृत्यचः' इति णत्वम् । स्वादय इति । 'षूङ् प्राणिप्रसवे' इत्याद्या नव धातव ओदित इति दिवादिगणे उक्तमित्यर्थः । सून इति । षूङः क्तः, नत्वं ।श्र्युकः किती॑तीण्निषेधः । दून इति । 'दूङ् परितापे' अस्मात् क्तः, स्वादित्वेन ओदित्त्वान्नत्वम् । ननु 'डीङ् विहायसा गतौ' इत्यस्य उड्डीन इति कथं रूपं, सेट्कत्वादुगन्तत्वाऽभावेनश्र्युकः किती॑ति निषेधस्याऽप्रवृत्तेरित्यत आह — ओदिन्मध्ये डीङः पाठसामर्थ्यान्नेडिति । इटि सति निष्ठातस्य ओदितो डीङः परत्वाऽभावान्नत्वाऽप्रसक्तेस्तस्य ओदित्सु पाठो व्यर्थः स्यादित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sense is that n replaces the niṣṭhā-t after a dhātu that has o as its it. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: bhugnaḥ: because the n is asiddha, ku replaces the j first, and n comes after that. ucchūnaḥ: ut + ṭuośvi + kta; saṃprasāraṇa because [śvi] belongs to the yaj group (yajādi); pūrvarūpa; no iṭ by śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039); lengthening by halaḥ (SK 2559); then n for the niṣṭhā-t. prahīṇaḥ: ī by ghumāsthā… (SK 2462), n, and ṇ by kṛtyacaḥ (SK 2835). Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3018.t1: bhugnaḥ from bhujo kauṭilye; since the n is asiddha, kutva comes before the jhal. ucchūnaḥ: śvi is yajādi, so after saṃprasāraṇa and pūrvarūpa there is lengthening by halaḥ. prahīṇaḥ: ī by ghumāsthā…. Recorded.
commentary BM: 'svādayaḥ': in the divādi class it is stated that the nine dhātus beginning with ṣūṅ prāṇiprasave are o-marked. sūnaḥ: ṣūṅ + kta, n; iṭ is barred by śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381). dūnaḥ: dūṅ paritāpe + kta; since it belongs to the ṣū group (svādi) it is o-marked, hence the n. Followed: '[in the divādi gaṇa]'.
commentary TB, sk.3018.t1: sūnaḥ from ṣūṅ prāṇiprasave; dūnaḥ from dūṅ paritāpe. Recorded.
commentary BM: Objection: how is uḍḍīnaḥ the form of ḍīṅ vihāyasā gatau, since that root is seṭ and does not end in uk, so that śryukaḥ kiti does not bar iṭ? Answer: if iṭ came, the niṣṭhā-t would not follow the o-marked ḍīṅ, n could never apply, and its reading among the odit roots would be pointless. Followed.
commentary TB, sk.3019.t1: if ḍīṅ took iṭ, the niṣṭhā-t could not follow the dhātu, and the reading [of ḍīṅ among the odit roots] for the sake of n would be pointless. It should not be suspected that the reverse holds, namely that the reading makes n apply in spite of the intervening iṭ: positing the absence of iṭ is the sounder course in view of the attested form. Others (anye tu) say that even with the iṭ augment, after the lengthening of like vowels (savarṇadīrgha) the single substitute is taken as the end of the prior [element] (pūrvānta), so iṭ does not intervene and the desired form follows. Recorded; the English keeps Bhaṭṭoji's 'takes no iṭ'.
textual Ours reads 'odinmadhye ḍīṅa pāṭhamarthyān neṭ'; the print reads 'ḍīṅaḥ pāṭhasāmarthyān neṭ' (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read; collation batch06, class A). BM's lemma ('ḍīṅaḥ pāṭhasāmarthyān neḍ iti') and TB ('pāṭhasāmarthyāt') agree with the print. The English follows the print.
textual Ours labels 'svādaya oditaḥ' '(gaṇasūtram -)'; the print has '(ga.)' (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512). The raw OCR of p. 502 skips the opening of this unit; the scan agrees with ours except for the slip noted above.
translator The bare dhātu names (bhujo, ṭuośvi, ohāk) give the root with its markers: the o-marker is what brings this rule in. The kaumudī states the derivations only by their forms.

SK 3020 · A 6.1.24V

द्रवमूर्तिस्पर्शयोः श्यः ॥ ३०२० ॥

dravamūrtisparśayoḥ śyaḥ

dravamūrtisparśayoḥ śyaḥ — In the senses of the solidifying of a liquid (dravamūrti) and of touch (sparśa), [saṃprasāraṇa — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ṣyaṅaḥ saṃprasāraṇam… (SK 1003), per BM — replaces the semivowel] of śya (śyaiṅ) [before a niṣṭhā].

Rule. śyaiṅ takes saṃprasāraṇa before a niṣṭhā in two senses. One is the solidifying (mūrti), or hardening, of a liquid. The other is touch (sparśa). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says saṃprasāraṇa runs on from SK 1003. Bhaṭṭoji himself supplies "before a niṣṭhā".

Example.

śyai + kta → ā for the final diphthong (SK 2370) → śyā + ta

→ saṃprasāraṇa: i for y → śi-ā + ta → the ā merges into the i → śi + ta.

One commentator gives these steps. SK 3021 continues the derivation.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्रवस्य मूर्तौ काठिन्ये स्पर्शे चार्थे श्यैङः संप्रसारणं स्यान्निष्ठायाम् ॥

When the sense is the solidifying (mūrti), that is, the hardening (kāṭhinya), of a liquid, or touch, saṃprasāraṇa replaces [the semivowel of] śyaiṅ before a niṣṭhā.

Bālamanoramā

द्रवमूर्तिस्पर्शयोः श्यः - द्रवमूर्ति । 'श्यैङ् गतौ' इत्यस्य कृतात्वस्य 'श्य' इति षष्ठी । द्रवमूर्तिश्च, स्पर्शश्चेति विग्रहः । मूर्तावित्यस्य विवरणं — काठिन्ये इति । संप्रसारणं स्यादिति ।ष्यङः संप्रसारण॑मित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । तथा च श्यैङः क्ते आत्त्वे संप्रसारणे पूर्वरूपे शि त इति स्थिते —

translator notes

commentary BM: 'śyaḥ' is the sixth case (ṣaṣṭhī) of śyaiṅ gatau after ā has replaced its final [by ādeca upadeśe 'śiti]; the compound is analysed dravamūrtiś ca sparśaś ca; 'kāṭhinye' explains 'mūrtau'; 'saṃprasāraṇaṃ syāt' because that is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ṣyaṅaḥ saṃprasāraṇam. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: so, with kta after śyaiṅ, [the final becomes] ā, saṃprasāraṇa [and] pūrvarūpa are done, and 'śi + ta' stands, [leading into SK 3021]. Recorded.
translator 'niṣṭhāyām' is supplied by the kaumudī itself. In the Aṣṭādhyāyī it stands in sphāyaḥ sphī niṣṭhāyām (A 6.1.22, given later as SK 3044); neither commentator says so here.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read). No TB on this sūtra in the print: TB passes from 'odinmadhye iti' (SK 3019) to 'saṃśyāna iti' (SK 3021).

SK 3021 · A 8.2.47V

श्योऽस्पर्शे ॥ ३०२१ ॥

śyo'sparśe

śyo 'sparśe — After śya (śyaiṅ), when the sense is not touch [sparśa here meaning the particular touch called 'cold', per BM], [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā].

Rule. After śyaiṅ, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t, except when the sense is touch. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "touch" here means the particular touch called cold.

Example.

śi + ta (from SK 3020) → lengthening by halaḥ (SK 2559) → śī + ta

→ not touch, so n for t → śīnaṃ ghṛtam "congealed ghee".

Touch: śītaṃ jalam "cold water". Saṃprasāraṇa comes by SK 3020, but no n.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji asks why SK 3020 names its senses. saṃśyāno vṛścikaḥ "the scorpion has drawn itself together from cold". Neither sense is meant, so there is no saṃprasāraṇa. One commentator says the n here comes by SK 3017.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes the strict order. The lengthening by halaḥ comes before the n, because the n is a Tripādī rule.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

श्यैङो निष्ठातस्य नः स्यादस्पर्शेऽर्थे । हलः - SK 2559 इति दीर्घः । शीनं घृतम् । अस्पर्शे किम् । शीतं जलम् । द्रवमूर्तिस्पर्शयोः किम् । संश्यानो वृश्चिकः । शीतात्संकुचित इत्यर्थः ॥

After śyaiṅ, n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā when the sense is not touch [sparśa here meaning the particular touch called 'cold', per BM]. Lengthening [of the i] by halaḥ (SK 2559): śīnaṃ ghṛtam, "congealed ghee". Why "when the sense is not touch"? śītaṃ jalam, "cold water". Why "in the senses of the solidifying of a liquid and of touch" [in SK 3020]? saṃśyāno vṛścikaḥ, that is, "the scorpion has drawn itself together from cold".

Bālamanoramā

श्योऽस्पर्शे - श्योऽस्पर्शे । श्यः- अस्पर्शे इति छेदः । दीर्घ इति । नत्वात्प्रागेव 'हल' इति दीर्घ इत्युचितम्, नत्वस्य त्रैपादिकत्वात् । शीनं घृतमिति । घनीभूतमित्यर्थः । धातूनामनेकार्थत्वात् । यद्यपि घृतेऽप्यनुष्णस्पर्शोऽस्त्येव, तथापि शीताख्यस्पर्शविशेष एव विवक्षित इति भावः । अस्पर्शे किमिति । श्यैङो निष्ठातस्य नत्वं स्यादित्येतावदेवास्त्वित्यर्थः । शीतं जलमिति । शीतस्पर्शवदित्यर्थः । अत्रद्रवमूर्ती॑ति संप्रसारणमेव न तु निष्ठानत्वमित्यर्थः । एवं चद्रवमूर्तिस्पर्शयो॑रित्यस्य स्पर्शे इदमुदाहरणम् । 'श्योऽस्पर्शे' इत्यस्य तु प्रत्युदाहरणमिति बोध्यम् । सूत्रयोः स्पर्शशब्दः प्रधानभूते गुणभूते च वर्तते । तत्र गुणभूते विशेष्यनिघ्नः । शीता आपः, शीतं जलमित्यादि । यदा तु स्पर्शविशेषो गुणः प्राधान्येन विवक्षितस्तदा क्लीबत्वमेव ।शीतं गुणे॑इत्यमरः । एसंप्रसारणविधौ पृच्छति — द्रवमूर्तिस्पर्शयोः किमिति । संश्यान इति । अत्र स्पर्शस्याऽप्रतीतेर्न संप्रसारणम् । नत्वं तु भवत्येवेति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is divided śyaḥ asparśe. Followed.
commentary BM: properly the lengthening by halaḥ comes before the n, since n is a Tripādī rule. śīnaṃ ghṛtam means 'solidified' (ghanībhūtam), dhātus having many meanings; ghee too has a touch that is not hot, but the particular touch called cold is what is meant [by 'sparśa']. The specification of sparśa is followed in the bracket in sutra_en and k1; on the order of lengthening and n, the English keeps the kaumudī's order.
commentary BM: 'asparśe kim' asks: why not simply 'n replaces the niṣṭhā-t after śyaiṅ'? In śītaṃ jalam ('having a cold touch') there is saṃprasāraṇa by dravamūrti… (SK 3020) but no n; so it is an example of sparśa for SK 3020 and a counter-example for this rule. In both sūtras sparśa is used of the touch both as a principal thing and as a quality: as a quality śīta follows the gender of what it qualifies (śītā āpaḥ, śītaṃ jalam); when the particular touch is meant as principal, only the neuter is used ('śītaṃ guṇe', Amara). 'dravamūrtisparśayoḥ kim' is asked about the saṃprasāraṇa rule: in saṃśyānaḥ there is no saṃprasāraṇa, touch not being understood, but n does come. Followed: '[in SK 3020]'.
commentary TB, sk.3019.t1: saṃśyānaḥ: śyaiṅ gatau, ā by ādeca… (SK 2370), and n for the niṣṭhā-t by saṃyogāder ātaḥ (SK 3017). Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read). No separate TB block: the TB on saṃśyānaḥ is printed at the tail of sk.3019.t1.

SK 3022 · A 6.1.25V

प्रतेश्च ॥ ३०२२ ॥

prateśca

prateś ca — And [saṃprasāraṇa replaces the semivowel of śyaiṅ before a niṣṭhā] when [it is] preceded by prati.

Rule. After prati, śyaiṅ takes saṃprasāraṇa before a niṣṭhā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this holds even outside the two senses of SK 3020.

Example.

prati + śyā + kta → saṃprasāraṇa → prati + śi + ta → lengthening → n (SK 3021) → pratiśīnaḥ.

The same commentator glosses it as pratigata and gives SK 3021 for the n.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रतिपूर्वस्य श्यः संप्रसारणं स्यान्निष्ठायाम् । प्रतिशीनः ॥

saṃprasāraṇa replaces [the semivowel of] śya (śyaiṅ) preceded by prati, before a niṣṭhā: pratiśīnaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

प्रतेश्च - प्रतेश्च । द्रवमूर्तिस्पर्शाभ्यामन्यत्रापि संप्रसारणप्राप्त्यर्थमिदम् । प्रतिशीन इति । प्रतिगत इत्यर्थः । अत्र 'श्योऽस्पर्शे' इति नत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: this [rule] is to give saṃprasāraṇa even outside the senses of the solidifying of a liquid and of touch. pratiśīnaḥ means pratigata; the n here is by śyo 'sparśe (SK 3021). Recorded.
translator The bracket in sutra_en (śya, saṃprasāraṇa, niṣṭhā) is what the kaumudī's own gloss supplies; neither commentator states the anuvṛtti.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read). No TB on this sūtra in the print (TB passes from 'saṃśyāna iti' on SK 3021 to 'yasya vibhāṣā', SK 3025).

SK 3023 · A 6.1.26V

विभाषाऽभ्यवपूर्वस्य ॥ ३०२३ ॥

vibhāṣā'bhyavapūrvasya

vibhāṣābhyavapūrvasya — [Of śyaiṅ — supplied (śeṣa), per BM —] preceded by abhi or ava, [saṃprasāraṇa takes place before a niṣṭhā] optionally.

Rule. After abhi or ava, śyaiṅ optionally takes saṃprasāraṇa before a niṣṭhā.

Example.

abhiśyānaṃ ghṛtam or abhiśīnam "congealed ghee".

avaśyānaḥ or avaśīnaḥ vṛścikaḥ "the scorpion drawn together".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: this is a fixed option (vyavasthitavibhāṣā). Such an option holds only in fixed cases. So it does not reach samavaśyānaḥ, which has no saṃprasāraṇa. One of his commentators says the option covers both kinds of case. With ghee it is in the sense of hardening. With the scorpion neither sense is present.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

श्यः संप्रसारणं वा स्यात् । अभिश्यानं घृतम् । अभिशीनम् । अवश्यानोऽवशीनो वृश्चिकः । व्यवस्थितविभाषेयम् । तेनेह न । समवश्यानः ॥

saṃprasāraṇa optionally replaces [the semivowel of] śya (śyaiṅ) [preceded by abhi or ava]: abhiśyānaṃ ghṛtam, abhiśīnam ["congealed ghee"]; avaśyānaḥ, avaśīnaḥ vṛścikaḥ ["the scorpion drawn together"]. This is a fixed option (vyavasthitavibhāṣā); therefore not here: samavaśyānaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

विभाषाऽभ्यवपूर्वस्य - विभाषा । 'श्यैङ' इति शेषः । संप्रसारणं वा स्यादिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । द्रवमूर्तिस्पर्शयोर्नित्यं संप्रसारणे प्राप्ते, ततोऽन्यत्राऽप्राप्ते विभाषेयम् । अभिश्यानं घृतमिति । अत्र द्रवमूर्तौ संप्रसारणविकल्पः । अवश्यानः अवशीनो वृश्चिक इति । अत्र द्रवमूर्तिस्पर्शाऽभावेऽपि संप्रसारणविकल्पः । समवश्यान इत्यत्रापि संप्रसारणविकल्पमाशङ्क्याऽऽह - व्यवस्थितेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'śyaiṅaḥ' is the remainder to be supplied (śeṣa); 'saṃprasāraṇaṃ vā syāt' completes the ellipsis (śeṣapūraṇa). Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: saṃprasāraṇa being obligatory (nitya) in the senses of the solidifying of a liquid and of touch, and not otherwise available, this is an option [covering both]. In abhiśyānaṃ ghṛtam the option is in the sense of the solidifying of a liquid; in avaśyānaḥ, avaśīnaḥ vṛścikaḥ it holds even where there is neither that sense nor touch. 'vyavasthita' answers the doubt that the option might reach samavaśyānaḥ too. Followed: the glosses and 'fixed option'.
translator In the forms without saṃprasāraṇa (abhiśyāna, avaśyāna, samavaśyāna) the n is presumably by saṃyogāder ātaḥ (SK 3017), and in those with it (abhiśīna, avaśīna) by śyo 'sparśe (SK 3021); the kaumudī states neither.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read). No TB on this sūtra in the print.

SK 3024 · A 8.2.48V

अञ्चोऽनपादाने ॥ ३०२४ ॥

añco'napādāne

añco 'napādāne — After añc [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā], except in [connection with] an apādāna.

Rule. After añc, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t. But not in connection with an apādāna, the point of departure. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses: when no apādāna stands in the same sentence.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the examples under SK 3025.

sam + añc + kta → … → samaknaḥ "joined".

With an apādāna: udaktam udakaṃ kūpāt "water drawn up from the well". kūpāt "from the well" is the apādāna, so the t stays.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अञ्चो निष्ठातस्य नः स्यान्न त्वपादाने ॥

After añc n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā, but not in [connection with] an apādāna.

Bālamanoramā

अञ्चोऽनपादाने - अञ्चोऽनपादाने । न त्वपादाने इति । अपादानसमभिव्याहारे असतीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'na tv apādāne' means 'when there is no co-occurrence (samabhivyāhāra) of an apādāna [in the sentence]'. Followed: 'not in [connection with] an apādāna'.
translator The examples for this sūtra (samaknaḥ; the counter-example udaktam udakaṃ kūpāt) come after the following sūtra, yasya vibhāṣā, in sk.3025.k1, which first explains why samaknaḥ has no iṭ.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read). No TB on the sūtra itself; TB on its examples (samaknaḥ, udaktam) is printed in sk.3025.t1.

SK 3025 · A 7.2.15V

यस्य विभाषा ॥ ३०२५ ॥

yasya vibhāṣā

yasya vibhāṣā — After [a dhātu] for which [iṭ] is optional [somewhere, iṭ does not come to a niṣṭhā — 'niṣṭhāyām' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039) and 'na iṭ' from neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981), per BM].

Rule. Take a root for which iṭ is optional in some context. Before the niṣṭhā it takes no iṭ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the sources. niṣṭhāyām runs on from SK 3039, and "no iṭ" from SK 2981.

Example.

añc takes iṭ optionally before ktvā by udito vā (SK 3328). So before the niṣṭhā: no iṭ.

sam + añc + kta → sam + añc + ta → no iṭ

→ the nasal is lost (SK 415) → sam + ac + ta

→ the n to come is asiddha, so k for c before the t → sam + ak + ta

→ n for t by SK 3024 → samaknaḥ "joined".

One commentator gives the nasal-loss; both give the velar.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then raises a problem. Since the n is asiddha, ṣ-substitution by vraśca… (SK 294) would apply. So a vārttika is given: niṣṭhādeśaḥ ṣatvasvarapratyayeḍvidhiṣu siddho vācyaḥ. The niṣṭhā substitute counts as siddha for four operations: ṣ-substitution (ṣatva), accent (svara), affixes (pratyaya) and iṭ. So vṛkṇaḥ, vṛkṇavān "cut".

Both commentators trace vṛkṇa from o vraścū "to cut". Saṃprasāraṇa (SK 2412), no iṭ by this rule, k for c, n by SK 3019, the s lost (SK 380), and ṇ. With the n siddha, the c is no longer before a jhal consonant. So SK 294 cannot turn it into ṣ.

Watch out. What does yasya "of which" mean? One commentator reads it as "after which". The other takes it with the ārdhadhātuka: "the affix belonging to which". Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

यस्य क्वचिद्विभाषयेड्विहितस्ततो निष्ठाया इण्न स्यात् । उदितो वा SK 3328 इति क्त्वायां वेट्त्वादिह नेट् । समक्नः । अनपादाने किम् । उदक्तमुदकं कूपात् । नत्वस्यासिद्धत्वात् व्रश्च - SK 294 इति षत्वे प्राप्ते ।

After [a dhātu] for which iṭ is prescribed optionally in some [context], iṭ does not come to the niṣṭhā. Since [añc] takes iṭ optionally before ktvā by udito vā (SK 3328), there is no iṭ here [before the niṣṭhā]: samaknaḥ ["joined"]. Why "not in [connection with] an apādāna" [in SK 3024]? udaktam udakaṃ kūpāt, "the water drawn up from the well". Since the n is asiddha, ṣatva by vraśca… (SK 294) would apply; [hence the following:]

vārttika

निष्ठादेशः षत्वस्वरप्रत्ययेड्विधिषु सिद्धो वाच्यः

(vārttika) The substitute in the niṣṭhā should be stated to be siddha in operations of ṣ-substitution (ṣatva), accent (svara), affixes (pratyaya) and iṭ.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ वृक्णः । वृक्णवान् ॥

vṛkṇaḥ, vṛkṇavān.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 512–513

—यस्य विभाषा । यस्येत्यार्धधातुकापेक्षया षष्ठी । यदीयस्यार्धधातुकस्येत्यर्थः ॥ समक्न इति । अञ्चु गतिपूजनयोः संपूर्वः, नत्वस्यासिद्धत्वात् झलि परतः कुत्वम् ॥—उदक्तमिति । उद्धृतमित्यर्थः । व्यक्तमित्येतत्तु अञ्जू व्यक्तीत्यस्य न लब्धेः । तेनात्र नत्वाभावः ॥—वृक्ण इति । ओव्रश्चू छेदने, ‘ग्रहिज्या—’ इति संप्रसारणम् । नत्वस्यासिद्धत्वात् ‘स्कोः—’ इति सलोपः ‘चोः कुः’ इति कुत्वं च । ऊदित्त्वेन वेट्त्वात् ‘यस्य विभाषा’ इति निष्ठाया इडभावः । उद्धित्विलादेशविनामेषु । ऋकारैकदेशस्यापि वर्णत्वेन ग्रहणादृकारैकदेशो रफो निमित्तमिति ‘अट्कुप्वाङ्—’ इति नस्य णत्वम् । णत्वस्य विनाम इति प्राचां संज्ञा । ऋवर्णान्नस्य णत्वमिति यथाश्रुतपक्षेऽपि णत्वनिषेधार्थं क्षुभ्नादिषु नृमनशब्दपाठादृकारं निमित्तीकृत्यापि ‘अट्कुप्वाङ्’ इति णत्वं भवत्येवेति दिक्

Bālamanoramā

यस्य विभाषा - यस्य विभाषा । यस्येति । यस्मादित्यर्थः । निष्ठाया इण्न स्यादिति । 'श्वीदितः' इत्यतो निष्ठायामिति,नेड्वशी॑त्यतो नेडिति चानुवर्तत इति भावः । नन्वञ्चेर्नित्यं सेट्कत्वात् कथं तस्य क्वचिद्वेट्कत्वमित्यत आह — उदितो वेति । समक्न इति । सङ्गत इत्यर्थः । संपूर्वादञ्चुधातोः क्तः ।आर्धधातुकस्ये॑डिति प्राप्तस्य इटो निषेधः ।अनिदिता॑मिति नलोपः । चस्य कुत्वम् । उदक्तमुदकं कूपादिति । उद्धृतमित्यर्थः । अत्राऽपादानसमभिव्याहारसत्त्वान्नत्वं नेति भावः । 'ओ व्रश्चू छेदने' सस्य श्चुत्वेन निर्देशः, अस्मात्क्तः,ग्रहिज्ये॑ति संप्रसारणम्, ऊदित्त्वेन वेट्कत्वादिहयस्य विभाषे॑ति नेट्, चस्य कुत्वेन कः,ओदिश्चे॑ति निष्ठानत्वं, तस्याऽसिद्धत्वेन झल्परत्वात्स्को॑रिति सलोपः णत्वम् । वृक्ण इति रूपमिति स्थितिः । तत्र नत्वस्याऽसिद्धत्वेन झल्परत्वात्व्रश्चे॑ति षत्वं स्यादित्यत आह — निष्ठादेशः षत्वेति । तथा च 'व्रश्चभ्रस्जे' ति षत्वे कर्तव्ये नत्वस्याऽसिद्धत्वाऽभावेन झल्परकत्वाऽभावान्न षत्वमित्यर्थः । स्वरप्रत्ययेड्विधिषूदाहरणानि भाष्ये स्पष्टानि ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'yasya' means 'yasmāt' ('after which'); 'niṣṭhāyāḥ iṇ na syāt' because 'niṣṭhāyām' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from śvīditaḥ [niṣṭhāyām] and 'na iṭ' from neḍ vaśi [kṛti]. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.3025.t1: 'yasya' is a sixth case (ṣaṣṭhī) related to the ārdhadhātuka, i.e. 'the ārdhadhātuka [affix] belonging to which'. This differs from BM's 'yasmāt'. Recorded; the English 'for which' leaves both construals open (§16).
commentary BM: Objection: añc always takes iṭ, so how can it take iṭ optionally anywhere? Hence 'udito vā'. samaknaḥ means 'joined' (saṅgata): sam + añcu + kta; the iṭ due by ārdhadhātukasyeḍ valādeḥ (SK 2184) is blocked [by this rule]; the n [of añc] is dropped by aniditām… (SK 415); ku replaces the c. udaktam means 'drawn up' (uddhṛtam); since an apādāna is used in the same sentence, there is no n. Followed: '[añc]', the glosses and '[in SK 3024]'.
commentary TB, sk.3025.t1: samaknaḥ is añcu gatipūjanayoḥ with sam; because the n is asiddha, ku replaces [the c] before a jhal. udaktam means 'drawn up' (uddhṛtam); vyaktam, by contrast, is from añjū vyakti…, not from añc, so there is no n in it. Followed: the gloss of udaktam.
commentary BM: from o vraścū chedane (its s written as ś by ścutva) with kta: saṃprasāraṇa by grahijyā… (SK 2412); since it is ū-marked it takes iṭ optionally, so here no iṭ by yasya vibhāṣā; ku replaces the c, giving k; n for the niṣṭhā-t by oditaś ca (SK 3019); that n being asiddha, [the s] is followed by a jhal and is dropped by skoḥ… (SK 380); ṇatva; so the form is vṛkṇa. But since the n is asiddha [the c] is followed by a jhal, so ṣatva by vraśca… would apply; hence the vārttika: when ṣatva by vraśca… is to be applied, the n is not asiddha, [the c] is not followed by a jhal, and there is no ṣatva. Examples for accent, affix and iṭ operations are clear in the Bhāṣya. Followed: '[hence the following:]'.
commentary TB, sk.3025.t1: vṛkṇaḥ is from o vraścū chedane: saṃprasāraṇa by grahijyā…; since the n is asiddha, s is dropped by skoḥ… and ku comes by coḥ kuḥ; being ū-marked [the root] takes iṭ optionally, so the niṣṭhā gets no iṭ by yasya vibhāṣā. The n becomes ṇ by aṭkupvāṅ… (SK 197) because the r-portion of the ṛ [produced by saṃprasāraṇa] counts as an r — the earlier grammarians called ṇatva 'vināma'; even on the literal view that ṇ comes after ṛ, ṇatva by aṭkupvāṅ… still holds, as the reading of nṛmana among the kṣubhnādi shows. Recorded.
translator The kaumudī gives vṛkṇaḥ, vṛkṇavān without a derivation; the steps are in the BM and TB notes. The vārttika is what keeps vraśca… (SK 294) from replacing the c (> k) with ṣ.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512, read at zoom; collation batch06 confirms 'samaknaḥ' against the print's kna ligature). The raw OCR reads 'samaktaḥ' and 'udakam', and TB's OCR lemma 'samakta iti'; the scan supports samaknaḥ and udaktam.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial: the print marks 'niṣṭhādeśaḥ ṣatvasvarapratyayeḍvidhiṣu siddho vācyaḥ' with the vārttika sign, and 'vṛkṇaḥ. vṛkṇavān.' is Bhaṭṭoji's prose (NSP p. 502, scan page-0512).

SK 3026 · A 8.3.75V

परिस्कन्दः प्राच्यभरतेषु ॥ ३०२६ ॥

pariskandaḥ prācyabharateṣu

pariskandaḥ prācyabharateṣu — Among the eastern Bharatas, pariskanda [is irregularly formed (nipātana) without ṣ].

Rule. Among the eastern Bharatas, pariskanda is given by nipātana without ṣ. Bhaṭṭoji: ṣ would be due by the preceding rule, and its absence is stated by nipātana.

Example.

pari + skand → ṣ would be due by pareś ca (SK 2399) → withheld by nipātana → pariskandaḥ.

Why "eastern"? Elsewhere pariṣkandaḥ or pariskandaḥ. The option is by SK 2399.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators places the rule under apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ (SK 210). He forms the word from skand with the niṣṭhā-t elided. The other forms it with ac, or with the t elided as the Kāśikā says. Scholars discuss this.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji closes by setting up the next rule. ṣ would be due by stambheḥ (SK 2272).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूर्वेण मूर्धन्ये प्राप्ते तदभावो निपात्यते । परिस्कन्दः । प्राच्येति किम् । परिष्कन्दः । परिस्कन्दः ।परेश्च SK 2399 इति विकल्पः । स्तम्भेः SK 2272 इति षत्वे प्राप्ते ॥

When ṣ (mūrdhanya) would be due by the preceding [rule, pareś ca], its absence is irregularly stated (nipātyate): pariskandaḥ. Why "eastern"? pariṣkandaḥ, pariskandaḥ — the option is by pareś ca (SK 2399). When ṣatva would be due by stambheḥ (SK 2272), [the next rule applies:]

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 513

—परिस्कन्दः । अचि निपातनम् । अथ वा निष्ठातकारस्य लोप इति काशिका ॥—द्यून इति । ‘च्छ्वोः शूड्–’ इत्यूठ् । क्षीण इत्यर्थः ॥—द्यूतमिति । विजिगीषया हि तत्राक्षाः पात्यन्ते इति गम्यते विजिगीषा

Bālamanoramā

परिस्कन्दः प्राच्यभरतेषु - परिस्कन्दः प्राच्यभरतेषु ।अपदान्तस्य मूर्धन्यः॑ इत्यधिकारे इदं सूत्रम् । पूर्वेणेति ।परेश्चे॑ति पूर्वसूत्रम् । परेः परस्य स्कन्देः सस्य षो वा स्यादिति तदर्थः । तेन षत्वविकल्पे प्राप्त प्राच्यभरतेषु षत्वाऽभावो निपात्यत इत्यर्थः । परिस्कन्द इति । परिपूर्वात् स्कन्देर्निष्ठायास्तकारलोपः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: this sūtra stands within the adhikāra of apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ (SK 210). 'pūrveṇa' refers to the preceding sūtra pareś ca, whose sense is 'ṣ optionally replaces the s of skand after pari'; so where optional ṣatva would be due, the absence of ṣatva is irregularly stated for the eastern Bharatas. pariskandaḥ is from skand preceded by pari, with elision of the t of the niṣṭhā. Followed: '[pareś ca]'.
commentary TB, sk.3026.t1: the irregular form is with [the affix] ac; or else, as the Kāśikā says, it involves elision of the niṣṭhā-t. Recorded; this differs in emphasis from BM, who gives only the niṣṭhā-t elision. The English does not specify the affix.
translator The last sentence ('stambheḥ … ṣatve prāpte') leads into SK 3027 (pratistabdhanistabdhau ca), whose kaumudī supplies only 'here ṣatva does not take place'.
textual Ours reads 'stambheḥ'; the print reads 'stanbheḥ 2272' with dental n (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read; collation batch06, class A), as does Wikisource. A nasal spelling only; the sūtra is the same (SK 2272).
textual The tail of sk.3026.t1 ('—dyūna iti', '—dyūtam iti') is TB on SK 3028, not on this sūtra.

SK 3027 · A 8.3.114V

प्रतिस्तब्धनिस्तब्धौ च ॥ ३०२७ ॥

pratistabdhanistabdhau ca

pratistabdhanistabdhau ca — And [in] pratistabdha and nistabdha [ṣ does not replace s].

Rule. In pratistabdha and nistabdha, ṣ does not replace s. Bhaṭṭoji: "here there is no ṣatva".

Example.

prati + stanbh + kta → ṣ would be due by SK 2272 → withheld → pratistabdhaḥ.

ni + stanbh + kta → nistabdhaḥ.

Watch out. Neither commentator says anything on this sūtra. The rule only stops ṣ; the rest of the form is built as usual.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अत्र षत्वं न स्यात् ॥

In these [two], ṣatva (replacement of s by the retroflex ṣ) does not take place.

translator notes

translator The condition this sūtra answers is stated at the end of the preceding unit (sk.3026.k1): ṣ is due by stambheḥ (SK 2272) [to the s of stanbh after the upasargas prati and ni]. The kaumudī supplies 'ṣatvaṃ na' itself and does not name the sūtra from which the negation or the ṣatva is carried; the bracket in sutra_en follows the kaumudī's gloss.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read; collation batch06 lists 3027 as clean). No BM on this sūtra in ours or in Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0107, where the BM band passes from pariskandaḥ to divo 'vijigīṣāyām). No TB in print: the TB band of p. 503 passes from pariskandaḥ (sk.3026.t1) straight to dyūna iti (SK 3028).

SK 3028 · A 8.2.49V

दिवोऽविजिगीषायाम् ॥ ३०२८ ॥

divo'vijigīṣāyām

divo 'vijigīṣāyām — After div, [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t)] when [the sense is] not desire to conquer (vijigīṣā).

Rule. After the root div, n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā. It does not happen when the sense is "desire to conquer" (vijigīṣā). Bhaṭṭoji: "after div, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t, when not in desire to conquer".

Example.

div + kta → the marker k goes → div + ta

→ the v becomes ū (ūṭh) by cchvoḥ śūḍ anunāsike ca (SK 2561) → di + ū + ta

→ the i becomes y before the ū → dyū + ta

→ this rule: the t becomes n → dyūnaḥ.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name SK 2561 for the ū.

Applies when / blocked by. In the sense of desire to conquer the t stays: dyūtam "gambling". Both commentators give the reason. Dice are thrown with the wish to win, so desire to conquer is present.

Watch out. What dyūnaḥ means is left open. One commentator glosses it "praised", the other "wasted, exhausted"; scholars discuss this. The words "of the t of a niṣṭhā" are Bhaṭṭoji's gloss. They continue from SK 3016, but neither commentator names the source.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दिवो निष्ठातस्य नः स्यादविजिगीषायाम् । द्यूनः । विजिगीषायां तु द्यूतम् ॥

After div, n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t) when [the sense is] not desire to conquer (avijigīṣāyām): dyūnaḥ. But in [the sense of] desire to conquer: dyūtam ("gambling").

Bālamanoramā

दिवोऽविजिगीषायाम् - दिवो ।अविजिगीषाया॑मिति च्छेदः । द्यून इति । स्तुत इत्यर्थः ।च्छ्वो॑रित्यूठ् । विजिगीषायां तु द्यूतमिति । द्यूतस्य विजिगीषया प्रवृत्तेरिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the division (cheda) is divaḥ + avijigīṣāyām. Followed in sutra_en ('not desire to conquer').
commentary BM: dyūnaḥ means 'praised' (stuta); the ūṭh [replacing the v of div] is by cchvoḥ śūḍ anunāsike ca (SK 2561). dyūtam: because gambling is undertaken with a desire to win. Recorded; the English gives dyūnaḥ no gloss because TB glosses it otherwise.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3026.t1: dyūnaḥ — ūṭh by cchvoḥ śūḍ (SK 2561); it means 'wasted, exhausted' (kṣīṇa). dyūtam: for there the dice are thrown with a desire to win, so desire to conquer (vijigīṣā) is understood. Recorded; TB's gloss of dyūnaḥ (kṣīṇa) differs from BM's (stuta), so the English stays neutral.
translator The bracketed words in sutra_en are the kaumudī's own gloss ('niṣṭhātasya naḥ'); they continue from radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ… (SK 3016). Neither commentator names the source of the anuvṛtti here.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read; the raw OCR's 'dūnaḥ' and 'dūtam' are misreadings of the scan's dyūnaḥ, dyūtam). BM on this unit is in its own b1; TB is printed at the tail of sk.3026.t1 (from '—dyūna iti').

SK 3029 · A 8.2.50V

निर्वाणोऽवाते ॥ ३०२९ ॥

nirvāṇo'vāte

nirvāṇo 'vāte — nirvāṇa [is formed, with n for the t of the niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t)], when [the agent] is not wind.

Rule. After the root vā preceded by nir, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t. The condition is that wind is not the agent. Bhaṭṭoji first says how to divide the words: avāte, "not wind".

Example.

nir + vā + kta → nir + vā + ta

→ this rule: the t becomes n → nir + vā + na

→ the n after r becomes ṇ (ṇatva) → nirvāṇaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: nirvāṇo 'gniḥ "the fire is extinguished"; nirvāṇo muniḥ "the sage has come to rest".

One of his commentators says the kta here denotes the agent, by SK 3086 (group III.M below).

Applies when / blocked by. When wind is the agent, the t stays: nirvāto vātaḥ "the wind has blown itself out". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds a bhāva form, also with t: nirvātaṃ vātena.

Watch out. In nirvāṇo dīpo vātena "the lamp is put out by the wind" the n stands. The wind there is not the agent. One commentator calls it the instrument (karaṇa), the other the cause (hetu); scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अवाते इति छेदः । निर्पूर्वाद्वातेर्निष्ठातस्य नत्वं स्याद्वातस्चेत्कर्ता न । निर्वाणोऽग्निर्मुनिश्च । वाते तु निर्वातो वातः ॥

The division (cheda) is "avāte" ("not wind"). After vā preceded by nir, n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t), provided that wind is not the agent: nirvāṇo 'gniḥ ("the fire is extinguished"), and nirvāṇo muniḥ ("the sage has come to rest"). But when [wind is the agent]: nirvāto vātaḥ ("the wind has blown itself out").

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 513

—निर्वाणोऽवाते । वा गतिगन्धनयोः, निर्पूर्वादस्मान्निष्ठातस्य नत्वे णत्वम् ॥—वातश्चेत्कर्ता नेति । एवं च वातेन हेतुना निर्वाणो दीप इत्यत्र निषेधो नेत्याहुः ॥—निर्वात इति । ‘गत्यर्थाकर्मक’ इति कर्तरि क्तः । नितरां वातो गत इत्यर्थः ॥—शुष्क इति । शुष शोषणे ॥—क्षाम इति । क्षै क्षये । ‘आदेचः’ इत्यात्वम् ॥—प्रस्तीमः । प्रस्तीत इति । स्त्यै ष्ट्यै शब्दसंघातयोः । आत्वे कृते ‘संयोगादेः’ इत्यस्यासिद्धत्वात्पूर्वं संप्रसारणे पूर्वरूपे च कृते ‘हलः’ इति दीर्घः पश्चाद्यण्वत्त्वादन्तत्वयोर्विरहान्न नत्वम् । संस्त्यान इत्यत्र तु भवत्येव ॥—क्षीवादिष्विति । क्षीवृ मदे, कृश तनुत्वे, लाघृ शक्तावुत्पूर्वः, एभ्यः क्तः ॥ ननु फुल्ल विकसन इत्यस्मादुल्लाघेश्च पचाद्यचि इतराभ्यामिगुपधलक्षणे कप्रत्यये च फुल्लादयः सिद्ध्यन्ति तत्किं सूत्रेणेत्यत आह—सूत्रं त्विति । निवृत्त्यर्थमित्युपलक्षणम् । फुल्लवानिति रूपस्य ‘निष्ठा च द्व्यजनात्’ इत्याद्युदात्तस्य च सिद्ध्यर्थमिति बोध्यम् ॥—उत्फुल्लसंफुल्लयोरिति । यद्यपि प्रफुल्ल इति वत् फुल्लेः पचाद्यचा सिद्धं, तथापि उत्फुल्ल संफुल्ल इति प्रयोगनिवृत्त्यर्थं वचनम्

Bālamanoramā

निर्वाणोऽवाते - निर्वाणोऽवाते । कर्ता नेति । निरित्युपसर्गपूर्वो वाधातुर्विनाशे वर्तते, उपरमे च । तस्मिन् धात्वर्थे यदिवायुः कर्ता तदा नत्वं नेत्यर्थः । निर्वाणोऽग्निर्मुनिर्वेति । नष्टः उपरत इति क्रमेणार्थः ।गत्यर्थाकर्मके॑त्यादिना कर्तरि क्तः । निर्वातो वात इति । अत्र वातस्य कर्तृत्वान्नत्वं नेति भावः ।निर्वाणो दीपो वातेने॑त्यत्र तु वातस्य करणत्वे विवक्षितत्वात्कर्तृत्वाऽभावान्नत्वं निर्वाह्रम् । भावे तु निर्वातं वातेन ।

translator notes

commentary BM: vā preceded by the upasarga nir means destruction (vināśa) and cessation (uparama); if wind (vāyu) is the agent of that action, there is no n. nirvāṇo 'gnir munir vā means 'extinguished' and 'at rest' respectively; kta is in the agent sense by gatyarthākarmaka… (SK 3086). In nirvāto vātaḥ wind is the agent, so no n. In 'nirvāṇo dīpo vātena' ('the lamp is put out by the wind'), however, wind is intended as instrument (karaṇa), not agent, so the n stands. In the bhāva sense: nirvātaṃ vātena. Followed: the glosses of nirvāṇaḥ, and 'provided that wind is not the agent'.
commentary TB, sk.3029.t1: vā gatigandhanayoḥ; after it, preceded by nir, n replaces the niṣṭhā-t, and [then] ṇ [replaces n]. On 'vātaś cet kartā na': accordingly, in 'nirvāṇo dīpo vātena', where wind is the cause (hetu), the prohibition does not apply, they say (āhuḥ). nirvātaḥ: kta in the agent sense by gatyarthākarmaka… (SK 3086); it means 'the wind has gone [out] completely' (nitarāṃ vāto gataḥ). Followed in the gloss of nirvāto vātaḥ. TB calls the wind in 'vātena' a hetu, BM a karaṇa; both deny it agency. Recorded.
textual Ours reads 'vātascet' (dental s); the print reads 'vātaś cet' (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom; collation batch06, class A), as do Wikisource and TB's lemma 'vātaś cet kartā neti'. The English follows the print.
textual Ours reads 'nirpūrvād vāteḥ'; the print, at zoom, reads 'nipūrvād vāteḥ' with no reph on ni, which looks like a print slip (collation batch06, class V); Wikisource has ':pūrvād'. Ours agrees with TB's own wording ('nirpūrvād asmāt') and with the sūtra's nir-, and the English ('preceded by nir') follows ours. The raw OCR's 'niṣkrāntaiḥ' is a misreading.

SK 3030 · A 8.2.51V

शुषः कः ॥ ३०३० ॥

śuṣaḥ kaḥ

śuṣaḥ kaḥ — After śuṣ, k [replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t), carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3016].

Rule. After the root śuṣ "to dry", k replaces the niṣṭhā-t. Bhaṭṭoji says only "niṣṭhātaḥ ity eva": the words "the t of a niṣṭhā" still hold here. They first stand in SK 3016.

Example.

śuṣ + kta → śuṣ + ta

→ this rule: the t becomes k → śuṣ + ka

→ śuṣkaḥ "dried".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the root as śuṣa śoṣaṇe.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

निष्ठात इत्येव । शुष्कः ॥

"niṣṭhātaḥ" ("the t of a niṣṭhā") is indeed [carried forward] here (ity eva) [from SK 3016]: śuṣkaḥ ("dried").

Bālamanoramā

शुषः कः - शुषः कः । निष्ठात इति । शुषः परस्य निष्ठातस्य कः स्यादिति फलितम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'niṣṭhāta iti': the resulting sense (phalita) is 'k replaces the niṣṭhā-t that follows śuṣ'. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3029.t1: śuṣkaḥ is from śuṣa śoṣaṇe. Recorded (it identifies the dhātu only).
translator The kaumudī's 'ity eva' marks an anuvṛtti but does not name its source; 'niṣṭhātaḥ' first stands in radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ… (SK 3016), and the reference to that sūtra in the brackets is the translator's.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom).

SK 3031 · A 8.2.52V

पचो वः ॥ ३०३१ ॥

paco vaḥ

paco vaḥ — After pac, v [replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t), carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3016].

Rule. After the root pac "to cook", v replaces the niṣṭhā-t. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the form.

Example.

pac + kta → pac + ta

→ this rule: the t becomes v → pac + va

→ the c becomes k → pakvaḥ "cooked".

Applies when / blocked by. Why does the c still become k? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: the v is asiddha, treated as not yet there. This rule stands late in the Tripādī. The rule that makes c into k (kutva) is coḥ kuḥ (SK 378). It stands earlier in the Tripādī, so it does not see the v. It still finds c before the consonant t.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पक्वः ॥

[After pac, v replaces the niṣṭhā-t:] pakvaḥ ("cooked").

Bālamanoramā

पचो वः - पचो वः । पचेः परस्य निष्ठातस्य वः स्यादित्यर्थः । पक्व इति । वत्वस्याऽसिद्धत्वात्कुत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sense is that v replaces the niṣṭhā-t that follows pac. In pakvaḥ, kutva [k for the c of pac] applies because the replacement by v is asiddha. Followed in sutra_en and the bracket in k1.
translator BM does not name the kutva rule; it is coḥ kuḥ (SK 378), which, standing earlier in the tripādī, does not see the v and so still finds the c before the jhal t. The source of 'niṣṭhātaḥ' (SK 3016) is the translator's identification. No TB on this sūtra in print.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom). Ours and the print number the sūtra 8.2.52.

SK 3032 · A 8.2.53V

क्षायो मः ॥ ३०३२ ॥

kṣāyo maḥ

kṣāyo maḥ — After kṣai, m [replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t), carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3016].

Rule. After the root kṣai "to waste away", m replaces the niṣṭhā-t. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the form.

Example.

kṣai + kta → kṣai + ta

→ the final ai becomes ā by ādeca upadeśe 'śiti (SK 2370) → kṣā + ta

→ this rule: the t becomes m → kṣā + ma → kṣāmaḥ.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name SK 2370 for the ā.

Watch out. One commentator gives kṣāmaḥ two senses. With kta in the agent (SK 3086) it means "wasted away". If a causative sense is read into the root, it means "made to waste away". So the form is best learned without a fixed gloss.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्षामः ॥

[After kṣai, m replaces the niṣṭhā-t:] kṣāmaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

क्षायो मः - क्षायो मः । 'क्षै क्षये' इत्यस्मात् परस्य निष्ठातस्य मः स्यादित्यर्थः । क्षाम इति । 'आदेचः' इत्यात्वम् ।गत्यर्थाकर्मके॑ति कर्तरि क्तः । क्षीण इत्यर्थः । अन्तर्भावितण्यर्थत्वे क्षपित इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sense is that m replaces the niṣṭhā-t that follows kṣai kṣaye. kṣāmaḥ: ā [for ai] by ādeca upadeśe 'śiti (SK 2370); kta in the agent sense by gatyarthākarmaka… (SK 3086); it means 'wasted away' (kṣīṇa); if the causative sense is taken as included (antarbhāvitaṇyartha), it means 'caused to waste away' (kṣapita). Followed in sutra_en and the bracket in k1; kṣāmaḥ is left unglossed because BM gives two senses.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3029.t1: kṣāmaḥ is from kṣai kṣaye, with ā by ādecaḥ (SK 2370). Recorded.
translator The source of 'niṣṭhātaḥ' (SK 3016) is the translator's identification; the commentators supply the words 'niṣṭhātasya' without naming the sūtra.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read).

SK 3033 · A 6.1.23V

स्त्यः प्रपूर्वस्य ॥ ३०३३ ॥

styaḥ prapūrvasya

styaḥ prapūrvasya — Of sty[ā] (styai with its ā made) preceded by pra, [saṃprasāraṇa takes place — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 1003 — before a niṣṭhā — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3044].

Rule. The root styā takes saṃprasāraṇa when it follows pra and a niṣṭhā follows. styā is styai after its ai has become ā. Saṃprasāraṇa here turns the y into i. Bhaṭṭoji: "saṃprasāraṇa for styā after pra, before a niṣṭhā".

Example.

pra + styā + kta → pra + styā + ta

→ this rule: y becomes i → pra + sti-ā + ta

→ the ā merges into the i (pūrvarūpa) → pra + sti + ta

→ the i is lengthened by halaḥ (SK 2559) → prastī + ta.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give these steps. Bhaṭṭoji gives no form here; the forms come under the next rule.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator draws "saṃprasāraṇa" from SK 1003. He draws "before a niṣṭhā" from SK 3044, which the SK teaches later. In the Aṣṭādhyāyī that rule stands just before this one. The other commentator says why saṃprasāraṇa comes first. The n of SK 3017 is asiddha at this point, so it cannot get in ahead.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रात् स्त्यः संप्रसारणं स्यान्निष्ठायाम् ॥

Saṃprasāraṇa takes place for sty[ā] after pra, when a niṣṭhā follows.

Bālamanoramā

स्त्यः प्रपूर्वस्य - स्त्यः प्रपूर्वस्य ।स्त्यै॑इत्यस्य कृताऽऽत्वस्य 'स्त्य' इति षष्ठन्तम् ।ष्यङः संप्रसारण॑मित्यतः संप्रसारणमिति,स्फाय स्फी॑त्यतो निष्ठायामिति चानुवर्तते । तदाह — प्रादित्यादि । संप्रसारणे पूर्वरूपे 'हलः' इति दीर्घे प्रस्ती- त इति स्थिते —

translator notes

commentary BM: 'styaḥ' is the sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta) of styai after its ā has been made; 'saṃprasāraṇam' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ṣyaṅaḥ saṃprasāraṇam… (SK 1003), and 'niṣṭhāyām' from sphāyaḥ sphī niṣṭhāyām (SK 3044); that is what the kaumudī states. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: after saṃprasāraṇa, pūrvarūpa, and lengthening by halaḥ (SK 2559), 'prastī + ta' stands — [which leads into the next sūtra]. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3029.t1 (on prastīmaḥ, prastītaḥ of SK 3034): styai ṣṭyai śabdasaṃghātayoḥ. After ā has been made, since saṃyogādeḥ (SK 3017) is asiddha, saṃprasāraṇa and pūrvarūpa are done first and lengthening by halaḥ; afterwards [the root] has neither a yaṇ nor a final ā, so there is no n. In saṃstyānaḥ, however, n does occur. Recorded here for the operation this sūtra sets up; see sk.3034.
translator The kaumudī gives no example here; the forms (prastīmaḥ, prastītaḥ) follow under the next sūtra. sphāyaḥ sphī niṣṭhāyām is A 6.1.22, immediately before this sūtra (A 6.1.23), though the Kaumudī places it later (SK 3044).
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read).

SK 3034 · A 8.2.54V

प्रस्त्योऽन्यतरस्याम् ॥ ३०३४ ॥

prastyo'nyatarasyām

prastyo 'nyatarasyām — After sty[ā] preceded by pra, [m replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhātasya maḥ) — to be supplied (śeṣa), per BM] optionally.

Rule. After styā preceded by pra, m optionally replaces the niṣṭhā-t. Bhaṭṭoji supplies the words "m for the t of a niṣṭhā". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls them a śeṣa, words to be supplied.

Example.

prastī + ta (from SK 3033)

→ this rule: the t becomes m → prastīmaḥ "congealed".

In the other option the t stays → prastītaḥ.

One commentator glosses prastīmaḥ "become compact, congealed".

Applies when / blocked by. Why no n in prastītaḥ? One commentator explains. After saṃprasāraṇa, prastī- has no y and no final ā. So SK 3017 finds nothing to work on. Bhaṭṭoji asks "why after pra?" and gives only the form: styānaḥ. The reason is this. Without pra there is no saṃprasāraṇa. styā keeps its y and its ā, and SK 3017 gives n. One commentator notes the same n in saṃstyānaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

निष्ठातस्य मो वा स्यात् । प्रस्तीमः । प्रस्तीतः । प्रात्किम् । स्त्यानः ॥

[After sty[ā] preceded by pra,] m optionally replaces the t of a niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t): prastīmaḥ, prastītaḥ. Why "after pra"? styānaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

प्रस्त्योऽन्यतरस्याम् - प्रस्त्योऽन्यतरस्याम् । 'प्रस्त्य' इति पञ्चमी । प्रपूर्वात्स्त्यैधातोरित्यर्थः । 'निष्ठातस्य म' इति शेषः । प्रस्तीम इति । सङ्गीभूत इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'prastyaḥ' is a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta), meaning 'after the dhātu styai preceded by pra'; 'niṣṭhātasya maḥ' is to be supplied (śeṣa). Followed in sutra_en and k1 (BM names no source for the supplied words; see the translator note).
commentary BM: prastīmaḥ means 'become compact, congealed' (saṅghībhūta). Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3029.t1, on prastīmaḥ, prastītaḥ: styai ṣṭyai śabdasaṃghātayoḥ. After ā has been made, since saṃyogādeḥ (SK 3017) is asiddha, saṃprasāraṇa and pūrvarūpa are done first and lengthening by halaḥ (SK 2559); afterwards [prastī-] has neither a yaṇ nor a final ā, so there is no n [in the alternative to m]: prastītaḥ. In saṃstyānaḥ, however, n does occur. Followed: prastītaḥ is the form without m.
translator BM calls 'niṣṭhātasya maḥ' a śeṣa and names no source. Identifying the words as carried forward — 'niṣṭhātaḥ' from radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ… (SK 3016) and 'maḥ' from kṣāyo maḥ (SK 3032) — is the translator's.
translator In the counter-example styānaḥ (no pra) the kaumudī gives the form only. Without pra there is no saṃprasāraṇa by SK 3033, so styā keeps its yaṇ and final ā, and n replaces the niṣṭhā-t by saṃyogāder āto dhātor yaṇvataḥ (SK 3017); this is the translator's reading, in line with TB's remark on saṃstyānaḥ.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read).

SK 3035 · A 8.2.55V

अनुपसर्गात् फुल्लक्षीबकृशोल्लाघाः ॥ ३०३५ ॥

anupasargāt phullakṣībakṛśollāghāḥ

anupasargāt phullakṣīvakṛśollāghāḥ — When not after an upasarga, phulla, kṣīva, kṛśa and ullāgha [are established by nipātana].

Rule. When no upasarga precedes, phulla, kṣīva, kṛśa and ullāgha are given by nipātana. In each, something irregular happens to the niṣṭhā. Bhaṭṭoji says exactly what. Our text spells the second word kṣība, as in the heading. The print reads kṣīva, and this chapter follows the print.

Example.

For phulla only the l is nipātana:

ñiphalā + kta → the markers ñi and ā go → phal + ta

→ by nipātana, l for the niṣṭhā-t → phal + la

→ the a becomes u (SK 3037) → phullaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: there is no iṭ by SK 3036, and the u comes by SK 3037. So only the l needs the nipātana.

Bhaṭṭoji: the nipātana also reaches the kta inside ktavatu → phullavān.

For the other three, the nipātana is the loss of the t of kta. It is not the t of ktavatu. That loss is asiddha, so the iṭ that would follow is also withheld by nipātana.

kṣīv + kta → t lost, no iṭ → kṣīvaḥ "intoxicated".

Likewise kṛśaḥ "thin" and ullāghaḥ "free of disease".

One commentator names the roots: kṣīvṛ "to be intoxicated", kṛśa "to be thin", and lāghṛ "to be able" after ut.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji asks "why when not after an upasarga?" One commentator says he means praphultaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji first teaches SK 3036 and SK 3037, which that form needs. The answer then comes under SK 3037.

Watch out. One commentator says the root is ñiphalā viśaraṇe, not phala niṣpattau. With the second, the lack of iṭ too would need a nipātana. The senses are fixed by the nipātana as well, he adds: kṣīva means only "intoxicated", and so on.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ञिफाला । फुल्लः । निष्ठातस्य लत्वं निपात्यते । क्तवत्वेकदेशस्यापीदं निपातनमिष्यते । फुल्लवान् । क्षीबादिषु तु क्तप्रत्ययस्यैव तलोपः । तस्यासिद्धत्वात्प्राप्तस्येटोऽभावश्च निपात्यते । क्षीबो मत्तः । कृशस्तनुः । उल्लाघो नीरोगः । अनुपसर्गात्किम् ॥

[From] ñiphalā [viśaraṇe]: phullaḥ. l in place of the t of the niṣṭhā (niṣṭhā-t) is given by nipātana. This nipātana is desired also for [the kta that is] a part of ktavatu: phullavān. In kṣīva and the rest, however, [what is given by nipātana is] deletion of the t of the affix kta only; and, because that [deletion] is asiddha, the absence of the iṭ that would [then] be due is also given by nipātana: kṣīvaḥ, "intoxicated"; kṛśaḥ, "thin"; ullāghaḥ, "free of disease". Why "when not after an upasarga"?

Bālamanoramā

अनुपसर्गात् फुल्लक्षीबकृशोल्लाघाः - अनुपसर्गात् । एते निपात्यन्ते, उपसर्गात्परा न चेदित्यर्थः । लत्वमिति ।आदितश्चे॑ति इडभावः,ति चे॑त्युत्त्वं च सिद्धमिति भावः । 'फल निष्पत्तौ' इत्यस्य तु नाऽत्र ग्रहणम्, इडभावस्याऽपि निपात्यत्वापत्तेः । ननु क्तवतुप्रत्यये फुल्लवानिति कथं, क्तवतुप्रत्यये क्तस्याऽनर्थकत्वेन फुल्लशब्देनाऽग्रहणादित्यत आह — क्तवत्वेकदेशस्यापीति । क्षीबादिष्विति । क्षीबकृशोल्लाघेष्वित्यर्थः । क्तप्रत्ययस्यैवेति । नतु क्तवत्वेकदेशस्यापीत्यर्थः । अनर्थकत्वादिति भावः । तस्येति । तलोपस्येत्यर्थः । क्षीबो मत्त इति । क्षीबेः क्तः, तलोपः, इडभावश्च । अत्र मत्तादिरेवार्थः, निपातनबलात् । अनुपसर्गात्किमिति । अत्र 'प्रफुल्त' इति प्रत्युदाहरणं विवक्षंस्तत्र विशेषमाह —

translator notes

commentary BM: these [four] are given by nipātana, provided they do not follow an upasarga. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM on 'latvam': [only l is nipātana, since] the absence of iṭ follows from āditaś ca (SK 3036) and u [for a] from ti ca (SK 3037). phala niṣpattau is not meant here, since then the absence of iṭ too would have to be given by nipātana. Followed: the dhātu is ñiphalā, and only the l is nipātana.
commentary BM: Objection: how is phullavān formed with ktavatu, since the kta inside ktavatu is meaningless (anarthaka) and so is not covered by the word 'phulla'? To meet this he says 'ktavatvekadeśasyāpi'. On 'kṣīvādiṣu': in kṣīva, kṛśa and ullāgha; 'ktapratyayasyaiva' means 'not also of the kta that is part of ktavatu', because that is meaningless. 'tasya' means 'of the t-deletion'. kṣīvaḥ: kṣīv + kta, t-deletion and no iṭ. Here the sense is only 'intoxicated' and so on, by the force of the nipātana. Followed: '[the kta that is] a part of ktavatu', 'that [deletion]', and the glosses as the restricted senses.
commentary BM on 'anupasargāt kim': intending praphultaḥ as the counter-example, he first states a special rule for it (āditaś ca, ti ca). Recorded; the counter-examples (praphultaḥ, prakṣīvitaḥ, prakṛśitaḥ, prollāghitaḥ) are given in sk.3037.k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3029.t1, on 'kṣīvādiṣu': kṣīvṛ made, kṛśa tanutve, and lāghṛ śaktau preceded by ut; kta after these. Objection: phulla can be had from phulla vikasane and ullāgha from [ud +] lāgh by the pacādi ac, and the other two by the affix ka taught for [roots] with ik in the penult (SK 2897), so what is the sūtra for? Answer: 'sūtraṃ tu…' (SK 3037). Recorded; TB answers under sk.3037.
textual Ours reads 'ñiphālā'; the print reads 'ñiphalā' (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom; collation batch06, class A), the dhātu ñiphalā viśaraṇe; Wikisource has 'vi phalā'. The English follows the print.
textual Ours reads kṣība in the sūtra and k1 (kṣībādiṣu, kṣībo mattaḥ); the print reads kṣīva throughout (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513: at zoom the glyph matches the va of 'abhāvaś ca' in the same line and lacks ba's inner stroke; collation batch06, class C). TB has 'kṣīvṛ made'; ours BM has kṣība; Wikisource is mixed (heading kṣība, text kṣīva). Both spellings are current. The English follows the print.
textual Our BM layer (sk.3035.b1) omits BM's analyses of kṛśaḥ and ullāghaḥ, which Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0109) has after kṣīvaḥ: 'kṛśeḥ ktaḥ, talopaḥ, iḍabhāvaś ca' and 'lāgheḥ ktaḥ, talopaḥ, iḍabhāvaś ca'. This is a commentary-layer gap, not a mūla slip.

SK 3036 · A 7.2.16V

आदितश्च ॥ ३०३६ ॥

āditaśca

āditaś ca — And after [a dhātu] marked with ā (ādit), [iṭ does not come — 'na iṭ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2981 — to a niṣṭhā — 'niṣṭhāyām' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3039].

Rule. After a root marked with ā (an ādit root), iṭ does not come to a niṣṭhā. iṭ is the augment i that an ārdhadhātuka affix takes when it begins with a consonant other than y (SK 2184). Bhaṭṭoji: "after a root with ā as its it, iṭ does not come to a niṣṭhā".

Example.

ñiphalā has the marker ā, so it is ādit:

phal + ta → no iṭ → stays phal + ta.

This gives phullaḥ (SK 3035) and praphultaḥ (SK 3037).

Bhaṭṭoji gives no example of his own here.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies the missing words. "iṭ does not come" continues from neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981). "To a niṣṭhā" continues from śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039). The SK teaches that rule a little later, though the Aṣṭādhyāyī has it first.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आकारेतो निष्ठाया इण्न स्यात् ॥

After [a dhātu] that has ā as its it (ākāret), iṭ does not come to a niṣṭhā.

Bālamanoramā

आदितश्च - आदितश्च । निष्ठाया इण्न स्यादिति । 'श्वीदितः' इत्यतो निष्ठायामिति,नेड्वशी॑त्यतो नेडिति चानुवर्तते इति भावः । ति च । 'चरफलोश्चे' ति सूत्रानुवृत्तिं मत्वाह — चरफलोरिति । अत उत्स्यादिति । 'उत्परस्याऽतः' इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । कितीति ।दीर्घ इणः किती॑त्यतो मण्डूकप्लुत्या तदनुवर्तते इति भावः । वस्तुतस्तु कितीत्यनुवृत्तिर्निर्मूला, निष्फला च, तयोः सेट्कत्वेन निष्ठां विना तकारादिप्रत्ययाऽभावात् । कथं तर्हीति । प्रफुल्लमित्यस्य सोपसर्गत्वेन निष्ठातस्य लत्वाऽसंभवादिति भावः । समाधत्ते — फुल्लेति । ननु फुल्लेः पचाद्यचैव फुल्ल इत्यस्य सिद्धेः फुल्ल इत्यस्य निपातनं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — सूत्रं त्विति । उत्फुल्लसंफुल्लयोरिति ।निष्ठातस्य लत्वनिपातन॑मिति शेषः । सोपसर्गार्थं वचनम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'niṣṭhāyā iṇ na syāt': 'niṣṭhāyām' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039), and 'na iṭ' from neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981). Followed in sutra_en.
translator The kaumudī gives no example here. This sūtra and the next were introduced, per BM under SK 3035, to account for the form praphultaḥ (from ñiphalā, an ādit root), which is given in sk.3037.k1; BM under SK 3035 also cites this sūtra for the absence of iṭ in phullaḥ. śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (A 7.2.14) precedes this sūtra (A 7.2.16) in the Aṣṭādhyāyī, though the Kaumudī places it later (SK 3039).
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read). BM on this unit is the first part of sk.3036.b1 (to '…cānuvartate iti bhāvaḥ'); the rest of that block, from 'ti ca', is BM on SK 3037. No TB on this sūtra in print.

SK 3037 · A 7.4.89V

ति च ॥ ३०३७ ॥

ti ca

ti ca — And before [an affix beginning with] t [that is kit], [u replaces the a — 'ata ut' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2637 — of car and phal — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2636].

Rule. u replaces the a of car and phal before a t-initial affix that is kit. A kit affix is one marked with k, like the niṣṭhā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws car and phal from SK 2636 and "u for a" from SK 2637.

Example.

With an upasarga there is no nipātana, so the niṣṭhā-t stays:

pra + phal + kta → pra + phal + ta (no iṭ, SK 3036)

→ this rule: a becomes u → pra + phul + ta → praphultaḥ.

The other three roots of SK 3035 take iṭ after pra: prakṣīvitaḥ, prakṛśitaḥ, prollāghitaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji raises a verse: lodhradrumaṃ sānumataḥ praphullam "the lodhra tree of the mountain, in full bloom". How is praphullam right, with pra? His answer: it comes from the root phulla vikasane "to blossom" with the affix ac of the pacādi list (SK 2896). Then why state phulla in SK 3035 at all? Bhaṭṭoji: "the sūtra is for excluding phulta and the like". One commentator calls this wording illustrative. The rule also secures phullavān and the accent of phulla (SK 3693).

A vārttika adds two words: utphulla and saṃphulla. One commentator says it serves to exclude the forms utphulta and saṃphulta.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji states the condition "kit". One commentator carries it from SK 2456 by "frog's leap" (maṇḍūkapluti), skipping the rules between. He then calls that carrying idle, since both roots are seṭ; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चरफलोपत उत्स्यात्तादौ किति । प्रफुल्तः । प्रक्षीबितः । प्रकृशितः । प्रोल्लाघितः । कथं तर्हि लोध्रद्रुमं सानुमतः प्रफुल्लमिति । फुल्ल विकसने पचाद्यच् । सूत्रं तु फुल्तादिनिवृत्त्यर्थम् । उत्फुल्लसंफुल्लयोरुपसंख्यानम् ॥

u replaces the a of car and phal before a t-initial [affix] that is kit: praphultaḥ, prakṣīvitaḥ, prakṛśitaḥ, prollāghitaḥ. How then [is] "praphullam" [to be explained] in "lodhradrumaṃ sānumataḥ praphullam" ("the lodhra tree of the mountain, in full bloom")? [From] phulla vikasane ("to blossom"), [with] the pacādi ac. The sūtra [SK 3035], however, is for excluding phulta and the like. (vārttika) Utphulla and saṃphulla should be added (upasaṃkhyāna).

translator notes

commentary BM, printed under sk.3036.b1: he says 'carphaloḥ' because he takes car and phal as carried forward (anuvṛtti) from carphaloś ca (SK 2636); 'ata ut syāt' because that is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ut parasyātaḥ (SK 2637); 'kiti' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from dīrgha iṇaḥ kiti (SK 2456) by the frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti). But in fact (vastutas tu) the anuvṛtti of 'kiti' is baseless and fruitless, since both roots are seṭ, so that apart from the niṣṭhā there is no t-initial affix [after them]. Followed in sutra_en; 'kit' is kept in brackets because Bhaṭṭoji states it, and BM's dissent is recorded here.
commentary BM, printed under sk.3036.b1, on 'kathaṃ tarhi': [the question arises] because praphullam has an upasarga, so l cannot replace its niṣṭhā-t [by SK 3035]. 'phulla…' is the answer. Objection: since phulla is established by the pacādi ac from phull, the nipātana of phulla [in SK 3035] is pointless; to this he says 'sūtraṃ tu'. Followed: 'is for excluding phulta and the like'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3029.t1, on 'sūtraṃ tu': 'for excluding' is illustrative (upalakṣaṇa); [the sūtra] is to be understood as also securing the form phullavān and the initial udātta [of phulla] by niṣṭhā ca dvyaj anāt (SK 3693). Recorded; the English keeps Bhaṭṭoji's 'for excluding'.
commentary BM, printed under sk.3036.b1, on the vārttika: 'l in place of the niṣṭhā-t is given by nipātana' is to be supplied (śeṣa); the statement is for [forms] with an upasarga. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3029.t1, on the vārttika: although [utphulla, saṃphulla] are established, like praphulla, by the pacādi ac of phull, the statement serves to exclude the usages utphulta, saṃphulta. The print reads 'utphulla saṃphulla iti prayoganivṛttyartham' (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom: the stacked ll-ligature, not the side-by-side lt of the kaumudī's 'praphultaḥ' on the same page), which taken literally would exclude the very forms the vārttika teaches; sense, and the parallel with Bhaṭṭoji's 'sūtraṃ tu phultādinivṛttyartham', require -phulta. The reading -phulta is the translator's correction of a print slip. Recorded.
translator The four forms with pra are the counter-examples to 'anupasargāt' in SK 3035: with an upasarga there is no nipātana, so praphultaḥ keeps its t (with u for a by this sūtra and no iṭ by āditaś ca, SK 3036), and the other three take iṭ. BM under SK 3035 identifies praphultaḥ as the counter-example; the rest is the translator's reading. The pacādi ac is taught by nandigrahipacādibhyo… (SK 2896). The verse quotation is not attributed in the source.
textual Ours reads 'carphalopata ut syāt'; the print reads 'carphalorata ut syāt' (= carphaloḥ + ataḥ) (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom; raw OCR and Wikisource agree with the print, and BM's lemma 'carphalor iti' (Wikisource; our BM layer garbles it as 'caralor iti') presupposes it). This slip is not in collation batch06. The English follows the print.
textual The print marks 'utphullasaṃphullayor upasaṃkhyānam' as a vārttika with the vārttika sign after '…nivṛttyartham' and its double daṇḍa (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513; collation batch06, class M); Wikisource numbers it (vā 4843). Ours runs it into k1 without a separate block or tag. Labelled '(vārttika)' in the English.
textual Ours reads 'prakṣībitaḥ'; the print reads 'prakṣīvitaḥ' (collation batch06, class C; same va/ba question as SK 3035). The English follows the print.
textual BM on this sūtra is filed in the second half of sk.3036.b1 (from 'ti ca'); sk3037 has no b block. TB is in sk.3029.t1 (from '—sūtraṃ tv iti').

SK 3038 · A 8.2.56V

नुदविदोन्दत्राघ्राह्रीभ्योऽन्यतरस्याम् ॥ ३०३८ ॥

nudavidondatrāghrāhrībhyo'nyatarasyām

nudavidondatrāghrāhrībhyaḥ anyatarasyām — After nud, vid, und, trā, ghrā and hrī, [n replaces the t of a niṣṭhā — 'niṣṭhātaḥ naḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ… (SK 3016), as the kaumudī's gloss shows] optionally.

Rule. After nud, vid, und, trā, ghrā and hrī, n optionally replaces the niṣṭhā-t. Bhaṭṭoji: "after these, n optionally replaces the t of a niṣṭhā".

Example.

nud + kta → nud + ta

→ this rule: the t becomes n, and the d before it becomes n too (SK 3016) → nunnaḥ.

In the other option → nuttaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say what the option does. For hrī no n was due at all. For the other five it was due without option, by SK 3016 or SK 3017. This rule makes it optional in both cases.

Which vid? Bhaṭṭoji: only vid vicāraṇe "to discern", of the rudh class. The reason is association (sāhacarya): a word is taken as the one of the same kind as the word it is paired with. Here the neighbour is und, which follows. und is a root of the rudh class, so vid too is taken as the rudh-class root. So vinnaḥ, vittaḥ. The other vid roots differ. From vetti (vid jñāne "to know") comes viditaḥ. One commentator: that root takes iṭ, and iṭ stands between the d and the t, so no n. From vidyate (vid sattāyām "to be") comes only vinnaḥ. That root takes no iṭ, so SK 3016 gives n without option.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's list breaks off at the word undī. One commentator calls it a pointer to the examples. They follow under the next rule.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो निष्ठातस्य नो वा । नुन्नः । नुत्तः । विदविचारणे रौधादिक एव गृह्यते उन्दिना परेण साहचर्यात् । विन्नः । वित्तः । वेत्तेस्तु विदितः । विद्यतेर्विन्नः । उन्दी ॥

After these [dhātus], n optionally replaces the t of a niṣṭhā: nunnaḥ, nuttaḥ. [By "vid"] only vid vicāraṇe ("to discern"), of the rudh class (raudhādika), is taken, because of its association (sāhacarya) with und, which follows it [in the sūtra]: vinnaḥ, vittaḥ. But from vetti [vid jñāne, "to know"] the form is viditaḥ; from vidyate [vid sattāyām, "to be"] it is vinnaḥ. undī [— the dhātu und, whose examples follow under the next sūtra].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 513

— नुद विदो— ‘रदाभ्यां’ ‘संयोगादेरातः’ इति नित्ये प्राप्ते ह्रीत्यस्याप्राप्ते उभयत्र विभाषेयम् ॥—वेत्तेस्त्विति । तथा च भाष्यम् । ‘वेत्तेस्तु विदितो निष्ठा विद्यतेर्विन्न इष्यते । वेत्तेर्विन्नश्च वित्तश्च भोगे वित्तश्च विन्दते’ इति ॥—नुन्नः नुत्त इति । ‘अनिदिताम्’ इति नलोपः

Bālamanoramā

नुदविदोन्दत्राघ्राह्रीभ्योऽन्यतरस्याम् - नुदविदोन्द । ह्रीधातोरप्राप्ते, इतरेभ्यो नित्यं प्राप्ते नत्वविकल्पोऽयम् । रौधादिक इति । 'विद विचारणे' इत्ययमित्यर्थः । वेत्तेस्त्विति । 'विद ज्ञाने' इत्यस्येत्यर्थः । अयं सेट्, अनिट्केष्वनन्तर्भावात् । तदाह — विदित इति । अत्र निष्ठातस्य इटा व्यवहितत्वान्नत्वं नेति भावः । विद्यतेर्विन्न इति ।विद सत्ताया॑मित्ययमनिट् ।रदाभ्या॑मिति नित्यं नत्वमिति भावः । उन्दीति । उदाहरणसूचनम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: for hrī the n is not otherwise due, for the others it is due obligatorily; this is an option on n-substitution covering both cases. Followed in reading 'anyatarasyām' as a plain option on the n carried from SK 3016.
commentary TB, sk.3038.t1: for the others the n is obligatorily due by radābhyām… (SK 3016) and saṃyogāder ātaḥ… (SK 3017), for hrī it is not due; the option holds in both cases. Followed (agrees with BM).
commentary BM: 'raudhādika' means vid vicāraṇe; 'vettes tu' means vid jñāne, which is seṭ since it is not among the aniṭ roots, hence viditaḥ, where the niṣṭhā-t is separated [from the d] by iṭ and so gets no n; vid sattāyām is aniṭ, so radābhyām gives n obligatorily: vinnaḥ. 'undī iti' points to the example (udāharaṇasūcanam). Followed: the dhātu glosses in brackets and the bracketed rendering of 'undī'.
commentary TB, sk.3038.t1, on 'vettes tu': so the Bhāṣya, quoted as 'vettes tu vidito niṣṭhā vidyater vinna iṣyate / vetter vinnaś ca vittaś ca bhoge vittaś ca vindateḥ'. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3038.t1, closes with the lemma 'nunnaḥ nutta iti' glossed ''aniditām' iti nalopaḥ' (n-deletion by aniditāṃ hala upadhāyāḥ kṅiti, SK 415). Recorded; see the translator note.
translator The TB lemma 'nunnaḥ nutta iti' is so read in our layer and, as far as the scan shows, in the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom). But its gloss (deletion of a penultimate n by SK 415) fits only unnaḥ, uttaḥ from undī, and the lemma stands after 'vettes tu' and right before TB on SK 3040, i.e. where the examples unnaḥ, uttaḥ of SK 3039 fall. It is probably TB on unnaḥ, uttaḥ. Likewise, in TB's Bhāṣya verse the third quarter 'vetter vinnaś ca vittaś ca' (so print) sits uneasily with the first quarter 'vettes tu viditaḥ'; the rudh-class vid (vinte) would be expected there. Neither point affects the English of the kaumudī.
translator Bhaṭṭoji stops the list of examples at undī, gives SK 3039 (śvīdito niṣṭhāyām), which explains why und, being ī-marked, takes no iṭ, and then resumes the examples of this rule there: unnaḥ, uttaḥ, trāṇaḥ, trātaḥ, ghrāṇaḥ, ghrātaḥ, hrīṇaḥ, hrītaḥ.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom; collation batch06 'clean'). The raw OCR skips the sūtra and the first lines of the kaumudī. Ours writes 'vidavicāraṇe' run together; print 'vida vicāraṇe' (spacing only).

SK 3039 · A 7.2.14V

श्वीदितो निष्ठायाम् ॥ ३०३९ ॥

śvīdito niṣṭhāyām

śvīditaḥ niṣṭhāyām — After śvi and after an ī-marked (īdit) [dhātu], [iṭ does not come — 'na iṭ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981), per BM] to a niṣṭhā.

Rule. After śvi and after a root marked with ī (an īdit root), iṭ does not come to a niṣṭhā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "iṭ does not come" from SK 2981.

Example.

undī "to wet" is marked with ī:

und + kta → this rule: no iṭ → und + ta

→ the root's nasal is lost (SK 415) → ud + ta

→ by SK 3038, optionally n for the t and the d → unnaḥ; otherwise uttaḥ.

Then Bhaṭṭoji resumes the examples of SK 3038: trāṇaḥ / trātaḥ, ghrāṇaḥ / ghrātaḥ, hrīṇaḥ / hrītaḥ.

Watch out. Only unnaḥ and uttaḥ show this rule. The other six forms belong to SK 3038. No form from śvi is given here; śūnaḥ comes at SK 3057.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

श्वयतेरीदितश्च निष्ठाया इण्न । उन्नः । उत्तः । त्राणः । त्रातः । घ्राणः । घ्रातः । ह्रीणः । ह्रीतः ॥

After śvi (śvayati) and after an ī-marked [dhātu], iṭ does not come to a niṣṭhā: unnaḥ, uttaḥ; trāṇaḥ, trātaḥ; ghrāṇaḥ, ghrātaḥ; hrīṇaḥ, hrītaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

श्वीदितो निष्ठायाम् - श्वीदितो निष्ठायाम् । श्वि, ईदित् अनयोः समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी ।नेड्वशी॑त्यतो नेडित्यनुवर्तते । तदाह -श्वयतेरिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'śvīditaḥ' is a fifth case (pañcamī) of the samāhāra-dvandva of śvi and īdit; 'na iṭ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from neḍ vaśi [kṛti]. Followed in sutra_en.
translator Only unnaḥ, uttaḥ (from undī kledane, ī-marked) illustrate this rule; with trāṇaḥ … hrītaḥ they are the examples of SK 3038 (n optional), resumed here after the 'undī' with which the kaumudī of SK 3038 breaks off (BM there: 'undī iti udāharaṇasūcanam'). No example from śvi is given.
translator No TB is printed on this sūtra (NSP p. 503 footnote band, scan page-0513, read): TB passes from SK 3038 to SK 3040. The TB lemma 'nunnaḥ nutta iti … aniditām iti nalopaḥ' at the end of sk.3038.t1 probably belongs to unnaḥ, uttaḥ here (see the note on SK 3038).
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom). The raw OCR repeats 'trāṇaḥ trātaḥ' for 'ghrāṇaḥ ghrātaḥ'; the scan has ghrāṇaḥ, ghrātaḥ.

SK 3040 · A 8.2.57V

न ध्याख्यापॄमूर्छिमदाम् ॥ ३०४० ॥

na dhyākhyāpṝmūrchimadām

na dhyākhyāpṝmūrchimadām — After dhyā, khyā, pṝ, mūrch and mad, [n does] not [replace the t of a niṣṭhā — 'niṣṭhātaḥ naḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from radābhyāṃ niṣṭhāto naḥ… (SK 3016), as the kaumudī's gloss shows].

Rule. After dhyā, khyā, pṝ, mūrch and mad, the niṣṭhā-t does not become n. Bhaṭṭoji: "after these there is no n for the t of a niṣṭhā".

Example.

dhyai + kta → ai becomes ā (SK 2370) → dhyā + ta

→ SK 3017 would give n; this rule blocks it → dhyātaḥ.

Likewise khyātaḥ.

pṝ + kta → no iṭ by śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381) → ṝ becomes ur (SK 2494) → pur + ta → the u is lengthened → pūrtaḥ.

mūrch + kta → rāl lopaḥ (SK 2655) drops the ch → mūr + ta → mūrtaḥ.

mad + kta → no iṭ, since madī is īdit (SK 3039) → mattaḥ.

In pūrtaḥ, mūrtaḥ and mattaḥ, SK 3016 would have given n. This rule stops it.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that mūrchā is ādit, so it takes no iṭ by SK 3036. Its u is lengthened by hali ca (SK 354).

Watch out. Which khyā is meant is disputed. One commentator takes it as khyā prakathane "to tell". The other holds that this root has no use before an ārdhadhātuka affix, so naming it adds nothing; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो निष्ठातस्य नत्वं न । ध्यातः । ख्यातः । पूर्तः । राल्लोपः SK 2655 । मूर्तः । मत्तः ॥

After these [dhātus] there is no n-substitution for the t of a niṣṭhā: dhyātaḥ, khyātaḥ, pūrtaḥ. [In mūrch + kta, the ch is dropped by] rāl lopaḥ (SK 2655): mūrtaḥ. mattaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 513–514

—न ध्या— ध्यै चिन्तायाम् । ख्या प्रकथने । पृ पालनपूरणयोः । मूर्च्छा मोहसमुच्छ्राययोः । मदी हर्षे ॥—पूर्त इति । ‘श्र्युकः किति’ इति इण् नेषेधः । लोपविधिं स्मारयति—राल्लोप इति ॥—मूर्त इति । ‘आदितश्च’ इति नेट् ॥—मत्त इति । ‘श्वीदितः’ इति नेट् ॥ वित्तेर्ज्ञानार्थकाद्विदेरिटा भाव्यं सत्तार्थकविदेर्विचारणार्थकविदेश्च भोगप्रत्यययोर्वृत्तिर्न संभवतीत्याशयेनाह—विन्दतेरिति । विद् लाभ इत्यस्येत्यर्थः । भुज्यत इति भोगः । प्रतीयत इति प्रत्यय इति कर्मसाधनावेताविति व्याचष्टे—भोग्ये प्रतीते चार्थ इति

Bālamanoramā

न ध्याख्यापॄमूर्छिमदाम् - न ध्याख्या । पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । तदाह — एभ्य इति । ध्यात इति । ध्यैधातोः क्तः । 'आदेचः' इत्यात्वम् । अत्र 'संयोगादेरातः' इति प्राप्तं नत्वं न । ख्यात इति । ख्याञादेशपक्षे यण्वत्त्वात् 'संयोगादेरातः' इति प्राप्तं नत्वं न । ख्शादेशस्य शस्य यत्वे तु यस्य णत्वप्रकरणगतस्याऽसिद्धत्वाद्यण्वत्त्वाऽभावात् 'संयोगादेरातः' इति नत्वस्य न प्रसक्तिः । स्वतः सिद्धख्याधातोस्तु आर्धधातुके प्रयोगो नाऽस्त्येवेति ख्याग्रहणं व्यर्थमेव । पूर्त इति । पृधातोः क्तः ।श्र्युकः किती॑ति नेट् ।उदोष्ठपूर्वस्ये॑ति उत्त्वं,रपरत्वम् । इहरदाभ्या॑मिति प्राप्तं नत्वं न । मुर्छाधातोः क्ते आह — राल्लोप इति । छस्य लोप इति भावः । मूर्त इति ।आदितश्चे॑ति नेट् । छलोपेरदाभ्या॑मिति प्राप्तं नत्वं न ।हलि चे॑ति दीर्घः । मत्त इति । 'मदी हर्षग्लेपनयोः' अस्मात् क्तः । 'श्वीदितः' इति नेट् । अत्ररदाभ्या॑मिति प्राप्तं नत्वं न ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sixth case (ṣaṣṭhī) stands for the fifth (pañcamī), hence the kaumudī's 'ebhyaḥ'. Followed: 'After …'.
commentary BM: dhyātaḥ: dhyai + kta, ā by ādeca upadeśe 'śiti (SK 2370); the n due by saṃyogāder ātaḥ… (SK 3017) does not come. khyātaḥ: in the option where khyāñ is the substitute [for cakṣ, by cakṣiṅaḥ khyāñ, SK 2436], the root is yaṇvat, so SK 3017 would give n, which does not come; where the ś of the substitute kśā becomes y, that y, belonging to the ṇatva section, is asiddha, so the root is not yaṇvat and SK 3017 never applies; the independently established dhātu khyā has no use in the ārdhadhātuka at all, so the mention of khyā is in fact superfluous. pūrtaḥ: pṝ + kta, no iṭ by śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381), ut by udoṣṭhyapūrvasya (SK 2494) with r following; the n due by radābhyām (SK 3016) does not come. 'rāl lopaḥ': the ch is dropped. mūrtaḥ: no iṭ by āditaś ca (SK 3036); after ch-deletion the n due by radābhyām does not come; lengthening by hali ca (SK 354). mattaḥ: madī harṣaglepanayoḥ + kta, no iṭ by śvīditaḥ (SK 3039); the n due by radābhyām does not come. Followed: the bracketed supplement before 'rāl lopaḥ'.
commentary TB, sk.3040.t1: the roots are dhyai cintāyām, khyā prakathane, pṝ pālanapūraṇayoḥ, mūrchā mohasamucchrāyayoḥ, madī harṣe [-glepanayoḥ]; pūrtaḥ: iṭ blocked by śryukaḥ kiti; 'rāl lopaḥ' reminds us of the deletion rule; mūrtaḥ: no iṭ by āditaś ca; mattaḥ: no iṭ by śvīditaḥ. Followed: the bracketed supplement before 'rāl lopaḥ'.
translator TB and BM differ on khyā: TB identifies it as khyā prakathane, while BM holds that this independent khyā has no ārdhadhātuka use and that the mention of khyā is superfluous. Both recorded; the English just gives khyātaḥ (§16).
textual Print (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, at zoom) spells the sūtra 'na dhyākhyāpṝmūrcchimadām' (rcch); ours 'mūrchi' (spelling only; collation batch06 class A).

SK 3041 · A 8.2.58V

वित्तो भोगप्रत्यययोः ॥ ३०४१ ॥

vitto bhogapratyayayoḥ

vittaḥ bhogapratyayayoḥ — vitta [is an irregular form (nipātana)] in the senses bhoga ('what is enjoyed') and pratyaya ('what is known').

Rule. vitta is a nipātana: the niṣṭhā form of vindati (vid lābhe "to obtain"). It holds in two senses: "what is enjoyed" (bhoga) and "what is known" (pratyaya). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains pratyaya as "well known".

Example.

vid + kta → vid + ta → kept by nipātana → vittaṃ dhanam "wealth", what is enjoyed.

vittaḥ puruṣaḥ "a well-known man".

In other senses → vinnaḥ "obtained".

Applies when / blocked by. Why no iṭ? Bhaṭṭoji: vid lābhe takes iṭ optionally before kvasu, by SK 3099. kvasu is a past participle affix taught later in this chapter (SK 3095). A root that is optionally seṭ anywhere takes no iṭ before a niṣṭhā (yasya vibhāṣā, SK 3025). One commentator adds that SK 2246 gives the same result.

Watch out. Which n does the nipātana set aside? One commentator says the optional n of SK 3038. The other frames the rule against all the vid roots: vid jñāne must take iṭ, and the other two are not used in these senses. That is why Bhaṭṭoji says vindateḥ. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विन्दतेर्निष्ठातस्य निपातोऽयं भोग्ये प्रतीते चार्थे । वित्तं धनम् । वित्तः पुरुषः । अनयोः किम् । विन्न । विभाषा गमहन -SK 3099 इति क्वसौ वेट्त्वादिह नेट् ॥

This is a nipātana of the niṣṭhā-ending [form] of vindati [vid lābhe, "to obtain"], when the sense is "to be enjoyed" or "known": vittaṃ dhanam, "wealth"; vittaḥ puruṣaḥ, "a well-known man". Why "in these two [senses]"? vinnaḥ ["obtained"]. Since [vid lābhe] takes iṭ optionally before kvasu by vibhāṣā gamahana… (SK 3099), there is no iṭ here [before the niṣṭhā, by yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025)].

Bālamanoramā

वित्तो भोगप्रत्यययोः - वित्तो भोग । भुज्यत इति भोगः — भोग्यम् । प्रतीयते इति प्रत्ययः — प्रख्यातः । अत्र विन्दतेरेव ग्रहणमिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । तदाह — विन्दतेरिति । निपातोयमिति । 'नुदविदोन्दे' ति प्राप्तस्य पाक्षिकनत्वस्य अभावनिपातनमित्यर्थः । तस्य भोगप्रत्यययोः कदाऽपि नत्वं नेत्यर्थः । प्रतीते इति । प्रख्याते इत्यर्थः । वित्तः पुरुष इति । प्रख्यात इत्यर्थः । विन्न इति । लब्धश्चोरादिरित्यर्थः । अत्रयस्य विभाषे॑ति इण्निषेधमुपपादयति — विभाषा गमेति । 'एकाच' इति निषेधाच्चेत्यपि बोध्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: bhoga = what is enjoyed (bhogya); pratyaya = what is known, i.e. well known (prakhyāta); the Bhāṣya makes clear that only vindati is meant here. Followed: the glosses in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3040.t1: vid jñāne must take iṭ, and vid sattāyām and vid vicāraṇe do not occur (vṛttir na saṃbhavati) in the senses bhoga and pratyaya; hence the kaumudī says 'vindateḥ', i.e. vid lābhe (our OCR's 'varjitaṃ saṃbhavati' is a garble of the print's 'vṛttir na saṃbhavati', NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, last TB line, partly under the watermark). bhoga = 'what is enjoyed', pratyaya = 'what is known': both are object-forms (karmasādhana), hence 'bhogye pratīte ca'. Followed: '[vid lābhe]' and the passive glosses.
commentary BM: 'nipāto 'yam' means it is a nipātana of the absence of the optional n due by nudavidonda… (SK 3038): in the senses bhoga and pratyaya there is never n. 'pratīte' = prakhyāte; vittaḥ puruṣaḥ = prakhyātaḥ; vinnaḥ = labdhaḥ ('obtained'; the rest of the phrase, 'cor/cārādiḥ', is garbled in ours and Wikisource). Recorded: the English keeps Bhaṭṭoji's 'nipātana' without specifying which n-rule it sets aside.
commentary BM: with 'vibhāṣā gama…' Bhaṭṭoji justifies the iṭ-prohibition by yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025); it also follows from the prohibition in ekāca [upadeśe 'nudāttāt] (SK 2246). Followed: '[by yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025)]'.
translator BM ties the nipātana to SK 3038, although the kaumudī of SK 3038 restricts 'vid' there to the rudh-class vid vicāraṇe and vid lābhe is here the root meant; TB instead frames the rule against all the vid roots. The two framings are recorded without being harmonized (§16).
textual Ours reads 'vindater niṣṭhātasya nipāto 'yam' (of the t of the niṣṭhā); the print reads 'niṣṭhāntasya' (of the niṣṭhā-ending [form]) (NSP p. 503, scan page-0513, read at zoom; collation batch06; Wikisource also 'niṣṭhāntasya'). The English follows the print. Ours 'vinna' for print 'vinnaḥ' (dropped visarga; scan confirms ḥ). The raw OCR's 'vedatvād iha neda' is OCR noise; the scan has 'veṭtvād iha neṭ' as ours.

SK 3042 · A 8.2.59V

भित्तं शकलम् ॥ ३०४२ ॥

bhittaṃ śakalam

bhittaṃ śakalam — bhitta [without n for the t of the niṣṭhā, is an irregular form (nipātana)] meaning 'a fragment' (śakala).

Rule. bhitta, with no n for the niṣṭhā-t of bhid, is a nipātana meaning "a fragment" (śakala). Bhaṭṭoji: "elsewhere, bhinnam".

Example.

bhid + kta → bhid + ta → no n, by this nipātana → bhittam "a fragment".

Elsewhere → n for both t and d (SK 3016) → bhinnam "split".

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says bhitta is rūḍha, a word fixed by usage. It means a fragment without regard to the sense "split". So bhitta and śakala are synonyms and are not used together. When the action of splitting is meant, the form is bhinnam.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भिन्नमन्यत् ॥

Elsewhere [the form is] bhinnam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 514

—भित्तं शकलम् । भिदेः के ‘रदाभ्याम्’ इति प्राप्तनत्वस्याभावो निपात्यते । ‘भित्तं शकलखण्डे वा’ इत्यमरः ॥—भिन्नमन्यदिति । विदीर्णमित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

भित्तं शकलम् - भित्तं शकलम् । शकले वाच्ये भिदेः क्तस्य नत्वाऽभावो निपात्यते । शकलत्वजातिविशिष्टेऽवयवार्थमनपेक्ष्य रूढोऽयम् । ततश्च भित्तशकलयोः पर्यायत्वान्न सहप्रयोगः । भिदिक्रियाविवक्षायां तुभित्तं भिन्न॑मिति भवतीति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when śakala is to be denoted, the absence of n for the kta after bhid is irregularly prescribed (nipātyate). The word is conventional (rūḍha), denoting what has the generic property of being a śakala without regard to its etymological sense; so bhitta and śakala are synonyms and are not used together. When the action of bhid is meant, the form is bhinnam, as the Bhāṣya makes clear. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.3042.t1: for bhid + kta, the absence of the n due by radābhyām (SK 3016) is irregularly prescribed; Amara: 'bhittaṃ śakalakhaṇḍe vā'. On 'bhinnam anyat': bhinnam = vidīrṇam ('split'). Followed in sutra_en.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom).

SK 3043 · A 8.2.60V

ऋणमाधमर्ण्ये ॥ ३०४३ ॥

ṛṇamādhamarṇye

ṛṇam ādhamarṇye — ṛṇa [with n for the t of kta, is an irregular form (nipātana)] in [the context of] debt (ādhamarṇya).

Rule. After the root ṛ, n replaces the t of kta in the context of debt. Bhaṭṭoji glosses it "in a debtor's transaction". Elsewhere the form is ṛtam.

Example.

ṛ + kta → ṛ + ta → by nipātana, n → ṛṇam "debt".

Elsewhere → ṛtam, which one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses "true".

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator describes the transaction. Another's property is taken and is to be repaid within a time, with interest. The other commentator explains Bhaṭṭoji's gloss. "Debt" here stands by secondary signification (lakṣaṇā) for the whole transaction. A transaction links giver and taker, so the word for the creditor, uttamarṇa (SK 573), is also accounted for.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ऋधातोः क्ते तकारस्य नत्वं निपात्यते अधमर्णव्यवहारे । ऋतमन्यत् ॥

For the t of kta after the dhātu ṛ, n-substitution is irregularly prescribed (nipātyate) in a debtor's transaction (adhamarṇavyavahāra). Elsewhere [the form is] ṛtam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 514

—ऋणमाधमर्ण्ये । अधमं दुःखप्रदमृणमस्य सोऽधमर्णः तस्य भाव आधमर्ण्यं तेन व्यवहारविशेषो लक्ष्यते । ततश्च उत्तमर्णोऽपि सिध्यतीत्याशयेन व्याचष्टे—अधमर्णव्यवहार इति । स व्यवहारो दातृग्रहीत्रोः संबन्धो भवतीत्युत्तमर्णेऽपि प्रयोगो न विरुध्यते । लक्षणायां तु ‘धारेरुत्तमर्णः’ इति निर्देशो लिङ्गम्

Bālamanoramā

ऋणमाधमर्ण्ये - ऋणमाधमर्ण्ये । अधमर्णस्य कर्म - आधमर्ण्यम् । आधमर्ण्यव्यवहारे इति । स च अन्यदीयं द्रव्यं गृहीतमियता कालेन इयत्या वृद्ध्या प्रतिदीयते इति संविद्रूपः, तस्मिन्विषये इत्यर्थः । ऋतमन्यदिति । सत्यमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ādhamarṇya = the act of the debtor (adhamarṇa); the transaction is the agreement that another's property, once taken, is to be repaid within such a time with such interest, and the rule applies in that domain. ṛtam [elsewhere] = 'true' (satya). Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3043.t1: adhamarṇa is 'one whose debt is low (adhama), i.e. distressing'; ādhamarṇya is his state, and by implication (lakṣaṇā) denotes a particular transaction; Bhaṭṭoji glosses it 'adhamarṇavyavahāre' with this in mind, so that uttamarṇa ('creditor') is also accounted for, since the transaction is a relation between giver and taker; the evidence for the lakṣaṇā is Pāṇini's own wording dhārer uttamarṇaḥ (SK 573). Followed: 'a debtor's transaction' rather than 'the debtor's state'.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom).

SK 3044 · A 6.1.22V

स्फायः स्फी निष्ठायाम् ॥ ३०४४ ॥

sphāyaḥ sphī niṣṭhāyām

sphāyaḥ sphī niṣṭhāyām — sphī replaces sphāy when a niṣṭhā follows.

Rule. sphī replaces sphāy before a niṣṭhā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the root sphāyī vṛddhau "to grow".

Example.

sphāy + kta → this rule: sphī for sphāy → sphī + ta → sphītaḥ "grown".

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator meets an objection: how then is sphītikāma formed? From the ṇic-stem of "sphītam ācaṣṭe" ("he calls it grown"), with the uṇādi affix i (by aca iḥ).

Watch out. This rule's word niṣṭhāyām "before a niṣṭhā" is carried elsewhere. One commentator carries it back to SK 3033 and on to SK 3072.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्फीतः ॥

sphītaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 514

—स्फायः स्फी—स्फायी वृद्धौ । कथं तर्हि स्फीतिकामं इति । स्फीतमाचष्टे इति ण्यन्तादच इः, अल्लोपणिलोपौ ॥—यस्येति । ‘निरः कुषः’ इति विकल्पितेट्त्वादिति भावः ॥—उषित इति । यजादित्वात्संप्रसारणम् । ‘शासिवसि’—इति षः । वसतीति शपा निर्देशः स्पष्टार्थः । वस्तेः सेट्त्वाद्भवितव्यमेवेटा ॥—क्षुधित इति । एवं च ‘तस्यालमेषा क्षुधितस्य’ इति प्रयोगो निर्वाध एवेति क्षुधेर्धातोर्भावे किपि ‘तारकादित्वादितच्’ इति धातुवृत्तिषु यदुक्तं तन्नादर्तव्यम् । समानन्यायतया क्रुधितादावुपयोक्ष्यत इति वा कथंचिन्नेयम् ॥—अञ्चेः—उदित्त्वात् क्त्वायां विकल्पे प्राप्ते निष्ठायां ‘यस्य विभाषा’ इति निषेधे प्राप्ते वचनम् ॥—अञ्चित इति । ‘नाञ्चेः पूजायाम्’ इति नलोपनिषेधः ॥—अक्त इति । ‘अनिदिताम्’—इति नलोपः

Bālamanoramā

स्फायः स्फी निष्ठायाम् - स्फायः स्फी । 'स्फायी वृद्धौ' अस्य स्फीभावः स्यान्निष्ठायां परत इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the dhātu is sphāyī vṛddhau ('to grow'); sphī replaces it when a niṣṭhā follows. Followed in sutra_en ('when … follows').
commentary TB, sk.3044.t1: sphāyī vṛddhau. Objection: then how [is the form] sphītikāma? Answer: from the ṇic-stem of 'sphītam ācaṣṭe' ('he calls [it] grown'), by [the uṇādi rule] aca iḥ (affix i after a vowel-final base), with deletion of the a and of ṇi. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom). sk.3044.t1 also carries TB on SK 3045, 3046 and 3047.

SK 3045 · A 7.2.47V

इण्निष्ठायाम् ॥ ३०४५ ॥

iṇniṣṭhāyām

iṭ niṣṭhāyām — [After kuṣ preceded by nir — 'niraḥ kuṣaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2560, per BM], iṭ [obligatorily — the anuvṛtti of 'vā' from svaratisūti… (SK 2279) is stopped by the restatement of 'iṭ', per BM] comes to a niṣṭhā.

Rule. After kuṣ preceded by nir, iṭ comes to a niṣṭhā. Bhaṭṭoji: "after kuṣ preceded by nir, iṭ comes to a niṣṭhā". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the words "after nir-kuṣ" carry forward from niraḥ kuṣaḥ (SK 2560).

Example.

nir + kuṣ + kta → nir + kuṣ + ta

→ this rule: iṭ → nir + kuṣ + i + ta

→ niṣkuṣitaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the rule needed? iṭ already comes by SK 2184. But SK 2560 makes nir-kuṣ take iṭ only optionally before tṛc and the like. Then yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025) would ban iṭ before the niṣṭhā. Bhaṭṭoji: "a renewed prescription, since the ban by yasya vibhāṣā would apply". One commentator adds that the iṭ is obligatory. Restating the word iṭ stops the word "optionally" from carrying on from SK 2279.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji himself does not say "obligatorily" here. The point comes from his commentator.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

निरः कुषो निष्ठाया इट् स्यात् । यस्य विभाषा SK 3025 इति निषेधे प्राप्ते पुनर्विधिः । निष्कुषितः ॥

After kuṣ preceded by nir, iṭ comes to a niṣṭhā. This is a renewed prescription (punarvidhi), since the prohibition by yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025) would [otherwise] apply: niṣkuṣitaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

इण्निष्ठायाम् - इण्निष्ठायाम् । 'निरः कुषः' इति सूत्रमनुवर्तते । तदाह — निर इति । ननुआर्धधातुकस्ये॑डित्येव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदं सूत्रमित्यत आह — यस्येति । कुषधातोस्तृजादौ 'निरः कुषः' इति पूर्वसूत्रेण वेट्कत्वात्यस्य विभाषे॑ति प्राप्तस्येण्निषेधस्य बाधनार्थं पुनरिह विधानमित्यर्थः । इडित्यनुवर्तमाने पुनरिड्ग्रहणं तुस्वरतिसूती॑त्यतो वाग्रहणानुवृत्तिनिवृत्तये ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra niraḥ kuṣaḥ is carried forward (anuvṛtti). Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: Objection: iṭ is already established by ārdhadhātukasyeḍ valādeḥ (SK 2184), so what is this sūtra for? Answer: kuṣ takes iṭ optionally before tṛc etc. by the preceding sūtra niraḥ kuṣaḥ, so the iṭ-prohibition of yasya vibhāṣā would apply [before the niṣṭhā]; the re-prescription here is to set that aside. Restating 'iṭ' while 'iṭ' is still being carried forward serves to stop the anuvṛtti of 'vā' from svaratisūti… (SK 2279) [so the iṭ is obligatory]. Followed: '[otherwise]' in k1 and '[obligatorily …]' in sutra_en (the kaumudī itself does not say nityam).
commentary TB, printed under sk.3044.t1, on 'yasya': because [iṭ] is made optional by niraḥ kuṣaḥ. Followed (agrees with BM).
textual The print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom) appears to read 'kupo' and 'niṣkupitaḥ'; in this type ṣ and p are not distinguishable at scan resolution (the same page's 'upitaḥ' under SK 3046 is certainly uṣitaḥ), and BM, TB and the sūtra niraḥ kuṣaḥ require kuṣ. Ours followed (collation batch07: clean).

SK 3046 · A 7.2.52V

वसतिक्षुधोरिट् ॥ ३०४६ ॥

vasatikṣudhoriṭ

vasatikṣudhoḥ iṭ — After vas (vasati) and kṣudh, iṭ [comes, obligatorily, to ktvā and a niṣṭhā — 'ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from kliśaḥ ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ (SK 3049), per BM].

Rule. After vas "to dwell" (vasati) and kṣudh, iṭ comes to ktvā and to a niṣṭhā. Bhaṭṭoji says the iṭ is obligatory (nityam). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "ktvā and a niṣṭhā" from SK 3049, which the SK teaches later.

Example.

vas + kta → this rule: iṭ → vas + i + ta

→ saṃprasāraṇa, since vas is in the yaj group (SK 2409) → us + i + ta

→ ṣ for s by SK 2410 → uṣitaḥ.

kṣudh + kta → kṣudh + i + ta → kṣudhitaḥ.

Both commentators give the steps of uṣitaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator says what this rule overrides. Both roots would be aniṭ by ekāca upadeśe 'nudāttāt (SK 2246). The other explains the name vasati, with its class sign. The vas of the ad class (vaste) is seṭ and takes iṭ anyway.

Watch out. One commentator defends kṣudhitaḥ as a plain kta form. He rejects a derivation with the affix itac, given in a work on the roots.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आभ्यां क्त्वानिष्ठयोर्नित्यमिट् स्यात् । उषितः । क्षुधितः ॥

After these two [dhātus], iṭ comes obligatorily to ktvā and a niṣṭhā: uṣitaḥ, kṣudhitaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

वसतिक्षुधोरिट् - वसतिक्षुधोरिट् । पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । क्त्वानिष्ठयोरिति ।क्लिशः क्त्वानिष्ठयो॑रित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । नित्यमिति । इडित्यनुवर्तमाने पुनरिड्ग्रहणस्यस्वरतिसूती॑त्यतो वाग्रहणानुवृत्तिनिवृत्त्यर्थत्वादिति भावः । 'एकाच उपदेश' इति इण्निषेधबाधनार्थमिदं सूत्रम् । उषित इति । यजादित्वात्संप्रसारणम्,शासिवसिघसीनां चे॑ति षः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sixth case (ṣaṣṭhī) stands for the fifth (pañcamī); 'ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from kliśaḥ ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ; 'nityam' because restating 'iṭ' while 'iṭ' is being carried forward serves to stop the anuvṛtti of 'vā' from svaratisūti… (SK 2279); the sūtra serves to set aside the iṭ-prohibition of ekāca upadeśe ['nudāttāt] (SK 2246). Followed in sutra_en ('After', '[obligatorily, to ktvā and a niṣṭhā]').
commentary BM: uṣitaḥ: saṃprasāraṇa because vas belongs to the yaj group [vacisvapiyajādīnāṃ kiti, SK 2409]; ṣ by śāsivasighasīnāṃ ca (SK 2410). Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3044.t1: uṣitaḥ: saṃprasāraṇa as a yaj-group root, ṣ by śāsivasi…; 'vasati' is named with śap only for clarity, since vas [of the ad class, vaste] is seṭ and takes iṭ anyway. kṣudhitaḥ: hence 'tasyālam eṣā kṣudhitasya' is a sound usage, and what the Dhātuvṛtti says — kṣudh + kvip in the bhāva sense, then itac because [kṣudh-] is in the tārakādi list — should not be accepted; or it may somehow be construed as serving krudhita and the like by the same reasoning. Followed: 'vas (vasati)' in sutra_en.
translator kliśaḥ ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ (A 7.2.50) precedes this sūtra (A 7.2.52) in the Aṣṭādhyāyī, though Bhaṭṭoji places it later, at SK 3049; hence BM can speak of its anuvṛtti here.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom); the print's 'upitaḥ' is the ṣ/p resolution limit of the type (see SK 3045).

SK 3047 · A 7.2.53V

अञ्चेः पूजायाम् ॥ ३०४७ ॥

añceḥ pūjāyām

añceḥ pūjāyām — After añc in the sense of honouring (pūjā), [iṭ comes to ktvā and a niṣṭhā — 'iṭ' and 'ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti), as the kaumudī's gloss shows].

Rule. After añc in the sense "to honour" (pūjā), iṭ comes to ktvā and to a niṣṭhā. Bhaṭṭoji: "after añc meaning to honour, iṭ comes to ktvā and a niṣṭhā".

Example.

añc + kta (honour) → this rule: iṭ → añc + i + ta → añcitaḥ.

In the sense of going → no iṭ → the nasal is lost (SK 415) → ac + ta → k for c (coḥ kuḥ, SK 378) → aktaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say why the rule is needed. añc is marked with u. So udito vā (SK 3328) would make iṭ optional before ktvā. And yasya vibhāṣā would ban it before a niṣṭhā. Both also say why añcitaḥ keeps its nasal: nāñceḥ pūjāyām (SK 424) forbids its loss.

Watch out. Unlike SK 3046 and SK 3048, Bhaṭṭoji does not say "obligatorily" here.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूजार्थादञ्चेः क्त्वानिष्ठयोरिट् स्यात् । अञ्चितः । गतौ तु अक्तः ॥

After añc meaning "to honour", iṭ comes to ktvā and a niṣṭhā: añcitaḥ. But in the sense of going, aktaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

अञ्चेः पूजायाम् - अञ्चेः पूजायाम् ।उदितो वे॑ति क्त्वायां विकल्पे प्राप्ते, निष्ठायां तुयस्य विभाषे॑ति निषेधे प्राप्ते वचनम् । अञ्चित इति ।नाऽञ्चेः पूजाया॑मिति नलोपनिषेधः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: since udito vā (SK 3328) would make iṭ optional before ktvā, and yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025) would prohibit it before a niṣṭhā, this statement is made. añcitaḥ: deletion of the n is prohibited by nāñceḥ pūjāyām (SK 424). Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3044.t1: being u-marked, [añc] would take iṭ optionally before ktvā, and before a niṣṭhā the prohibition by yasya vibhāṣā would apply; hence the statement. añcitaḥ: n-deletion prohibited by nāñceḥ pūjāyām; aktaḥ: n-deletion by aniditām… (SK 415). Recorded (agrees with BM).
translator Neither commentator names the source of the anuvṛtti here; the kaumudī's gloss supplies 'iṭ' and 'ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ', presumably as under SK 3046 (iṭ from the preceding sūtras, ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ from SK 3049). Unlike SK 3046 and 3048, the kaumudī does not say 'nityam' here, and none is added.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom).

SK 3048 · A 7.2.54V

लुभो विमोहने ॥ ३०४८ ॥

lubho vimohane

lubhaḥ vimohane — After lubh in the sense of bewildering (vimohana), [iṭ comes, obligatorily, to ktvā and a niṣṭhā — carried forward (anuvṛtti), as the kaumudī's gloss shows].

Rule. After lubh in the sense "to bewilder" (vimohana), iṭ comes to ktvā and to a niṣṭhā. Bhaṭṭoji: the iṭ is obligatory, "but not in the sense of greed".

Example.

lubh + kta (bewilder) → this rule: iṭ → lubh + i + ta → lubhitaḥ "bewildered".

In the sense of greed → lubdhaḥ "greedy".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators separates two roots. lubh vimohane is of the tud class; lubh gārdhye "to be greedy" is of the div class. Only the first is meant here. Both commentators say why the rule is needed. tīṣasaha… (SK 2340) would make iṭ optional before ktvā. yasya vibhāṣā would then ban it before a niṣṭhā.

Watch out. One commentator adds that lubdhaḥ "desirous" has kta in the agent. He cites SK 3089 (group III.M) for this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लुभः क्त्वानिष्ठयोर्नित्यमिट् स्यान्नतु गार्ध्ये । लुभितः । गार्ध्ये तु लुब्धः ॥

After lubh, iṭ comes obligatorily to ktvā and a niṣṭhā, but not in the sense of greed (gārdhya): lubhitaḥ ["bewildered"]. But in the sense of greed, lubdhaḥ ["greedy"].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 514

—लुभो—‘तीषसह’—इति क्त्वायां विकल्पे निष्ठायां निषेधे च प्राप्ते वचनम्

Bālamanoramā

लुभो विमोहने - लुभो विमोहने । 'लुभ' इति पञ्चमी । 'लुभ विमोहने' तुदादिः ।विमोहनं व्याकुलीकरण॑मिति वृत्तिः । 'लुभ गार्ध्ये' दिवादिः । अत्र तौदादिकस्यैव ग्रहणं, तस्यैव विमोहनार्थकत्वात् । नतु दैवादिकस्य, तस्य गार्ध्यार्थकत्वात् । तदाह — न तु गार्ध्ये इति ।तीषसहे॑ति क्त्वायां विकल्पे प्राप्ते, निष्ठायां तुयस्य विभाषे॑ति निषेधे प्राप्ते वचनम् । लुभित इति । विमोहित इत्यर्थः । गार्ध्ये तु लुब्ध इति । अभिकाङ्क्षवानित्यर्थः ।मतिबुद्धिपूजार्थेभ्यश्चे॑ति कर्तरि क्तः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'lubhaḥ' is a fifth case (pañcamī). lubh vimohane is of the tud class; the Vṛtti glosses vimohana as 'confusing' (vyākulīkaraṇa); lubh gārdhye is of the div class. Only the tud-class root is taken, since it alone means vimohana, not the div-class root, which means greed; hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'na tu gārdhye'. Followed: 'After', and the sense restriction.
commentary BM: since tīṣasaha… (SK 2340) would make iṭ optional before ktvā, and yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025) would prohibit it before a niṣṭhā, this statement is made. lubhitaḥ = vimohitaḥ; lubdhaḥ = 'desirous' (abhikāṅkṣavān), kta in the agent sense by matibuddhipūjārthebhyaś ca (SK 3089). Followed: the glosses of the examples.
commentary TB, sk.3048.t1: the statement is made because tīṣasaha… would give an option before ktvā and the prohibition [of yasya vibhāṣā] would apply before a niṣṭhā. Recorded (agrees with BM).
textual The print reads the sūtra 'lubho 'vimohane' with an avagraha (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom; collation batch07 class V). That reading ('not in the sense of bewildering') contradicts the print's own kaumudī, which gives iṭ for lubh in the sense of vimohana (lubhitaḥ, which BM glosses vimohitaḥ) and none in the sense of greed; BM reads 'vimohane' and argues for the tud-class root in that sense, while TB's lemma 'lubho—' is neutral between the two readings. Ours ('lubho vimohane') is followed as the sense of the print's own gloss; the avagraha is taken as a misprint. BM's pratīka in ours reads 'lubho vimocane', a slip (its text then repeats 'lubho vimohane').

SK 3049 · A 7.2.50V

क्लिशः क्त्वानिष्ठयोः ॥ ३०४९ ॥

kliśaḥ ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ

kliśaḥ ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ — After kliś, before ktvā and a niṣṭhā, [iṭ comes optionally — 'vā' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from svaratisūtisūyatidhūñūdito vā (SK 2279), per BM].

Rule. After kliś, iṭ is optional before ktvā and a niṣṭhā. Bhaṭṭoji supplies "iṭ is optional". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "optionally" from SK 2279.

Example.

kliś + kta → with iṭ → kliśitaḥ.

Without iṭ → kliṣṭaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says what the option does for each of two roots. For kliśa upatāpe "to be afflicted", iṭ would be obligatory. One commentator names SK 2184 for that. For kliśū vibādhane "to torment", the option before ktvā already exists. The root is marked with ū, and SK 2279 gives it. But before a niṣṭhā, yasya vibhāṣā would ban iṭ. This rule gives the option there too.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इड्वा स्यात् । क्लिश उपतापे नित्यं प्राप्ते । क्लिशू विबाधने । अस्य क्त्वायां विकल्पे सिद्धेऽपि निष्ठायां निषेधे प्राप्ते विकल्पः । क्लिशितः । क्लिष्टः ॥

iṭ is optional. [This applies to] kliśa upatāpe ("to be afflicted"), where [iṭ] would apply obligatorily. [As for] kliśū vibādhane ("to torment"): for this [root], although the option before ktvā is [already] established, the option [is prescribed here] because before a niṣṭhā the prohibition [of iṭ] would apply: kliśitaḥ, kliṣṭaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

क्लिशः क्त्वानिष्ठयोः - क्लिशः क्त्वानिष्ठयोः ।इड्वा स्या॑दिति शेषः ।स्वरति सूती॑त्यतो वेत्यनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । नित्यं प्राप्त इति ।आर्धधातुकस्येड्वलादे॑रित्यनेनेति भावः । विकल्पे सिद्ध इति । ऊदित्त्वादिति भावः । निष्ठायां निषेधे प्राप्ते इति ।यस्य विभाषे॑त्यनेनेति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'iḍ vā syāt' is the supplement (śeṣa), because 'vā' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from svaratisūti… (SK 2279). Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'nityaṃ prāpte' — [iṭ would apply obligatorily] by ārdhadhātukasyeḍ valādeḥ (SK 2184); 'vikalpe siddhe' — [the option before ktvā is established] because [kliśū] has the marker ū (ūdittva, SK 2279); 'niṣṭhāyāṃ niṣedhe prāpte' — [the prohibition before a niṣṭhā] by yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025). Followed: the bracketed '[iṭ]', '[already]' and '[of iṭ]'.
textual No TB on this sūtra in the print: the TB band of NSP p. 504 (scan page-0514, read) passes from lubho… (SK 3048) to pūṅaś ca (SK 3050). Ours agrees with the print's kaumudī (collation batch07: clean; the raw OCR's 'iṅgā', 'vivādhane', 'nipedhe' are OCR misreadings of 'iḍvā', 'vibādhane', 'niṣedhe').

SK 3050 · A 7.2.51V

पूङश्च ॥ ३०५० ॥

pūṅaśca

pūṅaś ca — After pūṅ also, [before ktvā and a niṣṭhā — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from kliśaḥ ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ (SK 3049) — iṭ comes optionally — 'iṭ' carried forward from iṇ niṣṭhāyām (SK 3045), 'vā' from svaratisūti… (SK 2279), per BM].

Rule. After pūṅ too, iṭ is optional before ktvā and a niṣṭhā. One commentator lists the words carried forward. "ktvā and a niṣṭhā" come from SK 3049. "iṭ" comes from SK 3045. "Optionally" comes from SK 2279.

Example.

pū + kta → with iṭ → pū + i + ta.

Without iṭ → pū + ta.

The finished forms, pavitaḥ and pūtaḥ, come under the next rule.

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators say what this overrides. śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381) would ban iṭ before a kit affix after pū.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूङः क्त्वानिष्ठयोरिड्वा स्यात् ॥

After pūṅ, iṭ comes optionally before ktvā and a niṣṭhā.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 514

—पूङश्च । ‘श्र्युकः किति’ इति निषेधे प्राप्ते वचनम्

Bālamanoramā

पूङश्च - पूङश्च । क्त्वानिष्ठयोरिति ।क्लिशः क्त्वानिष्ठयो॑रित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । इड्वेति ।स्वरतिसूती॑त्यतो वाग्रहणस्य ,इण्निष्ठाया॑मित्यत इडित्यस्य चाऽनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । 'श्र्युकः' इति निषेधे प्राप्ते विकल्पोऽयम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ' because it is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from kliśaḥ ktvāniṣṭhayoḥ (SK 3049); 'iḍ vā' because 'vā' is carried forward from svaratisūti… (SK 2279) and 'iṭ' from iṇ niṣṭhāyām (SK 3045). This option [is prescribed] where the prohibition by śryukaḥ [kiti] (SK 2381) would apply. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.3050.t1: the statement is made because the prohibition by śryukaḥ kiti would apply. Recorded (agrees with BM; the TB OCR reads 'bhrukaḥ kiti' for śryukaḥ kiti, scan page-0514).
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514; collation batch07: clean).

SK 3051 · A 1.2.22अकित्त्वातिदेशः

पूङः क्त्वा च ॥ ३०५१ ॥

pūṅaḥ ktvā ca

pūṅaḥ ktvā ca — After pūṅ, ktvā [and a niṣṭhā — 'niṣṭhā' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from niṣṭhā śīṅsvidi… (SK 3052) —, when with iṭ (seṭ), are not kit — 'na seṭ' carried forward from na ktvā seṭ (SK 3322), 'kit' from asaṃyogāl liṭ kit (SK 2242), per BM].

Rule. After pūṅ, a ktvā and a niṣṭhā that have iṭ are not kit. Bhaṭṭoji: "after pūṅ, a seṭ ktvā and niṣṭhā are not kit". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "niṣṭhā" from SK 3052, the next rule in the SK.

Example.

pū + kta → with iṭ (SK 3050) → pū + i + ta

→ this rule: not kit, so guṇa → po + i + ta

→ o becomes av before a vowel (SK 61) → pavitaḥ.

Without iṭ the affix stays kit, and there is no guṇa → pūtaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. A seṭ ktvā is already not kit by na ktvā seṭ. So why name ktvā here? Bhaṭṭoji: "for the following rule". In nopadhāt… (SK 3324) only ktvā is to carry on. The two commentators give different reasons why the niṣṭhā does not carry on; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूङः क्त्वा निष्ठा च सेट् किन्न स्यात् । पवितः । पूतः । क्त्वाग्रहणमुत्तरार्थम् । नोपधात् - SK 3324 इत्यत्र हि क्त्वैव संबध्यते ॥

After pūṅ, ktvā and a niṣṭhā, when with iṭ (seṭ), are not kit: pavitaḥ; pūtaḥ. The mention of ktvā [in this sūtra] is for the sake of the following [rule]: for in nopadhāt… (SK 3324) only ktvā is connected.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 514–515

—पूङः क्त्वा च । ‘न क्त्वा सेट्’ इत्यनेनैव सिद्धे क्त्वाग्रहणमिह व्यर्थमित्यत आह—उत्तरार्थमिति ॥—क्त्वैवेति । नतु निष्ठा चानुकृष्टत्वादिति भावः ॥—शेक्ष्यित इति । ‘एरनेकाचः’—इति यण् ॥—आदिकर्मणीति । आद्येषु क्षणेषु भूतेषु सर्वस्याः क्रियाया भूतत्वाभावान्निष्ठा न प्राप्नोतीति वचनम् । आदिकर्मणि क्तस्य कर्तरि विधानार्थं चेत्याहुः ॥—चादिति । अन्यथा तक्रकौण्डिन्यन्यायेन भावकर्मणोर्न स्यादिति भावः ॥—प्रस्वेदित इति । प्रशब्द आदिकर्मद्योतनार्थः, स्वेदितमि-त्यादि भावे ॥—भ्वादिरत्रेति । ‘ञिष्विदा स्नेहनमोचनयोः’ इति पठितः ॥—स्विद्यतेस्त्विति । ‘ञिष्विदा गात्रप्रक्षरणे’ इति दिवादिषु पठितस्य स्विदित इत्येवेति कित्त्वनिषेधाभावादिति भावः । न च जिवेति दैवादिकोऽपि जीदिति वाच्यम् । हरदत्तग्रन्थविरोधादिति भावः । अत्र हरदत्तः ञिष्विदा स्नेहनमोचनयोरिति दिवादिर्गृह्यते न तु ञिक्ष्विदा अव्यक्ते शब्दे इति भ्वादिरपि, मिदिना साहचर्यादित्याह । तच्चिन्त्यम् । भ्वादिष्वपि मिदेः पठ्यमानत्वात् । तस्मादविशेषादु-त्यादिकर्मणि निष्ठोदाहृता ॥—अविस्पष्टमिति । मृषधातोस्तितिक्षायामेव वृत्तिसत्त्वेऽपि सूत्रस्थतितिक्षाग्रहणमेव ज्ञापयत्यनेकार्था धातव इति ॥—रुचितमिति । रुच दीप्तौ । ‘गत्यर्थाकर्मक—’ इति कर्तरि क्तः ॥—क्रुष्टमिति । क्रुश आह्वाने रोदने च । व्रश्चादिना षत्वे ष्टुत्वम् ॥—गुधितमिति । गुध परिवेष्टने दिवादिः ॥—संप्रसारणमिति । ‘वचिस्वपी’त्यनेन ॥—शून इति । टुओश्वि गतिवृद्ध्योः । ‘हलः’ इति दीर्घः ‘ओदितश्च’ इति निष्ठातस्य नः ॥—गूढ इति । ‘यस्य विभाषा’ इति नेट् ढत्वधत्वष्टुत्वढलोपदीर्घाः ॥—वतः ततः इति । ‘अनुदात्तोपदेश—इति नलोपः ॥—सनि वेङ्कत्वादिति । ‘तनिपतिदरिद्रातिभ्यः सनो वा इड्वाच्यः’ इति वचनात् ॥—कृन्त-त्यादीनामिति । ‘श्वीदित—’ इति निष्ठायामनिट्कार्यं कृती छेदने, चृती हिंसाग्रन्थनयोः, नृती गात्रविक्षेपे, इत्येतेषामी-दित्त्वकरणेन ‘यस्य विभाषा’ इत्यस्यानित्यत्वज्ञापनाद्वा पतित इति सिद्धमित्यर्थः ॥—क्षुब्ध—। क्षुभ संचलने ‘झषस्त-थोः—’ इति धत्वम् । स्वन ध्वन शब्दे । इडभावे ‘अनुनासिकस्य क्विझलोः—’ इति दीर्घः । लगे सङ्गे, म्लेच्छ अव्यक्ते शब्दे, ‘व्रश्च—’ इति षत्वे ष्टुत्वम् । रेभृ शब्दे, फण गतौ । दीर्घः ष्टुत्वम् । बाहृ प्रयत्ने । इडभावे ढत्वधत्वष्टुत्वढलोपाः । अनायास-शब्देन तत्साध्यो लक्ष्यत इत्याह—अनायाससाध्य इति । ‘क्षुण्णमौषधजातमुष्णोदके प्रक्षिप्य सद्योऽभिषुत्य पूत्वा यत्पीयते तत्फाण्टम्’ इत्याहुः ॥—वेदभाष्ये इति । ‘तद्वै नवनीतं भवति घृतं देवानां फाण्टं मनुष्याणाम्’ इति शतपथ-श्रुतेर्व्याख्यायामित्यर्थः ॥—अन्यत्र त्विति । मन्थादेरवाच्यत्वे त्वित्यर्थः ॥—धृषिशासी—। ञिधृषा प्रागल्भ्ये । शस्तु हिंसायाम् । अनयोः ‘आदितश्च’ ‘यस्य विभाषा’ इति सूत्राभ्यामिट्प्रतिषेधे सिद्धेऽप्यनयोर्वैयात्य एवानिट्त्वं नान्यत्रेति नियमार्थमित्याह—अविनये एवेति । विरुद्धं यातो वियातः अविनीतस्तस्य भावो वैयात्यम् । ननु धृषेः ‘विभाषा भा-वादिकर्मणोः’ इति विकल्पे प्राप्ते नित्यार्थं कस्मान्न भवतीत्याशङ्कायामाह—नास्तीति । अनभिधानादिति भावः । अत्र प्रमाणमाह—अत एवेति ॥—माधवस्त्विति । एवं च आदित्वस्य फलवत्त्वात् हरदत्तोक्तं यच्चिन्त्यं तदेव चिन्त्यमिति भावः

Bālamanoramā

पूङः क्त्वा च - पूङः क्त्वा च ।न क्त्वा से॑डित्यतो न सेडित्यनुवर्तते ।असंयोगा॑दित्यतः किदिति,निष्ठा शीङित्यतो निष्टेति च । तदाह — पूङः क्त्वा निष्ठा चेत्यादि । ननु न क्त्वा से॑डित्येव सिद्धे किमर्थमिह क्त्वाग्रहणमित्यत आह — क्त्वाग्रहणमुत्तरार्थमिति । तदेवोपपादयति — नोपधादित्यत्रेति । तत्र हि क्त्वाप्रत्ययस्यैवानुवृत्तिरिष्टा ।पूङश्चे॑त्येवोक्तौ तु 'निष्ठा शी' ङित्यत निष्ठाग्रहणमेवाऽनुवर्तेतेति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'na seṭ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from na ktvā seṭ (SK 3322), 'kit' from asaṃyogāt (SK 2242), and 'niṣṭhā' from niṣṭhā śīṅ… (SK 3052); hence the kaumudī's 'pūṅaḥ ktvā niṣṭhā ca…'. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: Objection: since [the non-kit status of a seṭ ktvā] is already established by na ktvā seṭ, why mention ktvā here? Answer: 'for the following [rule]': in nopadhāt… only the anuvṛtti of the affix ktvā is wanted, whereas had the sūtra said only 'pūṅaś ca', 'niṣṭhā' from niṣṭhā śīṅ… would be what continues [there]. Followed: '[in this sūtra]'.
commentary TB, sk.3051.t1: the mention of ktvā here would be pointless, since [the result] is established by na ktvā seṭ itself; hence 'for the following [rule]'. On 'ktvaiva': not the niṣṭhā, because [the niṣṭhā] is drawn in [only] by 'ca' (anukṛṣṭa) [and so does not continue further]. Recorded (TB gives the 'ca' reason, BM the contrast with a bare 'pūṅaś ca'; the English is neutral between them).
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514; collation batch07: clean). sk.3051.t1 also carries TB on SK 3052–3059 (the whole TB band of NSP pp. 504–505), cited by those units as 'TB, printed under sk.3051.t1'.

SK 3052 · A 1.2.19अकित्त्वातिदेशः

निष्ठा शीङ्स्विदिमिदिक्ष्विदिधृषः ॥ ३०५२ ॥

niṣṭhā śīṅsvidimidikṣvididhṛṣaḥ

niṣṭhā śīṅsvidimidikṣvididhṛṣaḥ — After śīṅ, svid, mid, kṣvid and dhṛṣ, a niṣṭhā [with iṭ (seṭ) is not kit — 'na seṭ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from na ktvā seṭ (SK 3322), 'kit' from asaṃyogāl liṭ kit (SK 2242), per BM].

Rule. After śīṅ, svid, mid, kṣvid and dhṛṣ, a niṣṭhā that has iṭ is not kit. Bhaṭṭoji: "after these, a seṭ niṣṭhā is not kit".

Example.

śī + kta → iṭ → śī + i + ta

→ this rule: not kit, so guṇa → śe + i + ta

→ e becomes ay (SK 61) → śayitaḥ.

With ktavatu → śayitavān.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: naming śīṅ with its marker ṅ excludes the yaṅluk form. yaṅluk is the intensive stem whose affix yaṅ has been elided. There the niṣṭhā stays kit, so there is no guṇa: śeśyitaḥ, śeśyitavān. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the y by er anekācaḥ…. The other cites the maxim behind the marker: a root named with its marker is not taken in yaṅluk.

A vārttika: ādikarmaṇi niṣṭhā vaktavyā "a niṣṭhā should be stated in ādikarman". ādikarman is the beginning of an action. Both commentators explain why it is needed. A long action, like making a mat, may have begun. Its first moments are past, but the action as a whole is not. A niṣṭhā taught for the past would not reach it.

Watch out. One commentator reports others who say more. For them the vārttika also gives kta in the agent sense in ādikarman.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यः सेण्निष्ठा किन्न स्यात् । शयितः । शयितवान् । अनुबन्धनिर्देशो यङ्लुङ्निवृत्त्यर्थः । शेश्यितः । शेश्यितवान् ।

After these, a niṣṭhā with iṭ (seṭ) is not kit: śayitaḥ, śayitavān. The citation [of śīṅ] with its marker (anubandha) serves to exclude the yaṅ-luk [form]: śeśyitaḥ, śeśyitavān.

vārttika

आदिकर्मणि निष्ठा वक्तव्या

(vārttika) A niṣṭhā should be stated [as occurring] in [the sense of] ādikarman (the beginning of an action).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥

—

Bālamanoramā

निष्ठा शीङ्स्विदिमिदिक्ष्विदिधृषः - निष्ठा शीङ् ।न क्त्वा से॑डित्यतो न सेडित्यनुवर्तते ।असंयोगा॑दित्यतः किदिति च । तदाह — एभ्यः सेडिति । शीङिति ङकारस्य फलमाह — अनुबन्धेति । यङ् लुकि॒श्तिपा शपे॑ति निषेधार्थ इत्यर्थः । शेश्यितवानिति । अत्र कित्त्वनिषेधाऽभावात्कित्त्वान्न गुण इति भावः । आदिकर्मणि निष्ठा वक्तव्येति । दीर्घकालव्यासक्तायाः कटाद्युत्पादनक्रियाया आरम्भकालविशिष्टोंऽश आदिकर्म । तत्र विद्यमानाद्धातोर्निष्ठा वक्तव्येत्यर्थः । तत्र आद्येषु क्रियाक्षणेषु भूतेष्वपि क्रियाया भूतत्वाऽभावाद्भूते विहिता निष्ठा न प्राप्तेत्यारम्भः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'na seṭ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from na ktvā seṭ (SK 3322) and 'kit' from asaṃyogāt (SK 2242); hence 'ebhyaḥ seṭ…'. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: the ṅ of śīṅ serves to exclude [the yaṅ-luk form], by [the paribhāṣā that a root cited] with śtip, with śap [or with an anubandha is not taken in yaṅ-luk]; in śeśyitavān there is no prohibition of kit status, so, being kit, it takes no guṇa. Followed: 'the yaṅ-luk [form]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1: in śeśyitaḥ the y is by er anekācaḥ… (yaṇ for the final i of a polysyllabic stem). Recorded.
commentary BM: ādikarman is the part, marked by its starting-time, of an action of producing a mat etc. that is spread over a long time; a niṣṭhā is to be stated after a root denoting that. Even when the first moments of the action are past, the action [as a whole] is not past, so a niṣṭhā prescribed for the past would not apply; hence the statement. Followed: 'the beginning of an action'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1 (read on scan page-0514, our OCR garbled): when the first moments are past, the whole action is not past, so a niṣṭhā would not apply; hence the statement. Others say it is [also] for prescribing kta in the agent sense in ādikarman. Recorded (agrees with BM on the first point).
textual k3 consists only of the editorial tag '(vārttikam)'. The print marks 'ādikarmaṇi niṣṭhā vaktavyā' (k2) with the vārttika sign (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514). Ours otherwise agrees with the print: 'yaṅluṅnivṛttyarthaḥ' is yaṅluk + nivṛtti with sandhi (k → ṅ before n), and śeśyitaḥ, śeśyitavān are confirmed at zoom (collation batch07: clean).

SK 3053 · A 3.4.71V

आदिकर्मणि क्तः कर्तरि च ॥ ३०५३ ॥

ādikarmaṇi ktaḥ kartari ca

ādikarmaṇi ktaḥ kartari ca — The kta [prescribed] in [the sense of] ādikarman (the beginning of an action) denotes the agent (kartṛ), and [by 'ca' also bhāva and karman — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from tayor eva kṛtyaktakhalarthāḥ (SK 2833), per BM].

Rule. A kta used for the beginning of an action (ādikarman) denotes the agent. By the word ca it also denotes bhāva (the bare action) and karman (the object). Bhaṭṭoji: "the kta in ādikarman is in the agent; by ca, in bhāva and karman".

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives none here. He returns to the rule under SK 3080:

pra + kṛ + kta (agent) → prakṛtaḥ kaṭaṃ saḥ "he has begun to make the mat".

pra + kṛ + kta (object) → prakṛtaḥ kaṭas tena "the mat has been begun by him".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws bhāva and karman from tayor eva kṛtyaktakhalarthāḥ (SK 2833). The other says why ca is needed. Without it, the maxim of the buttermilk and Kauṇḍinya (takrakauṇḍinya-nyāya) would apply. Naming the agent would then shut out the other two senses.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आदिकर्मणि यः क्तः स कर्तरि स्यात् चाद्भावकर्मणोः ॥

The kta that [is prescribed] in [the sense of] ādikarman is [used] in [the sense of] the agent (kartṛ); by 'ca', [also] in [the senses of] bhāva and karman.

Bālamanoramā

आदिकर्मणि क्तः कर्तरि च - आदिकर्मणि क्तः कर्तरि च । चाद्भावकर्मणोरिति ।तयोरेव कृत्ये॑त्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः ।प्रकृतः कटं देवदत्तः, प्रकृतवान् कटं देवदत्तः॑ इति भाष्ये उदाहृतम् । आरभ्यमाणकरणक्रियेति बोधः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'cād bhāvakarmaṇoḥ' because those [two] are carried forward (anuvṛtti) from tayor eva kṛtya… (SK 2833). The Bhāṣya's examples are prakṛtaḥ kaṭaṃ devadattaḥ and prakṛtavān kaṭaṃ devadattaḥ, understood as '[Devadatta's] action of making [the mat] is being begun'. Followed in sutra_en; the Bhāṣya examples are not in the kaumudī and are not supplied.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1 (read on scan page-0514), on 'cāt': otherwise, by the maxim of the buttermilk and Kauṇḍinya (takrakauṇḍinya-nyāya), [the kta] would not occur in bhāva and karman. Recorded (TB gives the purpose of 'ca'; BM the source of the anuvṛtti).
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514; collation batch07: clean). The kaumudī gives no example here.

SK 3054 · A 7.2.17V

विभाषा भावादिकर्मणोः ॥ ३०५४ ॥

vibhāṣā bhāvādikarmaṇoḥ

vibhāṣā bhāvādikarmaṇoḥ — In bhāva and ādikarman, [the prohibition ('na', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from neḍ vaśi kṛti, SK 2981) of iṭ for a niṣṭhā ('niṣṭhā' from śvīdito niṣṭhāyām, SK 3039) after an ādit root ('āditaḥ' from āditaś ca, SK 3036)] is optional [per BM].

Rule. In bhāva and in ādikarman, iṭ comes optionally to a niṣṭhā after an ādit root. Normally SK 3036 bans it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the words carried: "after an ādit" from SK 3036, "niṣṭhā" from SK 3039, "not" from SK 2981. So the ban becomes optional.

Example.

pra + svid + kta (ādikarman, agent) → this rule: iṭ → pra + svid + i + ta

→ seṭ, so not kit (SK 3052) → guṇa of the light penultimate (SK 2189) → pra + sved + i + ta

→ prasveditaś caitraḥ "Caitra has begun to sweat".

In bhāva → prasveditaṃ tena.

One commentator says the pra marks the beginning of the action.

Applies when / blocked by. Which svid does SK 3052 name? Bhaṭṭoji: the bhū-class ñiṣvidā, by association with the roots marked ñī. From the div-class svid (svidyati) the form is only sviditaḥ. It stays kit and takes no guṇa. ñimidā and ñikṣvidā belong to both classes. So: prameditaḥ, prameditavān; prakṣveditaḥ, prakṣveditavān. And from dhṛṣ: pradharṣitaḥ, pradharṣitavān, pradharṣitaṃ tena.

Why "seṭ" in SK 3052? Bhaṭṭoji: prasvinnaḥ, prasvinnaṃ tena. Without iṭ the niṣṭhā stays kit, and the t becomes n.

Watch out. Haradatta takes only one kṣvid here, of the div class. One commentator rejects this, since midi too is read in both classes. That is why Bhaṭṭoji says "divādi and also bhvādi".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भावे आदिकर्मणि चादितो निष्ठाया इड्वा स्यात् । प्रस्वेदितश्चैत्रः । प्रस्वेदितं तेन । ञिष्विदेति भ्वादिरत्र गृह्यते । ञीद्भिः साहचर्यात् । स्विद्यतेस्तु स्विदित इत्येव । ञिमिदा । ञिक्ष्विदा । दिवादी भ्वादी च । प्रमेदितः । प्रमेदितवान् । प्रक्ष्वेदितः । प्रक्ष्वेदितवान् । प्रधर्षितः । प्रधर्षितवान् । प्रधर्षितं तेन । सेट् किम् । प्रस्विन्नः । प्रस्विन्नं तेनेत्यादि ॥

In bhāva and in ādikarman, iṭ comes optionally to a niṣṭhā after an ādit [root]: prasveditaś caitraḥ ["Caitra has begun to sweat"]; prasveditaṃ tena [bhāva]. Here [in niṣṭhā śīṅsvidi…, SK 3052] ñiṣvidā, the bhvādi root, is taken, because of its association with the [roots] marked ñī (ñīt). But for svidyati [the form is] only sviditaḥ. ñimidā, ñikṣvidā: [these are] divādi and also bhvādi: prameditaḥ, prameditavān; prakṣveditaḥ, prakṣveditavān; pradharṣitaḥ, pradharṣitavān, pradharṣitaṃ tena. Why "with iṭ (seṭ)"? prasvinnaḥ, prasvinnaṃ tena, etc.

Bālamanoramā

विभाषा भावादिकर्मणोः - विभाषा भावादिकर्मणोः । आदितो निष्ठाया इड्वेति ।आदितश्चे॑त्यत आदित इति, 'श्वीदितः' इत्यतो निष्ठाग्रहणं ,नेड्वशी॑त्यतो नेति चानुवर्तते इति भावः । निषेधस्य वैकल्पिकत्वात्पक्षे इडभ्यनुज्ञायते । प्रस्वेदितश्चैत्र इति । चैत्रकर्तृका आरभ्यमाणप्रस्वेदनक्रियेत्यर्थः । ञीद्भिरिति । ञिरिद्येषां ते ञीतः, तैर्मिदिप्रभृतिभिरिति तदर्थः । स विषयः कित्त्वप्रतिषेधस्येति बोध्यम् । स्विद्यतेस्त्विति ।ञि ष्विदा गात्रप्रक्षरणे॑ इति दैवादिकस्यैव कित्त्वनिषेधविधौ ग्रहणमित्यर्थः । स्विदित इति ।विभाषा भावे॑ति पक्षे इट् । कित्त्वनिषेधविधौ स्विद्यतेग्र्रहणाऽभावात्कित्त्वान्न गुण- । अत्र स्विदादीनाम्आदितश्चेति इट् प्रतिषिध्यते । भावादिकर्मणोस्तु पक्षे इट् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'āditaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from āditaś ca (SK 3036), 'niṣṭhā' from śvīditaḥ (SK 3039) and 'na' from neḍ vaśi (SK 2981); since the prohibition is optional, iṭ is permitted in the alternative. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: prasveditaś caitraḥ means 'an action of sweating that is being begun, with Caitra as agent'. 'ñīdbhiḥ' = midi etc., [roots] whose it-marker is ñi; that [association] concerns the domain of the prohibition of kit status (SK 3052). 'svidyates tu': only the divādi ñiṣvidā gātraprakṣaraṇe is excluded from the rule negating kit status; in sviditaḥ, iṭ comes in the alternative by vibhāṣā bhāva… [this sūtra], and since svidyati is not taken in the kit-negation, it is kit and takes no guṇa. Here iṭ for svid etc. is prohibited by āditaś ca; in bhāva and ādikarman iṭ comes in the alternative. Followed: the gloss of the first example and '[in niṣṭhā śīṅsvidi…, SK 3052]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1 (read on scan page-0514, our OCR garbled): pra serves to signal ādikarman; sveditam etc. are in bhāva. The bhvādi root is ñiṣvidā snehanamocanayoḥ; divādi ñiṣvidā gātraprakṣaraṇe gives only sviditaḥ, because the kit-negation does not apply to it. Haradatta says that [for kṣvid] the divādi root (…snehanamocanayoḥ) is taken and not also the bhvādi ñikṣvidā avyakte śabde, by association with midi; TB rejects this ('tac cintyam'), since midi is read among the bhvādi roots as well, so both are rightly taken without distinction — which is why the kaumudī says 'divādī bhvādī ca'. Because for svid etc. iṭ is prohibited by āditaś ca, [a seṭ niṣṭhā] is possible only here, so the niṣṭhā is illustrated in ādikarman. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom; collation batch07: clean). The raw OCR's 'icchā', 'jīviḥ', 'jimidā', 'pradharpitaḥ' are misreadings of iḍvā, ñīdbhiḥ, ñimidā, pradharṣitaḥ.
translator The kaumudī does not say what 'atra' ('here') refers to; '[in niṣṭhā śīṅsvidi…, SK 3052]' follows BM's remark that the association with the ñīt roots concerns the domain of the kit-prohibition. 'Why seṭ?' with prasvinnaḥ (no iṭ, so kit: no guṇa, and n for t) likewise concerns the seṭ condition of SK 3052.

SK 3055 · A 1.2.20अकित्त्वातिदेशः

मृषस्तितिक्षायाम् ॥ ३०५५ ॥

mṛṣastitikṣāyām

mṛṣas titikṣāyām — After mṛṣ in the sense of forbearance (titikṣā), [a niṣṭhā with iṭ (seṭ) is not kit — 'niṣṭhā' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from niṣṭhā śīṅ… (SK 3052), 'seṇ na' from na ktvā seṭ (SK 3322), 'kit' from asaṃyogāl liṭ kit (SK 2242), per BM].

Rule. After mṛṣ in the sense of forbearance (titikṣā), a niṣṭhā with iṭ is not kit. Bhaṭṭoji: "a seṭ niṣṭhā is not kit". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "niṣṭhā" from SK 3052.

Example.

mṛṣ + kta → iṭ → mṛṣ + i + ta

→ this rule: not kit, so guṇa → marṣ + i + ta → marṣitaḥ.

With ktavatu → marṣitavān.

Applies when / blocked by. In another sense the niṣṭhā stays kit, and there is no guṇa. Bhaṭṭoji: apamṛṣitaṃ vākyam "an indistinct utterance".

Watch out. One commentator notes that the list of roots gives mṛṣ only in the sense of forbearance. The sense named in this rule shows that roots have more than one meaning.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सेण्निष्ठाकिन्न स्यात् । मर्षितः । मर्षितवान् । क्षमायां किम् । अपमृषितं वाक्यम् । अविस्पष्टमित्यर्थः ॥

A niṣṭhā with iṭ (seṭ) is not kit: marṣitaḥ, marṣitavān. Why "in the sense of forbearance (kṣamā)"? apamṛṣitaṃ vākyam, meaning "an indistinct utterance".

Bālamanoramā

मृषस्तितिक्षायाम् - मृषस्तितिक्षायाम् । तितिक्षा — क्षमा । सेण्निष्ठा किन्नेति — शेषपूरणमिदम् ।निष्ठा शी॑ङित्यतो निष्ठेति,न क्त्वा से॑डित्यतः सेण्नेति,असंयोगा॑दित्यतः किदिति चानुवर्तत इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: titikṣā = kṣamā ('forbearance'). 'seṇ niṣṭhā kin na' is the supplement (śeṣa), because 'niṣṭhā' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from niṣṭhā śīṅ (SK 3052), 'seṇ na' from na ktvā seṭ (SK 3322) and 'kit' from asaṃyogāt (SK 2242). Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1, on 'avispaṣṭam': although [in the Dhātupāṭha] the root mṛṣ occurs only in the sense of titikṣā, the very mention of titikṣā in the sūtra makes known that roots have more than one meaning. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 504, scan page-0514, read at zoom: 'kṣamāyāṃ kim', 'apamṛṣitaṃ vākyam'; collation batch07: clean). The raw OCR of p. 504 omits this sūtra.

SK 3056 · A 1.2.21अकित्त्वातिदेशः

उदुपधाद्भावादिकर्मणोरन्यतरस्याम् ॥ ३०५६ ॥

udupadhādbhāvādikarmaṇoranyatarasyām

udupadhād bhāvādikarmaṇor anyatarasyām — After [a root] with u as its penultimate (upadhā), in bhāva and ādikarman, [a niṣṭhā with iṭ (seṭ)] is optionally [not kit — supplied from the kaumudī's gloss].

Rule. After a root whose penultimate (upadhā) is u, in bhāva and ādikarman, a seṭ niṣṭhā is optionally not kit. Bhaṭṭoji: "a seṭ niṣṭhā after a root with penultimate u is optionally not kit in bhāva and ādikarman".

Example.

dyut + kta (bhāva) → iṭ → dyut + i + ta

→ kit: no guṇa → dyutitam; not kit: guṇa → dyotitam.

Likewise muditam / moditaṃ sādhunā.

In ādikarman: pradyutitaḥ / pradyotitaḥ, pramuditaḥ / pramoditaḥ sādhuḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators assigns the examples: the plain forms are bhāva, the pra- forms ādikarman.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives a counterexample for each condition.

No penultimate u: viditam.

Not bhāva or ādikarman: rucitaṃ kārṣāpaṇam.

Not seṭ: kruṣṭam.

One commentator says rucitam has kta in the agent, by SK 3086.

A vārttika: śabvikaraṇebhya eveṣyate "this is wanted only for roots with the class sign śap". A class sign (vikaraṇa) is the affix between root and ending. Bhaṭṭoji: not in gudhitam, from gudhyati. Both commentators say gudh "to wrap" is of the div class.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उदुपधात्परा भावादिकर्मणोः सेण्निष्ठा वा किन्न स्यात् । द्युतितम् । द्योतितम् । मुदितम् । मोदितं साधुना । प्रद्युतितः । प्रद्योतितः । प्रमुदितः । प्रमोदितः साधुः । उदुपधात्किम् । विदितम् । भावेत्यादि किम् । रुचितं कार्षापणम् । सेट्किम् । क्रुष्टम् ।

A niṣṭhā with iṭ (seṭ) following [a root] with u as penultimate is optionally not kit in bhāva and ādikarman: dyutitam, dyotitam; muditam, moditaṃ sādhunā; pradyutitaḥ, pradyotitaḥ; pramuditaḥ, pramoditaḥ sādhuḥ. Why "with u as penultimate"? viditam. Why "bhāva" etc.? rucitaṃ kārṣāpaṇam. Why "with iṭ"? kruṣṭam.

vārttika

शब्विकरणेभ्य एवेष्यते

(vārttika) This is wanted only for [roots] that take the vikaraṇa śap.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नेह । गुध्यतेर्गुधितम् ॥

Not here: from gudhyati, gudhitam.

Bālamanoramā

उदुपधाद्भावादिकर्मणोरन्यतरस्याम् - उदुपधाद्भावादिकर्मणोः । भावे उदाहरति — मुदितमित्यादि । आदिकर्मण्युदाहरति — प्रद्युतितः प्रद्योतितः साधुरिति । आदिकर्मणि कर्तरि क्तः । उदुपधात्किम् विदितमिति.॒विद ज्ञाने इति वेत्तेः रूपम् । गुध्यतेर्गुधितमिति ।गुध परिवेष्टने॑दिवादिः सेट्कः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the bhāva examples begin with muditam; the ādikarman examples are pradyutitaḥ, pradyotitaḥ sādhuḥ — kta in the agent sense in ādikarman [by SK 3053]. viditam is the form of vetti (vida jñāne). Recorded.
translator Neither BM nor TB states the anuvṛtti for this sūtra. The bracket in sutra_en rests on the kaumudī's own gloss ('seṇniṣṭhā vā kin na syāt'). In the translator's inference 'niṣṭhā' is carried forward from niṣṭhā śīṅ… (SK 3052), 'na … seṭ' from na ktvā seṭ (SK 3322) and 'kit' from asaṃyogāl liṭ kit (SK 2242), as BM states under SK 3052 and SK 3055.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1: rucitam is from ruca dīptau, kta in the agent sense by gatyarthākarmaka… (SK 3086); kruṣṭam is from kruśa āhvāne rodane ca, with ṣ by vraśca… and ṭ by ṣṭutva. Recorded.
commentary BM: gudhitam is from gudha pariveṣṭane, a divādi root that takes iṭ. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1: gudha pariveṣṭane is divādi. Recorded (agrees with BM).
textual k3 opens with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)'. The print marks 'śabvikaraṇebhya eveṣyate' (k2) with the vārttika sign; 'neha. gudhyater gudhitam' is Bhaṭṭoji's prose (NSP p. 505, scan page-0515, read at zoom). Ours otherwise agrees with the print (collation batch07: clean).

SK 3057 · A 6.4.52V

निष्ठायां सेटि ॥ ३०५७ ॥

niṣṭhāyāṃ seṭi

niṣṭhāyāṃ seṭi — When a niṣṭhā with iṭ (seṭ) follows, [ṇi is deleted — 'ṇeḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ṇer aniṭi (SK 2313), 'lopaḥ' from āto lopa iṭi ca (SK 2372), per BM].

Rule. Before a niṣṭhā that has iṭ, ṇi is deleted. Bhaṭṭoji: "ṇi is deleted". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "ṇi" from ṇer aniṭi (SK 2313) and "deleted" from SK 2372. SK 2313 works only before an affix without iṭ, so a new rule is needed.

Example.

bhāvi + kta → iṭ → bhāvi + i + ta

→ this rule: ṇi lost → bhāv + ita → bhāvitaḥ.

With ktavatu → bhāvitavān.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then lists more niṣṭhā forms.

No iṭ, by śvīditaḥ (SK 3039).

śvi + kta → no iṭ → saṃprasāraṇa → śūnaḥ.

Both commentators give the steps. Saṃprasāraṇa, since śvi is in the yaj group (SK 2409), gives śu. halaḥ (SK 2559) lengthens it to śū. oditaś ca (SK 3019) gives n for the t.

Also dīptaḥ, from the īdit dīpī "to shine".

No iṭ, by yasya vibhāṣā. These roots are veṭ.

guhū → gūḍhaḥ. Both commentators give the steps: ḍh for h, dh for t, retroflexion (ṣṭutva), loss of the first ḍh, and lengthening.

vanu → vataḥ; tanu → tataḥ. Their n is lost by SK 2428.

iṭ kept against yasya vibhāṣā.

pat is veṭ before san, so the ban should apply.

But Bhaṭṭoji says the iṭ is given by nipātana in dvitīyā śrita… (SK 686) → patitaḥ.

He gives a second reason. kṛt, cṛt and nṛt are veṭ by se 'sici (SK 2506). Their lack of iṭ in the niṣṭhā would follow anyway. Yet they are marked with ī. That marking would be pointless, so it shows that yasya vibhāṣā is not binding (anitya). Such a hint is a jñāpaka: a feature of the grammar that makes a principle known.

Bhaṭṭoji: "hence dhāvitam in ibharājadhiyā". One commentator: dhūñ is veṭ, and yet the ban does not apply.

Only for one-vowelled roots.

Bhaṭṭoji: in yasya vibhāṣā, "having one vowel" (ekāc) is understood.

So daridrā, with more than one vowel, keeps its iṭ → daridritaḥ.

Watch out. daridrā is veṭ before san, like pat. One commentator raises this point. It still keeps its iṭ in the niṣṭhā, because it has more than one vowel.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

णेर्लोपः स्यात् । भावितः । भावितवान् । श्वीदितः - SK 3039 इति नेट् । संप्रसारणम् । शूनः । दीप्तः । गुहू, गूढः । वनु, वतः । तनु, ततः । पतेः सनि वेट्कत्वादिडभावे प्राप्ते द्वितीयाश्रित - SK 686 इति सूत्रे वेट्कत्वात्सिद्धे कृन्तत्यादीनामीदित्त्वेनानित्यत्वज्ञापनाद्वा । तेन धावितमिभराजधियेत्यादि । यस्य विभाषा SK 3025 इत्यत्रैकाच इत्येव । दरिद्रतः ॥

ṇi is deleted (lopa): bhāvitaḥ, bhāvitavān. By śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039) there is no iṭ; saṃprasāraṇa [takes place]: śūnaḥ. dīptaḥ. guhū: gūḍhaḥ. vanu: vataḥ. tanu: tataḥ. Since pat takes iṭ optionally before san (veṭ), the absence of iṭ [before the niṣṭhā, by yasya vibhāṣā, SK 3025] would apply; [but] in the sūtra dvitīyā śrita… (SK 686) [iṭ is given by nipātana: patitaḥ. Alternatively: by se 'sici… (SK 2506)] kṛntati etc. are veṭ, so [their lack of iṭ before the niṣṭhā] is [already] established, and [hence] their marking with ī (īdittva) makes known that [yasya vibhāṣā] is not obligatory (anitya) [, which also yields patitaḥ]. Hence dhāvitam ibharājadhiyā, etc. In yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025), "having one vowel (ekāc)" is indeed [understood]: [hence] daridritaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

निष्ठायां सेटि - निष्ठायां सेटि । णेर्लोपः स्यादिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् ।णेरनिटी॑त्यतो णेरिति, 'आतो लोपः' इत्यस्माल्लोप इति चानुवर्तते इति भावः । 'अनिटी' ति निषेधादप्राप्ते आरम्भः ।टु ओ श्वि गतिवृद्ध्योः॑ अस्मात् क्ते आह श्वीदित इति नेडिति । संप्रसारणमिति । यजादित्वादिति भावः । संप्रासरणे सति पूर्वरूपे 'हलः' इति दीर्घेओदितश्चे॑ति निष्ठानत्वे रूपमाह — शून इति । यद्यपि मूलेओदितश्चे॑त्यत्र उच्छून इत्युदाहृतमेव, तथापि विशेषविवक्षया पुनरिहोपन्यासः । अत्र अलविधित्वेऽपि 'हल' इत्यारम्भसामर्थ्यादेव पूर्वरूपस्य संप्रसारणत्वम् । न च नित्यत्वात्संप्रसारणपूर्वरूपयोःश्र्युकः कितीत॑त्येव निषेधसिद्धेः श्विग्रहणं व्यर्थमिति वाच्यम्,श्र्युकः किती॑त्यत्र 'एकाच उपदेशे' इत्यत उपदेशे इत्यनुवृत्तेः । तथा च उपदेशे उगन्तत्वाऽभावान्निषेधाऽप्राप्तौ श्विग्रहणम् । अत एवस्तीर्त्वे॑त्यादौ उपदेशे उगन्तत्वमादाय इण्निषेधसिद्धिरित्यलम् । ईदित उदाहरति — दीप्तैति । 'दीपी दीप्तौ' दिवादिः । ईदित्त्वान्नेट् । गूढ इति । ऊदित्त्वेन वेट्कत्वात्यस्य विभाषे॑ति नेट् । ढत्वधत्वष्टुत्वढलोपदीर्घाः । वनु वतः । तनु तत इति ।उदितो वे॑ति क्त्वायां वेट्कत्वात्यस्य विभाषे॑ति नेट् ।अनुदात्तोपदेशे॑ति नकारलोपः । पतेः सनीति । 'पत्लृ गतौ' अस्यतनिपतिदरिद्राणानुपसङ्ख्यान॑मिति सनि वेट्कत्वात्यस्य विभाषे॑ति निष्ठायामिण्निषेधे प्राप्ते इत्यर्थः । 'पतित' शब्दे इटं साधयितुं युक्त्यन्तरमिति वक्तव्यम्, तत्तु न संभवति । एषांसेऽसिचि कृतचृतछृदतृदनृतः॑ इति सकारादौ वेट्कतयायस्य विभाषे॑त्येव निष्ठायां नित्यमिण्निषेधासिद्धेः । ततश्च एषामीदित्करणात्यस्य विभाषे॑ति इण्निषेधस्य अनित्यत्वं विज्ञायते । एवं च कृतादीनांयस्य विभाषे॑ति इण्निषेधस्याऽभावसंभावनायां 'श्वीदितः' इण्निषेधार्थमीदित्त्वमर्थवत् ।तथा च पतितशब्देयस्य विभाषे॑त्यनित्यत्वान्न भवतीत्यर्थः । तेनेति ।यस्य विभाषे॑त्यस्याऽनित्यत्वज्ञापनेनेत्यर्थः । धावितमिति । 'स्वरतिसूती' धूञो वेट्कत्वेऽपियस्य विभाषे॑ति निष्ठायामिण्निषेधः स्यादित्यत आह — यस्य विभाषेत्यत्रेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ṇer lopaḥ syāt' is the supplement (śeṣa), because 'ṇeḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ṇer aniṭi (SK 2313) and 'lopaḥ' from āto lopaḥ (SK 2372); the rule is begun because [lopa] would not apply, owing to the prohibition 'aniṭi'. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM on śūnaḥ: kta after ṭuośvi gatīvṛddhyoḥ; no iṭ by śvīditaḥ; saṃprasāraṇa because [śvi] is of the yaj group (yajādi); after saṃprasāraṇa and pūrvarūpa, lengthening by halaḥ (SK 2559) and n for the t of the niṣṭhā by oditaś ca (SK 3019): śūnaḥ. It was already given (ucchūna) under oditaś ca and is repeated here for a particular point. 'śvi' is mentioned in śvīditaḥ because śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381) carries 'upadeśe' from ekāca upadeśe… (SK 2246) and śvi is not uk-final in upadeśa. Recorded (the kaumudī gives only 'saṃprasāraṇam. śūnaḥ'; the intermediate steps are not supplied in the block).
commentary BM: dīptaḥ is from dīpī dīptau (divādi), no iṭ because it is īdit. gūḍhaḥ: being ūdit, [guh] is veṭ, so no iṭ by yasya vibhāṣā; then ḍh for h, dh for t, ṣṭutva, deletion of ḍh and lengthening. vataḥ, tataḥ: by udito vā [vanu, tanu] are veṭ before ktvā, so no iṭ by yasya vibhāṣā; n is deleted by anudāttopadeśa…. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1: the saṃprasāraṇa is by vacisvapi… (SK 2409); śūnaḥ: ṭuośvi gatīvṛddhyoḥ, lengthening by halaḥ, n for the t by oditaś ca; gūḍhaḥ: no iṭ by yasya vibhāṣā, then ḍh, dh, ṣṭutva, ḍh-deletion and lengthening; vataḥ, tataḥ: n-deletion by anudāttopadeśa…. Recorded (agrees with BM).
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1: pat is veṭ before san by the statement 'tanipatidaridrātibhyaḥ sano vā iḍ vācyaḥ'. On kṛntatyādīnām: kṛtī chedane, cṛtī hiṃsāgranthanayoḥ and nṛtī gātravikṣepe are marked with ī so as to be aniṭ in the niṣṭhā by śvīditaḥ; that marking makes known that yasya vibhāṣā is not obligatory (anitya), so patitaḥ is established. Followed: the bracketed links in the pat sentence.
commentary BM: pat (patḷ gatau) is veṭ before san by 'tanipatidaridrāṇām upasaṃkhyānam', so the prohibition of iṭ before the niṣṭhā by yasya vibhāṣā would apply. 'tena' = by making known that yasya vibhāṣā is not obligatory; on dhāvitam: [the root] dhūñ is veṭ by svaratisūti…, [and yet the iṭ-ban of yasya vibhāṣā does not apply]. Our BM layer conflates this: it lacks BM's 'yuktyantaram āha. se 'sicīti…' (on kṛtī, cṛtī, nṛtī and why their īt-marking is otherwise purposeless) and reads 'dhūño veṭkatve 'pi yasya vibhāṣeti niṣṭhāyām iṇniṣedhaḥ syād ity ata āha — yasya vibhāṣety atreti', joining the dhāvitam gloss to the lead-in to the daridrā sentence; Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0114–0115) has the coherent text, and also 'nanu daridrādhātoḥ tanipatidaridrāṇām upasaṃkhyānam iti…' before that lead-in. Recorded.
textual Eye-skip in ours: ours reads 'dvitīyāśrita - (SK 686) iti sūtre veṭkatvāt siddhe kṛntatyādīnām…', where the print has 'dvitīyāśrita—686 iti sūtre nipātanād iṭ. patitaḥ. se 'sici 2506 iti veṭkatvāt siddhe kṛntatyādīnām…' (NSP p. 505, scan page-0515, read at zoom; collation batch07 class A; Wikisource SK agrees with the print). The missing words are supplied in square brackets in the English, which follows the print.
textual Ours reads 'daridrataḥ' (= Wikisource SK); the print reads 'daridritaḥ' (NSP p. 505, scan page-0515, read at zoom; collation batch07 class V). The English follows the print: the point is that yasya vibhāṣā is confined to roots with one vowel (ekāc), so the polysyllabic daridrā, though veṭ before san, keeps its iṭ before the niṣṭhā.
textual Ours 'dīptaḥ' agrees with the print (scan page-0515; the raw OCR's 'dīsaḥ' misreads the pt ligature), as does 'śvīditaḥ—3039 iti neṭ'.
translator The kaumudī passes from the ṇi-deletion examples straight to further niṣṭhā forms without iṭ (śūnaḥ … tataḥ) and to the iṭ of patitaḥ and daridritaḥ; it states no link, and none is added in the block. 'dhāvitam ibharājadhiyā' is a quoted phrase, left unglossed; per BM its point is that the iṭ-ban of yasya vibhāṣā does not apply.

SK 3058 · A 7.2.18V

क्षुब्धस्वान्तध्वान्तलग्नम्लिष्टविरिब्धफाण्टबाढानि मन्थमनस्तमःसक्ताविस्पष्टस्वरानायासभृशेषु ॥ ३०५८ ॥

kṣubdhasvāntadhvāntalagnamliṣṭaviribdhaphāṇṭabāḍhāni manthamanastamaḥsaktāvispaṣṭasvarānāyāsabhṛśeṣu

kṣubdhasvāntadhvāntalagnamliṣṭaviribdhaphāṇṭabāḍhāni manthamanastamaḥsaktāvispaṣṭasvarānāyāsabhṛśeṣu — kṣubdha, svānta, dhvānta, lagna, mliṣṭa, viribdha, phāṇṭa and bāḍha are irregularly formed (nipātana) [as niṣṭhā forms without iṭ] when, respectively, mantha, mind (manas), darkness (tamas), attached (sakta), indistinct (avispaṣṭa), a tone (svara), [what is made] without effort (anāyāsa) and intense (bhṛśa) [are denoted].

Rule. Eight aniṭ niṣṭhā forms are given by nipātana for eight senses, in order. The words are paired one to one (yathāsaṃkhya), says one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators. Bhaṭṭoji: they are given "as whole words" (samudāyena). One commentator explains: they are fixed by usage (rūḍha), and the sense of the parts should not be pressed.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji lists the eight with their senses. One commentator gives the steps.

kṣubh + ta → no iṭ → dh for t (SK 2280), b for bh → kṣubdhaḥ, of mantha: barley-meal mixed with a liquid, or the churning-stick.

svan + ta, dhvan + ta → no iṭ → lengthening (SK 2666) → svāntam "mind", dhvāntam "darkness".

lag + ta → lagnam "attached". Bhaṭṭoji: its n for the niṣṭhā-t is also nipātana.

mlecch + ta → mliṣṭam "indistinct".

vi + rebh + ta → no iṭ → i for e (nipātana) → dh for t (SK 2280), b for bh → viribdhaḥ "a tone". Bhaṭṭoji: the i of mlecch and rebhṛ is nipātana too.

phaṇ + ta → phāṇṭam, a decoction made without effort.

bāh + ta → bāḍham "intensely".

Applies when / blocked by. In other senses iṭ comes. Bhaṭṭoji: kṣubhitam, svanitam, dhvanitam, lagitam, mlecchitam, virebhitam, phaṇitam, bāhitam. But kṣubdho rājā "the king is agitated" is also right. Bhaṭṭoji's reason: the teaching of augments (āgama-śāstra) is not binding (anitya).

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji records a second view of phāṇṭa. Mādhava, in his Veda-commentary, calls it the substance just before it becomes fresh butter.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्षुब्धादीन्यष्टावनिट्कानि निपात्यन्ते समुदायेन मन्थादिषु वाच्येषु । द्रवद्रव्यसंपृक्ताः सक्तवो मन्थो मन्थनदण्डश्च । क्षुब्धो मन्थश्चेत् । स्वान्तं मनः । ध्वान्तं तमः । लग्नं सक्तम् । निष्ठानत्वमपि निपातनात् । म्लिष्टविस्पष्टम् । विरिब्धः स्वरः । म्लेच्छ रेभृ अनयोरुपधाया इत्वमपि निपात्यते । फाण्टमनायाससाध्यः कषायविशेषः । माधवस्तु नवनीतभावात्प्रागवस्थापन्नं द्रव्यं फाण्टमिति वेदभाष्ये आह । बाढं भृशम् । अन्यत्र तु क्षुभितम् । क्षुब्धो राजेति त्वागमशास्त्रस्यानित्यत्वात् । स्वनितम् । ध्वनितम् । लगितम् । म्लेच्छितम् । विरेभितम् । फणितम् । बाहितम् ॥

The eight [forms] kṣubdha etc. are irregularly given (nipātyante) as forms without iṭ (aniṭ), as whole words (samudāyena), when mantha etc. are to be denoted. mantha is barley-meal (saktu) mixed with a liquid, and also the churning-stick. kṣubdhaḥ, if [what is meant is] mantha. svāntam = mind. dhvāntam = darkness. lagnam = attached (saktam); its n for the [t of the] niṣṭhā is also by nipātana. mliṣṭam = indistinct. viribdhaḥ = a [particular] tone (svara). For mlecch and rebhṛ the i of the penultimate is also given by nipātana. phāṇṭam is a particular decoction (kaṣāya) prepared without effort; Mādhava, however, says in [his] Veda-commentary that phāṇṭa is the substance that has reached the state just before [it] becomes fresh butter. bāḍham = intensely. Elsewhere, however: kṣubhitam. But kṣubdho rājā ["the king is agitated"] [is correct] because the teaching of augments (āgama-śāstra) is not obligatory (anitya). svanitam, dhvanitam, lagitam, mlecchitam, virebhitam, phaṇitam, bāhitam.

Bālamanoramā

क्षुब्धस्वान्तध्वान्तलग्नम्लिष्टविरिब्धफाण्टबाढानि मन्थमनस्तमःसक्ताविस्पष्टस्वरानायासभृशेषु - क्षुब्धस्वान्त । क्षुब्ध, स्वान्त, ध्वान्त, लग्न, म्लिष्ट, विरिब्ध, फाण्ट, बाढ एषामष्टानां द्वन्द्वात्प्रथमाबहुवचनम् । मन्थ, मनः, तमः, सक्त, अविस्पष्ट, स्वर, अनायास, भृश एषामष्टानां द्वन्द्वात्सप्तमी । यथासङ्ख्यमन्वयः । समुदायेनेति । मन्थादिष्वेते रूढाः । अवयवार्थाऽभिनिवेशो न कर्तव्य इत्याह- द्रवद्रव्येति । अत्र याज्ञिकप्रसिद्धिरेव शरणीकर्तव्या । मन्थनदण्डश्चेति ।वैशाखमन्थमन्थानमन्थानोमन्थदण्डके॑ इत्यमरः । क्षुब्ध इति । 'क्षुभ संचलने' अस्मात् क्तः, इडभावो निपात्यते ।झषस्तथो॑रिति धः , जश्त्वम् । स्वान्तमिति । स्वनधातोः क्तः,अनुनासिकस्य क्वी॑ति दीर्घः । निपातनान्नेट् ।स्वान्तं ह्मन्मानसं मनः॑ इत्यमरः । ध्वान्तं तम इति ध्वनेः क्तः ।अनुनासिकस्य क्वी॑ति दीर्घः ।अन्धकारोऽस्त्रियां ध्वान्तं तमिस्रं तिमिरं तमः॑ इत्यमरः । लग्नं सक्तमिति । संबद्धमित्यर्थः । लगेः क्तः, इडभावः । तत्र रदाभ्यां परत्वाभावात्कथं निष्ठानत्वमित्यत आह — निपातनादिति । म्लिष्टमविस्पष्टमिति । इडभावेव्रश्चे॑त षः । तकारस्य ष्टुत्वेन टः ।अथ म्लिष्टमविस्पष्ट॑मित्यमरः । विरिब्धः स्वर इति । स्वरविशेष इत्यर्थः । 'रेभृ शब्दे' अस्मात् क्तः, इडभावे 'झषस्तथोर्धोऽध' इति धः । उभयत्र धातुस्वरूपं प्रदर्शयन्नाह — म्लेछ रेभृ अनयोरिति । इत्त्वमपीति । इडभावश्चेत्यर्थः । फाण्टमिति । फणेः क्तः, इडभावः, निष्ठातस्य टत्वं च निपात्यते । तस्याऽसिद्धत्वात्अनुनासिकस्ये॑ति दीर्घः ।अनायासकृतं फाण्ट॑मित्यमरः । वृत्तिकृन्मतमाह — कषायविशेष इति.॒यदशृतमपिष्टं च कषायमुदकसंसर्गमात्राद्विभक्तरसमीपषदुष्णं तत्फाण्टमित्युच्यते॑ इति वृत्तौ स्थितम् । वेदभाष्ये आहेति ।तद्वै नवनीतं भवति । घृतं वै देवानां फाण्टं मनुष्याणां॑मिति शतपथब्राह्मणव्याख्यावसरे आहेत्यर्थः । बाढं भृशमिति । 'बाहृ प्रयत्ने' अस्मात् क्तः, इडभावः, ढत्वधत्वष्टुत्वढलोपाः । अन्यत्र त्विति । मन्थादेर्वाच्यत्वाऽभाव इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kṣubdha … bāḍha, a dvandva of eight, in the first-case plural (prathamā bahuvacana); mantha … bhṛśa, a dvandva of eight, in the seventh case (saptamī); they are construed in order (yathāsaṃkhya). Followed: 'respectively'.
commentary BM on 'samudāyena': these are conventional (rūḍha) in the senses mantha etc.; one should not insist on the meanings of the parts; here usage among ritualists is the only recourse; the churning-stick is cited from Amara. Derivations: kṣubdha from kṣubha saṃcalane with kta, absence of iṭ by nipātana, dh by jhaṣas tathoḥ… (SK 2280) and jaśtva; svānta and dhvānta from svan, dhvan with kta, lengthening by anunāsikasya kvi… (SK 2666), no iṭ by nipātana; lagna from lag with kta, no iṭ, and n by nipātana because it does not follow r or d (cf. SK 3016); mliṣṭa: with no iṭ, ṣ by vraśca… (SK 294) and ṭ by ṣṭutva; viribdha from rebhṛ śabde with kta, no iṭ, dh by jhaṣas tathoḥ; 'ittvam api' = and also the absence of iṭ; phāṇṭa from phaṇ with kta, absence of iṭ and ṭ for the t of the niṣṭhā by nipātana, and since that [ṭ] is asiddha, lengthening by anunāsikasya…; bāḍha from bāhṛ prayatne with kta, no iṭ, then ḍh, dh, ṣṭutva and ḍh-deletion. Followed: 'as whole words'.
commentary BM: 'kaṣāyaviśeṣaḥ' gives the Vṛtti-author's view — the Vṛtti calls phāṇṭa an uncooked, unground decoction whose essence is drawn out merely by contact with water and which is lukewarm; Mādhava's remark is made in explaining the Śatapatha passage 'tad vai navanītaṃ bhavati, ghṛtaṃ vai devānāṃ phāṇṭaṃ manuṣyāṇām'. 'anyatra' = when mantha etc. are not to be denoted. Followed: 'Elsewhere'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1: the word anāyāsa [in the sūtra] denotes by secondary signification (lakṣaṇā) what is accomplished by it, hence 'anāyāsasādhyaḥ'; phāṇṭa is said to be the liquid drunk after a crushed herb is put into hot water, pressed at once and strained; 'vedabhāṣye' = in the explanation of the Śatapatha passage; 'anyatra' = when mantha etc. are not to be denoted. TB also gives the roots (kṣubha saṃcalane, svana, dhvana śabde, lage saṅge, mleccha avyakte śabde, rebhṛ śabde, phaṇa gatau, bāhṛ prayatne) and the operations, as BM. Followed: '[what is made] without effort' in sutra_en.
textual Ours reads 'mliṣṭavispaṣṭam'; the print reads 'mliṣṭam avispaṣṭam' (NSP p. 505, scan page-0515, read at zoom; collation batch07 class A; Wikisource SK and the BM lemma agree with the print). The English follows the print: 'mliṣṭam = indistinct'.
textual The print reads 'phāṇṭam anāyāsasādhyaḥ' (ours 'phāṇṭamanāyāsa-', same text) and has 'lagnam' and 'kṣubdhaḥ' as ours (scan page-0515, zoomed); the raw OCR's 'lamnam', 'śuddha', 'śubhitam' are misreadings. BM's lemma 'virabdhaḥ' is a slip for viribdhaḥ.

SK 3059 · A 7.2.19V

धृषिशसी वैयात्ये ॥ ३०५९ ॥

dhṛṣiśasī vaiyātye

dhṛṣiśasī vaiyātye — dhṛṣ and śas [are without iṭ (aniṭ) before a niṣṭhā] in the sense of impudence (vaiyātya).

Rule. dhṛṣ and śas are aniṭ before a niṣṭhā only in the sense of impudence (vaiyātya). Bhaṭṭoji: "these two are aniṭ before a niṣṭhā only in immodesty".

Example.

dhṛṣ + kta → no iṭ → dhṛṣṭaḥ; vi + śas + kta → viśastaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses both "ill-behaved".

Elsewhere → iṭ → dharṣitaḥ "treated with violence", viśasitaḥ "injured" (his glosses).

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators say why the rule is a restriction (niyama). ñidhṛṣā is ādit, so SK 3036 already bans iṭ. śasu is marked with u, so it is veṭ, and yasya vibhāṣā bans iṭ. The rule adds nothing new. It restricts: aniṭ only in impudence.

Bhaṭṭoji then reports three views. The Vṛtti: in bhāva and ādikarman dhṛṣ does not occur in the sense of impudence; so the rule is restrictive. Haradatta: the purpose of dhṛṣ's marker ā "is to be considered". Mādhava: in bhāva and ādikarman, outside impudence, there is an option: dhṛṣṭam / dharṣitam, pradhṛṣṭaḥ / pradharṣitaḥ.

Watch out. One commentator turns Haradatta's doubt back on him. On Mādhava's view the marker ā has a purpose after all. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एतौ निष्ठायामविनये एवानिटौ स्तः । धृष्टः । विशस्तः । अन्यत्र धर्षितः । विशसितः । भावादिकर्मणोस्तु वैयात्ये धृषिर्नास्ति । अत एव नियमार्थमिदं सूत्रमिति वृत्तिः । धृषेरादित्त्वे फलं चिन्त्यमिति हरदत्तः । माधवस्तु भावादिकर्मणोरवैयात्ये विकल्पमाह । धृष्टम् । धर्षितम् । प्रधृष्टः । प्रधर्षितः ॥

These two are without iṭ (aniṭ) before a niṣṭhā only in the sense of immodesty (avinaya): dhṛṣṭaḥ, viśastaḥ. Elsewhere: dharṣitaḥ, viśasitaḥ. But in bhāva and ādikarman dhṛṣ does not occur in the sense of impudence (vaiyātya). For this very reason this sūtra is restrictive (niyamārtha) — so the Vṛtti. Haradatta says that the purpose of dhṛṣ's being ādit is to be considered (cintya). Mādhava, however, states an option in bhāva and ādikarman when [the sense is] not impudence: dhṛṣṭam, dharṣitam; pradhṛṣṭaḥ, pradharṣitaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

धृषिशसी वैयात्ये - धृषिशसी । वियातः = अविनीतः, तस्य भावो वैयात्यम् । तत्रञि धृषा प्रागल्भ्ये॑ इत्यस्य आदित्तवादेवेण्निषेधः सिद्धः,शसु हिंसाया॑मित्यस्य तुउदितो वे॑ति क्त्वायां वेट्कत्वात्यस्य विभाषे॑तीण्निषेधः सिद्धः, अतो नियमार्थमित्याह — अविनय एवेति । धृष्टो विशस्त इति । अविनीत इत्यर्थः । अन्यत्रेति । वैयात्याऽभावे इत्यर्थः । धर्षित इति । बलात्कृत इत्यर्थः । विशसित इति । हिंसित इत्यर्थः । अत्र वैयात्याऽभावादिण्निषेधो नेति भावः । ननु धृषेरादित्त्वात्विभाषा भावादिकर्मणो॑रिति भावे आदिकर्मणि च इड्विकल्पे प्राप्ते तदंशे नित्यार्थोऽत्र विधिरस्तु, ततश्च भावादिकर्मभ्यामन्यत्र वैयात्याऽभावेऽपिआदितश्चे॑तीण्निषेद एव स्यादित्यत आह — भावादिकर्मणोस्त्विति । नास्तीति । अनभिधानादिति भावः । तत्र वृद्धसंमतिमाह — अत एवेति । भावकर्मणोर्धृषेरनभिधानादेवेत्यर्थः । अन्यथा धृषेरादित्त्वात्विभाषा भावादिकर्मणो॑रिति भावे आदिकर्मणि च इड्विकल्पे प्राप्ते तदंशे नित्यार्थतया विधानार्थत्वापत्तेरिति भावः । चिन्त्यमिति । धृषेरादित्त्वं हि नवैयात्ये आदित्त्वलक्षणेण्निषेधार्थं , 'धृषिशसी वैयात्ये' इत्येव सिद्धेः, नापि वैयात्यादन्यत्र आदित्त्वलक्षणेण्निषेधार्थम्, धृषेर्वैयात्य एव इण्निषेधनियमेन ततोऽन्यत्र आदित्त्वलक्षणनिषेधाऽभावात् । नापि धृषेर्वैयात्ये भावादिकर्मणोर्विषयेविभाषा भावादिकर्मणो॑रिति इड्विकल्पार्थं, भावादिकर्मणोर्वैयात्ये धृषेरनभिधानात् । तस्माद्धृषेरादित्त्वं व्यर्थमिति हरदत्त आहेत्यर्थः । माधवस्त्विति । अवैयात्ये भावादिकर्मणोरनभिधाने प्रमाणाऽभावादिति भावः । तत्र अवैयात्ये भावे उदाहरति — धृष्टं धर्षितमिति । आदिकर्मण्युदाहरति — प्रधृष्टः प्रधर्षित इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: viyāta = 'ill-behaved' (avinīta); its state is vaiyātya. For ñidhṛṣā prāgalbhye the prohibition of iṭ is already established by its being ādit [SK 3036], and for śasu hiṃsāyām, being veṭ before ktvā by udito vā (SK 3328), the prohibition of iṭ is established by yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025); so [the sūtra] is restrictive — hence 'only in [the sense of] immodesty'. dhṛṣṭaḥ, viśastaḥ = 'ill-behaved'; dharṣitaḥ = 'treated with violence', viśasitaḥ = 'injured'; there, lacking vaiyātya, there is no iṭ-prohibition. Followed: 'only', and the bracket in sutra_en.
commentary BM: Objection: since dhṛṣ is ādit, vibhāṣā bhāvādikarmaṇoḥ (SK 3054) would give an option of iṭ in bhāva and ādikarman; let this rule be for making [the absence of iṭ] obligatory in that part, and then elsewhere, even without vaiyātya, iṭ would be prohibited by āditaś ca. Hence 'bhāvādikarmaṇos tu…': [dhṛṣ in the sense of vaiyātya] does not occur because of non-denotation (anabhidhāna). 'ata eva' cites the elders' concurrence: otherwise the rule would have to be taken as a prescription making [the absence of iṭ] obligatory in that part. Followed: the voices in the second paragraph (the Vṛtti's view reported).
commentary BM on Haradatta's 'cintya': dhṛṣ's being ādit is not for prohibiting iṭ in the sense of vaiyātya, since that is established by this sūtra; nor for prohibiting it outside vaiyātya, since by the restriction there is then no prohibition; nor for the option of SK 3054 in bhāva and ādikarman within vaiyātya, since dhṛṣ is not used there; hence Haradatta says the ādittva is purposeless. 'Mādhavas tu': because there is no proof that [dhṛṣ] is not used in bhāva and ādikarman outside vaiyātya; dhṛṣṭam, dharṣitam illustrate bhāva, pradhṛṣṭaḥ, pradharṣitaḥ ādikarman. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3051.t1: ñidhṛṣā prāgalbhye and śasu hiṃsāyām already have the prohibition of iṭ by āditaś ca and yasya vibhāṣā respectively, so the sūtra is restrictive: aniṭ only in vaiyātya, not elsewhere. 'nāsti' = by non-denotation (anabhidhāna); 'ata eva' gives the proof. On 'Mādhavas tu': since [on this view] the ādittva has a purpose, Haradatta's 'to be considered' is itself to be considered. Recorded (agrees with BM).
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 505, scan page-0515, read at zoom; collation batch07: clean). The raw OCR of p. 505 omits this sūtra except for its last word 'pradharṣitaḥ'.

SK 3060 · A 7.2.20V

दृढः स्थूलबलयोः ॥ ३०६० ॥

dṛḍhaḥ sthūlabalayoḥ

dṛḍhaḥ sthūlabalayoḥ — dṛḍha [is put as a ready-made form (nipātana)] in the senses 'stout' (sthūla) and 'strong' (bala, i.e. balavat, 'possessing strength', per BM and TB).

Rule. dṛḍha is a nipātana in the senses "stout" (sthūla) and "strong" (bala). Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read bala as "possessing strength", with the affix ac of the arśaādi list. One adds that the two senses differ: a stout man may be weak, a strong man may be lean.

Example. The roots are dṛha and dṛhi "to grow". Bhaṭṭoji lists what the nipātana gives.

dṛh + kta → no iṭ → ḍh for the t → the h is deleted → dṛḍhaḥ.

For dṛhi, marked with i, the inserted nasal is also deleted → dṛḍhaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. In other senses the forms take iṭ: dṛhitaḥ, dṛṃhitaḥ.

Watch out. Why must the loss of h be stated by nipātana? Both commentators answer. The regular route would be ḍh for h, then ḍh for t, then loss of the first ḍh (SK 2335). But that loss stands in the Tripādī, so it is asiddha. Then the ṛ would seem to stand before a conjunct. Later forms like draḍhimā would go wrong. A deletion stated in book 7 is not asiddha, so it gives the right result.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्थूले बलवति न निपात्यते । दृह दृहि वृद्धौ । क्तस्येडभावः तस्य ढत्वम् । हस्य लोपः । इदितो नलोपश्च । दृहितः । दृंहितोऽन्यः ॥

[dṛḍha] is put as a nipātana in [the senses] 'stout' and 'strong'. [The roots are] dṛha and dṛhi, vṛddhau ("to grow"). [By the nipātana:] kta takes no iṭ; its [t] is replaced by ḍh; the h is deleted; and, for the i-marked (idit) [dṛhi], the n is deleted as well [— giving dṛḍhaḥ in either case]. In any other [sense]: dṛhitaḥ, dṛṃhitaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 515

—दृढः स्थूल—। वलमस्यास्तीति वलः ‘अर्श आदिभ्योऽच्’ तदाह—वलवतीति । स्थूलो मांसलः स च निर्वलोऽपि, वलवांस्तु कृशोऽपि दृढ इति फलितोऽर्थः ॥—तस्येति । तकारस्येत्यर्थः ॥—हस्येति । ननु ‘हो ढः’ इति ढत्वे ढोढे लोपेनैव सिद्धमिति तस्य ढत्वं हस्य लोपश्च न निपात्यतामिति चेन्मैवम् । तथाहि सति ढलोपस्यासिद्धत्वेन द्रढिमेत्यत्र ‘र ऋतो हलादेर्लघोः’ इति रभावो न स्यात्परिद्रढय्य गत इत्यत्र ‘त्यपि लघुपूर्वात्’ इत्ययादेशो न स्यात् परिदृढस्यापत्यं पारिदृढी कन्येत्यत्र गुरूपोत्तमलक्षणः ष्यङ् स्यात् । अतोऽसिद्धत्वनिवृत्तये हलोपो निपात्यत इति भाष्यादौ स्थितम् । अत एव ‘ढलोपे—’ इति सूत्रे अणः किं दृढ इति प्राचो ग्रन्थस्य प्रामादिकतामभिप्रेत्य तृढो वृढ इति प्रत्युदाहृतम्

Bālamanoramā

दृढः स्थूलबलयोः - दृढः स्थूलबलयोः । बलशब्द अर्शआद्यजन्तो बलवत्परः । तदाह — बलवति चेति । तस्येति । निष्ठातकारस्य ढत्वं निपात्यते इत्यर्थः । हस्य लोप इति । 'निपात्यते' इति शेषः । इदित इति । अनिदितस्तु नलोपः सिद्ध एवेति भावः । ननु हस्य ढत्वे कृते 'झषस्तथोर्धोऽधः' इति तकारस्य ध्तवे तस्य ष्टुत्वेन 'ढो ढे' इति ढलोपे दृढ इति सिद्धम्, ततश्च इडभाव एव निपात्यतां , न तु हकारलोपो ढत्वं चेति चेत् । मैवम् । तथाहि सति द्रढीयानित्यादौ ढलोपस्याऽसिद्धत्वेन ऋकारस्य संयोगपरकत्वम्, अस्य हलोपस्य साप्तमिकत्वेन असिद्धत्वाऽभावादिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the word bala in the sūtra ends in the ac of arśaādi and stands for balavat, which is why the kaumudī says 'balavati'. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, sk.3060.t1: balam asyāstīti balaḥ, by arśaādibhyo 'c, hence 'balavati'. sthūla is the fleshy man, who may be weak; balavat is the strong man, who may be lean; either is called dṛḍha. Followed: 'stout' and 'strong' as two separate senses.
commentary BM: 'tasya' means the t of the niṣṭhā, for which ḍh is put by nipātana. After 'hasya lopaḥ' the word 'nipātyate' is to be supplied (śeṣa). On 'idito nalopaś ca': for a root that is not i-marked the deletion of n is already established [by another rule]. Followed: '[By the nipātana:]' and '[its t]'.
commentary BM: Objection: once h is replaced by ḍh, jhaṣas tathor dho 'dhaḥ (SK 2280) gives dh for the t, ṣṭutva gives ḍh, and ḍho ḍhe lopaḥ (SK 2335) deletes the first ḍh, so dṛḍha would come out anyway; let only the absence of iṭ be put by nipātana, not the deletion of h and the ḍh. Answer: no. In that case, in draḍhīyān etc., the deletion of ḍh would be asiddha, so the ṛ would stand before a conjunct. The deletion of h here belongs to the seventh adhyāya and so is not asiddha. This is clear in the Bhāṣya. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3060.t1: 'tasya' means 'of the t'. On 'hasya': ḍh for h by ho ḍhaḥ (SK 324) followed by ḍho ḍhe lopaḥ would not do, because that deletion of ḍh is asiddha. Then ra ṛto halāder laghoḥ (SK 1785) would fail to give r in draḍhimā; lyapi laghupūrvāt (SK 3336) would fail to give ay in paridraḍhayya gataḥ; and the ṣyaṅ defined by a heavy penultimate (aṇiñor anārṣayor gurūpottamayoḥ…, SK 1198) would wrongly come in pāridṛḍhī kanyā, 'daughter of paridṛḍha'. So, according to the Bhāṣya and others, the deletion of h is put by nipātana to remove the asiddha effect. For this reason, under ḍhralope… (SK 174), the counterexamples to aṇaḥ are tṛḍhaḥ and vṛḍhaḥ, since the earlier writers' dṛḍhaḥ is taken as a mistake. Recorded.
textual Ours reads 'sthūle balavati na nipātyate'. The print reads 'sthūle balavati ca nipātyate' (NSP p. 505, scan page-0515, read at zoom), and so does Wikisource. Ours inverts the sense with 'na'; the English follows the print. This is collation batch07, class A. Escalate to Ajai (mūla).
textual The print, like ours, has 'dṛha dṛhi vṛddhau', 'dṛhitaḥ', 'dṛṃhito 'nyaḥ'. Its type shows b as v throughout this passage (it also prints 'sthūlavalayoḥ' and 'valavati'), so ba/va cannot be decided from the scan.
textual Commentary layers, not mūla. sk.3060.b1 has an eye-skip after 'ṛkārasya saṃyogaparakatvam'. Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0117) reads '…saṃyogaparatayā laghutvābhāvāt ra ṛto halāder laghoḥ iti rabhāvo na syāt. atra hakāralopasya ḍhatvasya ca nipātane tu ṛkārasya na saṃyogaparakatvam, asya halopasya sāptamikatvena siddhatvābhāvāt…' (ours reads 'asiddhatvā'bhāvāt' at that point; ours is correct on sense — a nipātana in adhyāya 7 is not in the tripādī and so is not asiddha — and WS 'siddhatvābhāvāt' drops the a-). In sk.3060.t1, ours 'prāpto granthasya' is 'prāco granthasya' in the scan (page-0515).
translator dṛhi is i-marked, so it takes num (dṛṃh). The kaumudī's 'idito nalopaś ca' therefore refers to that n, which the nipātana also removes. The kaumudī gives the operations, not the intermediate forms. dṛhitaḥ and dṛṃhitaḥ are the regular iṭ-forms of dṛh and dṛṃh.

SK 3061 · A 7.2.21V

प्रभौ परिवृढः ॥ ३०६१ ॥

prabhau parivṛḍhaḥ

prabhau parivṛḍhaḥ — parivṛḍha [is put as a ready-made form (nipātana)] in the sense 'master' (prabhu).

Rule. parivṛḍha is a nipātana in the sense "master" (prabhu). Bhaṭṭoji: the roots are vṛha and vṛhi "to grow", and "the nipātana is as before".

Example.

pari + vṛh + kta → as in SK 3060: no iṭ, ḍh for t, h lost → parivṛḍhaḥ "master".

Applies when / blocked by. In other senses: parivṛhitaḥ, parivṛṃhitaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the point is the same as before. It secures later forms like vraḍhimā and parivraḍhayya.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वृह वृहि वृद्धौ । निपातनं प्राग्वत् । परिवृहितः । परिवृंहितोऽन्यः ॥

[The roots are] vṛha and vṛhi, vṛddhau ("to grow"). The nipātana is as before [in SK 3060]. In any other [sense]: parivṛhitaḥ, parivṛṃhitaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 515

—प्रभौ—॥ निपातनमिति । हलोपे प्रयोजनमपि व्रढिमा परिव्रढय्येत्यादिसिद्धिरिति प्राग्वदेव बोध्यम्

Bālamanoramā

प्रभौ परिवृढः - प्रभौ परिबृढः । प्राग्वदिति । तकारढत्वस्य हलोपस्य चेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'prāgvat' means 'of the ḍh for the t and of the deletion of h'. Followed: 'as before [in SK 3060]'. The English does not narrow 'prāgvat' to BM's two items, since the kaumudī itself does not.
commentary TB, sk.3061.t1: on 'nipātanam': here too, as before, the point of putting the deletion of h by nipātana is to secure forms such as vraḍhimā and parivraḍhayya (from vṛh), as before. Recorded (the print, NSP p. 505, scan page-0515, last TB line, reads 'vraḍhimā'; our OCR's 'draḍhimā' is a misreading).
textual BM's own restatement of the sūtra reads 'prabhau paribṛḍhaḥ', and Wikisource reads 'paribṛḍhaḥ' and 'bṛha bṛhi vṛddhau'. Ours and the print (NSP p. 505, scan page-0515, read at zoom) have v, but this type prints b as v here (it has 'valavati' in SK 3060), so the print cannot decide ba/va. The English keeps ours.

SK 3062 · A 7.2.22V

कृच्छ्रगहनयोः कषः ॥ ३०६२ ॥

kṛcchragahanayoḥ kaṣaḥ

kṛcchragahanayoḥ kaṣaḥ — [The niṣṭhā] after kaṣ [does not take iṭ] in the senses 'painful' (kṛcchra) and 'impenetrable' (gahana).

Rule. The niṣṭhā after kaṣ takes no iṭ in two senses: "painful" (kṛcchra) and "hard to penetrate" (gahana). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses kaṣ "to harm".

Example.

kaṣ + kta → no iṭ → ṭ for t after ṣ (ṣṭutva) → kaṣṭa.

Bhaṭṭoji: kaṣṭa means pain and also its cause. He quotes the line syāt kaṣṭaṃ kṛcchram ābhīlam, from Amara's lexicon (one commentator says).

kaṣṭo mohaḥ "delusion is painful", a cause of pain.

kaṣṭaṃ śāstram "a difficult śāstra", one hard to penetrate.

Applies when / blocked by. In other senses: kaṣitam.

Watch out. How does kṛcchra reach "cause of pain"? One commentator says the word means both. The other says the second sense comes by secondary signification (lakṣaṇā). Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कषो निष्ठाय इण्न स्यादेतयोरर्थयोः । कष्टं दुःखं तत्कारणं च । स्तात्कष्टं कृच्छ्रमाभीलम् । कष्टो मोहः । कष्टं शास्त्रम् । दुरवगाहमित्यर्थः । कषितमन्यत् ॥

The niṣṭhā after kaṣ does not take iṭ in these two senses. kaṣṭam means pain and also its cause: "syāt kaṣṭaṃ kṛcchram ābhīlam" ("kaṣṭa, kṛcchra and ābhīla [are words for pain]"). kaṣṭo mohaḥ, "delusion is painful" [i.e. a cause of pain]. kaṣṭaṃ śāstram, "a difficult śāstra", meaning one that is hard to penetrate. Otherwise: kaṣitam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 516

—कृच्छ्रगहनयोः—। कृच्छ्रं दुःखं तत्कारणं च लक्षणया गृह्यते, कषतिर्हिंसार्थः ॥ —कष्टो मोह इति । दुःखहेतुरित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

कृच्छ्रगहनयोः कषः - कृच्छ्रगहनयोः । कृच्छ्रशब्दो दुःखे, तत्कारणे च वर्तते । कष्टं दुःखं, तत्कारणं चेति ।स्यात्कष्टं कृच्छ्रमाभील॑मित्यमरकोशवाक्यम् । दुःखकारणे उदाहरति — कष्टो मोह इति । गहने उदाहरति — कष्टं शास्त्रमिति । गहनशब्दं विवृणोति — दुरवगाहमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the word kṛcchra denotes both pain and its cause. The verse 'syāt kaṣṭaṃ kṛcchram ābhīlam' is from Amara's Kośa. kaṣṭo mohaḥ illustrates the cause of pain, kaṣṭaṃ śāstram illustrates gahana, and 'duravagāham' glosses gahana. Followed: '[i.e. a cause of pain]' and the assignment of the two examples.
commentary TB, sk.3062.t1: kṛcchra means pain, and its cause is taken by secondary signification (lakṣaṇā); kaṣ means 'to harm'. kaṣṭo mohaḥ means 'a cause of pain'. Followed: '[i.e. a cause of pain]'.
translator TB takes the 'cause of pain' sense of kṛcchra by lakṣaṇā, while BM says kṛcchra 'denotes' (vartate) both. The English 'means pain and also its cause' leaves both readings open (§16).
textual Ours reads 'kaṣo niṣṭhāya' and 'stāt kaṣṭaṃ'. The print reads 'kaṣo niṣṭhāyā' and 'syāt kaṣṭaṃ' (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read), as do Wikisource and BM's citation of Amara. The English follows the print. This is collation batch07, class A.
translator The bracketed '[The niṣṭhā] … [does not take iṭ]' is the kaumudī's own 'kaṣo niṣṭhāyā iṇ na syāt'. Neither commentary names its source here. In the translator's inference it is 'niṣṭhāyām' from śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039) and 'na iṭ' from neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981), both still current, as BM states under yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025).

SK 3063 · A 7.2.23V

घुषिरविशब्दने ॥ ३०६३ ॥

ghuṣiraviśabdane

ghuṣir aviśabdane — ghuṣ(ir) [does not take iṭ in the niṣṭhā] except in the sense of making known by words (viśabdana).

Rule. ghuṣ(ir) takes no iṭ in the niṣṭhā, except in the sense "making known by words" (viśabdana). The ir is the root's marker.

Example.

ghuṣ + kta → no iṭ → ghuṣṭā rajjuḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses it "a rope that has been made" or "stretched".

In the sense of making known → iṭ → ghuṣitaṃ vākyam. Bhaṭṭoji: "a statement whose intent has been made plain by words".

Watch out. One commentator raises a difficulty. The root in the sense of making known takes the curādi affix ṇic. Then ṇic stands between root and niṣṭhā, so the ban could not reach it anyway. His answer: the very exclusion is a jñāpaka. It shows that this root's ṇic is optional.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

घुषिर्निष्ठायामनिट् स्यात् । घुष्टा रज्जुः । अविशब्दने किम् । घुषितं वाक्यम् । शब्देन प्रकटीकृताभिप्रायमित्यर्थः ॥

ghuṣ(ir) does not take iṭ in the niṣṭhā: ghuṣṭā rajjuḥ ["a rope made", or "stretched"]. Why "except in the sense of viśabdana"? ghuṣitaṃ vākyam, meaning a statement whose intent has been made plain by words.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 516

—घुषिरवि—। घुषिरविशब्दार्थ इति भ्वादिः घुषिरविशब्देन इति चुरादिर्द्वयोरपि सामान्येन ग्रहणम् । ननु विशब्दनार्थाद् घुषेश्चुरादिणिचा भाव्यं ततश्च णिचा व्यवधानाद् घुषेः परा निष्ठा नास्तीति कथमिण्निषेधप्रसङ्गः, किं च विशब्दने त्विण्निषेधाभावाण्णिच्युपधागुणे ‘निष्ठायां सेटि’ इति णिलोपे च घोषितं वाक्यमित्यपि स्यादिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । एवं तर्हि विशब्दनप्रतिषेध एव ज्ञापकः विशब्दनार्थस्य चुरादिणिजनित्य इति नास्त्युक्तदोष इति दिक् ॥ —अभेः—। विशेषेण दूरं विदूरं ततोऽन्यदविदूरं तस्य भाव आविदूर्यम् । ब्राह्मणादित्वात्ष्यञ् । अस्मादेव निर्देशात् ‘न नञ्पूर्वात्तत्पुरुषात्—’ इति निषेधो न भवति । सामीप्य इत्येव तु नोक्तं नातिदूरस्यासंग्रहापत्तेः, तदेतद्ध्वनयन्व्याचष्टे—नातिदूरं नासन्नं वेति । एवं च सामीप्य इति प्राचो व्याख्यानमुपलक्षणतया नेयमित्याहुः ॥ —णेः—। अधीयत इति अध्ययनम् ‘कृत्यल्युटः—’ इति बहुलवचनात्कर्मणि ल्युट् ॥ —णिलुक् चेति । निपात्यत इति शेषः । लोपे हि प्रत्ययलक्षणेन गुणः स्यादिति भावः ॥ — शृतम्—॥ —श्रातिश्रपयत्योरिति । श्रा पाके इत्यदादौ पठ्यते चुरादावपि घटादिष्वपि पठ्यते मित्त्वार्थम् । श्रै पाक इति च भ्वादौ तस्यापि कृतात्वस्येह ग्रहणम् । निपातनसामर्थ्याल्लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तपरिभाषा नाश्रीयत इत्याहुः ॥ — शृभावो निपात्यत इति । ‘ष्यङः संप्रसारणम्—’ इति प्रकृतमेव संप्रसारणं न विहितम् । श्रयतेरपि श्रितमेव यथा स्यादिति । अत्र ‘विभाषाभ्यवपूर्वस्य’ इति विभाषानुवर्तते सा च व्यवस्थिता तेन क्षीरहविषोरेव शृभावो नित्यश्च, अन्यत्र तु नैव भवतीत्याशयेनाह—क्षीरहविषोः पाक इति ॥ —अन्यत्विति । शाकादिः श्रपितमिति णौ मितां ह्रस्वः

Bālamanoramā

घुषिरविशब्दने - घुषिरविशब्दने । घुष्टा रज्जुरिति । उत्पादितेत्यर्थः । आयामितेति वा । शब्देन अभिप्रायप्रकाशनं विशब्दनम् । तदाह — शब्देनेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ghuṣṭā rajjuḥ means 'produced' (utpāditā), or 'stretched' (āyāmitā). viśabdana is making one's intent known by words, which the kaumudī states with 'śabdena…'. Followed: the bracketed glosses of ghuṣṭā and 'making known by words'.
commentary TB, sk.3063.t1: both roots are taken in general: ghuṣir aviśabdane (bhvādi) and ghuṣir viśabdane (curādi). Objection: a root in the sense viśabdana must take the curādi ṇic, so ṇic stands between it and the niṣṭhā. How then could the prohibition of iṭ apply to it at all? Moreover, in the viśabdana sense, with no prohibition of iṭ, ṇic, guṇa of the penultimate and deletion of ṇi by niṣṭhāyāṃ seṭi (SK 3057) would give ghoṣitaṃ vākyam as well. Answer: the very exclusion of viśabdana is a jñāpaka that the curādi ṇic of the viśabdana root is optional (anitya), so the objection fails. Recorded; it bears on how ghuṣitam is formed.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read). TB's lemmas are OCR'd as 'dhuṣi-' for ghuṣi- (scan: ghuṣi-). TB on SK 3065, 3066 and 3067 is printed at the tail of sk.3063.t1.
translator The bracketed '[does not take iṭ in the niṣṭhā]' is the kaumudī's own 'niṣṭhāyām aniṭ syāt'. Neither commentary names its source. In the translator's inference it is 'niṣṭhāyām' (SK 3039) and 'na iṭ' (SK 2981), carried forward. The 'ir' of ghuṣir is the root's anubandha.

SK 3064 · A 7.2.24V

अर्देः संनिविभ्यः ॥ ३०६४ ॥

ardeḥ saṃnivibhyaḥ

ardeḥ saṃnivibhyaḥ — [The niṣṭhā] after ard preceded by sam, ni or vi [does not take iṭ].

Rule. After the root ard preceded by sam, ni or vi, the niṣṭhā takes no iṭ. Bhaṭṭoji: "the niṣṭhā after ard preceded by these does not take iṭ".

Example.

sam + ard + kta → no iṭ → sam + ard + ta

→ n for the t and for the d before it (SK 3016) → sam + arn + na

→ ṇatva after r → samarṇaḥ.

Likewise nyarṇaḥ, vyarṇaḥ.

These steps are one commentator's (in a fuller copy of his text); Bhaṭṭoji gives the forms only.

Applies when / blocked by. Without these upasargas: arditaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एतत्पूर्वादर्देर्निष्ठाया इण्न स्यात् । समर्णः । न्यर्णः । व्यर्णः । अर्दितोऽन्यः ॥

The niṣṭhā after ard preceded by these [sam, ni, vi] does not take iṭ: samarṇaḥ, nyarṇaḥ, vyarṇaḥ. In any other case: arditaḥ.

translator notes

commentary Wikisource BM only (uttara-3/0117): samarṇaḥ: from sam ard ta, radābhyām… (SK 3016) gives n for the t of the niṣṭhā and for the preceding d, and then ṇatva applies. Recorded. The kaumudī itself gives no derivation.
textual BM on this sūtra is missing from our BM layer: sk3064 has an empty b-layer, and no neighbouring b-block carries it. Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0117) has it; see the BM note. The print has no TB on SK 3064 (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516: TB passes from ghuṣir aviśabdane to abheḥ). Ours agrees with the print kaumudī.
translator The bracketed '[The niṣṭhā] … [does not take iṭ]' is the kaumudī's own 'niṣṭhāyā iṇ na syāt'. Its source (SK 3039, SK 2981 carried forward) is the translator's inference.

SK 3065 · A 7.2.25V

अभेश्चाविदूर्ये ॥ ३०६५ ॥

abheścāvidūrye

abheś cāvidūrye — And [ard] preceded by abhi [takes no iṭ (in the niṣṭhā) — so BM's gloss] when the sense is not-being-far (āvidūrya).

Rule. ard after abhi also takes no iṭ in the niṣṭhā, when the sense is "not being far" (āvidūrya).

Example.

abhi + ard + kta → no iṭ → n for t and d, then ṇ → abhyarṇam.

Bhaṭṭoji gives only the form. The steps shown are those of SK 3064, carried over; no commentator gives them here.

Bhaṭṭoji glosses it "not very far", or "not near".

Applies when / blocked by. Otherwise: abhyarditam.

Watch out. Why does the rule not simply say "near" (sāmīpya)? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. "Near" would leave out "not very far". Bhaṭṭoji signals this with his double gloss. One commentator keeps the two glosses apart.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अभ्यर्णम् । नातिदूरं नासन्नं वा । अभ्यर्दितमन्यत् ॥

[After abhi, ard takes no iṭ in the niṣṭhā:] abhyarṇam, "not very far", or "not near". Otherwise: abhyarditam.

Bālamanoramā

अभेश्चाविदूर्ये - अभेश्चाविदूर्ये । अविदूरस्य भाव आविदूर्यम् । तस्मिन् गम्ये अभेः परोऽर्दिरनिट्क इत्यर्थः । सामीप्य इत्येव तु नोक्तम्, अनतिदूरस्य असङ्ग्रहापत्तेः । तत्सूचयन्नाह — नातिदूरमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: āvidūrya is the state of being not-far (avidūrasya bhāvaḥ). When that is conveyed, ard after abhi takes no iṭ. 'sāmīpye' (nearness) is not used because it would leave out the not-very-far, as the kaumudī signals with 'nātidūram'. Followed: '[ard … takes no iṭ]' in sutra_en and the bracket in k1.
translator BM only glosses ('abheḥ paro 'rdir aniṭkaḥ'), and TB names no anuvṛtti either. That 'ard' and the niṣṭhā context are carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ardeḥ saṃnivibhyaḥ (SK 3064) is the translator's identification.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3063.t1: vidūra is 'especially far'; avidūra is what differs from it; its abstract is āvidūrya, with ṣyañ because the word belongs to the brāhmaṇādi (SK 1788). This very wording shows that na nañpūrvāt tatpuruṣāt… (SK 1783) does not block it. 'sāmīpye' is not used because the not-very-far would be left out, and the kaumudī conveys this with 'nātidūraṃ nāsannaṃ vā'. So the earlier writers' explanation 'sāmīpye' should be taken as only an indication (upalakṣaṇa). Followed: the two glosses kept apart, 'not very far' and 'not near'.
textual Ours 'nātidūraṃ nāsannaṃ vā' agrees with the print (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read) and with TB's lemma. Wikisource reads 'nātidūram āsannaṃ vā'. The English follows ours and the print.

SK 3066 · A 7.2.26V

णेरध्ययने वृत्तम् ॥ ३०६६ ॥

ṇeradhyayane vṛttam

ṇer adhyayane vṛttam — From [vṛt ending in] ṇic, vṛtta [is put as a ready-made form (nipātana)] in the sense of what is studied (adhyayana).

Rule. From vṛt ending in ṇic, in the sense "studied" (adhyayana), vṛtta is a nipātana. Bhaṭṭoji: the nipātana gives two things. The kta takes no iṭ, and ṇic is removed by luk.

Example.

varti + kta (the causative of vṛt) → no iṭ → ṇic removed by luk → vṛt + ta

→ vṛttaṃ chandaś chātreṇa "the metre has been gone through by the student".

Bhaṭṭoji glosses it "accomplished", that is, learned.

Applies when / blocked by. In other senses: vartitā rajjuḥ "a twisted rope".

Watch out. It is luk, not lopa. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say why it matters. If ṇic were removed by lopa, the stem would still count it present (pratyayalakṣaṇa). Then the root would take guṇa. With luk it keeps its ṛ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ण्यन्ताद्वृत्तेः क्तस्येडभावो णिलुक्चाधीयमानेऽर्थे । वृत्तं छन्दश्छात्रेण । संपादितम् । अधीतमिति यावत् । अन्यत्र तु वर्तिताः रज्जुः ॥

From vṛt ending in ṇic, in the sense of something being studied, [the nipātana gives] the absence of iṭ for kta and the luk-elision of ṇic: vṛttaṃ chandaś chātreṇa, "the chandas has been gone through by the student", that is, accomplished — in effect, learned. Elsewhere, however: vartitā rajjuḥ, "a twisted rope".

Bālamanoramā

णेरध्ययने वृत्तम् - णेरध्ययने । णिलुक् चेति । णिलोपे तु लघूपधगुणः स्यादिति भावः । अधीयमान इति । सूत्रे अध्ययनशब्दः कर्मणि ल्युडन्त इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ṇiluk ca': if ṇic were removed by lopa [rather than luk], guṇa of the light penultimate would follow. On 'adhīyamāne': adhyayana in the sūtra ends in lyuṭ in the object sense. Followed: 'in the sense of what is studied' in sutra_en, and luk kept distinct from lopa.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3063.t1: adhyayana is 'that which is studied' (adhīyate iti), with lyuṭ in the object sense by the bahula of kṛtyalyuṭo bahulam (SK 2841). On 'ṇiluk ca': 'nipātyate' is to be supplied (śeṣa). With lopa, guṇa would come by pratyayalakṣaṇa. Followed: '[the nipātana gives]'.
textual Ours reads 'vartitāḥ rajjuḥ', with a stray visarga. The print reads 'vartitā rajjuḥ' (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read at zoom), as does Wikisource. The English follows the print. This is collation batch07, class A.

SK 3067 · A 6.1.27V

शृतं पाके ॥ ३०६७ ॥

śṛtaṃ pāke

śṛtaṃ pāke — [In place of śrā and its causal śrapi before kta,] śṛ [is put as a ready-made form (nipātana)] in the sense of cooking [— restricted to milk and oblation: per TB by the 'optionally' (vibhāṣā) carried forward (anuvṛtti) from vibhāṣābhyavapūrvasya (SK 3023), read as a fixed option (vyavasthita); per BM by a vārttika].

Rule. Before kta, śṛ is a nipātana in place of śrā and of its causative śrapi. It holds when milk or an oblation (havis) is cooked. Bhaṭṭoji: "in the cooking of milk or of an oblation".

Example.

śrā + kta or śrapi + kta → śṛ by nipātana → śṛ + ta

→ śṛtaṃ kṣīram.

Bhaṭṭoji glosses it two ways. Milk "softened of itself", or milk "cooked".

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators matches the glosses to the two roots. Plain śrā is intransitive, and its kta is in the agent (SK 3086). The causative śrapi means the same as pac, and its kta is in the object.

Applies when / blocked by. For things other than milk and oblation: śrāṇam or śrapitam.

Watch out. Where does the limit to milk and oblation come from? One commentator: from a vārttika. The other: from the "optionally" of SK 3023, carried here as a fixed option. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

श्रातिश्रपयत्योः क्ते शृभावो निपात्यते । क्षीरहविषोः पाके । शृतं क्षीरम् । स्वयमेव विक्लिन्नं पक्वं वेत्यर्थः । क्षीरहविर्भ्यामन्यत्तु श्राणं श्रपितं वा ॥

Before kta, śṛ is put as a nipātana in place of śrā and of śrapi [its causal], in the cooking of milk or of an oblation (havis): śṛtaṃ kṣīram, meaning [milk] that has softened of itself, or that has been cooked. For anything other than milk and oblation, however: śrāṇam, or śrapitam.

Bālamanoramā

शृतं पाके - शृतं पाके । 'श्रा पाके' घटादिः । तस्माद्धेतुमण्णिचि पुकि मित्त्वाद्ध्रस्वे श्रपि इति भवतीति स्थितिः । श्रातिश्रपयत्योरिति । अण्यन्तस्य, ण्यन्तस्य च श्राधोतरित्यर्थः । क्षीरहविषोरिति । एतच्च वार्तिकाल्लभ्यते । अण्यन्तं व्याचष्टे -स्वयमेव विक्लिन्नमिति । श्राधातुरण्यन्तः पाके वर्तते । पाकश्चाऽत्र विक्लित्तिरेव विवक्षिता, न तु तदनुकूलव्यापारोऽपि । तथा च श्राधातोर्विक्लित्तावकर्मकत्वात्गत्यर्थाऽकर्मके॑ति कर्तरि क्तः । तथा च क्षीरं विक्लित्त्याश्रय इति फलितम् । ततो णिचि विक्लित्त्यनुकूलव्यापारार्थकपचिना समानार्थकात् 'श्रपी' त्यस्मात्कर्मणि क्तप्रत्यये फलितमाह - पक्वमिति । एतच्च भाष्यकैयटयोः स्पष्टम् ।क्षीराज्यहविषां शृत॑मित्यमरस्य तु प्रमाद एव,क्षीरहविषो॑रिति वार्तिकविरोधात् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: śrā pāke is a ghaṭādi root, so with the causal ṇic and puk its vowel is shortened because it is mit, giving śrapi. 'śrātiśrapayatyoḥ' means the root śrā without ṇic and with ṇic. 'kṣīrahaviṣoḥ' is obtained from a vārttika. 'svayam eva viklinnam' explains the form without ṇic: śrā without ṇic means cooking in the sense of softening only, not the activity that brings it about. Being intransitive, it takes kta in the agent by gatyarthākarmaka… (SK 3086): milk is the locus of the softening. With ṇic it means the activity that brings about softening, the same as pac, and kta is in the object sense: hence 'pakvam'. This is clear in the Bhāṣya and Kaiyaṭa. Amara's 'kṣīrājyahaviṣāṃ śṛtam' is simply an error, since it conflicts with the vārttika's 'kṣīrahaviṣoḥ'. Followed: '[its causal]' and the two glosses kept apart; BM's vārttika source for the restriction is given in the sutra_en bracket beside TB's view.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3063.t1: śrā pāke is read in the adādi, in the curādi, and among the ghaṭādi (to make it mit); śrai pāke of the bhvādi, once its ā-substitution is made, is also included. By force of the nipātana, the paribhāṣā on lakṣaṇa- and pratipadokta-forms is not applied. śṛ is put by nipātana rather than the saṃprasāraṇa current from ṣyaṅaḥ saṃprasāraṇam… (SK 1003), so that śri (śrayati) still gives only śrita. Here the vibhāṣā of vibhāṣābhyavapūrvasya (SK 3023) is carried forward, and it is a fixed option (vyavasthita): śṛ is obligatory for milk and oblation only and never occurs elsewhere. With this in mind the kaumudī says 'kṣīrahaviṣoḥ pāke'. On 'anyat tu': vegetables etc. give śrapitam, with shortening by mitāṃ hrasvaḥ (SK 2568) before ṇi. Recorded in the sutra_en bracket, marked 'per TB', beside BM's view.
translator TB and BM disagree on where the restriction to milk and oblation comes from. TB takes it from the vyavasthita vibhāṣā carried forward from SK 3023; BM takes it from a vārttika. Recorded per §16: the sutra_en bracket gives both views, and k1 states the restriction neutrally, as the kaumudī does.
textual Ours agrees with the print kaumudī (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read at zoom).
textual TB layer, not mūla. sk.3063.t1 drops a printed line after 'śrayater api śritam eva yathā'. The scan (page-0516, read at zoom) reads 'syād iti. atra vibhāṣābhyavapūrvasya iti vibhāṣānuvartate sā ca vyavasthitā tena kṣīrahaviṣor eva śṛbhāvo nityaś ca, anyatra' before 'tu naiva bhavatīty āśayenāha'. The TB note above uses the print.
translator The kaumudī does not derive śrāṇam (from śrā, without ṇic) or śrapitam (from the causal śrapi with iṭ).

SK 3068 · A 7.2.27V

वा दान्तशान्तपूर्णदस्तस्पष्टच्छन्नज्ञप्ताः ॥ ३०६८ ॥

vā dāntaśāntapūrṇadastaspaṣṭacchannajñaptāḥ

vā dāntaśāntapūrṇadastaspaṣṭacchannajñaptāḥ — [With ṇic — 'ṇeḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ṇer adhyayane vṛttam (SK 3066), per BM —] dānta, śānta, pūrṇa, dasta, spaṣṭa, channa and jñapta are optionally put as ready-made forms (nipātana).

Rule. Seven niṣṭhā forms from causative stems are optional nipātanas. They are dānta, śānta, pūrṇa, dasta, spaṣṭa, channa and jñapta. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "from ṇic-stems" from SK 3066.

Example. One commentator gives the steps.

dami + kta → no iṭ (nipātana) → ṇi lost → lengthening (SK 2666) → dāntaḥ.

śami + kta → in the same way → śāntaḥ.

pūri + kta → no iṭ → ṇi lost → n after r (SK 3016) → ṇ → pūrṇaḥ.

chādi + kta → no iṭ, no vṛddhi (nipātana) → ṇi lost → n (SK 3016) → channaḥ.

Likewise dastaḥ, spaṣṭaḥ, jñaptaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. In the other option the forms have iṭ. Bhaṭṭoji: damitaḥ, śamitaḥ, pūritaḥ, dāsitaḥ, spāśitaḥ, chāditaḥ, jñapitaḥ. One commentator: damitaḥ and śamitaḥ have a short vowel because the roots are mit. Such roots shorten their vowel before ṇi (mitāṃ hrasvaḥ, SK 2568).

Watch out. Some held that pūrṇa is redundant here, given SK 3040, which already blocks n after pṝ. One commentator answers that pūrṇa here comes from the causative of a different root, pūrī. Some texts read jñāpitaḥ for jñapitaḥ; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एते णिचि निष्ठान्ता वा निपात्यते । पक्षे । दमितः । शमितः । पूरितः । दासितः । स्पाशितः । छादितः । ज्ञपितः ॥

These, as niṣṭhā-final forms with ṇic, are optionally put as nipātana. In the other alternative: damitaḥ, śamitaḥ, pūritaḥ, dāsitaḥ, spāśitaḥ, chāditaḥ, jñapitaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 516

—वा दान्त—। शमु दमु उपशमे, पूरी आप्यायने दिवादिश्चुरादिश्च । दसु उपक्षये, स्पश वाधने, छद अपवारणे । ज्ञपिर्मित् । मित्संज्ञायां मारणतोषणनिशामनेष्वित्युक्तेः

Bālamanoramā

वा दान्तशान्तपूर्णदस्तस्पष्टच्छन्नज्ञप्ताः - वा दान्त ।णेरध्ययने वृत्त॑मित्यतो णेरित्यनुवर्तते । 'दमु शमु उपशमे' ण्यन्ताभ्यामिडभावो निपात्यते ।अनुनासिकस्ये॑ति दीर्घः । णिलोपस्तु न स्थानिवत्, निपातनाद्दीर्घविधौ तन्निषेधाच्च । दान्तः । शान्तः । 'पूरी आप्यायने' ण्यन्तात्क्तः, इडभावो निपात्यते, णिलोपः । रात्परत्वान्नत्वं, णत्वं । पूर्णः । एतेन न ध्याख्यापृमूर्च्छी॑त्येव सिद्धे पूर्णग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यपास्तम्, पूरीधातोर्ण्यन्तात्पूर्णरूपार्थत्वात् । 'दसु उपक्षये' ण्यन्तात् इडभावो निपात्यते, उपधावृद्ध्यभावश्च । णिलोपः । 'स्पश बाधने' ण्यन्तात् क्तः, इडभावो निपात्यते, उपधावृद्ध्यभावश्च । णिलोपः । स्पष्टम् ।छद अपवारणे॑ । ण्यन्तात्क्तः । इडभावो वृद्ध्यभावश्च निपात्यते । णिलोपः ।रदाभ्या॑मिति नत्वं, — छन्नः ।ज्ञप मिच्चे॑ति चुरादिण्यन्तात् क्तः । इडभावो णिलोप इति कैयटः । ज्ञप्तः । पक्ष इति । निपातनाऽभावपक्ष इत्यर्थः । दमितः शमित इति । अमन्तत्वेन मित्त्वाद्ध्रस्वः । ज्ञापित इति । अचौरादिकस्य रूपम् । चौरादिकस्य तु ज्ञपित इत्येव ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ṇeḥ' is carried forward from ṇer adhyayane vṛttam. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM derives each form. damu and śamu upaśame: from the ṇic-forms, the absence of iṭ is put by nipātana; lengthening by anunāsikasya… (SK 2666); the deletion of ṇi is not sthānivat, because of the nipātana and because sthānivattva is prohibited in rules of lengthening: dāntaḥ, śāntaḥ. pūrī āpyāyane: kta from the ṇic-form, absence of iṭ by nipātana, ṇi deleted, n because it follows r, then ṇatva: pūrṇaḥ. This answers the view that pūrṇa is redundant given na dhyākhyāpṝmūrchimadām (SK 3040), since pūrṇa here is from the ṇic-form of pūrī. dasu upakṣaye: absence of iṭ and of penultimate vṛddhi by nipātana, ṇi deleted. spaśa bādhane: kta from the ṇic-form, absence of iṭ and of penultimate vṛddhi by nipātana, ṇi deleted: spaṣṭam. chada apavāraṇe: kta from the ṇic-form, absence of iṭ and of vṛddhi by nipātana, ṇi deleted, n by radābhyām… (SK 3016): channaḥ. From the curādi ṇic-form of jñapa mic ca, kta, with absence of iṭ and deletion of ṇi, per Kaiyaṭa: jñaptaḥ. 'pakṣe' means where there is no nipātana; in damitaḥ and śamitaḥ the vowel is short because, ending in am, the roots are mit. Recorded: the kaumudī gives only the list and the other-alternative forms.
commentary BM's last lemma reads 'jñāpita' (ours garbled 'jñāpata'; Wikisource 'jñāpita'): this is the form of the non-curādi root; for the curādi root it is only jñapita. BM thus presupposes a kaumudī reading jñāpitaḥ (Wikisource SK has 'jñāpitaḥ'). Recorded; the English keeps ours and the print, jñapitaḥ.
commentary TB, sk.3068.t1, names the roots: śamu and damu upaśame; pūrī āpyāyane, both divādi and curādi; dasu upakṣaye; spaśa bādhane; chada apavāraṇe. jñapi is mit, because the mit-list says [jñā is mit] in the senses of killing, pleasing and perceiving. Recorded.
translator TB states only that jñapi is mit. Applying this to the kaumudī's other-alternative form is the translator's inference: it supports jñapitaḥ with a short vowel, as does BM's 'caurādikasya tu jñapita ity eva'. The English keeps jñapitaḥ.
textual Ours reads 'vā nipātyate'. The print reads 'vā nipātyante' (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read at zoom), agreeing with the plural subject ete, as does Wikisource. The English follows the print. This is collation batch07, class A.
textual Class C, for Ajai. Ours and the print (scan page-0516, zoom) read 'jñapitaḥ', and TB's mit-note supports it. Wikisource SK reads 'jñāpitaḥ', and BM's lemma presupposes it.

SK 3069 · A 7.2.28V

रुष्यमत्वरसंघुषास्वनाम् ॥ ३०६९ ॥

ruṣyamatvarasaṃghuṣāsvanām

ruṣyamatvarasaṃghuṣāsvanām — After ruṣ, am, tvar, saṃ-ghuṣ and ā-svan, [the niṣṭhā] optionally [takes iṭ — 'vā' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from vā dānta… (SK 3068), with 'ṇeḥ' discontinued, per BM].

Rule. After ruṣ, am, tvar, saṃ-ghuṣ and ā-svan, the niṣṭhā optionally takes iṭ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: "optionally" carries from SK 3068, but "from ṇic-stems" stops.

Example.

ruṣ + kta → ruṣitaḥ / ruṣṭaḥ.

am + kta → amitaḥ; or no iṭ → lengthening (SK 2666) → āntaḥ.

tvar + kta → tvaritaḥ; or no iṭ → ū for v (SK 2654) → tūr + ta → n (SK 3016), then ṇ → tūrṇaḥ.

sam + ghuṣ + kta → saṃghuṣṭaḥ / saṃghuṣitaḥ.

ā + svan + kta → āsvāntaḥ / āsvanitaḥ.

The steps of āntaḥ and tūrṇaḥ are given by both commentators.

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators say what each option overrides. ruṣ is veṭ by SK 2340, so yasya vibhāṣā would ban iṭ. ñitvarā is ādit, so SK 3036 would ban it. Here both become optional.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji remarks that tvar's marker ā "has little purpose". Both commentators explain: it only shows the middle voice (ātmanepada), which a short marker would show as well. For saṃ-ghuṣ, the two commentators account for the option differently; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो निष्ठाया इड्वा । रुषितः । रुष्टः । आन्तः । अमितः । तूर्णः । त्वरितः । अस्याऽऽत्त्वे फलं मन्दम् । संघुष्टः । संघुषितः । आस्वान्तः । आस्वनितः ॥

After these, the niṣṭhā optionally takes iṭ: ruṣitaḥ, ruṣṭaḥ; āntaḥ, amitaḥ; tūrṇaḥ, tvaritaḥ — the ā-marking (ādittva) of this [root, tvar,] has little purpose; saṃghuṣṭaḥ, saṃghuṣitaḥ; āsvāntaḥ, āsvanitaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 516

—रुष्य—। रुष रोषे ‘तीषसह—’ इति विकल्पितेट्कत्वात् ‘यस्य विभाषा’ इति नित्ये निषेधे प्राप्ते विकल्पो विधीयते । अम गत्यादिषु । अम रोगे इति चौरादिकस्तु न गृह्यते ‘एकाचः—’ इत्यधिकारादित्याहुः ॥ —आन्त इति । ‘अनुनासिकस्य—’ इति दीर्घः ॥ —तूर्ण इति । ‘ञित्वरा संभ्रमे ‘ज्वरत्वर—’ इत्यूठ् निष्ठानत्वम् । ‘आदितश्च’ इति निषेधे प्राप्ते विकल्पः । एवं च आदित्वस्य फलमात्मनेपदमात्रं तच्च एधत्यादिवद्ध्रस्वानुबन्धत्वेऽपि सिध्यत्येवेत्याशयेनाह—फलं मन्दमिति ॥ —संघुष्ट इति । संपूर्वाद् घुषेर्विशब्दने इटि प्राप्ते विकल्पोऽयम् । अविशब्दनेऽपि संपूर्वस्य परत्वादयं विकल्प एव ॥ —आस्वान्त इति । आङ्पूर्वस्य स्वनेर्मनोभिधानेप्ययमेव विकल्पः परत्वात् । आस्वान्तं मनः । आस्वनितं मन इति

Bālamanoramā

रुष्यमत्वरसंघुषास्वनाम् - रुष्यमत्वर । रुषि, अम,त्वर, संघुष् , आस्वन् — एषां द्वन्द्वः । णेरिति निवृत्तम् । पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । तदाह — एभ्य इति । वा स्यादिति । 'वा दान्ते' त्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । रुष्टः रुषित इति ।तीषसहे॑ति रुषो वेट्कत्वात्यस्य विभाषे॑ति निषेधे प्राप्ते विकल्पोऽयम् । आन्तः अमित इति । 'अम गत्यादिषु' क्तः । इडभावपक्षेअनुनासिकस्ये॑ति दीर्घः । तूर्णः त्वरित इति । 'ञि त्वरा संभ्रमे' क्तः, इडभावपक्षेज्वरत्वरे॑त्यूठ् ।रदाभ्या॑मिति नत्वम् । णत्वम् ।आदितश्चे॑ति नित्यमिण्निषेधे प्राप्ते विकल्पोऽयम् । आदित्त्वस्य तु फलमात्मनेपदमात्रं । तदाह — अस्य आदित्वे फलं मन्दमिति । तथा च 'एध वृद्धौ' इत्यादिवद्ध्रस्वानुबन्धत्वमेव न्याय्यमिति भावः । संघुष्टः संघुषित इति । 'घुषिरविशब्दने' इति घुषेः संपूर्वस्य नित्यमिण्निषेधे प्राप्ते विकल्पोऽयम् । आस्वान्तः आस्वनित इति । आङ्पूर्वात् स्वनेः क्तः । इडभावपक्षेअनुनासिकस्ये॑ति दीर्घः ।क्षुब्धस्वान्ते॑ति निपातनं तु आङ्पूर्वस्य स्वनेर्न भवति, परत्वादस्यैव विकल्पस्य प्राप्तेरित्याहुः ।न वे॑ति सूत्रभाष्ये तुसङ्घुषाऽऽस्वनोर्विषये उभयत्र विभाषे॑त्युक्तम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ruṣi, am, tvara, saṃghuṣ and āsvan form a dvandva. 'ṇeḥ' is discontinued. The sixth case (ṣaṣṭhī) stands for the fifth (pañcamī), hence 'ebhyaḥ'. 'vā syāt' is supplied because 'vā' is carried forward from vā dānta…. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM on the forms. ruṣ takes iṭ optionally by tīṣasaha… (SK 2340), so yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025) would prohibit iṭ in the niṣṭhā, and this rule makes it optional. am gatyādiṣu with kta: where there is no iṭ, lengthening by anunāsikasya… (SK 2666) gives āntaḥ. ñi tvarā saṃbhrame with kta: where there is no iṭ, ūṭh by jvaratvara… (SK 2654), n by radābhyām… (SK 3016), then ṇatva gives tūrṇaḥ. Here āditaś ca (SK 3036) would prohibit iṭ obligatorily, and this rule makes it optional. The only result of the ā-marking is the ātmanepada, hence 'its ādittva has little purpose'; a short anubandha, as in edha vṛddhau, would be the proper course. saṃ-ghuṣ: ghuṣir aviśabdane (SK 3063) would prohibit iṭ obligatorily, and this rule makes it optional. ā-svan with kta: where there is no iṭ, lengthening by anunāsikasya…. The nipātana in kṣubdhasvānta… (SK 3058) does not apply to svan with ā, because this later option applies instead, as they say. In the Bhāṣya on the sūtra 'na vā', however, the option is said to hold in both cases in the domain of saṃghuṣ and āsvan. Followed: '[root, tvar,]'.
commentary TB, sk.3069.t1: ruṣa roṣe takes iṭ optionally by tīṣasaha…, so yasya vibhāṣā would prohibit iṭ, and this rule makes it optional. am gatyādiṣu is meant; the curādi am roge is excluded by the ekācaḥ adhikāra, as they say. āntaḥ: lengthening by anunāsikasya…. tūrṇaḥ: ñitvarā saṃbhrame, ūṭh by jvaratvara…, n for the niṣṭhā; āditaś ca would prohibit iṭ, and the option overrides it. The only result of ādittva is the ātmanepada, which a short anubandha would also give (as in edhate etc.), hence 'phalaṃ mandam'. saṃghuṣṭaḥ: for saṃ-ghuṣ in the sense of viśabdana, where iṭ would apply, this is the option; even outside viśabdana, saṃ-ghuṣ takes this option because it is the later rule (paratva). āsvāntaḥ: for ā-svan, even when mind is meant, this option holds by paratva: āsvāntaṃ manaḥ, āsvanitaṃ manaḥ. Recorded.
translator BM and TB account differently for the option on saṃ-ghuṣ. BM: it overrides the obligatory prohibition of iṭ by ghuṣir aviśabdane (SK 3063). TB: in viśabdana it overrides the iṭ that would otherwise apply, and in aviśabdana it applies by paratva. The English 'saṃghuṣṭaḥ, saṃghuṣitaḥ' follows the kaumudī and does not choose between them (§16).
textual Ours reads 'asyā''ttve phalaṃ mandam'. The print reads 'asyā''dittve phalaṃ mandam' (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read at zoom); Wikisource has 'asyāditve', and BM's and TB's lemmas agree. The English follows the print ('the ā-marking'). This is collation batch07, class A.

SK 3070 · A 7.2.29V

हृषेर्लोमसु ॥ ३०७० ॥

hṛṣerlomasu

hṛṣer lomasu — After hṛṣ, [the niṣṭhā optionally takes iṭ] when the hair (loman) [is the agent, per BM].

Rule. After hṛṣ, the niṣṭhā optionally takes iṭ when the hair (loman) is concerned. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the hairs are the agent.

Example.

hṛṣ + kta → hṛṣṭaṃ loma / hṛṣitaṃ loma "the hair has bristled".

One commentator: the kta is in the agent, by SK 3086.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: vismitapratighātayoś ca "also in astonishment and in being thwarted". Bhaṭṭoji: hṛṣṭo / hṛṣito maitraḥ "Maitra is astonished", or "thwarted".

Elsewhere there is no option. Bhaṭṭoji names two roots. hṛṣu alīke "to speak falsely" is marked with u, so it takes no iṭ in the niṣṭhā. hṛṣa tuṣṭau "to be pleased" takes iṭ. One commentator: so hṛṣṭa means "one who has lied", and hṛṣita "pleased".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हृषेर्निष्ठाया इड्वा स्यात् लोमसु विषये । हृष्टं हृषितं लोम ।

After hṛṣ, the niṣṭhā optionally takes iṭ where the hair is concerned: hṛṣṭaṃ hṛṣitaṃ loma, "the hair has bristled".

vārttika

विस्मितप्रतिघातयोश्च

(vārttika) And in the senses of astonishment and of being thwarted.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ हृषो हृषितो मैत्रः । विस्मितः प्रतिहतो वेत्यर्थः । अन्यत्र तु । हृषु अलीके । उदित्वान्निष्ठायां नेट् । हृष तुष्टौ इट् ॥

hṛṣṭo hṛṣito maitraḥ, meaning "Maitra is astonished", or "thwarted". Elsewhere, however: hṛṣu alīke ("to speak falsely") takes no iṭ in the niṣṭhā because it is u-marked; hṛṣa tuṣṭau ("to be pleased") takes iṭ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 516–517

—हृषेः—। हृषु अलीके । उदित्त्वान्निष्ठायामनिट् । हृष तुष्टौ सेट् उभयोरपि ग्रहणमित्युभयत्र विभाषेयम् ॥ —पीनमिति । ओदित्त्वान्निष्ठानत्वम् ॥ —प्यान इति । ‘श्वीदितो निष्ठायाम्’ इतीडभावे यलोपः । नत्वे व्यवस्थान्तरमाह—सोपसर्गस्य नेत्यादि । अन्धुः कूपः ॥—प्रह्लन्न इति । ह्लादी सुखे, ईदित्त्वादिडभावे ‘रदाभ्याम्’—इति नत्वम्

Bālamanoramā

हृषेर्लोमसु - हृषेर्लोमसु । लोमसु कर्तृष्विति बोध्यम् । इदं चअजर्य॑मिति सूत्रे भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । हृष्टं हृषितं लोमेति ।गत्यर्थाऽकर्मके॑ति कर्तरि क्तः । रोमाञ्चितभूतमित्यर्थः । विस्मितप्रतिघातयोश्चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् ।हृषेर्निष्ठाया इड्वे॑ति शेषः । उदित्त्वादिति ।उदितो वे॑ति क्त्वायां वेट्कत्वात्यस्य विभाषे॑ति निष्ठायां नेडित्यर्थः । तथा अलीकेऽर्थे हृष्ट इत्येव । मृषोक्तवानित्यर्थः । इडिति । 'हृष तुष्टौ' इति धातोः क्ते इडेव भवतीत्यर्थः । हृषितः । तुष्ट इत्यर्थः । विस्मितप्रतिघातयोस्तु धातूनामनेकार्थत्वाद्वृत्तिः । तत्र लोमसु, विस्मितप्रतिघातयोश्च 'हृषु अलीके' इत्यस्मात् ।यस्य विभाषे॑ति नित्यमिण्निषेधे प्राप्ते विभाषेयम् । 'हृष तुष्टौ' इत्यस्मात्तु नित्यमिट्प्राप्तौ विभाषेति विवेकः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'lomasu' should be understood as 'when the hairs are agents'; this is clear in the Bhāṣya on ajaryaṃ saṃgatam (SK 2853). hṛṣṭaṃ hṛṣitaṃ loma has kta in the agent sense by gatyarthākarmaka… (SK 3086) and means 'having become horripilated'. Followed: '[is the agent]' and 'the hair has bristled'.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika; 'hṛṣer niṣṭhāyā iḍ vā' is to be supplied (śeṣa). hṛṣ occurs in the senses of astonishment and being thwarted because roots have many meanings. Followed: '(vārttika)' and the option understood as extended to these senses.
commentary BM: 'uditvāt': the root takes iṭ optionally before ktvā by udito vā (SK 3328), so by yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025) there is no iṭ in the niṣṭhā. Thus in the sense 'false' the form is only hṛṣṭa, meaning 'one who has lied'. 'iṭ': hṛṣa tuṣṭau takes iṭ before kta, so hṛṣita means 'pleased'. In the hair sense and in the vārttika's two senses, the option applies to hṛṣu alīke where yasya vibhāṣā would prohibit iṭ obligatorily, and to hṛṣa tuṣṭau where iṭ would be obligatory. Followed in k3.
commentary TB, sk.3070.t1: hṛṣu alīke is aniṭ in the niṣṭhā because it is u-marked; hṛṣa tuṣṭau is seṭ. Both are included, so the option holds for each. Recorded.
textual Ours reads 'hṛṣo hṛṣito maitraḥ'. The print reads 'hṛṣṭo hṛṣito maitraḥ' (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read at zoom), and Wikisource has 'hṛṣṭo-'. The English follows the print. This is collation batch08, class A.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag heading k3 is editorial. The print marks 'vismitapratighātayoś ca' with the vārttika sign, and 'hṛṣṭo hṛṣito maitraḥ…' is Bhaṭṭoji's prose (scan page-0516). TB on SK 3072 ('pyāna iti', 'sopasargasya na') and SK 3073 is printed at the tail of sk.3070.t1.

SK 3071 · A 7.2.30V

अपचितश्च ॥ ३०७१ ॥

apacitaśca

apacitaś ca — And apacita [is an irregularly given (nipātita) niṣṭhā form, optionally — 'vā' as the kaumudī supplies it].

Rule. apacita is an optional nipātana from the root cāy. Bhaṭṭoji: "this is a nipātana of cāy, optionally".

Example.

apa + cāy + kta → by nipātana → apacitaḥ "honoured".

In the other option → apacāyitaḥ.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators quotes the Bhāṣya differently. There the nipātana is ci for the causative of ciñ after apa.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चायतेर्निपातोऽयं वा । अपचितः । अपचायितः ॥

This is an irregular form (nipāta) of cāy, [given] optionally: apacitaḥ ['honoured'], [or] apacāyitaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

अपचितश्च - अपचितश्च ।अपपूर्वस्य चिञो ण्यन्तस्य निष्ठायां चिभावो निपात्यते॑ इति भाष्यं । तदाह — चायेर्निपातोऽयमिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM quotes the Bhāṣya: 'ci-substitution (cibhāva) before a niṣṭhā is given irregularly (nipātyate) for ciñ in the causative (ṇyanta) preceded by apa', and says that this is what the kaumudī states with 'cāyer nipāto 'yam'. Recorded; the English follows the kaumudī's own wording (cāy).
textual BM's lemma reads 'cāyer nipāto 'yam'; ours and the print (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516) read 'cāyater nipāto 'yaṃ vā'. Wikisource SK (uttara-3/0119) also reads 'cāye[r] nipāto 'yaṃ vā' (the repha dropped), so cāyeḥ is a witnessed kaumudī variant, not only BM's lemma. Both name the same root; the English is unaffected. Wikisource BM's quotation of the Bhāṣya has an encoding garble at this word that stands for ciño, as ours reads. No TB is printed on SK 3071: the TB band of p. 506 goes from hṛṣeḥ (SK 3070) straight to the pyāy forms (SK 3072).
translator Neither commentator says where 'vā' comes from; the kaumudī simply states it. That it continues from vā dāntaśāntapūrṇadastaspaṣṭacchannajñaptāḥ (SK 3068), with ca adding apacita to that list, is the translator's inference. Whether apacāyitaḥ is meant as the causative or the plain form of cāy is not said; BM's Bhāṣya quotation speaks of the causative.

SK 3072 · A 6.1.28V

प्यायः पी ॥ ३०७२ ॥

pyāyaḥ pī

pyāyaḥ pī — In place of pyāy, pī [is substituted, optionally (vibhāṣā), before a niṣṭhā — 'vibhāṣā' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from vibhāṣā 'bhyavapūrvasya (SK 3023) and 'niṣṭhāyām' from sphāyaḥ sphī niṣṭhāyām (SK 3044), per BM].

Rule. pī optionally replaces pyāy before a niṣṭhā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "optionally" from SK 3023 and "before a niṣṭhā" from SK 3044. Bhaṭṭoji: this is a fixed-domain option (vyavasthita-vibhāṣā). The working of such an option is fixed by context: obligatory in some places, optional in others, absent in others.

Example.

pyāy + kta → this rule: pī → pī + ta

→ n for t by oditaś ca (SK 3019), since the root is opyāyī → pīnaḥ.

In the other option → no iṭ (SK 3039), the y lost → n → pyānaḥ.

One commentator gives these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji sets out the domains.

For a part of one's own body (svāṅga) the pī is obligatory: pīnaṃ sukham. Scholars discuss this reading, since the body-part condition suggests mukham "face".

Elsewhere it is optional: pyānaḥ / pīnaḥ svedaḥ "sweat that has increased".

Not with an upasarga: prapyānaḥ.

But after āṅ, with andhu "well" and ūdhas "udder", it does occur: āpīno 'ndhuḥ "a well that has filled", āpīnam ūdhaḥ "a swollen udder".

One commentator says these limits are clear in the Bhāṣya.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वा स्यान्निष्ठायाम् । व्यवस्थितविभाषेयम् । तेन स्वाङ्गे नित्यम् । पीनं सुखम् । अन्यत्र प्यानः पीनः स्वेदः ॥

[pī replaces pyāy] optionally before a niṣṭhā. This is a fixed-domain option (vyavasthitavibhāṣā). Hence it is obligatory [where the word refers] to a part of one's own body (svāṅga): pīnaṃ sukham. Elsewhere [it is optional]: pyānaḥ or pīnaḥ svedaḥ ['sweat that has increased'].

vārttika

सोपसर्गस्य न

Not [so] for [pyāy] with a preverb (upasarga):

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ प्रप्यानः ॥

prapyānaḥ.

vārttika

आङ्पूर्वस्यान्धूधसोः स्यादेव

For [pyāy] preceded by āṅ, it [the pī-substitution] does occur, with andhu and ūdhas:

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ आपीनोन्धुः । आपीनमूधः ॥

āpīno 'ndhuḥ ['a well that has filled up']; āpīnam ūdhaḥ ['a swollen udder'].

Bālamanoramā

प्यायः पी - प्यायः पी । वा स्यान्निष्ठायामिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् ।विभाषाऽभ्यवपूर्वस्ये॑त्यतो विभाषेति,स्फायः स्फी॑त्यतो निष्ठायामिति चानुवर्तते इति भावः । व्यवस्थितविभाषेति । अत्र व्याख्यानमेव शरणम् ।सोपसर्गस्य ने॑त्यादि भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'vā syān niṣṭhāyām' completes the sūtra (śeṣapūraṇa): 'vibhāṣā' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from vibhāṣā 'bhyavapūrvasya and 'niṣṭhāyām' from sphāyaḥ sphī niṣṭhāyām. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM on 'vyavasthitavibhāṣā': here the explanation [of the tradition] is the only recourse; 'sopasargasya na' etc. is clear in the Bhāṣya. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed at the tail of sk.3070.t1: on pīnam, n replaces the niṣṭhā's t because [pyāy] has o as it-letter (oditaś ca, SK 3019); on pyānaḥ, iṭ is absent by śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039) and y is deleted. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3070.t1 (after 'iti iḍabhāve yalopaḥ'): 'natve' [sic: either 'regarding natva' or '(and) natva', i.e. natva also applies in pyānaḥ, with the punctuation misplaced] he states a further fixed domain (vyavasthāntara) with 'sopasargasya na' etc. ['of the option' is the translator's gloss of vyavasthāntara]; andhuḥ means a well (kūpaḥ). Followed: k2–k5 are rendered as Bhaṭṭoji's further restrictions, and andhu is glossed 'well'.
textual Ours and the print read 'pīnaṃ sukham' (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516, read at zoom: the akṣara is su, not mu). Wikisource SK reads 'pīnaṃ mukham' ('a plump face'), which the svāṅga condition requires; sukham is not a body part. The English keeps the transmitted reading; the probable correction mukham goes to Ajai (ours = print).
textual Ours types k2 and k4 as vārttika blocks, and k3 and k5 open with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)'. The print (NSP p. 506, scan page-0516) has no vārttika sign before either 'sopasargasya na' or 'āṅpūrvasyāndhūdhasoḥ syād eva' and runs them as plain text; Wikisource numbers them as vārttikas (vā 5065, vā 3461). BM says 'sopasargasya na' etc. is clear in the Bhāṣya. Following the print and TB, they are not labelled (vārttika) in the English.
textual TB layer: ours 'anyatv iti. āditvān niṣṭhānatvam' in sk.3070.t1. In the scan the lemma is partly hidden by the watermark and appears to read '[…]pīnam iti', with 'oditvān niṣṭhānatvam'. opyāyī is odit, so the scan's reading fits.

SK 3073 · A 6.4.95V

ह्लादो निष्ठायाम् ॥ ३०७३ ॥

hlādo niṣṭhāyām

hlādo niṣṭhāyām — Before a niṣṭhā, [a short vowel (hrasva) replaces the vowel] of hlād ['hrasvaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from khaci hrasvaḥ (SK 2955), per BM].

Rule. Before a niṣṭhā, a short vowel (hrasva) replaces the vowel of hlād. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "short" from khaci hrasvaḥ (SK 2955).

Example.

pra + hlād + kta → this rule → pra + hlad + ta

→ no iṭ, since hlādī is īdit (SK 3039)

→ n for the t and for the d before it (SK 3016) → prahlannaḥ "delighted".

Both commentators give these steps.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ह्रस्वः स्यात् । प्रह्लन्नः ॥

A short vowel (hrasva) [replaces it]: prahlannaḥ ['delighted'].

Bālamanoramā

ह्लादो निष्ठायाम् - ह्लादो निष्ठायाम् । ह्रस्वः स्यादिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । 'खचि ह्रस्वः' इत्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । प्रह्लन्न इति ।ह्लादी सुखे॑ । क्तः । 'श्वीदितः' इति नेट् ।रदाभ्याम् इति नत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'hrasvaḥ syāt' completes the sūtra (śeṣapūraṇa), because 'hrasvaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from khaci hrasvaḥ. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM on prahlannaḥ: hlādī 'to be glad' (sukhe); kta; no iṭ by śvīditaḥ (SK 3039); n [for t and the d] by radābhyām (SK 3016). Recorded.
commentary TB, printed at the tail of sk.3070.t1 (lemma garbled there as 'prahasta iti'; the scan, NSP p. 507, reads 'prahlanna iti'): hlādī sukhe; no iṭ since it has ī as it-letter; n by radābhyām. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 507, scan page-0517, read at zoom). No TB is in sk3073 itself.

SK 3074 · A 7.4.40V

द्यतिस्यतिमास्थामित्ति किति ॥ ३०७४ ॥

dyatisyatimāsthāmitti kiti

dyatisyatimāsthām it ti kiti — In place of [the final of] do (dyati), so (syati), mā and sthā, i is substituted before a t-initial [affix] that is kit.

Rule. i replaces the final of do, so, mā and sthā before a t-initial affix that is kit. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators splits the words as it – ti – kiti. Bhaṭṭoji: the rule is an exception (apavāda) to two others. They are ī by SK 2462 and dad by SK 3077.

Example.

do + kta (do "to cut") → this rule: i for the final → di + ta → ditaḥ.

so + kta (ṣo "to end") → sitaḥ.

mā + kta → mitaḥ.

sthā + kta → sthi + ta → sthitaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: mā, māṅ and meṅ are all included. One commentator names the maxim that includes them.

Watch out. do and so are named with the ending -ti, as dyati and syati (citation with śtip). One commentator says this fixes which root is meant. He rejects a view that it shuts out the yaṅluk forms. In yaṅluk these roots take iṭ, so this rule never gets a chance there.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषामिकारोऽन्तादेशः स्यात्तादौ किति । ईत्वदद्भावयोरपवादः । दितः । सितः । मा माङ् मेङ् । मितः । स्थितः ॥

For these, i is substituted for the final (antādeśa) before a t-initial [affix] that is kit. This is an exception (apavāda) to the substitution of ī (ītva) and to the substitution of dad (dadbhāva). ditaḥ ['cut']. sitaḥ ['ended']. mā, māṅ, meṅ [are all included]: mitaḥ. sthitaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 517

—द्यतिस्यति । दोऽवखण्डने, षोऽन्तकर्मणि, मा माने, माङ् माने, मेङ् प्रणिदाने, ष्ठा गतिनिवृत्तौ । श्तिपा निर्देशो धातुविशेषणार्थः । न हि श्तिपं विना श्यन् सुलभः । यत्तु प्रसादकृतोक्तम् ‘श्तिपा निर्देशो यङ्लुङ्निवृत्त्यर्थः ’ ‘दादत्तः सासत्तः’ इति । तन्न । यङ्लुकि हि इटा भाव्यं दादितः सासित इति । तत्र ति कितीति वचनान्नास्ति प्रसङ्गः । किं च ‘दो दद्धोः’ इति विधीयमान आदेशः अनेकाल्त्वात्सर्वस्येति निर्विवादम् । तथा च हन्तेर्यङ्लुगन्तस्य वधादेशवत्साभ्यासस्य प्रवर्तेतेति दादत्त इति त्वदुदाहृतरूपं कथमुक्तिसंभवं लभेतेत्याहुः

Bālamanoramā

द्यतिस्यतिमास्थामित्ति किति - द्यतिस्यति । एषां चतुर्णां द्वन्द्वात्षष्ठी । 'दो अवखण्डने' इत्यस्य द्यतीति निर्देशः ।षो अन्तकर्मणी॑त्यस्य तु स्यतीति निर्देशः । इत्-ति- कितीति च्छेदः । ईत्त्वेति ।घुमास्थे॑ति ईत्त्वस्य,दो दद्धो॑रिति दद्भावस्य च यथासंभवमपवाद इत्यर्थः । दोधातोरुदाहरति — दित इति । मा माङ् मेङिति ।गामादाग्रहणेष्वविशेषः॑ इति वचनादिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sixth case [-ām] follows a dvandva of the four; 'dyati' names do 'to cut' (avakhaṇḍane), 'syati' names ṣo 'to end' (antakarmaṇi); the sūtra is split it–ti–kiti. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: [the i is] an exception, as the case may be, to ītva by ghumāsthā… (SK 2462) and to dadbhāva by do dad ghoḥ (SK 3077); he illustrates from the root do with ditaḥ; mā, māṅ and meṅ are all included by [the paribhāṣā] 'gāmādāgrahaṇeṣv aviśeṣaḥ'. Followed: '[are all included]'.
commentary TB, sk.3074.t1: the roots are do avakhaṇḍane, ṣo antakarmaṇi, mā māne, māṅ māne, meṅ praṇidāne, ṣṭhā gatinivṛttau. Naming [do and so] with śtip (dyati, syati) serves to specify the root, since without śtip [the stem with] śyan is not readily obtained. TB rejects the view of the author of the Prasāda that the śtip-naming serves to exclude yaṅluk forms (dādattaḥ, sāsattaḥ): in yaṅluk iṭ must come (dāditaḥ, sāsitaḥ), so 'ti kiti' gives no occasion; and the dad of do dad ghoḥ, having more than one sound, replaces the whole, so it would apply to the reduplicated [yaṅluk] stem as vadha does for han, and the form dādattaḥ he gives cannot be had. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 507, scan page-0517, read at zoom). TB-layer OCR garbles: 'ditapā' = scan 'śtipā'; 'yaṅlaṅ-' = yaṅluk-.

SK 3075 · A 7.4.41V

शाच्छोरन्यतरस्याम् ॥ ३०७५ ॥

śācchoranyatarasyām

śācchor anyatarasyām — For śā and chā, optionally [i is substituted for the final before a t-initial affix that is kit — so BM's gloss].

Rule. For śā and chā, i optionally replaces the final before a t-initial kit affix. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: these are śo "to sharpen" and cho "to cut", named with their ā already made.

Example.

śo + kta → śitaḥ / śātaḥ "sharpened".

cho + kta → chitaḥ / chātaḥ "cut".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: this is a fixed-domain option. So for śo the i is obligatory where a vow (vrata) is concerned.

saṃśitaṃ vratam "a vow thoroughly accomplished".

saṃśito brāhmaṇaḥ "a brāhmaṇa who exerts himself in a vow".

One commentator says the domain is clear in the Bhāṣya.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शितः । शातः । छितः । छातः । व्यवस्थितविभाषात्वाद्व्रतविषये श्यतेर्नित्यम् । संशितं व्रतम् । सम्यक्संपादितमित्यर्थः । संशितो ब्राह्मणः । व्रतविषयकयत्नवानित्यर्थः ॥

śitaḥ, śātaḥ ['sharpened']; chitaḥ, chātaḥ ['cut']. Because this is a fixed-domain option (vyavasthitavibhāṣā), [i] is obligatory for śo (śyati) where a vow (vrata) is concerned: saṃśitaṃ vratam — that is, 'thoroughly accomplished'; saṃśito brāhmaṇaḥ — that is, 'one who exerts himself in respect of a vow'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 517

—शाच्छो—। शो तनूकरणे । छो छेदने

Bālamanoramā

शाछोरन्यतरस्याम् - शाच्छोः । शो तनूकरणे॑ 'छो छेदने' अनयोः कृतात्वयोर्निर्देशः । अनयोरिकारोऽन्तादेशो वा स्यात्तादौ कितीत्यर्थः । व्यवस्थितेति । एतच्च भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: śo 'to sharpen' (tanūkaraṇe) and cho 'to cut' (chedane) are named [as śā, chā] with ā already substituted; for these two, i is optionally substituted for the final before a t-initial [affix] that is kit. Followed in sutra_en.
translator BM's gloss ('anayor ikāro 'ntādeśo vā syāt tādau kiti') supplies the content but names no anuvṛtti, and TB only names the roots. That 'it' and 'ti kiti' are carried forward (anuvṛtti) from dyatisyatimāsthām it ti kiti (SK 3074) is the translator's identification.
commentary TB, sk.3075.t1: śo tanūkaraṇe, cho chedane. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
commentary BM on 'vyavasthita…': this is clear in the Bhāṣya. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 507, scan page-0517, read at zoom). BM's lemma spells the sūtra 'śāchor'.

SK 3076 · A 7.4.42V

दधातेर्हिः ॥ ३०७६ ॥

dadhāterhiḥ

dadhāter hiḥ — For dhā (dadhāti), hi is substituted [before a t-initial affix that is kit — 'ti kiti' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from dyatisyatimāsthām it ti kiti (SK 3074), per BM].

Rule. hi replaces dhā (dadhāti) before a t-initial kit affix. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws ti kiti from SK 3074.

Example.

abhi + dhā + kta → this rule: hi → abhi + hi + ta → abhihitam "said".

ni + dhā + kta → nihitam "deposited".

Watch out. One commentator says the name dadhāti shuts out dheṭ "to drink". He adds that the yaṅluk form gets no hi, since it takes iṭ: dādhitaḥ. For dheṭ see SK 3079.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तादौ किति । अभिहितम् । निहितम् ॥

Before a t-initial [affix] that is kit: abhihitam ['said']; nihitam ['deposited'].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 517

—दधातेर्हिः । श्तिपा निर्देशो धेटो निवृत्त्यर्थः ॥ तीत्यनुवृत्तेर्यङ्लुकि न । दाधितः । अत्रापि प्रसादकृता श्तिपा निर्देशस्य यङ्लुङ्निवृत्त्यर्थत्वाद्दाधीत इति ‘घुमास्था’—इतीत्वमुदाहृतं तत्पूर्ववदेव हेयम्

Bālamanoramā

दधातेर्हिः - दधातेर्हिः । तादौ कितीति । शेषपूरणमिदम् ।द्यतिस्यती॑त्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । दो दद्धोः 'द' इति षष्ठ्यन्तम् । तदाह — दा इत्यस्येति । 'दथ्' इति च्छेदः । तदाह — दथ् स्यादिति । तवर्गद्वितीयान्तोऽयमादेशः । तादौ कितीति ।ति किती॑त्यनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । चर्त्वमिति ।खरि चे॑ति थकारस्य तकार इत्यर्थः । दात इति । दाप्दैपो रूपम् ।अदा॑वित्युक्तेर्घुत्वाऽभावान्न दद्भावः । तान्तो वेति । तवर्गप्रथमान्त इत्यर्थः । नन्वेवं सति 'विदत्त ' मित्यादौदस्ती॑त्युपसर्गस्य दीर्घत्वापत्तिः । तत्र हि 'द' इति षष्ठी सप्तम्यर्थे । इगन्तोपसर्गस्य दीर्घः स्यात्तकारान्ते ददातौ परत इत्यर्थ इत्याशङ्क्य निराकरोति — न चैवमिति । आदेशस्य तवर्गप्रथमान्तत्वे सतीत्यर्थः । तकारादाविति ।दस्ती॑त्यत्र द इति षष्ठी तीत्यत्रान्वेति । तथा च इगन्तोपसर्गस्य दीर्घः स्याद्दादेशतकारादावुत्तरपदे इत्यर्थः । उत्तरपदाधिकारात् । ततश्च उत्तरपदस्याऽत्र तकारादित्वाऽभावान्न दीर्घ इति भावः । दान्तो वा धान्तो वेति । तवर्गतृतीयान्तो वा, चतुर्थान्तो वा अयमादेश इत्यर्थः । न चेति । दान्तत्वे निष्ठानत्वं, धान्तत्वेझषस्तथो॑रिति धत्वं च न शङ्क्यमित्यन्वयः । संनिपातेति । दान्तादेशस्य, धान्तादेशस्य च तकारादिप्रत्ययोपजीव्यतया तद्विघातकनत्वधत्वे प्रति निमित्तत्वाऽसंभवादिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tādau kiti' completes the sūtra (śeṣapūraṇa), because it is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from dyatisyati… Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, sk.3076.t1: naming [the root] with śtip (dadhāti) serves to exclude dheṭ; because 'ti' is carried forward, [hi] does not occur in yaṅluk: dādhitaḥ [with iṭ]. The author of the Prasāda, taking the śtip-naming as excluding yaṅluk, gives dādhītaḥ with ī by ghumāsthā…; that is to be rejected as before (SK 3074). Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 507, scan page-0517). sk.3076.b1 also carries, after the BM on this sūtra, the whole BM on do dad ghoḥ (SK 3077), which has no b block of its own.

SK 3077 · A 7.4.46V

दो दद् घोः ॥ ३०७७ ॥

do dad ghoḥ

do dad ghoḥ — For dā that is ghu, dath is substituted [before a t-initial affix that is kit — 'ti kiti' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from dyatisyatimāsthām it ti kiti (SK 3074), per BM].

Rule. dath replaces dā when it is ghu, before a t-initial kit affix. ghu is the name of the roots dā and dhā; dāp and daip are excluded from it. Bhaṭṭoji: "for dā that has the name ghu, dath is substituted".

Example.

dā + kta → this rule: dath → dath + ta

→ th becomes t before t (cartva, by khari ca, SK 121) → dattaḥ "given".

Bhaṭṭoji asks "why ghu?" and answers: dātaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: that is dāp "to cut", which is not ghu.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then weighs other shapes for the substitute.

It could end in t. Would dasti (SK 3079) then lengthen the upasarga in vidattam? No. dasti needs a second member beginning with t.

It could end in d or in dh. Would the niṣṭhā then take n (SK 3016), or dh (SK 2280)? No. That would conflict with the sannipāta maxim. A change made because of a combination cannot cause the destruction of that combination.

Watch out. One commentator reports the earlier view: the substitute ends only in th. Bhaṭṭoji follows it in saying dath. With "or it ends in t" he shows that the other views also work.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

घुसंज्ञकस्य दा इत्यस्य दथ् स्यात्तादौ किति । चर्त्वम् । दत्तः । घोः किम् । दातः । तान्तो वायमादेशः न चैवं विदत्तमित्यादावुपसर्गस्य दस्ति SK 3079 इति दीर्घापत्तिः । तकारादौ तद्विधानात् । दान्तो वा धान्तो वा । न च दान्तत्वे निष्ठानत्वं धान्तत्वे झषस्तथोः - SK 2280 इति धत्वं शङ्क्यम् । सन्निपातपरिभाषाविरोधात् ॥

For dā that has the designation ghu, dath is substituted before a t-initial [affix] that is kit. [Then] car-substitution (cartva): dattaḥ ['given']. Why 'ghu'? dātaḥ. Alternatively, this substitute ends in t. And it should not be objected that, on this view, the preverb (upasarga) in vidattam etc. would get lengthening by dasti (SK 3079), because that [lengthening] is prescribed before a t-initial [second member]. Or it ends in d, or it ends in dh. And it should not be objected that, if it ends in d, n would replace [the t of] the niṣṭhā, or that, if it ends in dh, dh would replace [the t] by jhaṣas tathor dho 'dhaḥ (SK 2280), because that would conflict with the sannipāta paribhāṣā.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 517

—दो दद्धोः । इहादेशः थान्त एव न तु तदधान्तः जश्ले कृते संहितायास्तुल्यलेऽपि प्रक्रियायां दोषादिति प्राञ्चः । तथा चाहुः । तान्ते दीर्घत्वाख्यो दोषो दान्ते दोषो निष्ठानलं धान्ते दोषो धत्वाख्यः स्यान्निर्दोषत्वात् थान्तो ग्राह्य इति तदनुसारेणाह—दथ् स्यादिति ॥—दात इति । दाप् लवने । अदाविति निषेधान्न घुत्वम् । इह सर्वे पक्षाः सूपपादा इत्याह—तान्तो वेत्यादिना ॥—दीर्घापत्तिरिति । विदत्तमित्यादावुपसर्गस्येत्यर्थः । दस्तीत्यत्र द्वौ पक्षौ दा इत्यस्य य आदेशः स तकारान्तस्तकारादिवेति, तत्राद्ये पक्षेऽयं दोषो नान्त्ये इत्याशयेनोक्तदोषं परिहरति—तकारादाविति ॥—निष्ठानत्वमिति । ‘रदाभ्याम्’—इत्यनेन ॥—सन्निपातेति । तादि निमित्तीकृत्य विहितो यो दान्ताद्यादेशः स तकारविघातकत्वादिविधेर्निमित्तं न भवतीति भावः

translator notes

commentary BM (filed in sk.3076.b1): 'daḥ' is a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta), hence 'for dā'; the split is 'dath', hence 'dath syāt'; this substitute ends in the second consonant of the t-class (th); 'tādau kiti' because 'ti kiti' is carried forward (anuvṛtti). Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: cartva means that th becomes t by khari ca (SK 121). dātaḥ is the form of dāp and daip; since 'adāp' is stated [in the ghu definition], they are not ghu, so no dad. Followed: '[Then]'.
commentary BM on 'tānto vā': [the substitute] ends in the first consonant of the t-class. The objection: then in vidattam etc. the preverb would be lengthened by dasti, taking 'daḥ' there as a sixth case in the sense of the seventh: 'an ik-final upasarga is lengthened before dā ending in t'. Reply: in dasti, 'daḥ' (sixth case) is construed with 'ti': 'before a second member (uttarapada) beginning with the t that substitutes for dā', the uttarapada being under adhikāra; here the second member does not begin with t, so there is no lengthening. On d- or dh-final: the d- or dh-substitute depends on the t-initial affix, so it cannot be the cause of n-substitution or dh-substitution that would destroy it. Followed: 'a t-initial [second member]'.
commentary TB, sk.3077.t1: the earlier authorities (prāñcaḥ) hold that the substitute ends only in th, not in t, d or dh: after jaś-substitution the continuous text (saṃhitā) is the same, but the derivation goes wrong, as the verse says: 't-final: the fault of lengthening; d-final: niṣṭhā-n; dh-final: dh-substitution; so th-final, being faultless, is to be accepted'. Bhaṭṭoji says 'dath' following them, and then with 'tānto vā' etc. shows that all the views are well-founded. dātaḥ is from dāp 'to cut' (lavane), not ghu by 'adāp'. dasti admits two readings: the substitute of dā is t-final, or t-initial; the fault arises on the first, not the second, and 'takārādau' answers it on that basis. The sannipāta point: a d-final (etc.) substitute made on account of the t-initial affix is not the cause of an operation that destroys that t. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
textual BM on this sūtra is not in sk3077 (no b block): it is filed as the second half of sk.3076.b1, from 'do dad ghoḥ — da iti ṣaṣṭhyantam'. The print's sūtra 'do daddhoḥ' (NSP p. 507, scan page-0517) differs from ours only in word division (collation batch08).
translator 'sannipāta paribhāṣā' is the maxim sannipātalakṣaṇo vidhir animittaṃ tadvighātasya ('an operation conditioned by a combination does not cause what destroys that combination'); the kaumudī names it only by 'sannipāta', and the commentators explain its application without quoting it.

SK 3078 · A 7.4.47V

अच उपसर्गात्तः ॥ ३०७८ ॥

aca upasargāttaḥ

aca upasargāt taḥ — After a preverb (upasarga) ending in a vowel (ac), t is substituted for the vowel (ac) [of dā that is ghu, before a t-initial affix that is kit; 'acaḥ' does double duty (āvṛtti): once in the fifth case qualifying the upasarga, once in the sixth naming the substituend, per BM and TB].

Rule. After an upasarga ending in a vowel, t replaces the vowel of the ghu dā, before a t-initial kit affix. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the word acaḥ serves twice. Once it describes the upasarga ("ending in a vowel"). Once it names what is replaced ("the vowel").

Example.

pra + dā + kta → this rule: the ā becomes t → pra + dt + ta

→ cartva: the d becomes t → prattaḥ.

Likewise avattaḥ, from ava.

One commentator says this rule is an exception to dad (SK 3077).

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji quotes a verse; one commentator says it is in the Bhāṣya. It accepts avadattam, vidattam, and pradattam in ādikarman. It also accepts sudattam, anudattam and nidattam. Bhaṭṭoji: by ca, the form otherwise obtained also holds. One commentator explains: dad sometimes still comes after these words.

Watch out. "In ādikarman" goes only with pradattam, say both commentators. One glosses it "begun to give".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अजन्तादुपसर्गात्परस्य दा इत्यस्य घोरचस्तः स्यात्तादौ किति । चर्त्वम् । प्रत्तः । अवत्तः । अवदत्तं विदत्तं च प्रदत्तं चादिकर्मणि । सुदत्तमवुदत्तं च निदत्तमिति चेष्यते ॥ चशब्दाद्यथाप्राप्तम् ॥

For the vowel (ac) of dā that is ghu, coming after a preverb (upasarga) that ends in a vowel (ac), t is substituted before a t-initial [affix] that is kit. [Then] car-substitution (cartva): prattaḥ, avattaḥ. 'avadattaṃ vidattaṃ ca pradattaṃ cādikarmaṇi | sudattam anudattaṃ ca nidattam iti ceṣyate ||' — 'avadatta and vidatta, and pradatta in the sense of beginning an action (ādikarman); and sudatta, anudatta and nidatta are also accepted.' By the word ca, [the form] as [otherwise] obtained [also holds].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 517

—अच उपसर्गात्तः । तकारादकार उच्चारणार्थः । अच इत्यावर्तते तत्रैकं पञ्चम्यन्तमुपसर्गं विशिनष्टि । अपरं षष्ठ्यन्तं स्थानलाभायेति व्याचष्टे—अजन्तादित्यादिना । यद्वा अच इत्यनावृत्तं पञ्चम्यन्तमेवास्तु किं तु द्वितकारकोऽयमादेशस्तेनानेकाल्त्वात्सर्वस्य घोर्भविष्यति एकतकारो हि ‘अलोऽन्त्यस्य’ इति वाधित्वा ‘आदेः परस्य’ इत्यादेरेव स्यादच इति पञ्चमीनिर्देशात् । यद्येवम् ‘अपो भि’ इत्युत्तरसूत्रेऽपि द्वितकार एवेति सर्वादेशः स्यादिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । पञ्चम्यन्तस्याच इत्यनुवृत्तेरचः परस्य पकारस्यैव भविष्यति तत्रान्त्यस्य संयोगान्तलोपे पूर्वस्य जश्त्वेन सिद्धमिष्टमिति ॥—अवदत्तमित्यादि । आदिकर्मणीत्येतत्प्रदत्तमित्यस्यैव विशेषणं नेतरेषामसंभवात् । दातुं प्रक्रान्तमारब्धमिति प्रदत्तमित्यस्यैवार्थः ॥—इष्यते इति । तादेशवाधनार्थं निपातनमिष्यत इत्यर्थः । अन्ये तु अवादीनामुपसर्गप्रतिरूपकत्वाश्रयणे ह्यवदत्तं विदत्तमित्यादि सिध्यति, उपसर्गत्वाश्रयणे तु पूर्वोक्तमवत्तमित्यादीति नापूर्वमिदं वचनमित्याहुः

Bālamanoramā

अच उपसर्गात्तः - अच उपसर्गात्तः । त इत्यत्राऽकार उच्चारणार्थः । 'अच' इत्यावर्तते, एकमुपसर्गविशेषणं, द्वितीयं तु स्थानिसमर्पकं । तदाह — अजन्तादिति । घोरिति । घोरवयवस्येत्यर्थः । तः स्यादिति । तकारः स्यादित्यर्थः । ददादेशापवादः । चर्त्वमिति । प्र दा त इति स्थिते दकारादाकारस्य तकारादेशे दकारस्य चर्त्वेन तकार इत्यर्थः । अवदत्तं विदत्तं चेति । भाष्यस्थश्लोकोऽयम् । अत्र आदिकर्मणीत्येतत् प्रदत्तमित्यत्रैव संबध्यते । नाऽयम् 'अच उपसर्गात्तः' इत्यस्याऽपवाद इति भ्रमितव्यमित्याह — चशब्दाद्यथाप्राप्तमिति । तथा चाऽवदत्तादिशब्देषु ददादेशोऽपि कदाचिल्लभ्यते इत्यर्थः । अत एव प्रकृतसूत्रभाष्ये 'अच उपसर्गात्तः' इत्यस्यावकाशः — प्रत्तमवत्तमिति सङ्गच्छते इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the a in 'ta' is for pronunciation; 'acaḥ' is repeated (āvartate): one [acaḥ] qualifies the upasarga, the second supplies the substituend; hence 'ajantāt'. 'ghoḥ' means 'of [the vowel that is] part of ghu'; 'taḥ syāt' means t is substituted. This is an exception to the dad substitution. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, sk.3078.t1: the a after t is for pronunciation; 'acaḥ' is repeated, one in the fifth case qualifying the upasarga, the other in the sixth to supply the place [of substitution]. Alternatively, 'acaḥ' is not repeated and is only a fifth case, but the substitute has two t's, so, having more than one sound, it replaces the whole ghu (anekālśit sarvasya, SK 45), whereas a single t would, overriding alo 'ntyasya (SK 42), go to the initial [of ghu] by ādeḥ parasya (SK 44), because 'acaḥ' is a fifth case. To the objection that the same would make the two-t substitute of apo bhi (SK 442) replace the whole: there, 'acaḥ' (fifth case) continues, so it replaces only the p after the vowel; of the two t's the last is dropped by saṃyogānta-lopa and the first becomes d by jaśtva, giving the desired form. Recorded; the English follows the first analysis, which agrees with BM.
commentary BM: cartva means that, with pra dā ta, the ā after d becomes t and then d becomes t by car-substitution. 'avadattaṃ vidattaṃ ca…' is a verse found in the Bhāṣya; 'ādikarmaṇi' goes only with pradattam. This is not to be mistaken for an exception to aca upasargāt taḥ, so [Bhaṭṭoji] says 'cāśabdād yathāprāptam': in avadatta etc. the dad substitute is sometimes also obtained; that is why, in the Bhāṣya on this sūtra, 'prattam avattam' as the scope (avakāśa) of aca upasargāt taḥ makes sense. Followed: '[the form] as [otherwise] obtained [also holds]'.
commentary TB, sk.3078.t1: 'ādikarmaṇi' qualifies only pradattam, not the others, since for them it is impossible; pradattam means 'begun to give'. 'iṣyate' means that the irregular form (nipātana) is accepted to block the t substitute. Others say: if ava etc. are treated as look-alikes of upasargas (upasargapratirūpaka), avadattam, vidattam etc. result, and if they are treated as upasargas, avattam etc. as stated before, so this statement is nothing new. Recorded.
textual Ours reads 'sudattam avudattaṃ ca'; the print reads 'sudattam anudattaṃ ca' (NSP p. 507, scan page-0517, read at zoom; collation batch08 class A), as Wikisource does. The English follows the print.
translator 'dā that is ghu' and 'before a t-initial affix that is kit' are supplied in the kaumudī's gloss (from do dad ghoḥ, SK 3077, and SK 3074); neither commentator states their anuvṛtti here in so many words.

SK 3079 · A 6.3.124V

दस्ति ॥ ३०७९ ॥

dasti

dasti — [A long vowel (dīrgha) replaces the final of a preverb (upasarga) ending in ik] before [a second member (uttarapada)] beginning with the t that substitutes for dā ['ikaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ikaḥ kāśe (SK 1045), 'upasargasya' from upasargasya ghañy amanuṣye bahulam (SK 1044) and 'dīrghaḥ' from ḍhralope pūrvasya dīrgho 'ṇaḥ (SK 174); 'uttarapade', under adhikāra from aluguttarapade (SK 958), is qualified by 'ti' with a tadādi reading, per BM and TB].

Rule. The final of an upasarga ending in ik (i, u, ṛ or ḷ; here i or u) is lengthened. This happens before a second member that begins with the t that replaced dā. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators list the words carried: "ik" from SK 1045, "upasarga" from SK 1044, "long" from SK 174, and "second member" from SK 958.

Example.

ni + dā + kta → t for the ā (SK 3078) → ni + dt + ta

→ cartva: d becomes t

→ this rule: ni becomes nī → nīttam.

Likewise sūttam.

These steps are one commentator's.

Applies when / blocked by. Cartva stands in the Tripādī, so it should be asiddha here. Bhaṭṭoji: it counts as done, "because of the basis" (āśrayāt siddham). This rule needs the t that cartva makes. So for this rule cartva is not asiddha.

Bhaṭṭoji then lists more niṣṭhā forms.

ī by ghumāsthā… (SK 2462): dhītam from dheṭ, gītam, pītam.

ā by janasana… (SK 2504): jātam, sātam, khātam.

Both commentators: dheṭ gets no hi (SK 3076), since that rule names dhā by its class sign ślu. ślu is the elision of the class sign śap after juhoti and the roots of its class (SK 2489); dadhāti is one of them.

Watch out. One commentator doubts sūttam. The Bhāṣya argues that su is no upasarga for SK 3078.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इगन्तोपसर्गस्य दीर्घः स्याद्दादेशो यस्तकारस्तदादावुत्तरपदे । खरिच SK 121 इति चर्त्वमाश्रयात्सिद्धम् । नीत्तम् । सूत्तम् । घुमास्था SK 2462 इतीत्वम् । धेट् । धीतम् । गीतम् । पीतम् । जनसन - SK 2504 इत्यात्वम् । जातम् । सातम् । खातम् ॥

A long vowel (dīrgha) replaces [the final of] a preverb (upasarga) ending in ik, before a second member (uttarapada) that begins with the t which is the substitute for dā. The car-substitution by khari ca (SK 121) is valid (siddha) because [this rule] takes it as its basis (āśraya). nīttam; sūttam. ī-substitution (ītva) by ghumāsthā… (SK 2462): dheṭ: dhītam; gītam; pītam. ā-substitution (ātva) by janasana… (SK 2504): jātam; sātam; khātam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 517

—दस्ति । ‘इकः काशे’ इत्यत इक इति ‘उपसर्गस्य घञि’—इत्यत उपसर्गस्येति ‘ढ्रलोपे पूर्वस्य’—इत्यतो दीर्घ इति चानुवर्तते ‘अलुगुत्तरपदे’ इत्यतोऽनुवृत्तस्योत्तरपदे इत्यस्य तीति विशेषणं ‘यस्मिन्विधि’ रिति तदादिविधिस्तदेतत्सकलमभिप्रेत्य व्याचष्टे—इगन्तोपसर्गस्येत्यादिना । ननु चर्त्वस्यासिद्धत्वाद्दादेशतकारो नास्तीत्यत आह—आश्रयात्सिद्धमिति । ‘अतो रोः’—इत्युत्वं प्रति रुत्ववदिति भावः ॥—धीतमिति । ‘दधातेर्हिः’ इत्यत्र श्लुविकरणस्य निर्देशात् धेट् पान इति भ्वादेर्हिर्न भवति, नापि दत् ‘दो दद्धोः’ इति द इत्युपादानादिति भावः

Bālamanoramā

दस्ति - दस्ति । 'इकः काशे' इत्यत इक इति,उपसर्गस्य घञ्यमनुष्ये॑ इत्यत उपसर्गस्येति , 'ढ्रलोपे' इत्यतो दीर्घ इति चानुवर्तते । उत्तरपदे इत्यधिकृतं तीत्यनेन विशेष्यते । तदादिविधिः । द इति षष्ठी ति इत्यत्रान्वेति । तथा च दाधातोरादेशो यस्तकारस्तदादौ उत्तरपदे इति लभ्यते । तदाह — इगन्तत्यादि । ननु नि दात त इति स्थिते 'अच उपसर्गात्तःर' इति दकारादाकारस्य तकारे दकारस्यखरि चे॑ति चर्त्वे प्रकृतसूत्रेण उपसर्गस्य दीर्घे नीत्तमिति रूपं वक्ष्यति, तदयुक्तम्, दीर्घे कर्तव्ये चर्त्वस्याऽसिद्धत्वे दादेशे तकाराद्युत्तरपदत्वाऽभावादित्यत आह — चर्त्वमाश्रयात्सिद्धमिति । दादेशतकारमाश्रित्य विधीयमाने दीर्घे चर्त्वं नाऽसिद्धं, चर्त्वसिद्धं तकारमाश्रित्य विधिबलादित्यर्थ- । सूत्तमिति तु चिन्त्यम्,गतिश्चे॑ति सूत्रभाष्यवार्तिकयोः सुदत्तमित्यत्र 'अच उपसर्गात्तः' इति तत्वे कर्तव्ये सोरुपसर्गत्वं नेति प्रपञ्चितम् । अथ धेट्गापाधातुभ्यः क्ते आह — घुमास्थेति । धीतमिति । 'दधातेर्हिः' इत्यत्र श्लुविकरणग्रहणान्न हिभावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ikaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from ikaḥ kāśe, 'upasargasya' from upasargasya ghañy amanuṣye, and 'dīrghaḥ' from ḍhralope; 'uttarapade', which is under adhikāra, is qualified by 'ti'; tadādividhi; 'daḥ' is a sixth-case word construed with 'ti'; so 'before a second member beginning with the t that is the substitute of the root dā'. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, sk.3079.t1: the same three anuvṛttis; 'uttarapade' is carried forward from aluguttarapade and 'ti' qualifies it, with tadādividhi by yasmin vidhis tadādāv algrahaṇe. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM: Objection: with ni dā ta, aca upasargāt taḥ turns the ā after d into t, khari ca turns d into t, and this sūtra lengthens the preverb, giving nīttam; but when the lengthening is to be done, cartva is asiddha, so the second member does not begin with a t that substitutes for dā. Reply: cartva is siddha 'by basis': for a lengthening prescribed on the basis of the t of the substitute, cartva is not asiddha, by the force of a rule that is prescribed on the basis of the t produced by cartva. Followed in k1.
commentary TB, sk.3079.t1: to the objection that, cartva being asiddha, the t of the substitute does not exist, [Bhaṭṭoji] says 'āśrayāt siddham', as with ru in respect of the u-substitution of ato roḥ… Agrees with BM. Recorded.
commentary BM: sūttam is open to doubt (cintya), since the Bhāṣya and vārttika on gatiś ca (SK 23) argue at length that in sudattam su does not count as an upasarga for the t-substitution of aca upasargāt taḥ. Recorded; the English keeps sūttam as given.
commentary BM: he now speaks of kta after dheṭ, gā and pā: 'ghumāsthā'. On dhītam: since dadhāter hiḥ (SK 3076) names [dhā] with the ślu vikaraṇa, there is no hi-substitution. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3079.t1, on dhītam: since dadhāter hiḥ names the root with the ślu vikaraṇa (the print reads 'śluvikaraṇasya', scan page-0517 at zoom; the OCR's 'lugvikaraṇasya' is a misreading), dheṭ 'to drink' (bhvādi) does not get hi; nor does it get dat, because do dad ghoḥ specifies 'daḥ'. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 507, scan page-0517, read at zoom: 'nīttam', 'sūttam', 'jātam, sātam, khātam'). The raw OCR of p. 507 misreads nīttam as 'nītam' and the last three forms.
translator The kaumudī gives no derivation of nīttam beyond naming cartva; the steps ni dā ta → ni d-t ta (ā → t by aca upasargāt taḥ) → ni t-t ta (d → t by cartva, khari ca) → nī t-t ta (lengthening by dasti) → nīttam are BM's, recorded above. BM does not state how the resulting three t's come to the two of nīttam; that step is left implicit. The ghumāsthā and janasana lines continue the series of niṣṭhā forms; the kaumudī does not relate them to dasti.

SK 3080 · A 2.4.36V

अदो जग्धिर्ल्यप्ति किति ॥ ३०८० ॥

ado jagdhirlyapti kiti

ado jagdhir lyap ti kiti — For ad, jagdhi is substituted before lyap and before a t-initial [affix] that is kit.

Rule. jagdhi replaces ad "to eat" before lyap and before a t-initial kit affix. lyap is a kṛt affix taught in a later chapter. Bhaṭṭoji: in the rule, lyap has lost its seventh-case ending. The i of jagdhi is for pronunciation only. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: were it a marker, num would come.

Example.

ad + kta → this rule → jagdh + ta

→ dh for the t (SK 2280) → jagdh + dha

→ the first dh is optionally dropped by jharo jhari (SK 71) → jagdhaḥ "eaten".

Both commentators give these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then returns to SK 3053, for more examples. One commentator says so.

pra + kṛ + kta (agent) → prakṛtaḥ kaṭaṃ saḥ "he has begun to make the mat".

Both commentators: here kta names the agent, so saḥ is in the first case and the object kaṭam in the second.

pra + kṛ + kta (object) → prakṛtaḥ kaṭas tena "the mat has been begun by him".

pra + kṣi + kta (agent) → long ī (SK 3014) → n, then ṇ (SK 3015) → prakṣīṇaḥ saḥ "he has begun to waste away".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ल्यबिति लुप्तसप्तमीकम् । अदो जग्धिः स्यात् ल्यपि तादौ किति च । इकार उच्चारणार्थः । धत्वम् । झरो झरि SK 71 । जग्धः । आदिकर्मणि क्तः कर्तरि च SK 3053 । प्रकृतः कटं सः । प्रकृतः कटस्तेन । निष्ठायामण्यदर्थे SK 3014 इति दीर्घः । क्षियो दीर्घात् SK 3015 इति णत्वम् । प्रक्षीणः सः ॥

'lyap' has had its seventh-case ending elided (luptasaptamīka). For ad, jagdhi is substituted before lyap and before a t-initial [affix] that is kit. The i is for pronunciation (uccāraṇārtha). dh-substitution (dhatva) [for the t of the affix]; jharo jhari [savarṇe] (SK 71) [optionally deletes the preceding dh]: jagdhaḥ ['eaten']. ādikarmaṇi ktaḥ kartari ca (SK 3053) [— kta in the sense of the beginning of an action (ādikarman) also denotes the agent]: prakṛtaḥ kaṭaṃ saḥ ['he has begun (to make) the mat']; prakṛtaḥ kaṭas tena ['the mat has been begun by him']. Lengthening by niṣṭhāyām aṇyadarthe (SK 3014); ṇ-substitution (ṇatva) by kṣiyo dīrghāt (SK 3015): prakṣīṇaḥ saḥ ['he has begun to waste away'].

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 517–518

—उच्चारणार्थ इति । इदित्त्वे तु नुम् स्यादिति भावः ॥—धत्वमिति । ‘झषस्तथोः’—इत्यनेन ‘झरो झरि-' इत्यनेन पाक्षिको धलोप इत्यर्थः । इदानीं क्तार्थान्प्रपञ्चयति—आदिकर्मणीति । व्याख्यातम् ॥—प्रकृतः कटमिति । कटं कर्तुमारब्धवानित्यर्थः । प्रशब्द आदिकर्मद्योतनार्थः । क्तेनोक्तत्वात्कर्तरि प्रथमा कर्मण्यनुक्तत्वाद् द्वितीया । प्रकृतः कटस्तेनेति कर्मणि प्रयोगे तु विपर्ययः ॥—नदीष्ण इति । नद्यां स्नातो मदीस्नानेन कुशल इत्यर्थः ॥—गत इति । 'अनुदात्तोपदेश-' इति मलोपः ॥—प्राप्त इति । प्रपूर्वः आप्लृ व्याप्तौ व्याप्तिरपीह सूत्रे गतिशब्देन विवक्षितेति भावः ॥—ग्लान इति । ग्लै हर्षक्षये अकर्मकोऽयम् । 'आदेच-' इत्यात्वे 'संयोगादेरातः-' इति नत्वम् ॥—शेषमिति । 'अधिशीङ्ख्यासां कर्म' इति कर्मत्वम् ॥—अधिष्ठित इति । 'द्यतिस्यति-' इति इत्वम् ॥—उपोषित इति । 'वसतिक्षुधोः-' इतीट् 'शासिवसि-' इति षत्वम् ॥—अनुजीर्ण इति । जॄष् वयोहानौ 'ॠत इद्धातोः' 'हलि च' इति दीर्घः । नत्वणत्वे ॥—मुकुन्दस्येति । आस्यतेऽस्मिन्नित्यासितमासनमित्यर्थः । यायतेऽस्मिन्निति यानं मार्गः । भुज्यतेऽस्मिन्निति भुक्तं भोजनमित्यर्थः । त्रिष्वपि 'अधिकरणवाचिनश्च' इति कर्तरि षष्ठी ॥—क्ष्विण्ण इति । 'आदितश्च' इति नेट् ॥ इद्ध इति । 'श्वीदितः-' इति नेट् नलोपः ॥—राज्ञामिति । 'कस्य च वर्तमाने' इति षष्ठी ॥—इष्ट इति । 'तीषसह-' इति वेट्कत्वात् 'यस्य विभाषा' इति नेट् ॥—शीलित इत्यादि । शील समाधौ, रक्ष पालने, क्षमूष् सहने, कुश आह्वाने, जुषी प्रीतिसेवनयोः

Bālamanoramā

अदो जग्धिर्ल्यप्ति किति - अदो जग्धिः । धत्वमिति । जग्ध् त इति स्थितेझषस्तथो॑रिति तकारस्य धकार इत्यर्थः । झरो झरीति । अनेन पाक्षिको धकारलोप इत्यर्थः । आदिकर्मणि क्त इति । व्याख्यातं प्राक् । उदाहरणान्तरविवक्षया पुनरुपन्यासः । प्रकृतः कटं स इति.कर्तुमारब्धवानित्यर्थः । कटस्य कर्मणोऽनभिहितत्वाद्द्वितीया । कर्तुरभिहितत्वात्तच्छब्दात्प्रथमा । चकाराद्भावे कर्मणि चेत्युक्तम् । तत्र कर्मण्युदाहरति — प्रकृतः कटस्तेनेति । प्रक्षीणः स इति । आदिकर्मणि क्तः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: dhatva means that, with jagdh + ta, the t is replaced by dh by jhaṣas tathor dho 'dhaḥ (SK 2280); jharo jhari gives optional deletion of the [preceding] dh. Followed in the brackets of k1.
commentary TB, sk.3080.t1: the i is for pronunciation, since if it were an it-letter (idit) num would come. dhatva is by jhaṣas tathoḥ, and jharo jhari gives optional deletion of dh. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
commentary BM: ādikarmaṇi ktaḥ was explained earlier and is cited again in order to give other examples. prakṛtaḥ kaṭaṃ saḥ means 'he began to make'; kaṭa, the object, takes the second case because it is not expressed, and tad takes the first case because the agent is expressed. By ca, [kta] is also stated in bhāva and karman; of these he illustrates karman with prakṛtaḥ kaṭas tena. prakṣīṇaḥ saḥ: kta in ādikarman. Followed in the glosses.
commentary TB, sk.3080.t1: now he sets out the senses of kta (ādikarmaṇi…, explained before). prakṛtaḥ kaṭam means 'began to make the mat'; pra signals the beginning of the action; first case for the agent expressed by kta, second case for the unexpressed object; in the karman construction prakṛtaḥ kaṭas tena it is the reverse. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP pp. 507–508, scans page-0517 and page-0518, read at zoom), including 'ṇatvam' after kṣiyo dīrghāt; Wikisource SK reads 'natvam'. Wikisource BM adds, after 'prakṣīṇaḥ sa iti. ādikarmaṇi ktaḥ', the words 'ādikarmaṇīti vā', absent from ours. TB-layer OCR garbles in sk.3080.t1: 'ghatvam… kṣapas tathoḥ… kṣaro śari' = scan 'dhatvam… jhaṣas tathoḥ… jharo jhari'.
translator kṣiyo dīrghāt substitutes n for the niṣṭhā's t; the ṇ is from the retroflexion after ṣ (as BM explains under SK 3015). The kaumudī's 'ṇatvam' is rendered as given. The kaumudī's recitation of ādikarmaṇi ktaḥ kartari ca (SK 3053) is a reprise, not a new sūtra here (BM).

SK 3081 · A 6.4.61V

वाक्रोशदैन्ययोः ॥ ३०८१ ॥

vākrośadainyayoḥ

vā''krośadainyayoḥ — Optionally, in imprecation (ākrośa) and in wretchedness (dainya), [a long vowel replaces the vowel of kṣi before a niṣṭhā not in the sense of ṇyat — 'aṇyadarthe' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from niṣṭhāyām aṇyadarthe (SK 3014), per BM].

Rule. For kṣi "to waste", a long vowel is optional before a niṣṭhā, in imprecation (ākrośa) and in wretchedness (dainya). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: "not in the sense of ṇyat" carries from SK 3014. That sense is bhāva and karman.

Example.

kṣi + kta → long ī → n, then ṇ (SK 3015) → kṣīṇāyur bhava "may your life waste away"; or kṣitāyuḥ.

kṣīṇo 'yaṃ tapasvī "this ascetic is wasted"; or kṣitaḥ.

One commentator: the first shows imprecation, with kta in the agent (SK 3086). The second shows wretchedness and means "emaciated".

Watch out. SK 3015 (kṣiyo dīrghāt) works only "after long kṣī" (dīrghāt). So the short forms keep their t.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्षियो निष्ठायां दीर्घो वा स्यादाक्रोशे दैन्ये च । क्षीणायुर्भव । क्षितायुर्वा । क्षीणोऽयं तपस्वी । क्षितो वा ॥

For kṣi, a long vowel (dīrgha) is optionally substituted before a niṣṭhā in imprecation (ākrośa) and in wretchedness (dainya): kṣīṇāyur bhava ['may your life waste away'], or kṣitāyuḥ; kṣīṇo 'yaṃ tapasvī ['this ascetic is wasted'], or kṣitaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

वाऽऽक्रोशदैन्ययोः - वाऽऽक्रोशदैन्ययो- । अण्यदर्थ इत्यनुवर्तते ।ण्यदर्थो भावकर्मणी॑इत्युक्तम् । आक्रोशे उदाहरति — क्षीणायुर्भवेति ।गत्यर्थाकर्मके॑ति कर्तरि क्तः । दैन्ये उदाहरति — क्षीणोऽयं तपस्वीति । कृश इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'aṇyadarthe' is carried forward (anuvṛtti); the sense of ṇyat (ṇyadartha) is bhāva and karman, as stated [under SK 3014]. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: kṣīṇāyur bhava illustrates imprecation, with kta in the agent by gatyarthākarmaka… (SK 3086); kṣīṇo 'yaṃ tapasvī illustrates wretchedness, and means 'emaciated' (kṛśaḥ). Followed in the glosses.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, read at zoom). No TB is printed on SK 3081: in the TB band of p. 508 (our sk.3080.t1) the comment on prakṛtaḥ kaṭas tena is followed directly by TB on nadīṣṇaḥ (SK 3082).
translator 'kṣi', 'niṣṭhāyām' and 'dīrghaḥ' are supplied by the kaumudī's gloss from the preceding rules (kṣiyaḥ, SK 3338, and niṣṭhāyām aṇyadarthe, SK 3014); BM names only the anuvṛtti of aṇyadarthe.

SK 3082 · A 8.3.89V

निनदीभ्यां स्नातेः कौशले ॥ ३०८२ ॥

ninadībhyāṃ snāteḥ kauśale

ninadībhyāṃ snāteḥ kauśale — After ni and nadī, [ṣ — a retroflex (mūrdhanya), under the adhikāra apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ (SK 210) — replaces the s (saḥ, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 335)] of snā, when skill (kauśala) is meant.

Rule. After ni and nadī, ṣ replaces the s of snā, when skill (kauśala) is meant. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: "s" carries from SK 335, under the heading apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ (SK 210).

Example.

ni + snā + kta → ni + snā + ta

→ this rule: ṣ for s → ni + ṣnā + ta

→ ṣṭutva: n becomes ṇ → niṣṇātaḥ śāstreṣu "expert in the śāstras".

nadyāṃ snāti "he bathes in a river", that is, skilfully → nadīṣṇaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: the affix is ka, by supi (SK 2916).

Watch out. One commentator explains "by supi". It is the rule supi sthaḥ split in two (yogavibhāga), so that supi stands as a rule of its own.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आभ्यां स्नातेः सस्य षः स्यात्कौशले गम्ये । निष्णातः । शास्त्रेषु । नद्यां स्नातीति नदीष्णः । सुपि SK 2916 इति कः ॥

After these two [ni and nadī], ṣ replaces the s of snā when skill (kauśala) is to be understood: niṣṇātaḥ śāstreṣu, "expert in the śāstras". nadyāṃ snāti, "he bathes in a river" [i.e. is skilled at it] = nadīṣṇaḥ. [The affix is] ka, by supi (SK 2916).

Bālamanoramā

निनदीभ्यां स्नातेः कौशले - निनदीभ्यां । सस्य षः स्यादिति । 'सहे साडः सः' इत्यतः स इति षष्ठन्तमनुवर्तते,अपदान्तस्य मूर्धन्यः॑ इत्यप्यधिकृतमिति भावः । निष्णात इति । कुशल इत्यर्थः । नदीष्ण इति । नद्यां कुशलं स्नातीति विग्रहः । सुपीति क इति । 'सुपि स्थः' इत्यत्रसुपी॑ति योगविभागात्क इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'sasya ṣaḥ syāt': 'saḥ', a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta), is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from saheḥ sāḍaḥ saḥ (SK 335), and apadāntasya mūrdhanyaḥ (SK 210) is in force as adhikāra. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: niṣṇātaḥ means 'skilled' (kuśala); nadīṣṇaḥ is analysed nadyāṃ kuśalaṃ snāti, 'bathes skilfully in a river'; 'supi' gives ka by splitting the rule supi sthaḥ (SK 2916) so that 'supi' stands as a rule of its own (yogavibhāga). Followed: '[i.e. is skilled at it]', 'ka, by supi'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3080.t1 ('—nadīṣṇa iti'): nadyāṃ snātaḥ, i.e. skilled in river-bathing (nadīsnānena kuśalaḥ). Agrees with BM; followed.
translator The kaumudī gives the forms without derivation. The replacement of the n of snā by ṇ after ṣ (by ṣṭunā ṣṭuḥ, SK 113) in niṣṇātaḥ and nadīṣṇaḥ is left unstated.
textual Ours punctuates 'niṣṇātaḥ | śāstreṣu |'; the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, read at zoom) has 'niṣṇātaḥ śāstreṣu |' as one example, as does Wikisource. The English follows the print. Punctuation only; not in the collation report.

SK 3083 · A 8.3.90V

सूत्रं प्रतिष्णातम् ॥ ३०८३ ॥

sūtraṃ pratiṣṇātam

sūtraṃ pratiṣṇātam — pratiṣṇātam [with ṣ for the s of snā after prati is the form when it qualifies] sūtra.

Rule. After prati, ṣ replaces the s of snā when the word qualifies sūtra. Bhaṭṭoji: "ṣ for snā after prati".

Example.

prati + snā + kta → ṣ → pratiṣṇātaṃ sūtram. Bhaṭṭoji glosses it "clean" (śuddha).

Elsewhere → pratisnātam.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रतेः स्नातेः षत्वम् । प्रतिष्णातं सूत्रम् । शुद्धमित्यर्थः । अन्यत्र प्रतिस्नातम् ॥

ṣ replaces [the s of] snā after prati: pratiṣṇātaṃ sūtram — the sense is "clean" (śuddha). Elsewhere: pratisnātam.

translator notes

translator Neither the kaumudī nor the commentaries say what sūtra denotes here; 'clean' (śuddha) is the kaumudī's own gloss of pratiṣṇāta. sūtra is left untranslated.
textual No TB or BM on this sūtra in ours, in the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518: TB goes from nadīṣṇa (SK 3082) to gata (SK 3086)) or in Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0123). Ours agrees with the print.

SK 3084 · A 8.3.91V

कपिष्ठलो गोत्रे ॥ ३०८४ ॥

kapiṣṭhalo gotre

kapiṣṭhalo gotre — kapiṣṭhala [with ṣ for the s of sthala is the form] when a gotra is meant.

Rule. kapiṣṭhala, with ṣ, is the form when it names a gotra. A gotra is a line of descent. Bhaṭṭoji: Kapiṣṭhala is the one whose son, in the gotra sense, is Kāpiṣṭhali.

Example.

kapi + sthala (a gotra name) → ṣ, then ṭh → kapiṣṭhalaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: "why gotra?" kapīnāṃ sthalam "the place of the monkeys" → kapisthalam.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कपिष्ठलो नाम यस्य कापिष्ठलिः पुत्रः । गोत्रे किम् । कपीनां स्थलं कपिस्थलम् ॥

Kapiṣṭhala is the name of the one whose son [in the gotra sense] is Kāpiṣṭhali. Why "when a gotra is meant" (gotre)? kapīnāṃ sthalam, "the place of the monkeys" = kapisthalam.

translator notes

textual No TB or BM on this sūtra in ours, in the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518) or in Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0123). Ours agrees with the print.

SK 3085 · A 8.3.96V

विकुशमिपरिभ्यः स्थलम् ॥ ३०८५ ॥

vikuśamiparibhyaḥ sthalam

vikuśamiparibhyaḥ sthalam — After vi, ku, śami and pari, [ṣ replaces the s of] sthala.

Rule. After vi, ku, śami and pari, ṣ replaces the s of sthala.

Example.

vi + sthala → this rule: ṣ → vi + ṣthala

→ ṣṭutva: th becomes ṭh → viṣṭhalam.

Likewise kuṣṭhalam, śamiṣṭhalam, pariṣṭhalam.

The ṭh is left unstated by Bhaṭṭoji.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यः स्थलस्य सस्य षः स्यात् । विष्ठलम् । कुष्ठलम् । शमिष्ठलम् । परिष्ठलम् ॥

After these, ṣ replaces the s of sthala: viṣṭhalam, kuṣṭhalam, śamiṣṭhalam, pariṣṭhalam.

translator notes

translator The change of th to ṭh after the new ṣ (by ṣṭunā ṣṭuḥ, SK 113) is left unstated in the kaumudī.
textual No TB or BM on this sūtra in ours, in the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518) or in Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0123). Ours agrees with the print (viṣṭhalam, scan at zoom); Wikisource SK prints -ṣṭalam for all four.

SK 3086 · A 3.4.72V

गत्यर्थाकर्मकश्लिषशीङ्स्थाऽऽसवसजनरुहजीर्यतिभ्यश्च ॥ ३०८६ ॥

gatyarthākarmakaśliṣaśīṅsthā''savasajanaruhajīryatibhyaśca

gatyarthākarmakaśliṣaśīṅsthā''savasajanaruhajīryatibhyaś ca — And after roots meaning going (gati), after akarmaka roots, and after śliṣ, śīṅ, sthā, ās, vas, jan, ruh and jṝ (jīryati), [kta comes in the agent (kartari, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3053), and in bhāva and karman (bhāve karmaṇi, carried forward from SK 2152)].

Rule. kta comes in the agent sense after three kinds of root. They are roots meaning going, roots that take no object (akarmaka), and śliṣ, śīṅ, sthā, ās, vas, jan, ruh and jṝ. It also comes in bhāva and karman. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws "agent" from SK 3053 and "bhāva and karman" from SK 2152.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji's examples:

gam + kta → nasal lost (SK 2428) → gaṅgāṃ gataḥ "he has gone to the Gaṅgā".

pra + āp + kta → gaṅgāṃ prāptaḥ "he has reached the Gaṅgā".

glai + kta → ā (SK 2370), n (SK 3017) → glānaḥ saḥ "he is wearied".

lakṣmīm āśliṣṭo hariḥ "Hari has embraced Lakṣmī".

śeṣam adhiśayitaḥ "he has lain on Śeṣa".

vaikuṇṭham adhiṣṭhitaḥ "he has taken his stand in Vaikuṇṭha"; the i is by SK 3074.

śivam upāsitaḥ "he has attended on Śiva".

haridinam upoṣitaḥ "he has fasted on Hari's day"; the iṭ is by SK 3046.

rāmam anujātaḥ "he has followed Rāma".

garuḍam ārūḍhaḥ "he has mounted Garuḍa".

viśvam anujīrṇaḥ "he has worn away the universe".

One commentator gives the rules for gataḥ, glānaḥ, adhiṣṭhitaḥ and upoṣitaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. In the other option the kta is in the object. Bhaṭṭoji: prāptā gaṅgā yena "he by whom the Gaṅgā has been reached".

Watch out. Why name śīṅ, sthā, ās and vas, which take no object? One commentator answers. With upasargas they do take objects. After adhi, śīṅ and sthā take one by SK 542. upa with vas takes one by SK 544. upa with ās means "to attend on". So "akarmaka" would not reach them. One commentator reads mlānaḥ for glānaḥ; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यः कर्तरि क्तः स्यात् भावकर्मणोश्च । गङ्गां गतः । गङ्गां प्राप्तः । ग्लानः सः । लक्ष्मीमाश्लिष्टो हरिः । शेषमधिशयितः । वैकुण्ठमधिष्ठितः । शिवमुपासितः । हरिदिनमुपोषितः । राममनुजातः । गरुडमारूढः । विश्वमनुजीर्णः । पक्षे प्राप्ता गङ्गा येनेत्यादि ॥

After these, kta comes in the agent (kartari), and also in bhāva and karman. gaṅgāṃ gataḥ, "he has gone to the Gaṅgā"; gaṅgāṃ prāptaḥ, "he has reached the Gaṅgā"; glānaḥ saḥ, "he is wearied"; lakṣmīm āśliṣṭo hariḥ, "Hari has embraced Lakṣmī"; śeṣam adhiśayitaḥ, "he has lain on Śeṣa"; vaikuṇṭham adhiṣṭhitaḥ, "he has taken his stand in Vaikuṇṭha"; śivam upāsitaḥ, "he has attended on Śiva"; haridinam upoṣitaḥ, "he has fasted on Hari's day"; rāmam anujātaḥ, "he has followed Rāma"; garuḍam ārūḍhaḥ, "he has mounted Garuḍa"; viśvam anujīrṇaḥ, "he has worn away the universe". In the alternative [where kta is not in the agent]: prāptā gaṅgā yena, "he by whom the Gaṅgā has been reached", and so on.

Bālamanoramā

गत्यर्थाकर्मकश्लिषशीङ्स्थाऽऽसवसजनरुहजीर्यतिभ्यश्च - गत्यर्थ । गत्यर्थ, अकर्मक, श्लिष, शीङ्, स्था, आस , वस, जन, रुह, जीर्यति एषां दशानां द्वन्द्वः ।लः कर्मणि च भावे चे॑त्यतो भावे कर्मणीतिआदिकर्मणि क्तः कर्तरि चे॑त्यतः कर्तरि इति चानुवर्तते । तदाह — एभ्य इत्यादिना । कर्तरीत्येवानुवृत्तौ भावकर्मणोर्न स्यादिति तयोरप्यनुवृत्तिः । गङ्गां गत इति । कर्तरि क्तः । गङ्गां प्राप्त इति । 'आप्लृ व्याप्तौ' उपसर्गवशाद्गतौ वर्तते । अकर्मकादुदाहरति — म्लान इति । क्षीण इत्यर्थः । 'संयोगादेः' इति निष्ठानत्वम् । आश्लिष्ट इति । आलिङ्गितवानित्यर्थः । नन्वकर्मकत्वादेव सिद्धे शीङादीनां पुनर्ग्रहणं व्यर्थमित्यत आह — शेषमधिशयित इति । शेषे शयितवानित्यर्थः ।अधिशीङ्स्थासामिति शेषः कर्म, अतो नाऽकर्मकत्वादिह प्राप्तिरिति भावः । वैकुण्ठमधिष्ठित इति । वैकुण्ठे स्थितवानित्यर्थः ।अधिशीङ्स्थासा॑मिति वैकुण्ठः कर्म । अतो नाऽकर्मकत्वादिह प्राप्तिः । शिवमुपासित इति । शिवं परिचरितवानित्यर्थ- । उपवेशनार्थकत्वे अकर्मकत्वेऽपि इह उपसर्गवशेनाऽर्थान्तरे सकर्मकत्वादकर्मकेत्यनेन न प्राप्तिरिति भावः । हरिदिनमुपोषित इति ।वसतिक्षुधो॑रिति इट् । यजादित्वात्संप्रसारणम् ।शासी॑ति षः । हरिदिने न भुक्तवानित्यर्थः । 'उपान्वध्याङ्वसः' इति हरिदिनं कर्म । ततश्चाऽकर्मकत्वाऽभावादप्राप्तिः । राममनुजात इति । अनुकृतवानित्यर्थः । अनुसृत्य जातवानिति वा ।ततश्चाऽकर्मकत्वाऽभावादप्राप्तिः । गरुडमारूढ इति । उपर्याक्रान्तवानित्यर्थः । विश्वमनुजीर्ण इति । हतवानित्यर्थः । व्याप्तवानिति वा । अकर्मकत्वाऽभावादप्राप्तिः । जृधातोः कर्तरि क्तः । 'ॠतः' इति इत्त्वं । रपरत्वं । 'हलि चे ' ति दीर्घः ।रदाभ्या॑मिति नत्वं । णत्वम् । पक्षे इति । कर्तरि प्रत्ययाऽभावपक्षे इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the compound is a dvandva of the ten (gatyartha, akarmaka, śliṣa, śīṅ, sthā, ās, vas, jan, ruh, jīryati); 'bhāve karmaṇi' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from laḥ karmaṇi ca bhāve cākarmakebhyaḥ (SK 2152) and 'kartari' from ādikarmaṇi ktaḥ kartari ca (SK 3053); if only 'kartari' were carried forward there would be no [kta] in bhāva and karman, hence those too are carried forward. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM on why śīṅ etc. are named though akarmaka roots are already covered: with adhi, śīṅ and sthā take an object by adhiśīṅsthāsāṃ karma (SK 542) (śeṣam adhiśayitaḥ = 'lay on Śeṣa'; vaikuṇṭham adhiṣṭhitaḥ = 'stood in Vaikuṇṭha'); upa + ās has another sense (to attend on) and is sakarmaka; upa + vas takes an object by upānvadhyāṅvasaḥ (SK 544) (haridinam upoṣitaḥ = 'did not eat on Hari's day'; iṭ by vasatikṣudhor iṭ (SK 3046), saṃprasāraṇa as a yajādi root, ṣ by śāsivasighasīnāṃ ca (SK 2410)); so 'akarmaka' would not reach them. Recorded; the English renders the examples accordingly.
commentary BM glosses: āśliṣṭaḥ = 'embraced' (āliṅgitavān); anujātaḥ = 'imitated' (anukṛtavān), or 'was born following' (anusṛtya jātavān); ārūḍhaḥ = 'has mounted on' (uparyākrāntavān); anujīrṇaḥ = 'destroyed' (hatavān) or 'pervaded' (vyāptavān) — kta in the agent from jṝ: i by ṝta id dhātoḥ (SK 2390), r after it (raparatva), lengthening by hali ca (SK 354), n by radābhyām (SK 3016), then ṇ. 'pakṣe' = in the alternative where the affix is not in the agent. The English keeps 'followed' and 'worn away' as neutral renderings; 'pakṣe' followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3080.t1: gataḥ — loss of the nasal by anudāttopadeśa… (SK 2428); prāptaḥ — pra + āpḷ vyāptau, pervasion (vyāpti) being included under 'gati' in this sūtra; glānaḥ — glai harṣakṣaye is akarmaka, ā by ādeca upadeśe 'śiti (SK 2370), n by saṃyogāder ātaḥ… (SK 3017); śeṣam — object by adhiśīṅsthāsāṃ karma (SK 542); adhiṣṭhitaḥ — i by dyatisyati… (SK 3074); upoṣitaḥ — iṭ by vasatikṣudhoḥ, ṣ by śāsivasi…; anujīrṇaḥ — jṝṣ vayohānau, ṝta id dhātoḥ, hali ca, then n and ṇ. Followed (glānaḥ; prāptaḥ as a gati-root example).
commentary BM's lemma for the akarmaka example is mlāna iti ('that is, worn out (kṣīṇa)'; n by saṃyogādeḥ…), against glānaḥ in ours, the print and TB's lemma 'glāna iti'; Wikisource SK also reads mlānaḥ. Recorded; the English follows ours = print.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, read at zoom), including glānaḥ and 'yenety ādi' (Wikisource SK 'tenety ādi'). The print's sūtra 'sthāsa' for ours 'sthā''sa' is avagraha only. Class C for Ajai: glānaḥ (ours = print = TB) vs mlānaḥ (BM lemma, Wikisource).

SK 3087 · A 3.4.76V

क्तोऽधिकरणे च ध्रौव्यगतिप्रत्यवसानार्थेभ्यः ॥ ३०८७ ॥

kto'dhikaraṇe ca dhrauvyagatipratyavasānārthebhyaḥ

kto 'dhikaraṇe ca dhrauvyagatipratyavasānārthebhyaḥ — And kta [comes] in the sense of the locus (adhikaraṇa) after roots meaning remaining still (dhrauvya), going (gati) and eating (pratyavasāna).

Rule. kta comes in the sense of the locus (adhikaraṇa) after roots meaning remaining still, going and eating. By ca, it also comes in the senses otherwise obtained. Bhaṭṭoji glosses dhrauvya "remaining still" as sthairya, steadiness.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji quotes a verse:

mukundasyāsitam idam idaṃ yātaṃ ramāpateḥ / bhuktam etad anantasyety ūcur gopyo didṛkṣavaḥ.

"'This is where Mukunda sat; this is where Ramā's lord went; this is where Ananta ate' — so said the gopīs, longing to see him."

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read the three forms as places. āsitam is the seat, yātam the path, bhuktam the place of eating. The agent stands in the sixth case, by SK 626.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji then gives the other senses, root by root.

ās takes no object, so also the agent and bhāva: āsito mukundaḥ "Mukunda sat"; āsitaṃ tena "there was sitting by him".

Roots of going take the agent and the object: ramāpatir idaṃ yātaḥ "Ramā's lord has gone to this place"; tenedaṃ yātam "this has been gone to by him".

bhuj takes the object: anantenedaṃ bhuktam "this has been eaten by Ananta".

How then is bhuktā brāhmaṇāḥ "the brāhmaṇas have eaten" right? Bhaṭṭoji: bhuktam asti eṣām "they have eating". The word is bhukta with an affix ac in the sense "having it" (matvarthīya).

The rules that follow are taught "under the heading vartamāne", in the present. One commentator: the word is carried by frog's leap from vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151).

Watch out. One commentator adds that the Bhāṣya also allows bhāva after roots of going. Bhaṭṭoji names only the agent and the object; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्योऽधिकरणे क्तः स्यात् चाद्याथाप्राप्तम् । ध्रौव्यं स्थैर्यम् ॥ मुकुन्दस्यासितामिदमिदं यातं रमापतेः । भुक्तमेतदनन्तस्येत्यूचुर्गोप्यो दिदृक्षवः ॥ आसेरकर्मकत्वात्कर्तरि भावे च । आसितो मुकुन्दः । आसितं तेन । गत्यर्थेभ्यः कर्तरि कर्मणि । अनन्तेनेदं भुक्तम् । कथं भुक्ता ब्राह्मणा इति । भुक्तमिति एषामिति मत्वर्थीयोऽच् । वर्तमाने इत्यधिकृत्य ॥

After these, kta comes in the sense of the locus (adhikaraṇa); by the "ca", [it also comes] as otherwise obtained. dhrauvya means remaining still (sthairya). "mukundasyāsitam idam idaṃ yātaṃ ramāpateḥ | bhuktam etad anantasyety ūcur gopyo didṛkṣavaḥ ||" "'This is where Mukunda sat; this is where Ramā's lord went; this is where Ananta ate' — so said the gopīs, longing to see [Him]." Since ās is akarmaka, [kta comes, besides the locus,] in the agent and in bhāva: āsito mukundaḥ, "Mukunda sat"; āsitaṃ tena, "there was sitting by him". After roots meaning going, [kta comes] in the agent and [in] the object: [ramāpatir idaṃ yātaḥ, "Ramā's lord has gone to this [place]"; tenedaṃ yātam, "this has been gone to by him". After bhuj, in the object:] anantenedaṃ bhuktam, "this has been eaten by Ananta". How then is bhuktā brāhmaṇāḥ, "the brāhmaṇas have eaten", [correct]? bhuktam asti eṣām, "they have eating" — [bhukta + the] matvarthīya affix ac. [The following rules are taught] under the heading "vartamāne", "in the present".

Bālamanoramā

क्तोऽधिकरणे च ध्रौव्यगतिप्रत्यवसानार्थेभ्यः - क्तोऽधिकरणे च । ध्रौव्यं , गतिः, प्रत्यवसानं च अर्थो येषामिति विग्रहः । ध्रौव्यार्थेभ्यो, गत्यर्थेभ्यः, प्रत्यवसानार्थेभ्यश्चेति यावत् । चाद्यथाप्राप्तमिति । कर्मकर्तृभावेष्वपि यथासंभवमित्यर्थ- । ध्रौव्यमित्यस्य विवरणं - स्थैर्यमिति । स्थिरीभवनम् । उपवेशनशयनादिक्रियेति यावत् । मुकुन्दस्यासितमिदमिति । श्लोकोऽयम् । आस्यते अस्मिन्नित्यासितम् । आसनमित्यर्थः । ध्रौव्यार्थस्योदाहरणमिदम् । इदं यातं रमापतेरिति । गत्यर्थस्योदाहरणम् । यायते गम्यते अस्मिन्निति यातं, मार्ग इत्यर्थः । भुक्तमेतदनन्तस्येति । भुज्यते अस्मिन्निति भुक्तम् । भोजनस्थानमित्यर्थः ।अधिकरणवाचिनश्चे॑ति त्रिष्वपि कर्तरि षष्ठी । पक्षे इति । अधिकरणे प्रत्ययाऽभावपक्षे इत्यर्थः । आसेरकर्मकत्वादिति । ततश्च न कर्मणि क्त इत्यर्थः । आसितो मुकुन्द इति । आसितवानित्यर्थः । आसितं तेनेति । भावे उदाहरणम् । गत्यर्थेभ्य इति । तेषां सकर्मकतया कर्तरि कर्मणि च क्तः, न तु भावे इत्यर्थः,लः कर्मणि चे॑त्यत्राऽदर्शनादिति भावः । भुजेः कर्मणीति । भक्षणार्थात्कर्मणि क्तः, न तु भावे, सकर्मकेभ्यो भावे प्रत्ययस्यलः कर्मणी॑त्यत्राऽदर्शनात् । नापि प्रत्यवसानार्थेभ्यः कर्तरि, अनभिधानादित्यर्थः । कथमिति । भुजेः कर्तरि क्ताऽभावस्योक्तत्वादिति भावः । समाधत्ते — भुक्तमस्त्येषामिति । अत्र गत्यर्थेभ्यो भावेऽपि क्तप्रत्ययोऽस्त्येव , अविशेषात्,अजर्यं सङ्गत॑मिति सूत्रेअनेकमन्यपदार्थे इति सूत्रे च भाष्ये गत्यर्थेभ्यो भावे क्तप्रत्ययस्य अभ्युपगमाच्चेति शब्देन्दुशेखरे विस्तरः । इत्यधिकृत्येति ।वर्तमाने ल॑डित्यतो मण्डूकप्लुत्या अनुवर्तमान इत्यर्थः, चानशादीनां सर्वकालतायाः 'भूते' इति सूत्रे भाष्ये उक्तत्वादित्याहुः ।

translator notes

textual The 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, read at zoom; Wikisource agrees) reads 'gatyarthebhyaḥ kartari karmaṇi ca | ramāpatir idaṃ yātaḥ | tenedaṃ yātam | bhujeḥ karmaṇi | anantenedaṃ bhuktam'; ours lacks 'ca' and the three sentences 'ramāpatir idaṃ yātaḥ | tenedaṃ yātam | bhujeḥ karmaṇi |' (eye-skip). Supplied in brackets; BM comments on 'bhujeḥ karmaṇi iti', which confirms it.
textual Further slips in ours, print followed (scan at zoom; all in the collation report): 'cādyāthāprāptam' → print 'cād yathāprāptam'; 'mukundasyāsitām idam' → print 'āsitam idam'; 'bhuktam iti eṣām' → print 'bhuktam asti eṣām' (BM lemma 'bhuktam asty eṣām' agrees).
textual BM has the lemma 'pakṣe iti — adhikaraṇe pratyayābhāvapakṣe', i.e. it presupposes 'pakṣe āser akarmakatvāt…', the reading of Wikisource SK. Ours and the print (scan at zoom) have no 'pakṣe' here; the English follows the print. Class C for Ajai; not in the collation report.
commentary BM: the compound means 'whose meaning is dhrauvya, gati or pratyavasāna'; 'cād yathāprāptam' = in the object, agent and bhāva too, as far as possible; sthairya = becoming stationary, i.e. actions such as sitting and lying. Followed ('as otherwise obtained', 'remaining still').
commentary BM on the verse: āsitam = the place where one sits (āsana) — the dhrauvya example; yātam = that in which one goes, the path (mārga) — the gati example; bhuktam = the place of eating (bhojanasthāna); in all three the agent takes the sixth case by adhikaraṇavācinaś ca (SK 626). Followed in the rendering 'where … sat / went / ate'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3080.t1 ('—mukundasyeti'): āsitam = āsana; yātam = the path; bhuktam = bhojana; the sixth case of the agent in all three by adhikaraṇavācinaś ca. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM: 'āser akarmakatvāt' — so no kta in the object; āsitaṃ tena is the bhāva example. 'gatyarthebhyaḥ' — being sakarmaka they take kta in agent and object, not in bhāva, since laḥ karmaṇi ca… (SK 2152) does not show it [for sakarmaka roots]. 'bhujeḥ karmaṇi' — from bhuj meaning eating, kta in the object, not in bhāva (sakarmaka) and not in the agent (anabhidhāna). 'katham' — because kta in the agent from bhuj has been denied. Followed.
commentary BM adds that kta in bhāva is in fact available from gati roots too, there being no distinction, and that the Bhāṣya under ajaryaṃ saṃgatam and anekam anyapadārthe accepts it — detailed in the Śabdenduśekhara. Recorded; the English keeps Bhaṭṭoji's 'in the agent and the object' unaltered (§16).
commentary BM on 'vartamāne ity adhikṛtya': 'vartamāne' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) by frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti) from vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151), since the Bhāṣya on bhūte (SK 2995) says that cānaś etc. [the intervening affixes] hold for all times. Followed in the rendering 'under the heading'; carried into SK 3088–3089.
translator The matvarthīya ac in bhuktāḥ is presumably that of arśaādibhyo 'c (SK 1933); the kaumudī does not name the rule.

SK 3088 · A 3.2.187V

ञीतः क्तः ॥ ३०८८ ॥

ñītaḥ ktaḥ

ñītaḥ ktaḥ — After a root that has ñi as it-marker (ñīt), kta [comes in the present — 'vartamāne' carried forward (anuvṛtti) by maṇḍūkapluti from vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151), as announced at SK 3087 ('vartamāne ity adhikṛtya'), per BM at sk.3087.b1].

Rule. After a root marked with ñi (a ñīt root), kta comes in the present. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the rule is needed because kta otherwise denotes the past.

Example.

ñikṣvidā: kṣvid + kta → no iṭ, since it is ādit (SK 3036) → kṣvid + ta

→ n for the t and for the d before it (SK 3016) → ṇ after ṣ (ṇatva) → kṣviṇṇaḥ.

ñiindhī: indh + kta → no iṭ, since it is īdit (SK 3039) → nasal lost → idh + ta → dh for t (SK 2280) → d for the first dh → iddhaḥ.

Both commentators name the iṭ rules; one names the loss of the nasal. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the finished forms, and no one spells out the other steps.

Watch out. These forms look like past participles, but here they denote the present. The heading vartamāne, announced at SK 3087, gives that sense.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ञिक्ष्विदा । क्ष्विण्णः । ञि इन्धी । इद्धः ॥

ñikṣvidā: kṣviṇṇaḥ. ñiindhī: iddhaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

ञीतः क्तः - ञीतः क्तः । ञि इद्यस्य तस्माद्वर्तमानाक्रियावृत्तेः क्त इत्यर्थः ।तयोरेव कृत्युक्ते॑ति भावकर्मणोरेव भूते विहितः क्तो वर्तमाने न प्राप्नोतीत्यारम्भः । क्ष्विण्ण इति ।आदिश्चे॑ति नेट् । इद्ध इति । श्वीदितः॑ इति नेट् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kta comes after a root that has ñi as it, when it denotes an action in the present (vartamānakriyāvṛtteḥ). The rule is needed because kta, prescribed by tayor eva kṛtyaktakhalarthāḥ (SK 2833) in the past for bhāva and karman only, would not otherwise be obtained in the present. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: kṣviṇṇaḥ — no iṭ, by āditaś ca (SK 3036); iddhaḥ — no iṭ, by śvīdito niṣṭhāyām (SK 3039).
commentary TB, printed under sk.3080.t1: kṣviṇṇaḥ — no iṭ by āditaś ca; iddhaḥ — no iṭ by śvīditaḥ…, and loss of the nasal (nalopa). Agrees with BM.
translator The kaumudī gives only the dhātupāṭha entries (ñikṣvidā, ñiindhī) and the finished forms; every derivational step is implicit.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, read at zoom: 'ñikṣvidā | kṣviṇṇaḥ | ñiindhī | iddhaḥ |'). The raw OCR skips this sūtra; the scan settles it.

SK 3089 · A 3.2.188V

मतिबुद्धिपूजार्थेभ्यश्च ॥ ३०८९ ॥

matibuddhipūjārthebhyaśca

matibuddhipūjārthebhyaś ca — And after roots meaning desire (mati), understanding (buddhi) and honouring (pūjā), [kta comes in the present (vartamāne kta, supplied (śeṣa) from SK 3087–3088) — by tayor eva (SK 2833), in bhāva and karman].

Rule. kta also comes in the present after roots meaning desire (mati), understanding (buddhi) and honouring (pūjā). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: it is in bhāva and karman, by SK 2833.

Example.

rājñāṃ mataḥ, iṣṭaḥ "desired by kings", that is, being desired by them.

buddhaḥ, viditaḥ "understood, known".

pūjitaḥ, arcitaḥ "honoured, worshipped".

One commentator: rājñām is in the sixth case by SK 625. Both: iṣṭaḥ has no iṭ by yasya vibhāṣā, since iṣ is veṭ by SK 2340.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: mati here means desire, since buddhi is named separately. The ca gathers in what is not stated: śīlitaḥ, rakṣitaḥ, kṣāntaḥ, ākruṣṭaḥ, juṣṭaḥ and so on. One commentator says this list is a verse in the Bhāṣya.

Watch out. Some texts read ākṛṣṭaḥ for ākruṣṭaḥ. One commentator's list of roots has kruś "to call"; scholars discuss this reading.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मतिरिहेच्छा । बुद्धेः पृथगुपादानात् । राज्ञां मतः इष्टः । तैरिष्यमाण इत्यर्थः । बुद्धः । विदितः । पूजितः । अर्चितः । चकारोऽनुक्तसमुच्चयार्थः । शीलितो रक्षितः क्षान्त आकृष्टो जुष्ट इत्यादि ॥

mati here is desire (icchā), because buddhi is mentioned separately. rājñāṃ mataḥ, iṣṭaḥ, "desired by kings" — that is, being desired by them. buddhaḥ, viditaḥ, "understood, known". pūjitaḥ, arcitaḥ, "honoured, worshipped". The "ca" serves to gather in what is not stated: śīlitaḥ, rakṣitaḥ, kṣāntaḥ, ākruṣṭaḥ, juṣṭaḥ, and so on.

Bālamanoramā

मतिबुद्धिपूजार्थेभ्यश्च - मतिबुद्धि । मति, बुद्धि, पूजा , अर्थ एषामिति विग्रहः । 'वर्तमाने क्त' इति शेष- ।तयोरेवे॑ति भावकर्मणोरेव । मतः इष्ट इति । इच्छार्थकान् मनेरिषेश्च क्तः ।तीषसहे॑ति वेट्कत्वात् 'यस्य विभाषे॑ति नेट् । शीलितो रक्षित इति । भाष्यस्थश्लोकोऽयम् । इत्यादीति । आदिनारुष्टश्च रुषितश्चोभावभिव्याहृत इत्यपि । हृष्टतुष्टौ तथाक्रान्तस्तथोभौ संयतोद्यतौ । कष्टं भविष्यतीत्याहुरमृतः पूर्ववत्स्मृतः॑ । इति सङ्ग्रहः । कष्टशब्दो भविष्यति, अमृतशब्दो वर्तमाने इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the compound is analysed 'whose meaning (artha) is mati, buddhi or pūjā'; 'vartamāne ktaḥ' is supplied (śeṣaḥ); by tayor eva (SK 2833) [the kta is] in bhāva and karman only. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: mataḥ and iṣṭaḥ are kta from man and iṣ in the sense of desire; iṣṭaḥ has no iṭ by yasya vibhāṣā (SK 3025), iṣ taking iṭ optionally by tīṣasaha… (SK 2340). Followed (both forms rendered as 'desired').
commentary TB, printed under sk.3080.t1: rājñām is a sixth-case word by ktasya ca vartamāne (SK 625); iṣṭaḥ — no iṭ by yasya vibhāṣā, the root taking iṭ optionally by tīṣasaha…. Followed ('by kings' for the sixth case of the agent).
commentary TB, printed under sk.3080.t1 ('—śīlita ityādi'), identifies the roots: śīla samādhau, rakṣa pālane, kṣamūṣ sahane, kruśa āhvāne, juṣī prītisevanayoḥ. Followed: ākruṣṭaḥ (from kruś) — see the textual note.
commentary BM: 'śīlito rakṣitaḥ…' is a verse found in the Bhāṣya; by 'ādi' are meant its continuation 'ruṣṭaś ca ruṣitaś cobhāv abhivyāhṛta ity api' and the summary verse 'hṛṣṭatuṣṭau tathākrāntas tathobhau saṃyatodyatau | kaṣṭaṃ bhaviṣyatīty āhur amṛtaḥ pūrvavat smṛtaḥ', i.e. kaṣṭa [is used] in the future, amṛta in the present. Recorded.
textual Ours reads 'ākṛṣṭo' (from kṛṣ). TB's root list requires kruśa āhvāne, i.e. ākruṣṭaḥ, and Wikisource SK's OCR 'ākuṣṭo' fits kru. In the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, zoomed) the glyph differs from the kṛ of prakṛtaḥ on the same page and looks like kru, but the resolution does not settle it. The English follows TB (ākruṣṭaḥ). NOT in the collation report → Ajai.
textual Otherwise ours agrees with the print (scan read at zoom). Wikisource SK ends the list with the verse wording 'juṣṭa ity api' before 'ity ādi'.

SK 3090 · A 3.3.114V

नपुंसके भावे क्तः ॥ ३०९० ॥

napuṃsake bhāve ktaḥ

napuṃsake bhāve ktaḥ — kta comes in bhāva (the action as such) in the neuter.

Rule. kta comes in bhāva, in the neuter. Bhaṭṭoji adds: in time in general (kālasāmānye). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: this rule stands outside the headings "in the present" and the rest.

Example.

jalp + kta → iṭ → jalpitam "talk".

śī + kta → śayitam "lying down".

has + kta → hasitam "laughter".

Watch out. One commentator, citing the Bhāṣya, limits the rule to roots that take no object. Bhaṭṭoji's examples are all of that kind. In gataṃ haṃsasya "the goose's going" the object is simply not intended.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्लीबत्व विशिष्टे भावे कालसामान्ये क्तः स्यात् । जल्पितम् । शयितम् । हसितम् ॥

kta comes in bhāva qualified by neuter gender, in time in general (kālasāmānye): jalpitam, "talk"; śayitam, "lying down"; hasitam, "laughter".

Bālamanoramā

नपुंसके भावे क्तः - नपुंसके भावे क्तः । कालसामान्ये इति । अस्य वर्तमानाद्यधिकारानन्तर्भावादिति भावः । अकर्मकेभ्य एव नपुंसके भावे क्तः, नतु सकर्मकादितिणेरध्ययने वृत्त॑मिति सूत्रे भाष्यकैयटयोः स्पष्टम् । तद्ध्वनयन्नकर्मकेभ्य एवोदाहरति — जल्पितमित्यादि । गतं भुक्तमित्यादौ त्वविवक्षितकर्मकत्वादकर्मकत्वं बोध्यम् । अत एव गतं हंसस्य, भुक्तमोदनस्येत्यादौ शेषत्वविवक्षया षष्ठीति दिक् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'kālasāmānye': because this rule does not fall within the adhikāras of 'vartamāne' etc. Followed ('in time in general').
commentary BM: kta in the neuter bhāva comes only after akarmaka roots, not after sakarmaka ones, as the Bhāṣya and Kaiyaṭa make clear under ṇer adhyayane vṛttam; hinting at this, Bhaṭṭoji gives only akarmaka examples. In gatam, bhuktam etc. the roots count as akarmaka because the object is not intended (avivakṣita); hence gataṃ haṃsasya, bhuktam odanasya, with the sixth case by intention as śeṣa. Recorded; the English adds nothing to the rule.
textual Ours 'klība' and 'klībatva viśiṣṭe' (split); the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518) has 'klīvatvaviśiṣṭe' as one word, the glyph looking like v at zoom (collation class C, b/v unresolved; Wikisource b). No difference in sense. No TB on this sūtra in the print (TB goes from 'juṣī prītisevanayoḥ' straight to suyajor ṅvanip) or in ours.

SK 3091 · A 3.2.103V

सुयजोर्ङ्वनिप् ॥ ३०९१ ॥

suyajorṅvanip

suyajor ṅvanip — After su (sunoti) and yaj, ṅvanip [comes in the past (bhūte, the adhikāra of SK 2995)].

Rule. ṅvanip comes in the past after su (sunoti, "to press out") and yaj "to sacrifice". Bhaṭṭoji: "ṅvanip after sunoti and yaj, in the past".

Example.

su + ṅvanip → the markers go → su + van

→ no guṇa, since the affix is ṅ-marked

→ the augment t (tuk) → su + t + van → sutvā, dual sutvānau.

yaj + ṅvanip → yaj + van → yajvā, dual yajvānau.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the markers. The ṅ blocks guṇa. The p serves the accent and the augment t. Why ṅ and not k? A k-marked vanip would bring saṃprasāraṇa to yaj by SK 2409.

Watch out. One commentator says sunoti is ṣuñ "to press out". Two other roots su are not taken. Either they do not express the sense (anabhidhāna), or association with yaj rules them out.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सुनोतेर्यजेश्चङ्वनिप्स्याद्भूते । सुत्वा । सुत्वानौ । यज्वा । यज्वानौ ॥

ṅvanip comes in the past after sunoti and yaj: sutvā, sutvānau; yajvā, yajvānau.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 518–519

—सुयजोर्ङ्वनिप् । सुनोतेरिति । षुञ् अभिषवे । यद्यपीह सु गतौ, षु प्रसवैश्वर्ययोरिति निरनुबन्धकयोरेव ग्रहणं न्याय्यं, तथाप्यनभिधानादुभयपदिना साहचर्याद्वा तयोर्ग्रहणं न भवतीति भावः । ङकारः सुनोतेर्गुणप्रतिषेधार्थः । पकारस्तु स्वरार्थस्तुगर्थश्च ॥—यज्वेत्यादि । क्वनिपि कृते त्वत्र 'वचिस्वपि-' इति संप्रसारणं स्यादिति ङ्वनिबुक्तः ॥—अनृनिति । नकारः स्वरार्थः, ऋत इत् ॥—जरन्निति । ऋकारस्य गुणे रपरोऽकारः 'अगिदचाम्-' इति नम् । संयोगान्तलोपस्यासिद्धत्वान्न दीर्घः । —छन्दसि लिडिति । सूत्रस्यार्थमाह—भूतसामान्ये इति । न च ‘छन्दसि लुङ्लङ्लिटः’ इत्यनेन गतार्थता शङ्कया, धातुसंबन्धाधिकारे हि स विधिः । इदं तु धातुसंबन्धं विनापि भवतीति विशेषात् । अत्र व्याचख्युः । कानचः कित्करणं तिस्तिराण इत्यत्र ‘ऋच्छत्यृताम्’ इति गुणस्य निषे-धार्थं सति प्रतिषेधविषये आरभ्यते । चक्राण इत्यत्र तु ‘असंयोगाल्लिङ्कित्’ इत्येव सिद्धं कित्वमिति ॥—त्रिमुनिमत-मिति । सूत्रकृता छन्दसीति प्रक्रान्तत्वादुत्तरसूत्रे भाषाग्रहणाच्च भाष्यवार्तिकयोरपि क्वसुकानचोः ‘छन्दस्युभयश्चा’ इति वचनात्सार्वधातुकत्वेन ‘सार्वधातुकमपित्’ इति ङित्वादेव आजिवानित्यादौ नलोपादीनां कित्कार्याणामन्यथासिद्धिमा-शङ्कय तितीर्वान् तिस्तिराण इत्यादौ ‘ऋच्छत्यृताम्’ इति प्राप्तस्य गुणस्य बाधनार्थं कित्करणमिति सिद्धान्तितत्वात् । अत एव कित्करणसामर्थ्याद्भाषायामपि क्वसुकानचौ स्त इति केषांचिदुत्प्रेक्षा नादर्तव्येति हरदत्तमाधवादिग्रन्थे स्पष्टमिति भावः ॥—कवयस्त्विति । गतानुगतिकतयेति भावः ॥—वस्वे—वस्वित्यविभक्तिको निर्देशस्तथा च व्याख्यास्यति—वसोरिति । नित्यत्वाद् द्वित्वे कृते एकाच्त्वमेव नेति कथमिट् स्यादित्यत आह—कृतद्विर्वचनानामेकाचामिति । कृतेऽपि द्वित्वे एकाच एव ये अवशिष्यन्ते तेषामित्यर्थः । ‘नेड्वशि कृति’ इति निषेधं बाधित्वा क्रादिनियमात्सर्वत्र प्राप्तस्येटो नियमोऽयमित्याह—नान्येषामिति ॥—आदिवानिति । अद् भक्षणे द्वित्वहलादिशेषाभ्यासदीर्घसवर्णदीर्घेषु कृतेषु कृतद्वित्वोऽप्ययमेकाजेवेतीड् भवति ॥—आरिवानिति । ऋ गतौ ‘ऋच्छत्यृताम्’ इति गुणे कृते द्वित्वादिषु पूर्वव-त्कृतेष्वयमप्येकाच् ॥—ददिवानिति । डुदाञ् दाने । कृते द्वित्वे नायमेकाच् इण्निमित्तश्चातो लोपो नासति तस्मिन्भव-तीत्यनेकाजर्थमाद्ग्रहणम् ॥—जक्षिवानिति । ‘लिट्यन्यतरस्याम्’ इत्यादेर्घस्लादेशः । द्वित्वे कृते नायमेकाजिति घसिग्रहणम् । अत्र व्याचख्युः । द्वित्वात्पूर्वं परत्वात् ‘घसिभसोर्हलि—’ इत्युपधालोपः स्यात्तस्मिंश्च कृतेऽनच्कत्वात् द्वित्वमेव न स्यात् । न चास्य द्वित्वे कर्तव्ये ‘द्विर्वचनेऽचि’ इत्यनेन स्थानिवद्भावो निषेधो वा शङ्कयः, द्वित्वनिमित्तस्याचोऽभावात् । ततश्च नायं कृतद्विर्वचन एकाज् भवतीति घसिग्रहणं, तत्सामर्थ्यात्तु परत्वादुपधालोपमिडागमो बाधते, कृते लिडागमे ‘गमहन—’ इत्युपधालोपस्तस्य चाज्निमित्तत्वेन स्थानिवत्त्वाद् द्वित्वम् । यद्वा ‘द्विर्वचनेऽचि’ इति निषेध-पक्षे तूपधालोपात्प्रागेव द्वित्वं पश्चादुपधालोपः ‘शासिवसिधसीनां च’ इति षत्वं चर्त्वे क्षः ‘अभ्यासे चर्च’ इत्यभ्यास-घकारस्य जश्त्वमिति ॥—निषेदुषीमिति—। षद्लृ विशरणादौ ‘लिटि धातोः—’ इति द्वित्वे ‘अत एकहल्मध्ये—’ इत्येत्त्वाभ्यासलोपौ ‘उगितश्च’ इति ङीपि ‘वसोः—’ इति संप्रसारणे वलादित्वाभावान्नेद् । ‘सदिरप्रतेः’ इति षत्वम् । पुंसि तु निषेदिवान् ॥—अध्यूषुष इति । वस निवासे अधिपूर्वः ‘वचिस्वपि—’ इति संप्रसारणं द्वित्वहलादिशेषसवर्णदीर्घाः ङसि भत्वात्संप्रसारणम् प्रथमैकवचने तु अध्यूषिवान्

Bālamanoramā

सुयजोर्ङ्वनिप् - सुयजोर्ङ्वनिप् । पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । सुनोतेर्यजेश्च ङ्वनिबित्यर्थः । भूते इति । अस्य भूताधिकारस्थत्वादिति भावः । सुत्वा सुत्वानाविति । ङ्वनिपि ङपावितौ , इकार उच्चारणार्थः । ङित्त्वान्न गुणः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'suyajoḥ' is a sixth-case word in the sense of the fifth (pañcamyarthe ṣaṣṭhī): 'after sunoti and yaj'. 'bhūte' because this rule stands within the bhūta adhikāra. In ṅvanip, ṅ and p are it-markers and the i is for pronunciation; being ṅit it causes no guṇa. Followed in sutra_en and k1 ('after').
commentary TB, own t1: 'sunoti' is ṣuñ abhiṣave. Strictly the anubandha-less su gatau and ṣu prasavaiśvaryayoḥ should be taken, but they are not, by anabhidhāna or by association (sāhacarya) with yaj, which is ubhayapadin. The ṅ [our TB OCR 'ikāraḥ'; scan 'ṅakāraḥ'] is to block guṇa of su; the p is for the accent and for tuk. On yajvā: with k-vanip, saṃprasāraṇa would follow by vacisvapiyajādīnāṃ kiti (SK 2409), hence ṅvanip is taught. Followed ('sunoti').
translator The kaumudī gives the first-case singular and dual forms only; the tuk augment in sutvā (which TB ascribes to the p) and the rest of the derivation are implicit.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, read at zoom).

SK 3092 · A 3.2.104V

जीर्यतेरतृन् ॥ ३०९२ ॥

jīryateratṛn

jīryater atṛn — After jṝ (jīryati), atṛn [comes in the past (bhūte, still in force (ity eva) from the adhikāra of SK 2995)].

Rule. atṛn comes after jṝ (jīryati, "to grow old"). Bhaṭṭoji: "in the past" still holds (bhūte ity eva).

Example.

jṝ + atṛn → the markers ṛ and n go → jṝ + at

→ guṇa: ṝ becomes ar → jar + at

→ the affix is ugit, so num comes (SK 361) → jarant

→ jaran, jarantau, jarantaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the a of jaran is not lengthened. The loss of the final t is asiddha.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: by the vāsarūpa principle the niṣṭhā comes too. That principle is SK 2830: an exception of a different form blocks the general affix only optionally.

jṝ + kta → i for ṝ (SK 2390), with r → lengthening (SK 354) → n (SK 3016), then ṇ → jīrṇaḥ.

With ktavatu → jīrṇavān.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भूत इत्येव । जरन् । जरन्तौ । जरन्तः । वासरूपन्यायेन निष्ठापि । जीर्णो जीर्णवान् ॥

"In the past" (bhūte) continues to apply (ity eva). jaran, jarantau, jarantaḥ. By the vāsarūpa principle (vāsarūpa-nyāya), the niṣṭhā too [comes]: jīrṇaḥ, jīrṇavān.

Bālamanoramā

जीर्यतेरतृन् - जीर्यतेरतृन् । भूते इत्येवेति । भूतार्थवृत्तेर्जृधातोरतृन् स्यादित्यर्थः । ऋकारनकारावितौ । अत्प्रत्ययः शिष्यते । जरन्निति.उगित्त्वान्नुम् । जीर्ण इति ।ऋत इत् । रपरत्वम् । ' हलि च' इति दीर्घः । निष्ठानत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: atṛn comes after the root jṝ denoting the past; ṛ and n are it-markers and 'at' remains as the affix; jaran has num because the affix is ugit; jīrṇaḥ — i by ṝta id [dhātoḥ] (SK 2390; our BM text has short 'ṛta it'), r after it (raparatva), lengthening by hali ca (SK 354), n for the niṣṭhā-t [by radābhyām, SK 3016]. Followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3091.t1 ('—atṛn iti', '—jarann iti'): the n of atṛn is for the accent and ṛ is it; in jaran the ṛ takes guṇa as a followed by r; num by ugidacām… (SK 361); no lengthening, because the deletion of the conjunct-final [t] is asiddha (scan 'saṃyogāntalopasyāsiddhatvān na dīrghaḥ'; our TB OCR drops 'na'). Recorded.
translator vāsarūpa-nyāya refers to vā 'sarūpo 'striyām (SK 2830): an affix that is not of the same form may optionally apply in place of the special one — here kta and ktavatu (niṣṭhā) beside atṛn.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, read at zoom).

SK 3093 · A 3.2.105V

छन्दसि लिट् ॥ ३०९३ ॥

chandasi liṭ

chandasi liṭ — In the Veda (chandas), liṭ [comes in the past (bhūte) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2995], [that is,] in the past in general.

Rule. In the Veda (chandas), the lakāra liṭ comes in the sense of the past. The words "in the past" (bhūte) carry over from SK 2995. Bhaṭṭoji's paraphrase is "in the past in general" (bhūtasāmānye).

This sūtra has no gloss of its own. Bhaṭṭoji explains SK 3093, SK 3094 and SK 3095 together, under SK 3095. One of his commentators does the same.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives no Vedic example. The line tasthivāṃsam (SK 3095) is a poet's use. He cites it to show that poets use these forms widely.

This rule supplies the liṭ; SK 3094–3095 supply what stands in its place.

Applies when / blocked by. Elsewhere liṭ is taught by parokṣe liṭ (SK 2171). There it needs a past that is not of today (anadyatana) and out of the speaker's sight (parokṣa). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says these conditions are not intended in the Veda. Any past will do.

The other commentator meets a doubt. Is this rule not already covered by chandasi luṅlaṅliṭaḥ (SK 3423)? No. That rule stands under a heading that needs a connection between verbs (dhātusaṃbandha). This one applies without it.

Bālamanoramā

छन्दसि लिट् - छन्दसि लिट् ।

translator notes

textual No kaumudī of its own, in ours or in the print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518, read): SK 3093, 3094 and 3095 are printed one after another, and Bhaṭṭoji explains all three under SK 3095 (sk.3095.k1, 'iha bhūtasāmānye chandasi liṭ …'). BM does the same: sk.3093.b1 and sk.3094.b1 are pratīka only, and BM's comment on all three ('trīṇīmāni sūtrāṇi', 'these are three sūtras') is in sk.3095.b1.
commentary BM, printed under sk.3095.b1: Bhaṭṭoji explains the first of the three sūtras as 'bhūtasāmānye chandasi liṭ' because he intends 'bhūte' (SK 2995) to be carried forward (anuvṛtti) into it. In the Veda, being anadyatana and parokṣa (the conditions of parokṣe liṭ, SK 2171) is not intended. Followed: 'bhūte' is bracketed in sutra_en as carried forward, and the rule is given as 'in the past in general'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3091.t1 ('—chandasi liḍ iti'; our OCR garbles the lemma as 'indrasiliṅgiti', and the scan page-0518 reads 'chandasi liḍiti'): with 'bhūtasāmānye' Bhaṭṭoji states the meaning of the sūtra. Do not suppose that its content is already covered by chandasi luṅlaṅliṭaḥ (SK 3423). That rule stands under the heading of dhātusaṃbandha, whereas this one applies even without a dhātusaṃbandha. Recorded. It agrees with BM on 'in the past in general'.

SK 3094 · A 3.2.106V

लिटः कानज्वा ॥ ३०९४ ॥

liṭaḥ kānajvā

liṭaḥ kānaj vā — kānac optionally replaces liṭ [in the Veda (chandasi), carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3093, and in the past (bhūte), carried forward from SK 2995].

Rule. The affix kānac optionally replaces liṭ, in the Veda, in the past. "In the Veda" comes from SK 3093, "in the past" from SK 2995. kānac is a substitute of a lakāra (lādeśa), like the verb-endings that replace a lakāra.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives none here. One of his commentators cites cakrāṇa:

kṛ + liṭ (Veda) → kānac replaces liṭ → markers k and c go → kṛ + āna

→ reduplication and the usual sandhi → cakrāṇa.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the word liṭ stated again, when it already carries over? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. So that every liṭ is taken, including that of parokṣe liṭ (SK 2171). Otherwise the maxim "the nearest" (anantarasya) would take only the liṭ of SK 3093.

The same commentator gives two uses for vā "optionally". It lets liṭ itself be heard in the other option. Or it shows that the option between unlike affixes (vāsarūpa, SK 2830) does not hold for substitutes of a lakāra. Its use comes up at SK 3097.

Watch out. What is the k of kānac for? The other commentator answers. In tistirāṇa it blocks the guṇa that ṛcchatyṝtām (SK 2383) would give. In cakrāṇa the affix already counts as k-marked, by asaṃyogāl liṭ kit (SK 2242).

Bālamanoramā

लिटः कानज्वा - लिटः कानज्वा ।

translator notes

textual No kaumudī of its own, in ours or in the print (NSP p. 508, scan page-0518): the sūtra is explained together with SK 3093 and 3095 under sk.3095.k1. sk.3094.b1 is pratīka only. BM's comment is in sk.3095.b1.
commentary BM, printed under sk.3095.b1: 'chandasi' and 'bhūte' are carried forward (anuvṛtti) into this second sūtra, so kānac replaces liṭ in the Veda in the past. The word 'liṭ' is restated so that any liṭ is taken, including the one taught by parokṣe liṭ (SK 2171). Otherwise the maxim 'anantarasya' would take only the liṭ just introduced. The Vṛtti makes this clear. 'vā' serves either to let liṭ itself be heard in the other alternative, or to indicate (jñāpana) that the vāsarūpa option does not hold for replacements of the la-affixes (lādeśa). Its use is shown under bhāṣāyāṃ sadavasaśruvaḥ (SK 3097). Followed: the anuvṛtti is bracketed in sutra_en, and 'optionally' is kept.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3091.t1 ('atra vyācakhyuḥ'): the k-marking (kit) of kānac serves, in tistirāṇa, to block the guṇa taught by ṛcchatyṝtām (SK 2383). It is undertaken even where the prohibition [of guṇa, through liṭ's kit-ness] already obtains (sati pratiṣedhaviṣaye). In cakrāṇa, kit-ness already follows from asaṃyogāl liṭ kit (SK 2242). Recorded. The bracket is the translator's construal of 'sati pratiṣedhaviṣaye': in tistirāṇa the liṭ does not follow a conjunct, so liṭ is kit there too, but ṛcchatyṝtām overrides that kit-ness.

SK 3095 · A 3.2.107V

क्वसुश्च ॥ ३०९५ ॥

kvasuśca

kvasuś ca — kvasu also [replaces liṭ in the Veda (chandasi) in the past (bhūte) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) as in SK 3094].

Rule. The affix kvasu also replaces liṭ, in the Veda, in the past. Its markers are k and u; vas remains. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss covers SK 3093–3095. In the Veda liṭ comes in the past in general. kvasu and kānac, its substitutes, are also Vedic only. "This is the view of the three sages" (trimunimatam). "Poets, however, use them widely."

Example. Bhaṭṭoji quotes two poets' verse-quarters, to show that use.

taṃ tasthivāṃsaṃ nagaropakaṇṭhe "him who had halted near the city":

sthā + kvasu → tasthivāṃsam, second case.

One commentator explains the long vowel of -vāṃs and the num, which comes because kvasu is marked with u. He names a rule for the lengthening; scholars discuss which rule applies.

śreyāṃsi sarvāṇy adhijagmuṣas te "of you, who had attained all excellences":

adhi + gam + kvasu → reduplication → jagam + vas

→ before śas (as), vas becomes us (vasoḥ saṃprasāraṇam, SK 435) → jagam + us + as

→ before this vowel-initial affix the penultimate a is lost (SK 2363) → jagm + us + as

→ s becomes ṣ → adhijagmuṣaḥ.

These steps are one commentator's; Bhaṭṭoji gives only the forms.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is kvasu a separate sūtra and not part of SK 3094? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. So that kvasu alone carries on into SK 3097, without kānac.

Watch out. Are kvasu and kānac correct outside the Veda? Bhaṭṭoji gives the sages' view, and adds that poets use them. One commentator supports the poets from a form used in the Bhāṣya. The other says poets simply follow one another, and rejects the claim that the forms belong to ordinary speech. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इह भूतसामान्ये छन्दसि लिट् तस्य विधीयमानौ क्वसुकानचावपि छान्दसाविति त्रिमुनिमतम् । कवयस्तु बहुलं प्रयुञ्जते । तं तस्थिवांसं नगरोपकण्ठे इति । श्रेयांसि सर्वाण्यधिजग्मुषस्ते इत्यादि ॥

Here [in chandasi liṭ, SK 3093, the meaning is]: in the Veda (chandas), liṭ [comes] in the past in general (bhūtasāmānye). kvasu and kānac, which are taught [as replacements] for that [liṭ], are also Vedic only (chāndasa). This is the view of the three sages (trimunimatam). Poets, however, use them widely (bahulam): taṃ tasthivāṃsaṃ nagaropakaṇṭhe, "him who had halted near the city"; śreyāṃsi sarvāṇy adhijagmuṣas te, "[of] you, who had attained all excellences", and so on.

Bālamanoramā

क्वसुश्च - क्वसुश्च । त्रीणीमानि सूत्राणि । अत्र प्रथम सूत्रे भूत इत्यनुवृत्तिमभिप्रेत्य व्याचष्टे — भूतसामान्ये छन्दसि लिडिति । अनद्यतनपरोक्षत्वं छन्दसि न विवक्षितमिति भावः ।लिटः कानज्वे॑ति द्वितीयं सूत्रम् । तत्र छन्दसीत्यनुवर्तते, भूते इति च । छन्दसि भूते लिटः कानजादेशः स्यादित्यर्थः । लिड्ग्रहणं लिण्मात्रस्य ग्रहणार्थम् । तेन 'परोक्षे लि' डिति यो लिड्विहितस्तस्यापि ग्रहणार्थः । अन्यथाअनन्तरस्ये॑ति न्यायेन प्रकृतस्यैव लिटो ग्रहणं स्यादिति वृत्तौ स्पष्टम् । वाग्रहणं तु पक्षे लिटः श्रवणाअर्थं, वासरूपविधिर्लादेशेषु नेति ज्ञापनार्थं वा । तत्प्रयोजनं तुभाषायां सदवसे॑त्यत्र क्वसोरेवानुवृत्त्यर्थः । इमौ कानच्क्वसू आदेशौ छन्दसि भूते लिटः क्वसुश्चादेशः स्यादित्यर्थः । योगविभागस्तु उत्तरसूत्रे क्वसोरेवानुवृत्त्यर्थः । इमौ कानच्क्वसू आदेशौ छान्दसाविति — अत्रैव भाष्यकैयटयोः स्पष्टम् । तदाह — तस्येत्यादि, त्रिमुनिमतमित्यन्तम् ।विभाषा पूर्वाह्णाऽपराह्णे॑ति सूत्रभाष्ये तु पपुष आगतं पपिवद्रूप्यमिति प्रयुक्तम् । तेन लोकेऽपि क्वचित्क्वसोः साधुत्वं सूचितम् । तदाह - कवयस्त्विति । तस्थिवांसमिति । स्थाधातोर्लिटः क्वसुः । द्वितीयैकवचनेअत्वसन्तस्ये॑ति दीर्घः । उगित्त्वान्नुम् । अधिजग्मुष इति । अधिपूर्वाद्गमेर्लिटः क्वसुः, गमहने॑त्युपधालोपः, शसि वसोः संप्रसारणं, पूर्वरूपम् , षत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.3091.t1 ('—chandasi liḍ iti. sūtrasyārtham āha — bhūtasāmānye iti'): the opening words state the meaning of SK 3093. Followed ('Here [in chandasi liṭ, SK 3093, the meaning is]').
commentary BM, sk.3095.b1: kānac and kvasu are Vedic replacements, as the Bhāṣya and Kaiyaṭa make clear at this very place. Bhaṭṭoji states this in the passage from 'tasya' to 'trimunimatam'. But in the Bhāṣya on vibhāṣā pūrvāhṇāparāhṇābhyām, 'papuṣa āgataṃ papivadrūpyam' is used. This suggests that kvasu is sometimes correct in common usage too, and so Bhaṭṭoji adds 'kavayas tu'. Followed ('also Vedic only'; 'however').
commentary BM, sk.3095.b1: the third sūtra means that kvasu too replaces liṭ in the Veda in the past. It is split off from SK 3094 (yogavibhāga) so that only kvasu is carried forward (anuvṛtti) into the next sūtra (SK 3097). Followed in sutra_en, and in the bracketed anuvṛtti of SK 3097.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3091.t1 ('—trimunimatam iti'): [this is the view of the three sages] because Pāṇini has 'chandasi' as the running topic and says 'bhāṣāyām' in the next sūtra. The Bhāṣya and the Vārttika also raise a doubt: kvasu and kānac are sārvadhātuka by chandasy ubhayathā (SK 3435), hence ṅit by sārvadhātukam apit, so their kit-operations (n-loss and the like) would be achieved anyway. They conclude that the kit-marking serves to block the guṇa of ṛcchatyṝtām in titīrvān, tistirāṇa and so on. For this very reason (ata eva), the conjecture of some, that by force of the kit-marking kvasu and kānac also exist in common usage (bhāṣā), is not to be respected, as Haradatta, Mādhava and others make clear. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3091.t1 ('—kavayas tv iti'): poets use them by following one another (gatānugatikatayā). Recorded. The English keeps Bhaṭṭoji's neutral 'use them widely'.
commentary BM, sk.3095.b1, on the examples. tasthivāṃsam: kvasu replaces liṭ after sthā. In the second-case singular there is lengthening by atvasantasya cādhātoḥ (SK 425) [sic: BM so reads, Wikisource agreeing, but that rule lengthens only before su; the operative rule here is sāntamahataḥ saṃyogasya, SK 317], and num because the affix is ugit. adhijagmuṣaḥ: kvasu replaces liṭ after gam with adhi. The upadhā is lost by gamahana… (SK 2363). Before śas there is saṃprasāraṇa by vasoḥ saṃprasāraṇam (SK 435), then pūrvarūpa and ṣatva. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
textual Ours agrees with the print: sūtras on NSP p. 508 (scan page-0518), kaumudī at the top of p. 509 (scan page-0519), both read. The print's 'kasuśca' is its kva ligature (collation batch08). Our BM sk.3095.b1 is garbled in the middle. After 'tatprayojanaṃ tu bhāṣāyāṃ sadavase ity atra' it runs straight into 'kvasor evānuvṛttyarthaḥ. imau kānackvasū ādeśau chandasi bhūte liṭaḥ kvasuś cādeśaḥ…' and then repeats the clause. Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0126) is coherent: '… ity atra anupadam eva vakṣyate. kvasuś ca iti tṛtīyaṃ sūtram. chandasi bhūte liṭaḥ kvasuś cādeśaḥ syād ity arthaḥ. yogavibhāgas tu uttarasūtre kvasor evānuvṛttyarthaḥ. imau kānackvasū ādeśau chāndasāv iti…'. The BM notes here follow Wikisource where ours is garbled. Ours also reads 'āṅo yamahana' for Wikisource's 'gamahana' in the adhijagmuṣaḥ derivation.
translator The two verse-quarters are quoted without attribution in the source, and none is supplied here. 'te … adhijagmuṣaḥ' is construed with 'te' ('[of] you'). BM's 'śasi' (before the second-case plural) refers only to the saṃprasāraṇa step.

SK 3096 · A 7.2.67V

वस्वेकाजाद्घसाम् ॥ ३०९६ ॥

vasvekājādghasām

vasv ekājādghasām — [The augment iṭ comes] to vasu only after [roots that are] monosyllabic (ekāc) [after reduplication], after those ending in ā (āt), and after ghas.

Rule. The affix vasu (here the vas of kvasu) takes iṭ only after three kinds of root. First, roots that still have one vowel (ekāc) once reduplication is done. Second, roots ending in ā. Third, ghas. "Not after others," says Bhaṭṭoji.

Example. The running example:

ad + kvasu → ad + vas

→ reduplication → halādiśeṣa (only the first consonant of the reduplicated syllable stays) → lengthening of that syllable → savarṇadīrgha

→ ād + vas: still one vowel

→ iṭ (this rule) → ād-i-vas → ādivān.

ṛ "to go" → guṇa (SK 2383) and the same steps → ārivān.

An ā-final root: dā → reduplication → dadā + vas → iṭ (this rule) → the ā is lost before iṭ → dadivān.

ghas, which replaces ad by SK 2424: jakṣivān.

Bhaṭṭoji's counterexample: babhūvān, with no iṭ.

Applies when / blocked by. Reduplication is obligatory, and after it no root has one vowel. So how can iṭ ever come? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers: hence "once reduplication has been done". The rule means roots that are still ekāc even after reduplication.

The same commentator traces the iṭ. neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981) bars iṭ before vas. Another restriction, the kṛādi-niyama, brings iṭ back everywhere. This sūtra then restricts (niyama) that restored iṭ to the three kinds of root.

Watch out. Why name ā-final roots separately? dadā is not ekāc. And its ā is lost only before iṭ, so it cannot first shrink to one vowel. Both commentators explain this. One of them also explains ghas at length; the root would lose its vowel before reduplication could apply.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कृतद्विर्वचनानामेकाचामादन्तानां घसेश्च वसोरिट् नान्येषाम् । एकाच् । आदिवान् । आरिवान् । आत् । ददिवान् । जक्षिवान् । एषां किम् । बभूवान् ॥

vasu takes iṭ after [roots] that are monosyllabic (ekāc) once reduplication has been done, after those ending in ā, and after ghas — not after others. ekāc: ādivān; ārivān. āt [ending in ā]: dadivān. [ghas:] jakṣivān. Why "of these"? babhūvān.

Bālamanoramā

वस्वेकाजाद्घसाम् - वस्वे । 'वसु' इत्यविभक्तिको निर्देशः । तथा च व्याख्यास्यति — वसोरिति । नित्यत्वाद्द्वित्वे कृते एकाच्त्वमेव नेति कथमिट् स्यादित्यत आह — कृतद्विर्वचनानामेकाचामिति । कृतेऽपि द्वित्वे एकाच एव ये अवशिष्यन्ते तेषामित्यर्थः ।नेड्वशि कृती॑ति निषेधं बाधित्वा क्रादिनियमात्सर्वत्र प्राप्तस्य इटो नियमोऽयमित्याह — नान्येषामिति । आदिवानिति । अद भक्षणे । द्वित्वहलादिशेषाऽभ्यासदीर्घसवर्णदीर्घेषु कृतेषु कृतद्वित्वोऽप्ययमेकाजेवेति इट् । आरिवानिति । 'ऋ गतौ'ऋच्छत्यृता॑मिति गुणे कृते पूर्ववत्कृतेषु अयमेकाच् । ददिवानिति । डु दाञ् दाने । कृते द्वित्वे नाऽयमेकाच् । इण्निमित्तश्चाऽऽतो लोपो नाऽसति तस्मिन् भवतीति अनेकाजर्थमाद्ग्रहणम् । जक्षिवानिति ।लिट्यन्यतरस्या॑मित्यदेर्घस्लादेशः । द्वित्वे कृते नायमेकाजिति घसिग्रहणम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.3096.b1: 'vasu' is cited without a case ending (avibhaktika nirdeśa), which is why Bhaṭṭoji explains it as 'vasoḥ'. Reduplication is obligatory (nitya), and once it is done no root remains ekāc, so how could iṭ come? Hence 'kṛtadvirvacanānām ekācām': those that are still ekāc even after reduplication. The prohibition neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981) is set aside by the kṛādi-niyama, so iṭ is obtained everywhere. This sūtra restricts (niyama) that iṭ, hence 'nānyeṣām'. Followed ('once reduplication has been done'; 'only'; 'not after others').
commentary BM, sk.3096.b1, on the examples. ādivān: ad bhakṣaṇe. After reduplication, halādiśeṣa, lengthening of the abhyāsa and savarṇadīrgha, it is ekāc although reduplicated, so iṭ comes. ārivān: ṛ gatau. After guṇa by ṛcchatyṝtām (SK 2383) and the other steps as before, it too is ekāc. dadivān: ḍudāñ dāne. After reduplication it is not ekāc. The loss of ā, which is conditioned by iṭ, cannot take place without iṭ. So 'ā-final' is named to cover what is not ekāc. jakṣivān: ghasḷ replaces ad by liṭy anyatarasyām (SK 2424). After reduplication it is not ekāc, hence ghas is named. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3091.t1: on 'vasu', the kṛtadvirvacana gloss, the niyama, ādivān, ārivān and dadivān it says the same as BM. On jakṣivān it adds ('atra vyācakhyuḥ'): before reduplication, the upadhā-loss of ghasibhasor hali ca would apply as the later rule (paratva). After that the root would have no vowel, so there could be no reduplication. Nor can dvirvacane 'ci be invoked here, whether as sthānivadbhāva or as a prohibition [of the upadhā-loss], because no vowel conditioning the reduplication is present. And so this root would not be ekāc after reduplication; that is why ghas is named. By force of naming ghas, the iṭ-augment blocks that upadhā-loss. After iṭ, the upadhā is lost by gamahana… (SK 2363); being conditioned by a vowel, it is sthānivat, so reduplication follows. Alternatively (yadvā), on the view that dvirvacane 'ci is a prohibition [, once iṭ has supplied a vowel], reduplication comes before the upadhā-loss. Then ṣatva by śāsivasighasīnāṃ ca and cartva give kṣ, and abhyāse carca gives jaś for the gh of the abhyāsa. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 509, scan page-0519, read). TB OCR in sk.3091.t1 garbles the lemma 'vasve— vasvity avibhaktiko' (scan) as 'vastre—vastritvavibhaktiko', and 'dadivān iti' as 'ddivān iti'.
textual The print's sūtra heading (NSP p. 509, scan page-0519, read at zoom; the page OCR agrees) gives the reference as 7.1.67. This is a slip in the reference only; ours, 7.2.67, is correct, and the sūtra text agrees. Not in the collation report.
translator iṭ in sutra_en is supplied from the kaumudī's own paraphrase ('vasor iṭ'). Neither commentary names the rule it is carried forward from.

SK 3097 · A 3.2.108V

भाषायां सदवसश्रुवः ॥ ३०९७ ॥

bhāṣāyāṃ sadavasaśruvaḥ

bhāṣāyāṃ sadavasaśruvaḥ — In the common language (bhāṣā), after sad, vas and śru, [liṭ (carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3093) comes in the past, optionally (vā, carried forward from SK 3094), and kvasu (carried forward from SK 3095) replaces it].

Rule. In ordinary speech (bhāṣā), after sad "to sit", vas "to dwell" and śru "to hear", liṭ comes optionally in the past in general. kvasu then necessarily replaces it. liṭ carries over from SK 3093, vā from SK 3094 and kvasu from SK 3095.

Example. The running example, from Bhaṭṭoji's quotation niṣeduṣīm āsanabandhadhīraḥ:

ni + sad + liṭ → kvasu replaces liṭ (this rule) → ni + sad + vas

→ reduplication; then e for the a and loss of the reduplicated syllable (ata ekahalmadhye…) → ni-sed-vas

→ feminine ṅīp (ī), because kvasu is marked with u → ni-sed-vas-ī

→ vas becomes us (SK 435) → ni-sed-us-ī

→ s becomes ṣ, after ni (sadir aprateḥ, SK 2271) and in the affix → niṣeduṣīm.

One commentator adds: there is no iṭ, since no consonant-initial affix remains. The masculine is niṣedivān, with iṭ (SK 3096, in IV.B).

adhi + vas → saṃprasāraṇa of the v (SK 2409) → reduplication; halādiśeṣa and savarṇadīrgha

→ vas becomes us (SK 435); ṣ → adhyūṣuṣaḥ "of the people who had dwelt in it".

The commentators read the ending differently; scholars discuss this.

śru + kvasu → reduplication → śuśruvān "one who has heard".

Applies when / blocked by. The "optionally" goes with liṭ alone, says one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators. In the other option luṅ comes, the lakāra taught for the past in general. kvasu is obligatory once liṭ comes. So this liṭ never takes a verb-ending.

Watch out. Why must "optionally" be carried over at all? Without it, this liṭ would always set luṅ aside, as its exception. The same commentator explains why SK 2830, the option between unlike affixes, cannot help. liṭ and luṅ count as of the same form. And that option does not hold for substitutes of a lakāra, as noted at SK 3094.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सदादिभ्यो भूतसामान्ये भाषायां लिड्वा स्यात् तस्य च नित्यं क्वसुः । निषेदुषीमासनबन्धधीरः । अध्यूषुषस्तामभवञ्जनस्य । शुश्रुवान् ॥

After sad and the others, in the common language (bhāṣā), liṭ optionally comes in the past in general (bhūtasāmānye), and kvasu necessarily replaces it: niṣeduṣīm āsanabandhadhīraḥ, "[he,] steady in his fixed posture, … [her] who had sat down"; adhyūṣuṣas tām abhavaj janasya, "… of the people who had dwelt in it"; śuśruvān, "[he] who has heard".

Bālamanoramā

भाषायां सदवसश्रुवः - भाषायाम् । सद, वस, श्रु एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । पुंस्त्वमेकवचनं चार्षम् । तस्य च नित्यं क्वसुरिति । वाग्रहणं लिटैव संबध्यते, तस्य क्वसुस्तु नित्य इति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । पक्षे लुङ्, तस्य भूतसामान्ये विहितत्वात् । वाग्रहणाननुवृत्तौ तु भूतसामान्ये लिडयं नित्यं लुङपवादः स्यात् । सरूपत्वात् । अस्य च भूतसामान्ये लिटो न तिङ् । अस्य क्वसोस्तदपवादत्वात् । वासरूपविधिस्तु लादेशेषु नेति 'लिटः कानज्वा' इत्यत्र उक्तमिति शब्देन्दुशेखरे विस्तरः । निषेदुषीमिति । निपूर्वात्सदेर्लिटः क्वसुः, द्वित्वम्, 'अत एकहल्मध्ये' इत्येत्त्वाभ्यासलोपौ,वसोः सम्प्रसारणं, पूर्वरूपं, षत्वम् । अध्यूषुष इति । अधिपूर्वाद्वसधातोर्लिटः क्वसुः, यजादित्वाद्धातोर्वस्य संप्रसारणम् । पूर्वरूपम् । उस् इत्यस्य द्वित्वं, हलादिशेषः, सवर्णदीर्घः । शसि वसोः संप्रसारणं, पूर्वरूपम् । शुश्रुवानिति । श्रुधातोर्लिटः क्वसुः । द्वित्वम् ॥

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.3097.b1: sad, vas and śru form a dvandva, and the ending is the fifth case. The masculine and the singular are ārṣa. 'tasya ca nityaṃ kvasuḥ': the 'vā' [carried forward from SK 3094] is construed with liṭ alone, and its kvasu is obligatory (nitya), as the Bhāṣya makes clear. In the other alternative luṅ comes, since luṅ is taught for the past in general. If 'vā' were not carried forward, this liṭ in the past in general would be obligatory, an exception (apavāda) to luṅ, since the two are sarūpa. This liṭ never takes a tiṅ, because kvasu is the exception to it. That the vāsarūpa option does not hold for lādeśas was stated under liṭaḥ kānaj vā (SK 3094); the detail is in the Śabdenduśekhara. Followed: the anuvṛtti of liṭ, vā and kvasu is bracketed in sutra_en; 'optionally' goes with liṭ and 'necessarily' with kvasu.
commentary BM, sk.3097.b1, on the examples. niṣeduṣīm: kvasu replaces liṭ after sad with ni. Then come reduplication, e-substitution and abhyāsa-loss by ata ekahalmadhye…, saṃprasāraṇa of vas, pūrvarūpa, ṣatva. adhyūṣuṣaḥ: kvasu replaces liṭ after vas with adhi. Because vas is yajādi, its v undergoes saṃprasāraṇa, then pūrvarūpa; 'us' is reduplicated, followed by halādiśeṣa and savarṇadīrgha. Before śas there is saṃprasāraṇa of vasu and pūrvarūpa. śuśruvān: kvasu replaces liṭ after śru, with reduplication. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3091.t1. niṣeduṣīm: ṣadḷ viśaraṇādau; reduplication by liṭi dhātoḥ…; e-substitution and abhyāsa-loss by ata ekahalmadhye…; ṅīp by ugitaś ca; saṃprasāraṇa by vasoḥ…. There is no iṭ, the affix no longer beginning with a val consonant. ṣatva by sadir aprateḥ (SK 2271). In the masculine, niṣedivān. adhyūṣuṣaḥ: vas nivāse with adhi; saṃprasāraṇa by vacisvapi… (SK 2409); reduplication, halādiśeṣa, savarṇadīrgha. Before ṅas the affix is bha, hence saṃprasāraṇa. In the first-case singular, adhyūṣivān. TB takes adhyūṣuṣaḥ before ṅas (sixth-case singular); BM says before śas. Recorded. The English gloss ('of the people', construing it with janasya) agrees with TB.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 509, scan page-0519, read). The print's 'adhyūpupa' is its type for ṣ, not a variant.
translator The two verse-quarters are quoted without attribution in the source, and none is supplied here. The glosses render only what the quoted words show.

SK 3098 · A 3.2.109V

उपेयिवाननाश्वाननूचानश्च ॥ ३०९८ ॥

upeyivānanāśvānanūcānaśca

upeyivān anāśvān anūcānaś ca — And upeyivān, anāśvān and anūcāna [are given as irregular formations (nipātana)].

Rule. Three forms are given by nipātana: upeyivān, anāśvān and anūcāna. Bhaṭṭoji names what each one fixes.

Example.

upa + iṇ "to go" → liṭ, even in ordinary speech, in the past as such; kvasu necessarily replaces it

→ reduplication → the augment iṭ (by the nipātana) → upeyivān "one who has approached".

Bhaṭṭoji quotes upeyuṣaḥ svām api mūrtim agryām "of one who had attained even his own foremost form". He also gives the feminine upeyuṣī.

The upa is not intended as a condition: īyivān, samīyivān.

nañ + aś (aśnāti, "eats") → kvasu, and no iṭ → anāśvān "one who has not eaten".

Bhaṭṭoji cites Bhāravi: dhṛtajayadhṛter anāśuṣaḥ "of the one who had not eaten, whose resolve was fixed on victory".

anu + vac "to speak" → kānac in the sense of the agent; saṃprasāraṇa → anūcānaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: one who has completed the recitation of the Veda is anūcāna.

Applies when / blocked by. Which iṭ is this? Both commentators say it is the ordinary one, before a consonant-initial ārdhadhātuka (SK 2184). One traces its history. SK 2981 had barred it, a restriction brought it back, and SK 3096 (in IV.B) barred it again. This nipātana restores that same iṭ.

Watch out. upeyuṣī has no iṭ. The v of vas becomes u, so the consonant that called for the iṭ is gone. One commentator uses this to show that no new iṭ is being taught. The other makes the same point with upeyuṣaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एते निपात्यन्ते । उपपूर्वादिणो भाषायामपि भूतमात्रे लिड्वा तस्य नित्यं क्वसुः । इट् । उपेयिवान् । उपेयुषः स्वामपि मूर्तिमग्र्याम् । उपेयुषी । उपेत्यविवक्षितम् । ईयिवान् । समीयिवान् । नञ्पूर्वादश्नातेः क्वसुरिडभावश्च । धृतजयधृतेरनाशुष इति भारविः । अनुपूर्वाद्वचेः कर्तरि कानच् । वेदस्यानुवचनं कृतवाननूचानः ॥

These are given as irregular formations (nipātyante). After iṇ preceded by upa, even in the common language (bhāṣā), liṭ optionally [comes] in the past as such (bhūtamātre), and kvasu necessarily replaces it; [also] iṭ: upeyivān. upeyuṣaḥ svām api mūrtim agryām, "[of one] who had attained even his own foremost form". upeyuṣī. upa is not intended (avivakṣita) [as a condition]: īyivān; samīyivān. After aś (aśnāti) preceded by nañ, kvasu and the absence of iṭ: dhṛtajayadhṛter anāśuṣaḥ, "of the one who had not eaten, whose resolve was fixed on victory" — Bhāravi. After vac preceded by anu, kānac in the agent sense: one who has accomplished the recitation (anuvacana) of the Veda is anūcāna.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 519

—उपेयिवानना—। इडिति । वलादिलक्षण एवेद् ‘नेड्वशि कृति’ इति निषिद्धः क्रादिनियमात्पुनः प्राप्तः ‘वस्वेकाजाद्घसाम्’ इति सूत्रेण कृतद्वित्वानामेकाचामादन्तानां घसेश्च वसोरिद् स्यान्नान्येषामिति नियच्छता प्रतिषिद्धो नित्यत्वात् द्वित्वे कृतेऽनेकाच्त्वात् । न च सवर्णदीर्घेणैकाच्त्वम् । ‘दीर्घं इणः किति’ इत्यभ्यासदीर्घं कृते तत्सामर्थ्यात्सवर्णदीर्घाभाव इति पक्षाश्रयणात् । स एव वलादिलक्षण इद् इह प्रतिप्रसूयते नापूर्वो विधीयते तेन संप्रसारणविषये न भवति । अत एवोदाहरति—उपेयुष इति । सति त्विटि तस्य यणादेशे उपेय्युष इति स्यादिति भावः ॥—अविवक्षितमिति । व्याख्यानमेवात्र शरणम् ॥—ईयिवानिति । इणो द्वित्वे सवर्णदीर्घं बाधित्वा आङ्गत्वात् ‘इणो यण्’ इति यण् भवति, वसोरिडागमे हि परत्राजादिप्रत्ययस्य सत्त्वात् ॥—वचेरिति । वच परिभाषण इत्यस्माद्ब्रुवो वचेर्वा कर्तरि न तु भावकर्मणोः । एतच्च निपातनाल्लब्धम्

Bālamanoramā

उपेयिवाननाश्वाननूचानश्च - उपेयिवान । इडिति । उपपूर्वादिण्धातोर्लिटः क्वसुः, नित्यत्वाद्द्वित्वम् । वलादिलक्षण इट्नेड्वशि कृती॑ति प्रतिषिद्धः, स तावत्कादिनियमात्पुनरुत्थितः । पुनश्चवस्वेकाजाद्घसा॑मितिसूत्रेण एकाचश्च आदन्ताच्च घसेश्च परस्य वसोरिट् स्यान्नान्येभ्य॑ इत्यर्थकेन द्वित्वानन्तरमनेकाच्त्वात्प्रतिषिद्धः, सोऽयमिट् अनेन निपातनेन प्रतिप्रसूयते इति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । इटि कृते उत्तरखण्डस्य इकारस्य यण् । अभ्यासस्य दीर्घस्तु न निपात्यते । नन्वत्र अपूर्व एव इट् निपात्यतामित्यत आह — उपेयुषीति । उगित्त्वान्ङीपि वसोः संप्रसारणम् । प्रतिप्रसूतो वलादिलक्षण इट् तु न, तन्निमित्तस्य वकारस्य संप्रसारणेन विनाशोन्मुखत्वात् । अत्र अपूर्वस्य इटो निपातने तु अत्रापि इट् स्यादिति भावः । उपेत्यविवक्षितमिति । अत्र व्याख्यानमेव शरणम् । अश्नातेरिति । 'अश भोजने' श्नाविकरणः क्र्यादिः, लिटः क्वसुः, द्वित्वम्,अत आदे॑रिति दीर्घः, सवर्णदीर्घः, द्वहल्त्वाऽभावान्न नुट् ।अश्नोतेश्चे॑त्यपि न नुट्, श्नुविकरणस्थस्यैव तत्र ग्रहणात् । नञ उपपदसमासः । 'नलोपो नञः'तस्मान्नुडची॑ति भावः । वचेः कर्तरीति । न तु भावकर्मणोरिति भावः । कानचि यजादित्वात्संप्रसारणं, पूर्वरूपं, सवर्णदीर्घः ।विभाषा गमहने॑त्यादि स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.3098.b1, on 'iṭ': kvasu replaces liṭ after iṇ with upa, and reduplication is obligatory. The iṭ is the one conditioned by an affix beginning with val [ārdhadhātukasyeḍ valādeḥ, SK 2184]. Its history: neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981) prohibited it; it rose again by the kṛādi-niyama; vasv ekājādghasām (SK 3096) prohibited it again, the root not being ekāc after reduplication. This nipātana re-allows (pratiprasava) that same iṭ, as the Bhāṣya makes clear. After iṭ, the i of the second member becomes yaṇ. The lengthening of the abhyāsa is not part of the nipātana. Followed: '[also] iṭ' is rendered as one item of the nipātana.
commentary BM, sk.3098.b1, on 'upeyuṣī': this answers the suggestion that a new iṭ might be what is given as irregular here. With ṅīp (the affix being ugit), vasu undergoes saṃprasāraṇa. The re-allowed val-conditioned iṭ does not come, because its cause, the v, is about to be destroyed by saṃprasāraṇa. If a new iṭ had been prescribed, it would come here too. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3098.t1: it is the same val-conditioned iṭ that is re-allowed, not a new one. The root does not become ekāc by savarṇadīrgha either: once the abhyāsa is lengthened by dīrgha iṇaḥ kiti (SK 2456), the view is adopted that by force of that lengthening savarṇadīrgha does not apply. Hence the iṭ does not come where saṃprasāraṇa takes place, and that is why the example upeyuṣaḥ is given: with iṭ, and yaṇ for it, the form would be 'upeyyuṣaḥ'. Agrees with BM (which illustrates with upeyuṣī); recorded.
commentary BM, sk.3098.b1, on 'upety avivakṣitam': here traditional explanation (vyākhyāna) alone is the authority. TB, sk.3098.t1, says the same. Followed ('is not intended').
commentary TB, sk.3098.t1, on īyivān: after iṇ is reduplicated, yaṇ by iṇo yaṇ overrides savarṇadīrgha because it is an aṅga operation (āṅga). With the iṭ-augment on vasu, a vowel-initial affix follows. Recorded.
commentary BM, sk.3098.b1, on 'aśnāteḥ': aś bhojane, the krayādi root with śnā. kvasu replaces liṭ; then reduplication, lengthening by ata ādeḥ, savarṇadīrgha. There is no nuṭ, since the root does not have two consonants. Nor is there nuṭ by aśnoteś ca, which takes only the aś with śnu. nañ forms an upapada compound: nalopo nañaḥ, then tasmān nuḍ aci. Recorded.
commentary BM, sk.3098.b1, on 'vaceḥ kartari': not in bhāva or karman. With kānac comes saṃprasāraṇa (vac being yajādi), then pūrvarūpa and savarṇadīrgha. Followed ('in the agent sense').
commentary TB, sk.3098.t1, on 'vaceḥ': from vac paribhāṣaṇe or from the vac that replaces brū, in the agent and not in bhāva or karman. This is obtained from the nipātana itself. Agrees with BM; followed.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 509, scan page-0519, read). Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0127) reads 'abhyāsasya dīrghas tu nipātyate' against ours 'na nipātyate'. Ours fits dīrgha iṇaḥ kiti, which TB cites, and is followed in the BM note above.
translator The half-line 'upeyuṣaḥ svām api mūrtim agryām' is quoted without attribution in the source. The Bhāravi line is attributed by Bhaṭṭoji himself. The glosses render only the quoted words.

SK 3099 · A 7.2.68V

विभाषा गमहनविदविशाम् ॥ ३०९९ ॥

vibhāṣā gamahanavidaviśām

vibhāṣā gamahanavidaviśām — After gam, han, vid and viś, [iṭ comes to vasu] optionally.

Rule. After gam "to go", han "to strike", vid "to find" and viś "to enter", vasu takes iṭ optionally.

Example. The running example: gam + kvasu → jagmivān (with iṭ) or jaganvān (without).

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: with iṭ, the penultimate a is lost by SK 2363.

han → jaghnivān / jaghanvān.

vid → vividivān / vividvān.

viś → viviśivān / viviśvān.

Applies when / blocked by. Which vid? Bhaṭṭoji says it is the vid of vindati "finds". It is named together with viś, and the association (sāhacarya) decides. From vetti "knows" there is only vividvān. neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981) bars iṭ there.

A vārttika, dṛśeś ca: "and after dṛś" "to see": dadṛśivān / dadṛśvān.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो वसोरिड्वा । जग्मिवान् । जगन्वान् । जघ्निवान् । जघन्वान् । विविदिवान् । विविद्वान् । विविशिवान् । विविश्वान् । विशिना साहचर्याद्विन्दतेर्ग्रहणम् । वेत्तेस्तु विविद्वान् । नेड्वशि कृति SK 2981 इतीण्निषेधः ॥

After these, vasu takes iṭ optionally: jagmivān, jaganvān; jaghnivān, jaghanvān; vividivān, vividvān; viviśivān, viviśvān. Because it is associated (sāhacarya) with viś, the vid of vindati is meant. From vetti, however, only vividvān, since iṭ is prohibited by neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981).

vārttika

दृशेश्च

(vārttika) dṛśeś ca — "And after dṛś."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ ददृशिवान् । ददृश्वान् ॥

dadṛśivān, dadṛśvān.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 519–520

—जग्मि- वानित्यादि । इट्पक्षे ‘गमहन-’ इत्युपधालोपः

translator notes

commentary TB, sk.3099.t1 ('—jagmivān ityādi'): in the alternative with iṭ, the upadhā is lost by gamahana… (SK 2363). Recorded; the kaumudī lists the pairs without derivation.
textual BM has nothing on this sūtra beyond 'vibhāṣā gamahana ity ādi spaṣṭam' ('vibhāṣā gamahana… is clear') at the end of sk.3098.b1. sk3099 has no b-block.
textual The print (NSP p. 509, scan page-0519, read at zoom) repeats 'jaganvān' in place of the second form of han, 'jaghanvān'. This is a print slip (collation batch09, class V). Ours (jaghnivān, jaghanvān) is followed.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag at the head of k3 is editorial. The print marks the vārttika dṛśeś ca (k2) with its vārttika sign, and k3 gives its examples.

SK 3100 · A 3.2.124V

लटः शतृशानचावप्रथमासमानाधिकरणे ॥ ३१०० ॥

laṭaḥ śatṛśānacāvaprathamāsamānādhikaraṇe

laṭaḥ śatṛśānacāv aprathamāsamānādhikaraṇe — śatṛ and śānac replace laṭ [the laṭ of vartamāne laṭ, SK 2151] when it is co-referential with what is not a first-case word (aprathamānta).

Rule. śatṛ and śānac replace laṭ. The condition is co-reference (sāmānādhikaraṇya) with a word that does not end in the first case. Co-reference means that the two words refer to the same thing.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: only the laṭ of SK 2151, by the maxim "the nearest". In śatṛ the markers are ś and ṛ, leaving at. In śānac they are ś and c, leaving āna.

Example. The running example:

pac + laṭ → śatṛ replaces laṭ (this rule) → pac + at

→ śatṛ is marked with ś, so it is sārvadhātuka (SK 2166) → the class-sign śap (a) comes → pac + a + at

→ the two a merge as the second (pararūpa) → pacat

→ num, because śatṛ has ṛ as a marker; a marker u, ṛ or ḷ (ugit) brings num → pacant- → pacantam.

pacantaṃ caitraṃ paśya "see Caitra, who is cooking". pacantam and caitram are both second case.

Bhaṭṭoji writes only "śap and the rest". Both commentators name the reason: the ś-marking makes the affix sārvadhātuka.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator meets a doubt. laṭ is never used without a substitute. How can it be co-referent with anything? Answer: the co-reference seen in śatṛ and śānac is assumed for the laṭ they replace.

Watch out. What does pacantam mean? Both commentators gloss it as "the substratum of the activity of cooking". The participle names the person who does it.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अप्रथमान्तेन सामानाधिकरण्ये सतीत्यर्थः । शबादि । पचन्तं चैत्रं पश्य ॥

The meaning is: when there is co-reference (sāmānādhikaraṇya) with what does not end in the first case (aprathamānta). [Being śit, these are sārvadhātuka, so] śap and the rest [follow]: pacantaṃ caitraṃ paśya, "see Caitra, who is cooking".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 520

—लटः शतृ—सामानाधिकरण्ये सतीति । यद्यप्यादेशरहितस्य लटः प्रयोगाभावात्सामानाधिकरण्यं दुर्लभं तथापि शतृशानचोस्तद् दृष्ट्वा स्थानिन्यपि सामानाधिकरण्यं कल्प्यते ॥ —शबादीति । शित्वेन सार्वधातुकत्वादिति भावः ॥—पचन्तमिति । शतुरुगित्त्वान्नुम् । विक्लित्त्यनुकूलवर्तमानव्यापाराश्रयमित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

लटः शतृशानचावप्रथमासमानाधिकरणे - लटः शतृशानचौ ।वर्तमाने ल॑डिति पूर्वसूत्रविहितस्यैव एतौ शतृशानचौ, अनन्तरस्येति न्यायादिति 'वर्तमानसामीप्ये' इत्यादिभाष्ये स्पष्टम् । शतृप्रत्यये शकारऋकारावितौ । पचन्तमिति । पाकानुकूलव्यापाराश्रयमित्यर्थः,क्रियाप्रधानमाख्यातं, सत्त्वप्रधानानि नामानि॑ति सिद्धान्तात् । शतुः शित्त्वेन सार्वधातुकत्वाच्छपि 'अतो गुणे' इति पररूपम् । शानचि शचावितौ ।

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.3100.b1: śatṛ and śānac replace only the laṭ taught by the preceding sūtra vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151), by the maxim 'anantarasya'. The Bhāṣya on vartamānasāmīpye… makes this clear. In śatṛ, ś and ṛ are it; in śānac, ś and c. Followed: the bracket in sutra_en.
commentary TB, sk.3100.t1, on 'sāmānādhikaraṇye sati': laṭ without a replacement is never used, so co-reference is hard to find for it. But since co-reference is seen in śatṛ and śānac, it is assumed in the substituend (sthānin) too. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3100.t1, on 'śabādi': because they are śit, they are sārvadhātuka [tiṅśit sārvadhātukam, SK 2166]. Followed (bracket).
commentary BM, sk.3100.b1: śatṛ is śit, hence sārvadhātuka, so śap comes, and ato guṇe gives pararūpa. pacantam means 'the substratum of the activity conducive to cooking', by the doctrine 'kriyāpradhānam ākhyātaṃ, sattvapradhānāni nāmāni'. Followed ('śap and the rest'); the gloss is recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3100.t1, on 'pacantam': num because śatṛ is ugit. The meaning is 'the substratum of the present activity conducive to softening (viklitti)'. Recorded. It agrees with BM in making the agent the substratum of the activity.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read). BM's pratīka in ours is garbled 'śatṛśanacāv' for 'śatṛśānacāv'.

SK 3101 · A 7.2.82V

आने मुक् ॥ ३१०१ ॥

āne muk

āne muk — When āna follows, the augment muk comes [to the aṅga (adhikāra), to a (ataḥ) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2212 and turned into the sixth case].

Rule. When āna follows, the augment muk (m) comes to the a of an aṅga. "Of an a" carries over from ato yeyaḥ (SK 2212). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the k is a marker and the u is for pronunciation. An augment marked with k is added at the end.

Example. The running example:

pac + laṭ → śānac (SK 3100) → pac + āna

→ śap → paca + āna

→ muk (this rule) → paca-m-āna → pacamānaṃ caitraṃ paśya.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji adds a point about SK 3100. laṭ was already carried over into it, yet it is named again. This is "to prescribe more" than the wording states (adhikavidhāna). So śatṛ and śānac sometimes come even with a first-case word:

as + śatṛ → san brāhmaṇaḥ "a brāhmaṇa who is".

One commentator gives the steps: śap is elided, and the a of as is lost by śnasor allopaḥ.

A vārttika, māṅy ākrośe: they also replace laṭ when the particle māṅ is used in reviling (ākrośa).

mā jīvan yaḥ parāvajñāduḥkhadagdho 'pi jīvati "he is not living who lives on, though burnt by the pain of others' contempt".

After māṅ, luṅ would come by māṅi luṅ (SK 2219). Bhaṭṭoji says the vārttika's statement overrides this. One commentator spells it out: laṭ, and with it śatṛ, comes instead.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators construe "to the a of an aṅga" in slightly different ways; scholars discuss this. The form pacamāna is the same either way; one commentator argues that the accent is not.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अङ्गस्यातो मुगागमः स्यादाने परे । पचमानं चैत्रं पश्य । लडित्यनुवर्तमाने पुनर्लड्ग्रहणमधिकविधानार्थम् । तेन प्रथमासामानाधिकरण्येऽपि क्वचित् । सन् ब्राह्मणः ।

The augment (āgama) muk comes to the a of an aṅga (aṅgasya ataḥ) when āna follows: pacamānaṃ caitraṃ paśya, "see Caitra, who is cooking". Although laṭ is already being carried forward (anuvartamāne) [into SK 3100], laṭ is mentioned again [there]. This is in order to prescribe more [than the wording states] (adhikavidhānārtham). Hence [śatṛ and śānac come] sometimes even in co-reference with a first-case word (prathamānta): san brāhmaṇaḥ, "a brāhmaṇa who is".

vārttika

माड्याक्रोशे इति वाच्यम्

(vārttika) māṅy ākrośe iti vācyam — "It should be stated: '[śatṛ and śānac replace laṭ also] when māṅ [is used], in reviling (ākrośa)'."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ मा जीवन् यः परावज्ञादुःखदग्धोऽपि जीवति । माङि लुङ् SK 2219 इति प्राप्ते एतद्वचनसामर्थ्यालुक् ॥

mā jīvan yaḥ parāvajñāduḥkhadagdho 'pi jīvati — "He is not living (mā jīvan) who lives on even though burnt by the pain of others' contempt." luṅ is due here by māṅi luṅ (SK 2219). [laṭ comes instead] by force of this statement.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 520

—आने मुक् । ‘अतो येयः’ इति पूर्वसूत्रादनुवृत्तं पञ्चम्यन्तमप्यत इति पदं षष्ठ्या विपरिणम्यते, आन इति सप्तमीबलात् । न चात इति पञ्चमीबलादान इति सप्तम्यन्तं पदं षष्ठ्या विपरिणाम्यतामिति शङ्क्यम् । पञ्चम्याः पूर्वसूत्रे चरितार्थत्वात्सप्तम्याश्चाचरितार्थत्वात्तदेतदाह—अङ्गस्यात इति । प्राचा त्वदन्ताङ्गस्येति व्याख्यातम् । तदयुक्तम् । पचमान इत्यादौ ‘अदुपदेशाल्लसार्वधातुकमनुदात्तम्’ इति शानचः स्वरस्यासिद्धिप्रसङ्गात् । अदन्ताङ्गस्येति पक्षे हि अङ्गभक्तो मुक् स चाङ्गमेव न व्यवदध्यात्’ तदवयवमकारं तु व्यवदध्यादेव अकारमात्रभक्तत्वे तु तदवयवत्वान्नास्ति व्यवधानमित्यदोषः । ननु ‘स्वरविधौ व्यञ्जनमविद्यमानवदि’ ति परिभाषया मुकोऽविद्यमानत्वेन व्यवधानाभावात्स्यादेवानुदात्तत्वमिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । हलः स्वरप्राप्तौ व्यञ्जनमविद्यमानवन्नान्यत्रेत्याकरारूढम् । न चात्र हलः स्वरप्राप्तिरस्तीति प्रकृते परिभाषेयं नोपयुज्यते । अन्यथा मरुत्वानित्यादावपि ‘ह्रस्वनुड्भ्यां मतुप्’ इति मतुप उदात्तत्वं स्यादिति दिक् ॥—लडिति । यद्यपि प्रथमान्तं प्रकृतं, तथापि धातोरित्यधिकारात्पञ्चम्यन्तात्परं प्रथमान्तं षष्ठ्या विपरिणम्यत इति भावः । न च ‘वर्तमाने लट्’ इत्यत्रैवोक्तरीत्या विपरिणामोऽस्ति शङ्क्यम् । प्रत्ययविधौ पञ्चम्याः प्रकल्पकत्वं नास्तीति ‘गुप्तिज्किद्भ्यः सन्’ इत्यत्र भाष्यकारैः स्वीकृतत्वात् ॥—प्रथमासामानाधिकरण्येऽपीति । उपलक्षणमिदम् । अप्रथमान्तेन सामानाधिकरण्याभावेऽपीत्यर्थः । तेन कुर्वतोऽपत्यं कौर्वतः कुर्वतो भक्तिः कुर्वद्भक्तिः कुर्वाणभक्तिरिति प्रत्ययोत्तरपदयोरपि सिद्ध्यति । अन्यथा कुर्वतोऽपत्यमित्यादौ तद्धितसमासौ न स्याताम्

Bālamanoramā

आने मुक् - आने मुक् ।अङ्गस्ये॑त्यधिकृतम् 'अतो येयः' इति पूर्वसूत्रादनुवृत्तेन षष्ठ्या विपरिणतेन अता विशेष्यते । तदन्तविधिः । तदाह — अदन्तस्येति । मुकि ककार इत्, उकार उच्चारणार्थः, कित्त्वादन्तावयवः । अनुवर्तमाने इति ।वर्तमाने ल॑डिति पूर्वसूत्रादनुवृत्तस्य लडित्यस्य षष्ठ्या विपरिणामेन उक्तार्थलाभे सतीत्यर्थः । अधिकेति । सूत्राक्षराऽनारूढस्यापि अर्थस्य लाभार्थमित्यर्थः । सन् ब्राह्मण इति । 'अस भुवि' शतृप्रत्यये शपो लुक्, श्नसोरल्लोपः । माङीति । माङि प्रयुज्यमाने आक्रोशे गम्ये लटः शतृशानचाविति वक्तव्यमित्यर्थः । मा जीवन्निति । न जीवत्ययम् । अनुपकारित्वान्मृतप्राय इत्यर्थः । 'मा पचमान' इत्यप्युदाहार्यम् । 'लटः शतृशानचौ' इत्येव सिद्धेः किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — माङि लुङितीति ।

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.3101.b1: 'aṅgasya' is the governing heading (adhikāra). It is qualified by 'ataḥ', which is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from the preceding sūtra ato yeyaḥ (SK 2212) and changed into the sixth case. tadantavidhi applies, hence [Bhaṭṭoji's lemma] 'adantasya', 'of an aṅga ending in a'. In muk, k is it and u is for pronunciation. Being kit, muk is attached as the final member. Followed for the anuvṛtti in sutra_en. BM's tadanta construal is recorded; see the TB note and the textual note.
commentary TB, sk.3101.t1: 'ataḥ', carried forward from ato yeyaḥ, is a fifth-case word. It is changed into the sixth case on the strength of the seventh case 'āne'. It is not the other way round ('āne' changed into the sixth on the strength of the fifth), because the fifth case has served its purpose in the previous sūtra and the seventh has not. Hence 'aṅgasyātaḥ'. The older author (prācā) explained it as 'adantāṅgasya'. TB calls that wrong: in pacamāna the anudātta accent of śānac taught by [tāsyanudātteṅid]adupadeśāl lasārvadhātukam anudāttam would fail [, muk standing between]. If muk belongs to the whole aṅga, it does not intervene before the aṅga, but it does intervene before the aṅga's member a. If muk belongs to the a alone, it is part of that a and does not intervene. Objection: by svaravidhau vyañjanam avidyamānavat, muk counts as absent. Answer: that holds only where a consonant would receive the accent; otherwise marutvān would get the udātta of matup by hrasvanuḍbhyāṃ matup. The English follows TB in rendering 'to the a of an aṅga'. BM's 'adantasya' differs and is recorded (§16).
commentary TB, sk.3101.t1, on 'laḍ iti': the topic is laṭ in the first case, but because of the heading 'dhātoḥ' (a fifth-case word), the first-case laṭ that follows it is changed into the sixth case. This change does not already take place in vartamāne laṭ in the same way, because in affix-rules the fifth case does not serve to determine the sixth (prakalpaka). The Bhāṣyakāra accepts this under guptijkidbhyaḥ san. Recorded.
commentary BM, sk.3101.b1, on 'anuvartamāne': the intended sense is already obtained by 'laṭ' carried forward from vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151) and changed into the sixth case. 'adhika' means obtaining a sense that is not in the letters of the sūtra. On 'san brāhmaṇaḥ': as bhuvi takes śatṛ; śap is elided; the a is lost by śnasor allopaḥ. Followed ('Although … already being carried forward'; 'more [than the wording states]').
commentary TB, sk.3101.t1, on 'prathamāsāmānādhikaraṇye 'pi': this is an upalakṣaṇa, i.e. 'even where there is no co-reference with a non-first-case word'. That yields the taddhita and the compound in kaurvataḥ (kurvato 'patyam), kurvadbhaktiḥ and kurvāṇabhaktiḥ, which would otherwise be impossible. Recorded.
commentary BM, sk.3101.b1: when māṅ is used and reviling is implied, 'laṭaḥ śatṛśānacau' should be stated. 'mā jīvan' means 'na jīvaty ayam': being of no use to others, he is as good as dead. 'mā pacamānaḥ' should also be cited as an example. Bhaṭṭoji's 'māṅi luṅ iti' answers why the vārttika is needed when 'laṭaḥ śatṛśānacau' would seem to suffice. Followed ('He is not living'; '[laṭ comes instead]').
textual 'aṅgasyāto mugāgamaḥ': ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read at zoom) and with TB's lemma 'aṅgasyāta iti'. Wikisource SK has 'adantasyāṅgasya mugāgamaḥ', which BM's lemma 'adantasyeti' presupposes. Class C, for Ajai; not in the collation report.
textual Ours has 'māḍyākrośe' (with ḍ, DDA) where 'māṅy ākrośe' is meant: the vārttika concerns māṅ, ours itself has 'māṅi luṅ' in k3, and Wikisource has 'māṅa-yākrośe'. The print's bindu cannot be seen at scan resolution (collation batch09, class C). Rendered as māṅ. The '(vārttikam)' tag at the head of k3 is editorial; the print marks k2 with its vārttika sign.
textual Ours reads 'etadvacanasāmarthyāluk' and the print (scan page-0520, read at zoom) 'etadvacanasāmarthyālluk'; the gemination is in the collation (batch09, class A). Both read 'luk' ('elision'), which gives no sense here. The point, which BM spells out, is that laṭ, and with it śatṛ, comes in place of the luṅ due by māṅi luṅ. Wikisource's garbled 'sāmathyalaṭa' points to 'sāmarthyāl laṭ'. The English supplies [laṭ]. This sense-level problem is NOT in the collation report; for Ajai.

SK 3102 · A 3.2.125V

सम्बोधने च ॥ ३१०२ ॥

sambodhane ca

sambodhane ca — And in address (sambodhana) [śatṛ and śānac replace laṭ — to be supplied (śeṣa), per BM].

Rule. śatṛ and śānac also replace laṭ in address (sambodhana). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "śatṛ and śānac" is to be supplied.

Example.

pac + śatṛ → pacat → vocative → he pacan "O you who are cooking!"

pac + śānac → pacamāna → he pacamāna.

Watch out. A vocative is a first-case form. The same commentator notes that the restated laṭ of SK 3100 (Bhaṭṭoji's remark under SK 3101) already allows the first case. So this rule only spells the point out (prapañcārtha).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हे पचन् । हे पचमान ॥

he pacan, "O you who are cooking!"; he pacamāna.

Bālamanoramā

सम्बोधने च - संबोधने च ।शतृशानचा॑विति शेषः । प्रथमासमानाधिकरणार्थ आरम्भः । पूर्वसूत्रस्थपुनर्लड्ग्रहणस्य अधिकविधानार्थत्वादेव सिद्धे प्रपञ्चार्थमिदम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM, sk.3102.b1: 'śatṛśānacau' is to be supplied (śeṣa). The rule is undertaken for co-reference with a first-case word (prathamānta). But that is already achieved, because the repeated mention of laṭ in the previous sūtra serves to prescribe more (adhikavidhāna; see sk.3101.k1). So this sūtra is for elaboration (prapañcārtha). Followed in sutra_en ('to be supplied (śeṣa)'); BM does not say from where, though laṭaḥ śatṛśānacāv… (SK 3100) is the obvious source.
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read). No TB on this sūtra in the print, where TB goes from 'prathamāsāmānādhikaraṇye 'pīti' straight to 'lakṣaṇahetvoḥ', or in ours.

SK 3103 · A 3.2.126V

लक्षणहेत्वोः क्रियायाः ॥ ३१०३ ॥

lakṣaṇahetvoḥ kriyāyāḥ

lakṣaṇahetvoḥ kriyāyāḥ — [śatṛ and śānac replace laṭ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3100] when [the dhātu's meaning] is a mark (lakṣaṇa) or a cause (hetu) of an action.

Rule. śatṛ and śānac replace laṭ when the root's meaning is a mark (lakṣaṇa) or a cause (hetu) of another action. Bhaṭṭoji glosses the mark as "what makes an action known". "Cause" covers both the result aimed at (phala) and the producing cause (kāraṇa).

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives three.

A mark: śī + śānac → śayānā bhuñjate yavanāḥ "the Yavanas eat lying down".

A cause, as result: arj + ṇic + śatṛ → arjayan vasati "he dwells there in order to earn".

A cause, as producer: dṛś + śatṛ → hariṃ paśyan mucyate "seeing Hari, one is released".

Applies when / blocked by. In śayānāḥ, what does lying down mark? One commentator says it marks the eating. The other says it shows that the eaters are Yavanas. Scholars discuss this.

How is earning a cause of dwelling, when dwelling produces it? One commentator answers. Knowing that dwelling leads to what one wants is what makes one dwell. So the wanted earning is also a cause.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji adds a form with ṇ: prapīyamāṇaḥ somaḥ "soma being drunk". pra and āna are not in one pada. The ṇ comes by kṛtyacaḥ (SK 2835), which gives ṇ to the n of a kṛt after an upasarga with r.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्रियायाः परिचायके हेतौ चार्थे वर्तमानाद्धातोर्लटः शतृशानचौ स्तः । शयाना भुञ्जते यवनाः । अर्जयन्वसति । हरिं पश्यन्मुच्यते । हेतुः फलं कारणं च । कृत्यचः SK 2835 । प्रपीयमाणः सोमः ॥

After a dhātu used in the sense of something that makes an action known (paricāyaka), or in the sense of a cause (hetu) [of an action], śatṛ and śānac replace laṭ: śayānā bhuñjate yavanāḥ, "the Yavanas eat lying down"; arjayan vasati, "he dwells [there] earning", [i.e. in order to earn]; hariṃ paśyan mucyate, "seeing Hari, one is released". hetu ("cause") [covers both] the result (phala) and the producing cause (kāraṇa). By kṛtyacaḥ (SK 2835) [the n of āna becomes ṇ]: prapīyamāṇaḥ somaḥ, "soma being drunk".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 520

—लक्षणहेत्वोः—। लक्ष्यतेऽनेनेति लक्षणं परिचायकम् ॥—शयाना इति । शीङ् आत्मनेपदित्वात्परस्य लटः शानच् । अत्र शयनं लक्षणं चिह्नं पचनकर्तृकभोजनस्य न तु फलं नापि करणमिति हेत्वपेक्षया लक्षणस्य पृथङ्निर्देशः ॥—अर्जयन्निति । अर्जं प्रतियत्ने चुरादिः, अर्जनार्थो वास इत्यर्थः ॥—हरिमिति । हरिदर्शनं मुक्तौ कारणमित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

लक्षणहेत्वोः क्रियायाः - लक्षणहेत्वोः । लक्ष्यते ज्ञाप्यतेऽनेनेति लक्षणं = ज्ञापकम् । तदाह — क्रियायाः परिचायके इति । धात्वर्थस्य लक्षणत्वे हेतुत्वे च द्योत्ये इति यावत् । कर्तैव प्रत्ययार्थः । शयाना भुञ्जते यवना इति । अत्र भोजनकालीनं शयनं भोक्तुर्यवनत्वसूचकम् । हेतावुदाहरति — अर्जयन्वसतीति । अर्जनाय वसतीत्यर्थः ।हेतावुदाहरणान्तरमाह — हरिं पश्यन्निति । हरिदर्शनेन संसारदुःखान्मुच्यते इत्यर्थः । ननु धनाद्यार्जनस्य वाससाध्यतया कथं तस्य वासहेतुत्वमित्यत आह — हेतुः फलं कारणं चेति । इष्टसाधनताज्ञानस्य वासप्रवृत्तौ हेतुतया इष्टस्यार्जनस्यापि वासहेतुत्वमिति भावः । प्रपीयमाण इति । अत्र भिन्नपदस्थत्वात् कथं णत्वमित्यत आह — कृत्यच इति ।

translator notes

translator Bhaṭṭoji's k1 restates laṭaḥ śatṛśānacau; neither commentator names the source; the anuvṛtti from SK 3100 is the translator's identification.
commentary BM, sk.3103.b1: lakṣaṇa is 'that by which something is made known', i.e. an indicator (jñāpaka); hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'kriyāyāḥ paricāyake'. The rule applies when it is to be conveyed that the meaning of the dhātu is a mark or a cause [of another action]. The agent alone is what the affix denotes. Followed ('makes an action known'; '[the dhātu's meaning]' in sutra_en).
commentary BM, sk.3103.b1: in śayānā bhuñjate yavanāḥ, lying down at the time of eating indicates that the eater is a Yavana. arjayan vasati means 'he dwells for the sake of earning' (arjanāya vasati). hariṃ paśyan is a second example of hetu: by seeing Hari one is released from the suffering of saṃsāra. Followed ('in order to earn'). The lakṣaṇa construal is recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3103.t1: śī is ātmanepadin, so śānac replaces laṭ after it. Here lying down is the mark (lakṣaṇa, cihna) of the eating [by the Yavanas] (print 'pacanakartṛka-', read yavanakartṛka-). It is neither a result nor an instrument, and that is why lakṣaṇa is named separately from hetu. arja pratiyatne is curādi; the dwelling has earning as its purpose. Seeing Hari is the cause of release.
translator TB makes the lying a mark of the eating; BM makes it a mark of the eaters being Yavanas. The English gloss stays neutral; both are recorded (§16).
commentary BM, sk.3103.b1, on 'hetuḥ phalaṃ kāraṇaṃ ca': objection: earning is to be achieved by dwelling, so how can it be the cause of dwelling? Answer: the knowledge that something is a means to what is desired is the cause of engaging in dwelling, so the desired earning is also a cause of the dwelling. Followed ('[covers both] the result … and the producing cause').
commentary BM, sk.3103.b1, on 'prapīyamāṇaḥ': how is there ṇatva, when [pra and āna] stand in different padas? Bhaṭṭoji answers with kṛtyacaḥ. Followed (bracket).
textual Ours agrees with the print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read). TB OCR 'śīr' = 'śīṅ'.

SK 3104 · A 7.2.83V

ईदासः ॥ ३१०४ ॥

īdāsaḥ

īdāsaḥ — After ās, ī (īt) [replaces āna — 'āne', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3101].

Rule. After ās "to sit", ī replaces the āna of SK 3101. By ādeḥ parasya (SK 44) it replaces only the first sound of āna.

Example.

ās + śānac → ās + āna

→ ī for the first sound of āna (this rule, with SK 44) → ās + īna

→ āsīnaḥ "seated".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: āsaḥ is a fifth case, "after ās". āna carries over from SK 3101.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आसः परस्यानस्य ईत्स्यात् । आदेः परस्य SK 44 । आसीनः ॥

ī (īt) replaces [the] āna that comes after ās. [It replaces only the first sound of āna, by] ādeḥ parasya (SK 44): āsīnaḥ, "seated".

Bālamanoramā

ईदासः - ईदासः । आस इति पञ्चमी । आनस्येति ।आने मु॑गित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'āsaḥ' is a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta), 'after ās'; 'ānasya' because 'āna' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from āne muk (SK 3101). Followed in sutra_en and k1.
translator The kaumudī cites ādeḥ parasya (SK 44) without spelling out its effect; the bracketed 'only the first sound of āna' is that rule's content, supplied. It gives only the result āsīnaḥ; the steps ās + āna (śānac) → ās + īna → āsīna are implicit.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read at zoom). The NSP prints no Tattvabodhinī on this sūtra (the TB band goes from lakṣaṇahetvoḥ on to videḥ).

SK 3105 · A 7.1.36V

विदेः शतुर्वसुः ॥ ३१०५ ॥

videḥ śaturvasuḥ

videḥ śatur vasuḥ — After vid, vasu replaces śatṛ [optionally — 'anyatarasyām', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2197].

Rule. After vid, the vid of vetti "knows", vasu optionally replaces śatṛ. "Optionally" (anyatarasyām) carries over from SK 2197, says one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators.

Example.

vid + śatṛ → no substitute → vidan.

vid + śatṛ → vasu replaces śatṛ (this rule) → vid + vas → vidvān.

Feminine: vid + vas → ṅīp, because vasu is marked with u → vas becomes us (SK 435) → ṣ → viduṣī.

The feminine steps are the commentator's; Bhaṭṭoji gives the forms.

Applies when / blocked by. Why only the vid of vetti? The same commentator answers. śatṛ is a parasmaipada affix, and two other roots vid are ātmanepadin. The vid of vindati has a marker, and a root named bare does not take in one named with a marker.

Watch out. vasu would be ugit anyway, as a substitute of śatṛ, whose marker is ṛ (it is treated like the original, sthānivat). The other commentator says the explicit u has a purpose. It lets vasoḥ saṃprasāraṇam (SK 435) cover kvasu as well.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वेत्तेः परस्य शतुर्वसुरादेशो वा स्यात् । विदन् । विद्वान् । विदुषी ॥

After vid as in vetti ("knows"), vasu optionally comes as the substitute (ādeśa) of śatṛ: vidan [without the substitute]; vidvān [with vasu]; viduṣī [its feminine].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 520–521

—विदेः—। स्थानिवत्त्वादेव सिद्धे वसोरुगित्करणं ‘वसोः संप्रसारणम्’ इत्यत्र क्वसोरपि सामान्यग्रहणार्थम् । तत्सामर्थ्याच्च ‘एकानुबन्धग्रहणे न द्व्यनुबन्धकस्य’ इत्येतदपि न प्रवर्तते ॥—पूङ्यजोः—। शाननः शकारः सार्वधातुकत्वार्थः, नकारः स्वरार्थः । ण्वुलादिवत्स्वतन्त्रोऽयं न तु शत्रादिवल्लादेशस्तथाहि सति वेति वाच्यं स्यात्पवते यजते इति तिङोऽपि यथा स्युरिति । न च वासरूपन्यायेन निर्वाहः । लादेशेषु वासरूपविधिर्नास्तीत्याकरे स्थितत्वात् । किंच लादेशत्वे ‘लः कर्मणि च’ इति भावकर्मणोर्विहितस्य सस्यापि स्यादिति भावकर्मणोरपि प्रयुज्येत इष्यते तु कर्तर्येव । एवं चानशः ‘इङ्धार्योः—’ इति शतुश्च स्वातन्त्र्यं वोध्यम् । अत्र केचित् । शाननो लादेशत्वे लसार्वधातुकानुदात्तत्वं स्यादित्याहुस्तच्चिन्त्यम् । परत्वान्नित्स्वरप्रवृत्त्या पवमान इत्यादेराद्युदात्तत्वे शाननोऽनुदात्तत्वस्येष्टत्वात् । नन्वेषां लादेशत्वानङ्गीकारे सोमं पवमान इत्यादौ कर्मणि षष्ठी स्यादिति चेन्मैवम् । ‘न लोका—’ इति सूत्रे तृन्निति प्रत्याहारनिर्देश इत्युक्तत्वात् ॥—ताच्छील्य—। वचनग्रहणं स्पष्टार्थम् । चानशो लादेशत्वाभावेनात्मनेपदत्वाभावात्परस्मैपदिभ्योऽपि विधानमिति ध्वनयन्नुदाहरति—निघ्नान इति । ‘गमहन—’ इत्युपधालोपः

Bālamanoramā

विदेः शतुर्वसुः - विदेः शतुर्वसुः । वेत्तेरिति । 'विद ज्ञाने' इति लुग्विकरणस्यैव ग्रहणम्, शतुः परस्मैपदत्वात्, विद्यतेर्विन्तेश्चात्मनेपदित्वात् । यद्यपि विन्दतिरुभयपदी, तथापि तस्य न ग्रहणं,निरनुबन्धकग्रहणे न सानुबन्धकस्ये॑त्युक्तेरिति भावः । वा स्यादिति ।तुह्योस्तात॑ङ्ङित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । विदुषीति । उगित्त्वान्ङीप्, वसोः संप्रसारणं, पूर्वरूपम्, षत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'vetteḥ': only vid jñāne with luk of the vikaraṇa (adādi, vetti) is meant, because śatṛ is parasmaipada while vidyate and vintte are ātmanepadin; vindati, though ubhayapadin, is not taken, by 'nirnubandhakagrahaṇe na sānubandhakasya'. Followed ('vid as in vetti, knows').
commentary BM on 'vā syāt': [the option] is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from tuhyos tātaṅṅ āśiṣy anyatarasyām (SK 2197). Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM on viduṣī: ṅīp because [vasu] has u as it (ugit, SK 455 ugitaś ca); saṃprasāraṇa of vas (vasoḥ saṃprasāraṇam, SK 435); pūrvarūpa; ṣatva. The kaumudī gives only the forms; these steps are BM's, not Bhaṭṭoji's.
commentary TB, own t1: the u-it would follow anyway by sthānivattva; making vasu ugit explicitly is so that vasoḥ saṃprasāraṇam takes kvasu too, by general mention, and by force of that statement 'ekānubandhagrahaṇe na dvyanubandhakasya' also does not apply. Recorded; it does not change the English.
textual Ours sk.3105.b1 reads 'tathāpi tasya grahaṇam'; Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0129) has 'tathāpi tasya na grahaṇam', which the argument requires. The English follows the latter. Commentary layer only; the kaumudī agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read at zoom).
textual sk.3105.t1 also carries the TB on SK 3108 (from '—pūrvyajoḥ', i.e. pūṅyajoḥ) and SK 3109 (from '—lakṣaṇe 'pi ca', a garble of '—tācchīlya—'); this matches the NSP TB band of p. 510, which has nothing on SK 3106–3107.

SK 3106 · A 3.2.127सत्संज्ञा

तौ सत् ॥ ३१०६ ॥

tau sat

tau sat — Those two [śatṛ and śānac, of SK 3100] are called sat.

Rule. "Those two", śatṛ and śānac, have the name (saṃjñā) sat. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: tau points back to SK 3100.

Example.

pacat (with śatṛ) and pacamāna (with śānac): both affixes are called sat.

The name is used at once in SK 3107: kariṣyat, kariṣyamāṇa.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तौ शतृशानचौ सत्संज्ञौ स्तः ॥

Those two, śatṛ and śānac, have the name (saṃjñā) sat.

Bālamanoramā

तौ सत् - तौ सत् । 'लटः शतृशानचौ' इति सूत्रोपात्तौ शतृशानचौ तच्छब्दः परामृशति । तदाह — तौ शतृशानचाविति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the pronoun 'tau' refers to the śatṛ and śānac taken up in the sūtra laṭaḥ śatṛśānacau… (SK 3100). Followed in sutra_en.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read at zoom). The NSP prints no Tattvabodhinī on this sūtra.

SK 3107 · A 3.3.14V

लृटः सद् वा ॥ ३१०७ ॥

lṛṭaḥ sad vā

lṛṭaḥ sad vā — In place of lṛṭ, sat [śatṛ and śānac] optionally comes.

Rule. sat — that is, śatṛ and śānac — optionally replaces lṛṭ, the lakāra of the future. Bhaṭṭoji: this is a fixed option (vyavasthita-vibhāṣā). The option is not free. It is decided by the context.

Example. The running example:

kṛ + lṛṭ → the future sign sya, with iṭ and guṇa → kariṣya

→ śatṛ for lṛṭ (this rule) → kariṣya-t → num, since śatṛ is ugit → kariṣyantam

→ or śānac → muk (SK 3101) → kariṣya-m-āṇa → kariṣyamāṇam.

kariṣyantaṃ kariṣyamāṇaṃ paśya "see him who is going to act".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji names where sat is obligatory (nitya):

with a word not in the first case: kariṣyantaṃ kariṣyamāṇaṃ paśya;
before an affix: kariṣyato 'patyaṃ kāriṣyataḥ "the offspring of one who is going to act";
before a later member of a compound (uttarapada): kariṣyadbhaktiḥ;
in address: he kariṣyan;
in the senses mark and cause: arjayiṣyan vasati "he lives here to earn".

Sometimes it comes even with a first-case word: kariṣyati iti kariṣyan.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains "obligatory". In these contexts the verb-endings are excluded. He adds that only the lṛṭ of lṛṭ śeṣe ca (SK 2193) is meant.

Watch out. The commentators analyse the compound kariṣyadbhaktiḥ differently; scholars discuss this. Bhaṭṭoji's point is only that sat stands before the later member.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

व्यवस्थितविभाषेयम् । तेनाप्रथमासामानाधिकरण्ये प्रत्ययोत्तरपदयोः संबोधने लक्षणहेत्वोश्च नित्यम् । करिष्यन्तं करिष्यमाणं पश्य । करिष्यतोऽपत्यं कारिष्यतः । करिष्यद्भक्तिः । हे करिष्यन् । अर्जयिष्यन्वसति । प्रथमासमानाधिकरणेऽपि क्वचित् । करिष्यतीति करिष्यन् ॥

This is a fixed option (vyavasthita-vibhāṣā). Hence [sat] is obligatory (nitya) when there is co-reference (sāmānādhikaraṇya) with a word not in the first case, before an affix and before a later member of a compound (uttarapada), in address (saṃbodhana), and in the senses lakṣaṇa and hetu: kariṣyantaṃ kariṣyamāṇaṃ paśya, "see him who is going to act" [śatṛ and śānac, co-referent with a second-case word]; kariṣyato 'patyaṃ kāriṣyataḥ, "the offspring of one who is going to act" [before an affix]; kariṣyadbhaktiḥ [before a later member]; he kariṣyan, "O you who are going to act" [address]; arjayiṣyan vasati, "he lives [here] to earn" [hetu]. Sometimes [it comes] even in co-reference with a first-case word: kariṣyati iti kariṣyan, "he will act, [so he is] kariṣyan".

Bālamanoramā

लृटः सद् वा - लृटः सद्वा । लृटः शतृशानचौ वा स्त इत्यर्थः । व्यवस्थितेति । व्याख्यानादिति भावः । नित्यमिति । तेन तिङां निवृत्तिः । अप्रथमासामानाधिकरण्ये उदाहरति — करिष्यन्तमिति । प्रत्यये परत उदाहरति — कारिष्यत इति । उत्तरपदे उदाहरति — करिष्यद्भक्तिरिति । करिष्यन्ती भक्तिरिति । कर्मधारयः । सम्बोधने उदाहरति — हे करिष्यन्निति ।शयिष्यमाणाभोक्ष्यन्ते यवना॑ इति लक्षणे उदाहार्यम् । हेतावुदाहरति — अर्जयिष्यन्वसतीति । प्रथमासामानाधिकरण्येऽपि क्वचिदिति । अप्रथमासामानादिकरण्याऽभावेऽपि क्वचिदित्यर्थः । कदाचिदित्यपि द्रष्टव्यम् । इदं चलृट् शेषे चे॑ति भविष्यदधिकारविहिते लृटएव प्रवर्तते इतिअनवकॢप्त्यमर्षे॑त्यत्र भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra means that śatṛ and śānac optionally replace lṛṭ; the option is fixed (vyavasthita) on the strength of the explanation (vyākhyāna); 'nitya' means that in these contexts the tiṅ endings are excluded. Followed.
commentary BM: kariṣyadbhaktiḥ is 'kariṣyantī bhaktiḥ', a karmadhāraya. Recorded.
commentary TB, sk.3101.t1 (NSP p. 510; the print has no TB on this sūtra), discussing the parallel present-tense compound under SK 3101: kurvadbhaktiḥ is 'kurvato bhaktiḥ'. Recorded.
translator BM's karmadhāraya analysis (kariṣyantī bhaktiḥ) and TB's analysis of the parallel kurvadbhaktiḥ as kurvato bhaktiḥ differ, so the English leaves kariṣyadbhaktiḥ unglossed (§16).
commentary BM supplies an example for lakṣaṇa, which the kaumudī lacks: śayiṣyamāṇā bhokṣyante yavanāḥ. On 'prathamāsamānādhikaraṇe 'pi kvacit' BM explains 'even where there is no co-reference with a word not in the first case, sometimes', adding that 'kvacit' should also be read as 'at times' (kadācit). Followed ('sometimes').
commentary BM: this [option] applies only to the lṛṭ taught under the future heading by lṛṭ śeṣe ca (SK 2193), as the Bhāṣya on anavakḷptyamarṣayoḥ… makes clear. Recorded; it is not in the kaumudī.
translator The bracketed labels after each example map it to the environments listed in the first sentence; the kaumudī gives the examples in that order without labels.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read at zoom). The NSP prints no Tattvabodhinī on this sūtra.

SK 3108 · A 3.2.128V

पूङ्यजोः शानन् ॥ ३१०८ ॥

pūṅyajoḥ śānan

pūṅyajoḥ śānan — After pūṅ and yaj, śānan [comes in the present — 'vartamāne', carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2151].

Rule. After pūṅ "to purify" and yaj "to sacrifice", the affix śānan comes, in the present. Bhaṭṭoji supplies only "in the present" (vartamāne). One of his commentators: the word comes from vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151), but "laṭ" does not come with it.

Example. The running example:

yaj + śānan → markers ś and n go → yaj + āna

→ ś-marked, so sārvadhātuka → śap → yaja + āna

→ muk (SK 3101) → yaja-m-āna → yajamānaḥ "sacrificing, the sacrificer".

pū + śānan → śap, guṇa, av → pava + āna → muk → pavamānaḥ "purifying".

Applies when / blocked by. Why is śānan not just a substitute of laṭ, like śānac? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. As an independent affix it comes only in the agent, not in the bare action or the object. The other adds two points. As a substitute it would also need a "vā", so that pavate, yajate could stand beside it. And it would come in the bare action and the object, by SK 2152.

Watch out. The other commentator names the markers. The ś gives sārvadhātuka status; the n is for the accent.

Both commentators meet one more objection. If śānan is not a substitute of laṭ, would its object take the sixth case, as beside other kṛts? No. In somaṃ pavamānaḥ the object stays in the second case. In na lokāvyaya… (SK 627), "tṛn" is a pratyāhāra that takes in this affix (see SK 3115).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वर्तमाने । पवमानः । यजमानः ॥

[Supply] "in the present" (vartamāne): pavamānaḥ, "purifying"; yajamānaḥ, "sacrificing, the sacrificer".

Bālamanoramā

पूङ्यजोः शानन् - पूङ्यजोः शानन् । पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । वर्तमाने इति । शेषपूरणमिदम् ।वर्तमाने ल॑डित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । लड्ग्रहणं तु निवृत्तम् । ततश्च ण्वुलादिवत्स्वतन्त्रोऽयं , न तु शत्रादिवल्लादेशः । तथा च कर्तर्येवायं, न तु भावकर्मणोः । न च लादेशत्वाभावे सोमं पवमान इत्यत्र कर्मणि षष्ठी स्यादिति वाच्यं,न लोके॑ति सूत्रे 'तृन्' इति प्रत्याहार इत्युक्तत्वात् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'pūṅyajoḥ' is a sixth-case word in the sense of the fifth (pañcamyarthe ṣaṣṭhī), 'after pūṅ and yaj'. 'vartamāne' completes the ellipsis (śeṣapūraṇa); it is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from vartamāne laṭ (SK 2151), but 'laṭ' is discontinued. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
commentary BM: hence śānan is an independent affix like ṇvul, not a substitute of l like śatṛ, and so comes only in the agent, not in bhāva or the object. Objection: without lādeśa status, the object in somaṃ pavamānaḥ would take the sixth case. Not so: in na lokāvyaya… (SK 627) 'tṛn' is a pratyāhāra. Recorded; the kaumudī says only 'vartamāne'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3105.t1 (lemma '—pūrvyajoḥ', i.e. pūṅyajoḥ): the ś of śānan is for sārvadhātuka status, the n for the accent. Like BM it is independent, not a lādeśa: as a lādeśa, 'vā' would have had to be stated so that tiṅ (pavate, yajate) also come, vāsarūpa being unavailable among lādeśas; and by laḥ karmaṇi ca… (SK 2152) it would come in bhāva and the object too, whereas only the agent is wanted. Likewise cānaś (SK 3109) and the śatṛ of iṅdhāryoḥ… (SK 3110) are independent. Agrees with BM; recorded.
commentary TB rejects the view of 'some' that as a lādeśa śānan would wrongly become anudātta by lasārvadhātuka-anudāttatva: the nit accent, applying as para, makes pavamāna etc. ādyudātta, and the anudātta of śānan is in any case desired. TB answers the sixth-case objection by the tṛn pratyāhāra of na loka…, as BM does. Recorded.
translator The kaumudī gives only the forms. The steps (śap, guṇa, the muk augment of āne muk, SK 3101, giving pava-m-āna, yaja-m-āna) are implicit.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 510, scan page-0520, read at zoom).

SK 3109 · A 3.2.129V

ताच्छील्यवयोवचनशक्तिषु चानश् ॥ ३१०९ ॥

tācchīlyavayovacanaśaktiṣu cānaś

tācchīlyavayovacanaśaktiṣu cānaś — cānaś [comes] when habitual disposition (tācchīlya), age (vayas) or capacity (śakti) is to be expressed.

Rule. The affix cānaś comes in the agent when one of three things is conveyed. They are habitual disposition (tācchīlya), age (vayas) and capacity (śakti). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the word vacana in the sūtra is only for clarity. The markers are c and ś, leaving āna.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives one for each sense.

Disposition: bhuj + cānaś → bhogaṃ bhuñjānaḥ "given to enjoying pleasures".

Age: bhṛ + cānaś → kavacaṃ bibhrāṇaḥ "wearing armour", that is, able to by force of youth.

Capacity: han + cānaś → the penultimate a is lost (SK 2363) → śatrūn nighnānaḥ "able to strike down enemies".

Applies when / blocked by. cānaś is not a substitute of laṭ. So it does not count as an ātmanepada ending. That is why it follows han, a parasmaipada root. Both commentators make this point.

Watch out. There is no muk in bhuñjānaḥ. SK 3101 gives muk only to an a before āna. bhuñj has no such a. One commentator explains this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषु द्योत्येषु कर्तरि चानश् । भोगं भुञ्जानः । कवचं बिभ्राणं । शत्रून्निघ्नानः ॥

When these are to be conveyed, cānaś comes in the agent: bhogaṃ bhuñjānaḥ, "given to enjoying pleasures" [disposition]; kavacaṃ bibhrāṇaḥ, "wearing armour" [age]; śatrūn nighnānaḥ, "able to strike down enemies" [capacity].

Bālamanoramā

ताच्छील्यवयोवचनशक्तिषु चानश् - ताच्छील्य । चानशि शचावितौ । भोगं भुञ्जान इति । भोगशील इत्यर्थः । कवचं बिभ्राण इति । यौवनबलादिति भावः । शत्रून्निघ्नान इति । निहन्तुं शक्त इत्यर्थः । अतः परत्वाऽभावान्न मुक् । चानशो लादेशत्वाऽभावादनात्मनेपदत्वात् परस्मैपदिभ्योऽपि प्रवृत्तिः ।

translator notes

textual Ours reads 'kavacaṃ bibhrāṇaṃ'; the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom) has 'bibhrāṇaḥ' (collation report). The English follows the print.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3105.t1 (scan page-0520, last line, reads '—tācchīlya—| vacanagrahaṇaṃ spaṣṭārtham | cānaśo…'; our TB OCR garbles the lemma and drops the vacana remark as '—lakṣaṇe 'pi ca'): the word 'vacana' in the sūtra is only for clarity. Followed in sutra_en ('age (vayas)').
commentary TB, same place: cānaś is not a substitute of l, so it does not count as ātmanepada and is taught after parasmaipadin roots too; to show this he gives nighnānaḥ, where the penultimate is lost by gamahana… (SK 2363). Recorded.
commentary BM: in cānaś, c and ś are it. bhogaṃ bhuñjānaḥ = bhogaśīla, 'disposed to enjoyment'; kavacaṃ bibhrāṇaḥ = [able to wear armour] by force of youth; śatrūn nighnānaḥ = able to kill [enemies]. There is no muk because [cānaś] does not follow a; being no lādeśa and so not ātmanepada, it applies after parasmaipadin roots too. Followed in the glosses.
translator The bracketed labels [disposition], [age], [capacity] pair the examples with the three senses in the order of the sūtra, as BM's glosses do; the kaumudī does not label them.

SK 3110 · A 3.2.130V

इङ्धार्योः शत्रकृच्छ्रिणि ॥ ३११० ॥

iṅdhāryoḥ śatrakṛcchriṇi

iṅdhāryoḥ śatr akṛcchriṇi — After iṅ and dhāri, śatṛ [comes] when the agent is one for whom [the action] is without difficulty (akṛcchrin).

Rule. After iṅ "to study" (with adhi) and dhāri "to hold" (the causative of dhṛ), śatṛ comes. The agent must be one for whom the action is without difficulty (akṛcchrin). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: akṛcchra is the absence of pain, and akṛcchrin the one who has it.

Example. The running example:

adhi + iṅ + śatṛ → adhīyan "one who studies with ease".

dhāri + śatṛ → śap → dhāraya + at → dhārayan "one who holds with ease".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "without difficulty"? Bhaṭṭoji: kṛcchreṇādhīte "he studies with difficulty"; dhārayati, "he holds", with difficulty. The finite verb comes, not śatṛ.

Watch out. Why is a rule needed? iṅ is ātmanepadin, so śatṛ could not come to it by SK 3100. One commentator gives this reason. He adds that this śatṛ too is an independent affix.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आभ्यां शतृ स्यादकृच्छ्रिणि कर्तरि । अधीयन् । धारयन् । अकृच्छ्रिणि किम् । कृच्छ्रेणाधीते । धारयति ॥

After these two, śatṛ comes when the agent is akṛcchrin, one for whom [the action] is without difficulty: adhīyan, "studying [with ease]"; dhārayan, "holding [with ease]". Why "akṛcchriṇi"? kṛcchreṇādhīte, "he studies with difficulty"; dhārayati, "he holds [with difficulty]".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 521

— इङ्धार्योः—। इङ् आत्मनेपदित्वात् शता न सिध्यति धारयतेरपि कर्तृगामिनि क्रियाफले न सिध्यति लसार्वधातुकानुदात्तत्वं च आप्नोतीत्ययमारम्भः

Bālamanoramā

इङ्धार्योः शत्रकृच्छ्रिणि - इङ्धार्योः । शतृ- अकृच्छ्रिणीति छेदः । अकृच्छ्रम् = अदुःखम्, तदस्यास्तीति अकृच्छ्री । इङ्, धारि अनयोर्द्वन्द्वात् पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । अधीयन्निति । सुखमध्येतेत्यर्थः । धारयन्निति । सुखेन धारयितेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is split 'śatṛ akṛcchriṇi'; akṛcchra = absence of pain (aduḥkha), and akṛcchrin = one who has that. 'iṅdhāryoḥ' is a dvandva of iṅ and dhāri, a sixth-case word in the sense of the fifth. adhīyan = one who studies easily; dhārayan = one who holds easily. Followed.
commentary TB, own t1: the rule is begun because iṅ is ātmanepadin, so śatṛ would not result; for dhārayati too it would not result when the fruit of the action goes to the agent; and the anudātta of lasārvadhātuka would apply. TB under SK 3108 (sk.3105.t1) adds that this śatṛ is independent, not a lādeśa. Recorded.
translator In the counterexample the kaumudī writes 'kṛcchreṇa' only once; it is understood with dhārayati as well. 'dhāri' is the causative stem of dhṛ (dhārayati), as BM's 'dhāri' and the example show.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom).

SK 3111 · A 3.2.131V

द्विषोऽमित्रे ॥ ३१११ ॥

dviṣo'mitre

dviṣo 'mitre — After dviṣ, [śatṛ, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3110, comes] when the agent is an enemy (amitra).

Rule. After dviṣ "to hate", śatṛ comes when the agent is an enemy (amitra). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies śatṛ and "the agent".

Example.

dviṣ + śatṛ → dviṣ + at → dviṣan "an enemy" (śatru).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्विषन् शत्रुः ॥

dviṣan, "an enemy" (śatru).

Bālamanoramā

द्विषोऽमित्रे - द्विषोऽमित्रे । द्विषः शतृप्रत्ययः स्यादमित्रे कर्तरीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the meaning is that the affix śatṛ comes after dviṣ when the agent is an enemy (amitre kartari). Followed in sutra_en ('śatṛ', 'the agent').
translator BM supplies śatṛ without naming its source; the nearest sūtra that states it is iṅdhāryoḥ śatr akṛcchriṇi (SK 3110), so the anuvṛtti is assigned to that rule by the translator.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom). The NSP prints no Tattvabodhinī on this sūtra (the TB band goes from iṅdhāryoḥ to suño yajñasaṃyoge).

SK 3112 · A 3.2.132V

सुञो यज्ञसंयोगे ॥ ३११२ ॥

suño yajñasaṃyoge

suño yajñasaṃyoge — After suñ (sunoti), [śatṛ, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3110, comes] when [the pressing] is connected with a sacrifice (yajña).

Rule. After suñ "to press" (sunoti), śatṛ comes when the pressing is connected with a sacrifice (yajña).

Example.

su + śatṛ → sunvantaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: sarve sunvantaḥ sarve yajamānāḥ satriṇaḥ "the performers of a sattra are all pressers, all sacrificers".

sunvantaḥ has śatṛ by this rule; yajamānāḥ has śānan by SK 3108.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "connection" (saṃyoga) with a sacrifice, and not just "sacrifice"? Both commentators answer. The word points to the master of the sacrifice (yajamāna). So the affix does not come for the officiating priests.

Watch out. Why the plural? A rite with one master has one presser: sunvan. Both commentators explain the plural. One says it fits only a sattra. The other: in a sattra the many masters do the priests' pressing themselves.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सर्वे सुन्वन्तः सर्वे यजमानाः सत्रिणः ॥

sarve sunvantaḥ sarve yajamānāḥ satriṇaḥ, "the performers of a sattra (satrin) are all pressers [of soma], all sacrificers (yajamāna)".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 521

—सुञो यज्ञसंयोगे । सुनोतेः शतृप्रत्ययः स्यात् यज्ञेन संयुज्यमाने वृत्तिश्चेत् । नन्विह सुञो यज्ञे इत्येवास्तु यज्ञविषयकश्चेत्सुनोत्यर्थ इति व्याख्यायां सुरां सुनोतीत्यादेर्व्यावर्तयितुं शक्यत्वात् । अत्राहुः । संयोगग्रहणं प्रधानकर्तृसंप्रत्ययार्थं तेन यजमानादन्यत्र न भवतीति । एवं चाप्रधाने कर्तरि ‘लटः शतृशानचौ’ इत्यनेनापि न भवति संयोगग्रहणसामर्थ्यादिति हरदत्तः । यः सुन्वन्तमवतीत्यादीनामेकवचनान्तानां यजमानपरत्वसंभवेऽपि बहुवचनान्तानां तु न संभवति । एकस्मिन्यागे एकस्यैव यजमानत्वादित्याशङ्कय यागविशेषे तु संभवतीति दर्शयितुमुदाहरति—सर्वे सुन्वन्त इत्यादि । सत्रयागे हि बहवो यजमानास्त एव ऋत्विजां कर्म सोमाभिषवनं कुर्वन्तीति सुन्वन्त इत्यादिबहुवचनान्तस्यापि यजमानपरत्वं संभवतीति भावः

Bālamanoramā

सुञो यज्ञसंयोगे - सुञो यज्ञ । यज्ञसंयुक्तेऽभिषवे वर्तमानात् सुनोतेः शतृप्रत्यय इत्यर्थः । संयोगग्रहणं यज्ञस्वामिपरिग्रहार्थम् । तेन याजकेषु न भवति । तत्र सुन्वन्नित्येकवचनान्तं दर्शपूर्णमासज्योतिष्टोमादिविषयम्, एककर्तृकत्वात् । बहुवचनान्तं तु सत्रविषयमेव, तत्र ऋत्विजामपि यजमानत्वादिति मत्वा आह — सर्वे सुन्वन्त इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: śatṛ comes after sunoti when it denotes pressing (abhiṣava) connected with a sacrifice; 'saṃyoga' is stated so as to take in the master of the sacrifice (yajñasvāmin), so it does not apply to the officiants (yājaka). The singular sunvan concerns the new- and full-moon rites, the jyotiṣṭoma and the like, which have a single agent; the plural belongs only to a sattra, where the officiants too are yajamānas — hence the example sarve sunvantaḥ. Followed in sutra_en and in the rendering of the example.
commentary TB, own t1: śatṛ comes after sunoti if it is used of [pressing] connected with a sacrifice. Objection: 'suño yajñe' would suffice to exclude surāṃ sunoti. Answer: 'saṃyoga' is for understanding the principal agent, so the affix does not come for anyone but the yajamāna; and by force of 'saṃyoga' it does not come even by laṭaḥ śatṛśānacau (SK 3100) for a subordinate agent — so Haradatta. The plural example shows that in a sattra the many yajamānas themselves do the priests' work of pressing the soma. Agrees with BM; followed.
translator 'sarve' is construed with both predicates, sunvantaḥ (śatṛ by this rule) and yajamānāḥ (śānan by SK 3108); the second states why the plural is possible, which is the point BM and TB draw from it. BM and TB supply śatṛ without naming its source; assigning the anuvṛtti to SK 3110 is the translator's.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom).

SK 3113 · A 3.2.133V

अर्हः प्रशंसायाम् ॥ ३११३ ॥

arhaḥ praśaṃsāyām

arhaḥ praśaṃsāyām — After arh, [the affix śatṛ, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3110, comes] when praise (praśaṃsā) [is meant].

Rule. After arh "to deserve", śatṛ comes when praise (praśaṃsā) is meant. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies "the affix śatṛ".

Example.

arh + śatṛ → śap → arha + at → arhan "worthy of honour".

The same commentator: only the praiseworthy is fit for honour, so praise is understood.

Applies when / blocked by. Without praise, the finite verb. The other commentator gives arhati cauro vadham "the thief deserves death".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अर्हन् ॥

arhan, "worthy [of honour]".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 521

—अर्हः—। प्रशंसायां किम् । अर्हति चौरो वधम् ॥—आ क्वेः—। शीलादीनां त्रयाणां विशेषणं समर्थयितुं निर्दिष्टैस्त्रिभिस्तच्छब्दैः प्रकृतिभूतधात्वर्थो निर्दिश्यते ॥—क्विपमभिव्याप्येति । ‘भ्राजभासधुर्विद्युतोर्जि—’ इति वक्ष्यमाणमिति शेषः ॥—कर्ता कटानिति । ‘न लोकाव्यय—’ इति षष्ठीनिषेधः

Bālamanoramā

अर्हः प्रशंसायाम् - अर्हः प्रशंसायाम् । अर्ह इति पञ्चमी । 'शतृप्रत्यय' इति शेषः । अर्हन्निति । पूजां प्राप्तुं योग्य इत्यर्थः । अत्र प्रशस्तस्यैव पूजायोग्यत्वात्प्रशंसा गम्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'arhaḥ' is a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta); 'the affix śatṛ' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). arhan = fit to receive honour (pūjā); praise is understood because only the praiseworthy is fit for honour. Followed in sutra_en and the gloss.
commentary TB, own t1: why 'praśaṃsāyām'? [Without praise the affix does not come:] arhati cauro vadham, 'the thief deserves death'. Recorded; the kaumudī gives no counterexample.
translator BM's 'śeṣaḥ' names no source; the śatṛ is the one stated in SK 3110 and carried through SK 3111–3112, which is the translator's identification.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom). The bold pratīka heading of our sk.3113.b1 reads 'arhaḥ pūjāyām'; the BM text itself and Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0131) have 'arhaḥ praśaṃsāyām'. Commentary layer only.
textual sk.3113.t1 also carries the TB on SK 3114 ('—ā kveḥ—', '—kvipam abhivyāpya iti') and SK 3115 ('—kartā kaṭān iti'), as in the NSP TB band of p. 511.

SK 3114 · A 3.2.134ताच्छील्याधिकारः

आक्वेस्तच्छीलतद्धर्मतत्साधुकारिषु ॥ ३११४ ॥

ākvestacchīlataddharmatatsādhukāriṣu

ā kves tacchīlataddharmatatsādhukāriṣu — Up to and including kvi(p), [the affixes taught come] in agents whose habit is that [action] (tacchīla), whose duty (dharma) is that, or who do that well (tatsādhukārin).

Rule. This is a heading (adhikāra). The affixes taught from here, up to and including kvip, come in three kinds of agent. One whose habit (śīla) is that action (tacchīla). One whose duty (dharma) it is (taddharman). One who does it well (tatsādhukārin). The kvip is that of SK 3157.

Example.

kṛ + tṛn (SK 3115) → kartā kaṭān "one whose habit is making mats".

The affix comes only because the agent has the action as his habit.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators defines the three. The tacchīla acts by nature, with no regard to a result. The taddharman acts in the thought "this is my duty". The tatsādhukārin does the action well. The other commentator: each "tad" "that" means the root's own action.

Watch out. The ā of ā kveḥ includes the limit (abhividhi), both commentators say. So kvip itself is inside the heading. One of them adds a point from the Bhāṣya. In this range the affixes generally do not come after a root with an upasarga. The sūtras below name the exceptions.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्विपमभिव्याप्य वक्ष्यमाणाः प्रत्ययास्तच्छीलतद्धर्मतत्साधुकारिषु कर्तृषु बोध्याः ॥

The affixes about to be taught, up to and including kvip [i.e. through bhrājabhāsadhurvidyutorjipṝjugrāvastuvaḥ kvip, SK 3157], are to be understood [as coming] in agents who have that [action] as their habit (tacchīla), who have it as their duty (taddharma), or who do it well (tatsādhukārin).

Bālamanoramā

आक्वेस्तच्छीलतद्धर्मतत्साधुकारिषु - आ क्वेः । आङभिविधौ । तदाह — क्विपमभिव्याप्येति ।भ्राजभासधुर्विद्युतोर्जिपृजुग्रावस्तुवः क्वि॑ बिति सूत्रमभिव्याप्येति यावत् । तत्र ताच्छीलिकाः प्रत्ययाः प्रायेण सोपसर्गेभ्यो नेति 'आढसुभगे' ति सूत्रे भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । तच्छीलः = तत्स्वभावः । फलमनपेक्ष्य स्वभावादेव प्रवर्तमान इति यावत् । स धर्मो यस्य स तद्धर्मा । स्वधर्मोऽयमिति प्रवर्तमानः । तस्य धात्वर्थस्य साधुकर्ता तत्साधुकारी ।

translator notes

commentary BM: āṅ is in the sense of inclusion (abhividhi), hence 'abhivyāpya', i.e. reaching up to and including the sūtra bhrājabhāsa… kvip (SK 3157). Followed in sutra_en and k1 ('up to and including'; the bracketed identification).
commentary TB, printed under sk.3113.t1 ('—kvipam abhivyāpya iti'): supply 'to be taught in bhrājabhāsadhurvidyutorji…'. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM: tacchīla = one of that nature, acting from nature without regard to a result; taddharman = one whose dharma it is, acting in the thought 'this is my duty'; tatsādhukārin = one who does that, the root-meaning, well. Followed in the glosses.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3113.t1 ('—ā kveḥ—'): the three 'tad' words, used to qualify śīla etc., denote the root-meaning that is the base (prakṛti). Followed ('that [action]').
commentary BM: within this range the tācchīlika affixes generally do not come after roots with an upasarga, as the Bhāṣya on āḍhyasubhaga… (SK 2973) makes clear. Recorded; not in the kaumudī.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom).

SK 3115 · A 3.2.135V

तृन् ॥ ३११५ ॥

tṛn

tṛn — The affix tṛn [comes after a root, in agents who have that action as their habit (tacchīla), as their duty (taddharma), or who do it well (tatsādhukārin) — adhikāra from SK 3114].

Rule. The affix tṛn comes after a root, in the agents of SK 3114. Its marker is n; tṛ remains.

Example. The running example:

kṛ + tṛn → kṛ + tṛ

→ tṛ is ārdhadhātuka; guṇa (SK 2168) → kar + tṛ → kartṛ

→ first case → kartā.

Bhaṭṭoji: kartā kaṭān "a habitual maker of mats".

Applies when / blocked by. Why is kaṭān in the second case and not the sixth? Beside a kṛt, SK 623 would give the object the sixth case. But na lokāvyaya… (SK 627) bars it after "tṛn". Both commentators explain. There "tṛn" is a pratyāhāra, from the t of śatṛ (SK 3100) to the n of this tṛn. So it covers this affix too.

Watch out. One commentator gives examples of the other two senses. Duty: muṇḍayitāraḥ śrāviṣṭhāyanāḥ "the Śrāviṣṭhāyanas shave [the bride]", their own custom. Skill: kartā kaṭam, one who makes a mat well.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्ता कटान् ॥

kartā kaṭān, "a [habitual] maker of mats".

Bālamanoramā

तृन् - तृन् । धातोस्तृन्प्रत्ययः स्यात्तच्छीलादिषु कर्तृषु । तच्छीले उदाहरति — कर्ता कटमिति । कटकरणक्रियाशील इत्यर्थः ।न लोके॑ति षष्ठीनिषेधः,न लोके॑ति सूत्रेतृ॑न्नित्यनेन 'लटः शत' इत्यारभ्य एतत्सूत्रस्थनकारेण प्रत्याहाराश्रयणात् । तद्धर्मणि यथा — मुण्डयितारः श्राविष्ठायना भवन्ति ऊढां वधूम् । श्राविष्ठायना नाम देशविशेषीया वधूमुण्डनं स्वधर्म इत्यनुष्ठातार इत्यर्थः । तत्साधुकारिणिकर्ता कट॑मित्येवोदाहरणम् ।कटं साधु करोतीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'the affix tṛn comes after a root in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind'. Followed in the bracketed supplement to sutra_en.
commentary BM: the example is of the tacchīla sense: one whose habit is the act of making mats. The sixth case is barred by na lokāvyayaniṣṭhākhalarthatṛnām (SK 627), because in that rule 'tṛn' is a pratyāhāra running from [the t of śatṛ in] laṭaḥ śatṛśānacau… (SK 3100) to the n of this sūtra. Followed in the gloss ('[habitual]').
commentary TB, printed under sk.3113.t1 ('—kartā kaṭān iti'): the sixth case is barred by na lokāvyaya… (SK 627). Agrees with BM.
commentary BM adds a taddharma example: muṇḍayitāraḥ śrāviṣṭhāyanā bhavanti ūḍhāṃ vadhūm, 'the Śrāviṣṭhāyanas shave the married bride' — people of a certain region who perform this shaving as their own custom. For the tatsādhukārin sense, BM says, 'kartā kaṭam' itself is the example: one who makes a mat well. Recorded; not in the kaumudī.
textual Ours 'kartā kaṭān' agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom), and TB's lemma 'kartā kaṭān iti' presupposes it. BM's lemma 'kartā kaṭam iti' and Wikisource SK ('kartā kaṭam') have the singular kaṭam. The English follows ours and the print; the sense is the same. Class C for Ajai; not in the collation report.

SK 3116 · A 3.2.136V

अलंकृञ्निराकृञ्प्रजनोत्पचोत्पतोन्मदरुच्यपत्रपवृतुवृधुसहचर इष्णुच् ॥ ३११६ ॥

alaṃkṛñnirākṛñprajanotpacotpatonmadarucyapatrapavṛtuvṛdhusahacara iṣṇuc

alaṃkṛñ…sahacara iṣṇuc — After alaṃkṛñ, nirākṛñ, prajan, utpac, utpat, unmad, ruc, apatrap, vṛtu, vṛdhu, sah and car, the affix iṣṇuc [comes, in agents who have that action as their habit, duty or skill (tacchīla etc.) — adhikāra from SK 3114].

Rule. After twelve bases, the affix iṣṇuc comes, in the agents of SK 3114. They are alaṃkṛñ, nirākṛñ, prajan, utpac, utpat, unmad, ruc, apatrap, vṛt, vṛdh, sah and car. Its marker is c; iṣṇu remains.

Example. The running example:

alam + kṛ + iṣṇuc → alam + kṛ + iṣṇu

→ guṇa (SK 2168) → alam + kar + iṣṇu → alaṃkariṣṇuḥ "one given to adorning".

Bhaṭṭoji lists all twelve: alaṃkariṣṇuḥ, nirākariṣṇuḥ, prajaniṣṇuḥ, utpatiṣṇuḥ, utpaciṣṇuḥ, unmadiṣṇuḥ, rociṣṇuḥ, apatrapiṣṇuḥ, vartiṣṇuḥ, vardhiṣṇuḥ, sahiṣṇuḥ, cariṣṇuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the roots. kṛñ is only ḍukṛñ "to do", the better known root. prajan is jan "to be born" with pra. apatrap is trap "to be ashamed" with apa. He reports a view on ut. It is read with pac, pat and mad one by one. That excludes other upasargas.

Watch out. Several of these bases carry upasargas, against the general bar noted at SK 3114. The sūtra names them, so the affix comes.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अलंकरिष्णुः । निराकरिष्णुः । प्रजनिष्णुः । उत्पतिष्णु । उत्पचिष्णुः । उन्मदिष्णुः । रोचिष्णुः । अपत्रपिष्णुः । वर्तिष्णुः । वर्धिष्णुः । सहिष्णुः । चरिष्णुः ॥

alaṃkariṣṇuḥ, nirākariṣṇuḥ, prajaniṣṇuḥ, utpatiṣṇuḥ, utpaciṣṇuḥ, unmadiṣṇuḥ, rociṣṇuḥ, apatrapiṣṇuḥ, vartiṣṇuḥ, vardhiṣṇuḥ, sahiṣṇuḥ, cariṣṇuḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 521

—अलंकृञ्—। कृञिति डुकृञ् करण इत्यस्यैव ग्रहणं न तु कृञ् हिंसायामित्यस्य ‘प्रसिद्धाप्रसिद्धयोः प्रसिद्धस्यैव ग्रहणम्’ इति न्यायात् । निराङ्पूर्वोऽपि कृञ्, स एव प्रपूर्वो जनी प्रादुर्भावे । इह डुपचष् पाके, पतॢ गतौ, मदी हर्षे, त्रयोऽपि उत्पूर्वाः पठ्यन्ते । तत्र उदः पचपतमद इत्येव वक्तव्ये प्रत्येकमुत्पूर्वस्य पाठ उपसर्गान्तरनिवृत्त्यर्थस्तेन समुत्पतिष्णुरित्यादि न भवतीत्याहुः । रुच दीप्तौ अपपूर्वः, त्रपूष् लज्जायाम्, वृतु वर्तने, वृधु वृद्धौ, षह मर्षणे, चर गतावित्यादीति । आदिशब्दग्राह्यास्तु निराकरिष्णुः, प्रजनिष्णुः, उत्पचिष्णुः, उत्पतिष्णुः, उन्मदिष्णुः, इति । उत्पतिष्णुः ‘उत्पतिष्णू’ च चेरतुः खरदूषणौ इति भट्टिः । कालिदासोऽप्याह ‘एलानामुत्पतिष्णवः’ इति । केचित्तु पत इति स्थाने दान्तं सूत्रे पठित्वा पद गतावित्यस्मात्प्रत्ययमाहुः । उन्मदिष्णुः रोचिष्णुः अपत्रपिष्णुः वर्तिष्णुः वर्धिष्णुः सहिष्णुः चरिष्णुः

Bālamanoramā

अलंकृञ्निराकृञ्प्रजनोत्पचोत्पतोन्मद- रुच्यपत्रपवृतुवृधुसहचर इष्णुच् - अलङ्कृढञ् । अलङ्कृञ्, निराकृञ्, प्रजन, उत्पच, उत्पत, उन्मद, रुचि, अपत्रप, वृतु, वृधु, सह, चर एषां द्वादशनां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । एभ्यस्तच्छीलादिषु कर्तृषु इष्णुच् स्यात् । इत्यादीति । निराकरिष्णुः, प्रजनिष्णुः, उत्पचिष्णुः, उत्पतिष्णुः, उन्मदिष्णुः, रोचिष्णुः, अपत्रपिष्णुः, वर्तिष्णुः, वर्धिष्णुः, सहिष्णुः, चरिष्णुः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the fifth case (pañcamī) follows a dvandva of these twelve — alaṃkṛñ, nirākṛñ, prajana, utpaca, utpata, unmada, ruci, apatrapa, vṛtu, vṛdhu, saha, cara; after them iṣṇuc comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. Followed in sutra_en (the twelve items and the bracketed adhikāra).
commentary TB, own t1: 'kṛñ' here is only ḍukṛñ karaṇe, not kṛñ hiṃsāyām, by the maxim that the well-known is taken rather than the less-known. nirākṛñ is the same kṛñ with nir and āṅ; prajana is janī prādurbhāve with pra; pac (ḍupacaṣ pāke), pat (patḷ gatau) and mad (madī harṣe) are each read with ut. TB reports (ityāhuḥ), as others' view, that reading ut with each separately, rather than once ('udaḥ pacapatamada'), serves to exclude other upasargas, so that *samutpatiṣṇu etc. are not formed. ruc = ruca dīptau; apatrap = trapūṣ lajjāyām with apa; vṛtu vartane, vṛdhu vṛddhau, ṣaha marṣaṇe, cara gatau. Followed in the root identifications of sutra_en.
commentary TB, own t1: utpatiṣṇu is used by Bhaṭṭi ('utpatiṣṇū ca ceratuḥ kharadūṣaṇau') and Kālidāsa ('elānām utpatiṣṇavaḥ'). Some read a d-final 'pada' in the sūtra instead of 'pata' and derive the affix from pada gatau. Recorded.
textual Ours 'utpatiṣṇu' lacks the visarga; the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom) has 'utpatiṣṇuḥ', and so does Wikisource. The English follows the print (collation batch09, class A).
textual BM ('ityādīti', then the eleven forms from nirākariṣṇuḥ) and TB ('ityādīti… ādiśabdagrāhyās tu nirākariṣṇuḥ…') both comment on a kaumudī that reads 'alaṃkariṣṇur ityādi', which is what Wikisource SK has, with the rest in parentheses. Ours and the print list all twelve forms. The English follows ours and the print. Class C for Ajai; not in the collation report.

SK 3117 · A 3.2.137V

णेश्छन्दसि ॥ ३११७ ॥

ṇeśchandasi

ṇeś chandasi — In the Veda (chandas), after [a root ending in] ṇi, [the affix iṣṇuc — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3116 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. In the Veda, iṣṇuc comes after a root ending in ṇi, the causative affix. iṣṇuc carries over from SK 3116.

Example.

pṛ + ṇic → pāri → pāri + iṣṇu

→ ay replaces ṇi (ayāmantālvāyyetnviṣṇuṣu, SK 2311) → pāray + iṣṇu

→ pārayiṣṇavaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: vīrudhaḥ pārayiṣṇavaḥ "plants that habitually bring one across".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: SK 2311 sets aside the loss of ṇi (SK 2313), which would otherwise apply.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वीरुधः पारयिष्णवः ॥

vīrudhaḥ pārayiṣṇavaḥ, "plants that [habitually] bring [one] across".

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 521

—पारयिष्णव इति । ‘अयामन्ता—’ इति णेरय ॥—नैतदिति । चकारस्यानुक्तसमुच्चयार्थत्वमित्यर्थः ॥—ईत्वं नेति । ‘घुमास्या—’ इत्यादिनोगित्वादिति ‘क्ङिति च’ इत्यत्र गकारं प्रश्लिष्य गिति किति ङितीति व्याख्यानादिति भावः ॥—गकारप्रश्लेषादिति । नन्वेवं गकारे चर्त्वस्यासिद्धत्वात् ‘हशि च’ इत्युत्त्वं स्यादिति चेत् । सत्यम् । सौत्रोऽयं निर्देशः । तथा च वार्तिकम्—‘ग्स्नोर्गित्त्वान्न स्थ ईकारः क्ङितोरीत्वप्रशासनात् । गुणाभावस्त्रिषु स्मार्यः श्र्युकोऽनिट्त्वं कगोरिति’ ॥—दङ्क्ष्णव इति । दंश दशने ‘त्रश्च—’ इत्यादिना षत्वे ‘षढोः कः सि’ इति कत्वम् ‘आदेशप्रत्यययोः’ इति षत्वम् । ‘अनिदितां—’ इति नलोपो न, ग्स्नोर्गित्त्वेन प्राप्त्यभावात् ॥—त्रस्नुरिति । ‘नेड्वशि—’ इति नेट्

Bālamanoramā

णेश्छन्दसि - णेश्छन्दसि । ण्यन्ताद्धातोरिष्णुच् स्याच्छन्दसीत्यर्थ- । पारयिष्णव इति । पृधातोर्ण्यन्तादिष्णुचि णेर्लोपं बाधित्वाअयमन्ताल्वाय्ये॑त्यय् । इदं सूत्रं वैदिकप्रक्रियायामेव व्याख्यातुमुचितम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'after a root ending in ṇi, iṣṇuc comes in the Veda'. Followed in sutra_en (iṣṇuc supplied from SK 3116).
commentary BM: in pārayiṣṇavaḥ, from pṛ with ṇi, before iṣṇuc ay replaces ṇi by ayāmantālvāyyetnviṣṇuṣu (SK 2311), which blocks the deletion of ṇi. BM adds that this sūtra is properly explained only in the Vedic prakriyā. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the form only.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—pārayiṣṇava iti'): ay for ṇi by ayāmanta… (SK 2311). Agrees with BM.
textual sk.3117.t1 also carries the TB on SK 3118 ('—naitad iti'), SK 3119 ('—ītvaṃ neti', '—gakārapraśleṣād iti', '—daṅkṣṇava iti') and SK 3120 ('—trasnur iti'), as in the TB band of NSP p. 511 (scan page-0521). Ours agrees with the print in the kaumudī.

SK 3118 · A 3.2.138V

भुवश्च ॥ ३११८ ॥

bhuvaśca

bhuvaś ca — And after bhū [the affix iṣṇuc — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3116 — comes, in the Veda ('chandasi', carried forward from SK 3117), in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. In the Veda, iṣṇuc also comes after bhū "to become". Bhaṭṭoji: "in the Veda" still holds. One of his commentators: the rule is for bhū that is not causative.

Example.

bhū + iṣṇuc → guṇa → bho + iṣṇu → av (SK 61) → bhaviṣṇuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. How then is jagatprabhor aprabhaviṣṇu vaiṣṇavam correct, outside the Veda? Bhaṭṭoji: "poets are unrestrained" (niraṅkuśāḥ kavayaḥ).

Watch out. The Vṛtti takes the ca "and" to gather in forms not stated: bhrājiṣṇuḥ, and likewise kṣayiṣṇuḥ. Bhaṭṭoji: "this is not seen in the Bhāṣya." One commentator says "this" is the Vṛtti's reading of ca.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

छन्दसीत्येव । भविष्णुः । कथं तर्हि जगत्प्रभोरप्रभविष्णुः वैष्णवमिति । निरङ्कुशाः कवयः । चकारोऽनुक्तसमुच्चयार्थः । भ्राजिष्णुरिति वृत्तिः । एवं क्षयिष्णुः । नैतद्भाष्ये दृष्टम् ॥

"In the Veda" (chandasi) [is carried forward] here too: bhaviṣṇuḥ. How then [is] "jagatprabhor aprabhaviṣṇu vaiṣṇavam" [correct, outside the Veda]? Poets are unrestrained (niraṅkuśāḥ kavayaḥ). "The 'ca' serves to gather in what is not stated (anuktasamuccaya): bhrājiṣṇuḥ" — so the Vṛtti. Likewise kṣayiṣṇuḥ. This is not seen in the Bhāṣya.

Bālamanoramā

भुवश्च - भुवश्च । छन्दसीत्येवेति । भूधातोरिष्णुच् स्यात्तच्छीलादिषु छन्दसीत्यर्थ- । अण्यन्तार्थ आरम्भः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'chandasi ity eva' means: after the root bhū, iṣṇuc comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind, in the Veda. The rule is begun for the non-causative bhū (aṇyantārtha ārambhaḥ) [the causative being covered by SK 3117 — translator's inference; BM does not say this]. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3117.t1 ('—naitad iti'): 'this' [which is not seen in the Bhāṣya] is the taking of 'ca' as gathering in what is not stated. Followed: the English makes 'this' refer back to the Vṛtti's view of 'ca' and the forms resting on it.
translator The quotation 'jagatprabhor aprabhaviṣṇu vaiṣṇavam' is not named by Bhaṭṭoji, and is not identified here. Its point is a non-Vedic use of bhaviṣṇu with pra and negation. The Vṛtti is presumably the Kāśikā, but the kaumudī says only 'vṛttiḥ'.
textual Ours 'aprabhaviṣṇuḥ vaiṣṇavam' has a visarga that the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom) lacks: 'aprabhaviṣṇu vaiṣṇavam', the neuter agreeing with vaiṣṇavam. Wikisource agrees with the print. The English follows the print (collation batch09, class A).

SK 3119 · A 3.2.139V

ग्लाजिस्थश्च ग्स्नुः ॥ ३११९ ॥

glājisthaśca gsnuḥ

glājisthaś ca gsnuḥ — And after glā, ji and sthā [and, by 'ca', after bhū, drawn in from SK 3118], the affix gsnu [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After glā "to be weary", ji "to conquer" and sthā "to stand", the affix gsnu comes. By the ca it also comes after bhū, drawn in from SK 3118. Bhaṭṭoji: "in the Veda" has ceased. Its marker is g; snu remains.

Example. The running example:

ji + gsnu → ji + snu

→ the affix is g-marked: no guṇa → the s becomes ṣ, the n becomes ṇ

→ jiṣṇuḥ "one given to conquering".

glā + gsnu → glāsnuḥ.

sthā + gsnu → sthāsnuḥ, with no ī.

bhū + gsnu → no iṭ → bhūṣṇuḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji explains each form.

The affix is g-marked, not k-marked. So sthā does not get ī by ghumāsthā… (SK 2462). That rule works only before a k- or ṅ-marked affix.
Why no guṇa in jiṣṇuḥ? Both commentators: a g is read into kṅiti ca (SK 2217) by coalescence (praśleṣa). It then bars guṇa before a g-marked affix too.
Why no iṭ in bhūṣṇuḥ? A g is read in the same way into śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381). That rule denies iṭ before a k-marked affix.

A vārttika, daṃśeś chandasy upasaṃkhyānam: "in the Veda, daṃś 'to bite' should be added".

daṃś + gsnu → daṅkṣṇavaḥ paśavaḥ "beasts given to biting".

One commentator gives the steps: ṣ, then k, then ṣ for the affix's s (SK 294, SK 295, SK 212). The nasal is not lost by SK 415, since gsnu is not k- or ṅ-marked.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads the affix as ksnu, with the g written as k. The sense is the same.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

छन्दसीति निवृत्तम् । गिदयं न तु कित् । तेन स्थः ईत्वं न । ग्लास्नुः । गित्त्वान्न गुणः । जिष्णुः । स्थास्नुः । चाद्भुवः । श्र्युकः किति SK 2381 इत्यत्र गकारप्रश्लेषान्नेट् । भूष्णुः ॥

"In the Veda" (chandasi) has ceased [to be carried forward]. This [affix] has g as its it-marker (g-it), not k (it is not k-it). Hence sthā does not get ī [by ghumāsthā… (SK 2462), which applies only before an affix that is k-it or ṅ-it]. glāsnuḥ. Because it is g-it, there is no guṇa: jiṣṇuḥ. sthāsnuḥ [with no ī]. By the "ca", [gsnu comes] after bhū [as well]. Since a g is read into śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381) by coalescence (praśleṣa), there is no iṭ: bhūṣṇuḥ.

vārttika

दंशेश्छन्दस्युपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) daṃśeś chandasy upasaṃkhyānam — "In the Veda, daṃś should be added [to this rule]."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दङ्क्ष्णवः पशवः ॥

daṅkṣṇavaḥ paśavaḥ, "beasts given to biting".

Bālamanoramā

ग्लाजिस्थश्च क्स्नुः - ग्लाजिस्थश्च । निवृत्तमिति । व्याख्यानादिति भावः । चाद्भुव इत्यनुकृष्यते । ग्ला, जि, स्था एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । ग्ला, जि,स्था, भू इत्येभ्यः क्स्नुः स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । ककार इत् । 'स्थास्नु' इत्यत्र कित्त्वलक्षणं 'घुमास्थे' तीत्त्वमाशङ्क्याह — गिदयमिति । सूत्रे चर्त्वेन ककारनिर्देश इति भावः । गित्त्वान्न गुण इति ।क्क्ङिति चे॑त्यत्र गस्य चर्त्वेन ककारान्तरप्रश्लेषादिति भावः । ननु भूष्णुरित्यत्र इट् स्यात्,श्र्युकः किती॑ति कित एव इण्निषेधात् , अस्य च गित्त्वादित्यत आह — श्र्युक इति । प्रश्लेषादिति । चर्त्वेनेति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'bhuvaḥ' is drawn in (anukṛṣyate) by the 'ca'. A fifth case follows the dvandva of glā, ji and sthā; after glā, ji, sthā and bhū the affix comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. Followed in sutra_en (bhū supplied in brackets, as drawn in from SK 3118).
commentary BM: 'chandasi' has ceased because the tradition explains it so (vyākhyānāt). Recorded.
commentary BM: the doubt is that sthāsnu would get the ītva of ghumāsthā… (SK 2462), whose condition is a k-it affix, and 'gid ayam' answers it. 'gittvān na guṇaḥ': a g, written as k by cartva, is read into kṅiti ca (SK 2217) by praśleṣa. Followed: the bracket in k1 states SK 2462's k-it/ṅ-it condition.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3117.t1: on '—ītvaṃ neti', ītva would come by ghumāsthā… (SK 2462) [and is barred because the affix is g-it, not k-it — translator's supplement]; on '—gittvād iti' (kaumudī 'gittvān na guṇaḥ'), the point is that kṅiti ca (SK 2217) is explained, with a g read in (praśleṣa), as 'before g-it, k-it, ṅ-it', so there is no guṇa. (Print and OCR run the two lemmas together as 'ityādinogittvāditi'.) TB cites the ślokavārttika gsnor gittvān na stha īkāraḥ kṅitor ītvapraśāsanāt / guṇābhāvas triṣu smāryaḥ śryuko 'niṭtvaṃ kagor iti (so the 1915 print, NSP p. 511, scan page-0521; the Kāśikā form reads 'gakor itoḥ'). Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM on 'śryuka iti': the doubt is that bhūṣṇu should take iṭ, because śryukaḥ kiti (SK 2381) denies iṭ only before a k-it affix and this one is g-it. The answer is that a g is read in there too, written as k by cartva. Followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3117.t1 ('—gakārapraśleṣād iti'): Objection: if a g is read into śryukaḥ kiti, then, since the cartva of that g is asiddha, the visarga before it should become u by haśi ca. Answer: granted; the wording is a sūtra usage (sautra nirdeśa). Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3117.t1 ('—daṅkṣṇava iti'): from daṃśa daśane, ṣ by vraścabhrasja… (SK 294), k by ṣaḍhoḥ kaḥ si (SK 295), ṣ for the s by ādeśapratyayayoḥ (SK 212); the nasal is not deleted by aniditāṃ… (SK 415), which needs a k-it or ṅ-it affix, because gsnu is g-it. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the form only.
textual BM's pratīka and gloss read the sūtra as 'glājisthaś ca ksnuḥ' and explain the k as a g turned into k by cartva ('sūtre cartvena kakāranirdeśaḥ'); Wikisource SK's heading has a garbled 'klu'. Ours and the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom) read 'gsnuḥ', which the kaumudī's 'gid ayam' presupposes. Neither reading changes the sense. Recorded for Ajai; not in the collation report.
textual Source metadata: our sūtra padaccheda gives the third pada as 'ksnuḥ' (BM's cartva spelling), while our sūtra text and the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521: 'glājisthaś ca gsnuḥ') have 'gsnuḥ'. sutra_en follows 'gsnuḥ'. A metadata slip with no effect on the English; not in the collation report.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag in ours before 'daṅkṣṇavaḥ paśavaḥ' is editorial. The print sets the vārttika daṃśeś chandasy upasaṃkhyānam in bold between double daṇḍas, with Bhaṭṭoji's example after it. Only k2 is labelled as a vārttika.

SK 3120 · A 3.2.140V

त्रसिगृधिधृषिक्षिपेः क्नुः ॥ ३१२० ॥

trasigṛdhidhṛṣikṣipeḥ knuḥ

trasigṛdhidhṛṣikṣipeḥ knuḥ — After tras, gṛdh, dhṛṣ and kṣip, the affix knu [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After tras "to tremble", gṛdh "to covet", dhṛṣ "to dare" and kṣip "to throw", the affix knu comes, in the agents of SK 3114. Its marker is k; nu remains.

Example.

tras + knu → no iṭ (neḍ vaśi kṛti, SK 2981) → trasnuḥ.

gṛdh + knu → k-marked: no guṇa (SK 2217) → gṛdhnuḥ.

dhṛṣ + knu → no guṇa → dhṛṣṇuḥ.

kṣip + knu → kṣipnuḥ.

The reasons are one commentator's; the other gives the iṭ point only. Bhaṭṭoji gives only the forms.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

त्रस्नुः । गृध्नुः । धृष्णुः । क्षिप्नुः ॥

trasnuḥ, gṛdhnuḥ, dhṛṣṇuḥ, kṣipnuḥ.

Bālamanoramā

त्रसिगृधिधृषिक्षिपेः क्नुः - त्रसिगृधि ।तच्छीलादिषु कर्तृष्वि॑ति शेषः । त्रस्नुरिति ।नेड्वशी॑ति नेट् । गृध्नुः धृष्णुरित्यत्र कित्त्वान्न गुणः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind' is to be supplied (iti śeṣaḥ). Followed in the bracket of sutra_en.
commentary BM: trasnu has no iṭ by neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981); gṛdhnu and dhṛṣṇu have no guṇa because the affix is k-it. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3117.t1 ('—trasnur iti'): no iṭ by neḍ vaśi… (SK 2981). Agrees with BM.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 511, scan page-0521, read at zoom).

SK 3121 · A 3.2.141V

शमित्यष्टाभ्यो घिनुण् ॥ ३१२१ ॥

śamityaṣṭābhyo ghinuṇ

śamity aṣṭābhyo ghinuṇ — After the eight [roots] śam etc. ('iti' = 'etc.'), the affix ghinuṇ [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After the eight roots śam and the rest, the affix ghinuṇ comes, in the agents of SK 3114. Both commentators: iti here means "and the rest" (ādi). The roots stand in the div class. The markers gh and ṇ go, and in remains.

Example. The running example:

śam + ghinuṇ → śam + in

→ the ṇ would bring vṛddhi of the penultimate a (SK 2282)

→ barred by nodāttopadeśasya… (SK 2763) → śamin → śamī.

Likewise tamī, damī, śramī, bhramī, kṣamī, klamī.

But pra + mad → vṛddhi → pramādī. One commentator: mad is not m-final, so SK 2763 does not reach it.

Applies when / blocked by. Is the u of ghinuṇ a marker? The Kāśikā says it is for pronunciation only. The Bhāṣya says it is a marker. Bhaṭṭoji draws a consequence from the Bhāṣya's view. In śaminitarā / śaminītarā, the shortening is optional, by ugitaś ca (SK 987). The feminine śaminī may shorten its ī before the comparative affix tara.

Bhaṭṭoji meets an objection. If the affix is marked with u, would śamī, śaminau take num? No. The word jhal is drawn back (apakarṣa) from napuṃsakasya jhalacaḥ (SK 314). So that num is taught only for stems ending in a jhal consonant. śamin ends in n and is not such a stem.

Watch out. ut + mad takes iṣṇuc by SK 3116: unmadiṣṇuḥ. Yet ghinuṇ also comes, by the option between unlike affixes: unmādī. Bhaṭṭoji: the maxim that this option does not hold among the affixes of habit is only generally valid (prāyika). One commentator traces the maxim to SK 3126 and its limit to SK 3133.

On the optional shortening, one commentator reports a different view; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

उकार उच्चारणार्थ इति काशिका । अनुबन्ध इति भाष्यम् । तेन शमिनितरा शमिनीतरेत्यत्र गितश्च SK 987 इति ह्रस्वविकल्पः । न चैवं शमिनावित्यादौ नुम्प्रसङ्गः । झल्ग्रहणमपकृष्य झन्तानामेव तद्विधानात् । नोदात्तोपदेशस्य - SK 2763 इति वृद्धिनिषेधः । शमी । तमी । दमी । श्रमी । भ्रमी । क्षमी । क्लमी । प्रमादी । उत्पूर्वान्मदेः अलंकृञादिसूत्रेणेष्णुजुक्तो वासरूपविधिना घिनुणपि । उन्मादी । ताच्छीलिकेषु वासरूपविधिर्नास्तीति तु प्रायिकम् ॥

"The u [of ghinuṇ] is for pronunciation only (uccāraṇārtha)" — so the Kāśikā. "It is an it-marker (anubandha)" — so the Bhāṣya. Hence in śaminitarā / śaminītarā the shortening is optional, by ugitaś ca (SK 987). Nor [can it be objected that] on this [view] num would arise in [śamī,] śaminau and the like; for the word "jhal" is drawn back (apakarṣa) [from napuṃsakasya jhalacaḥ, SK 314], so that [num] is taught only for [stems] ending in jhal. Vṛddhi [of the upadhā] is barred by nodāttopadeśasya… (SK 2763): śamī, tamī, damī, śramī, bhramī, kṣamī, klamī. pramādī. After mad preceded by ut, the alaṃkṛñ… rule (SK 3116) states iṣṇuc; [yet] ghinuṇ also [comes], by the provision for affixes of a different form (vāsarūpavidhi): unmādī. As for [the maxim] "among the affixes of habit (tācchīlika) the vāsarūpa provision does not apply", it is [only] generally valid (prāyika).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 521–522

—शमित्यष्टाभ्यो—। इतिशब्द आद्यर्थः ॥—शमिनीतरेत्यत्रेति । अत्र नव्याः । विद्वत्तरेतिवत् ‘तसिलादिषु’ इति पुंवद्भावेन शमितरेति भाव्यम् । न च उगित्वाभ्युपगमस्य फलाभावाद्ध्रस्वविकल्प एव भवतीति वाच्यम् । पाक्षिकह्रस्वेन उगित्करणस्य चरितार्थत्वाद्ध्रस्वाभावपक्षे तु पुंवद्भावस्य दुर्वारत्वादित्याहुः ॥—संपृच्छा—॥—संपर्कीति । पृची संपर्के ‘चजोः—’ इति कुत्वं गुणः॥—परिदेवीति । देवृ देवने भ्वादिः, ण्यन्तस्य दीव्यतेस्तु नेह ग्रहणं लाक्षणिकत्वात् । अण्यन्तैः साहचर्याच्च ॥—अभ्याघातीति । अभ्याङ्पूर्वाद्धन्तेर्हस्य कुत्वेन घः । ‘हनस्तोऽचिण्णलोः’ इति नस्य तः ‘अत उपधायाः’ इति वृद्धिः ॥—वौ कष—। कष हिंसार्थः । लस श्लेषणक्रीडनयोः, कत्थ श्लाघायाम्, स्रम्भु विश्वासे

Bālamanoramā

शमित्यष्टाभ्यो घिनुण् - शमित्यष्टाभ्यः । इति शब्द आदिपर्यायः । शमादयो दिवादौ स्थिताः । तेभ्योऽष्टाभ्यो घिनुण् स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । घित्त्वमुत्तरसूत्रार्थम् ।अकर्मकेभ्य एव घिनु॑णिति भाष्यम् । शमिनितरा शमिनीतरेति । शमिन्शब्दात्स्त्रियां नान्तलक्षणङीबन्तात्तरबन्ताट्टाप् । ह्रस्वविकल्प इति । भाष्यमते उगित्त्वाद्ध्रस्वः । काशिकामते तु उगित्त्वाऽभावान्न ह्रस्वः । न च ह्रस्वाऽभावे 'तसिलादिषु' इति पुंवत्त्वं शङ्क्यं,संज्ञापूरण्योश्चे॑ति निषेधात् । ननु भाष्यरीत्या उगित्त्वाभ्युपगमे शमी शमिनौ इत्यादौउगिदचा॑मिति नुम् स्यादित्याशङ्क्य निराकरोति — न चैवमपि । झल्ग्रहणमपकृष्येति । 'नपुंसकस्य झलचः' इति उत्तरसूत्रादिति भावः । एतच्च प्रकृतसूत्रे, 'युवोरनाकौ' इति सूत्रे च भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । शमादिभ्यो घिनुणि उपधावृद्धिमाशङ्क्याह — नोदात्तेति । प्रमादीति । प्रमादीति । मान्तत्वाऽभावान्न वृद्धिनिषेधः । ननु उत्पूर्वान्मदेरुन्मादीति कथं घिनुण्, अलङ्कृञादिसूत्रे उत्पूर्वान्मदेर्विशिष्य इष्णुचो विधानादित्यताअह — उत्पूर्वादित्यादिना । ननु कथमत्र ताच्छीलिके घिनुणि वाऽसरूपविधिप्रवृत्तिः,ताच्छीलिकेषु वाऽसरूपविधिर्नास्ती॑ति निषेधादित्यत आह — ताच्छीलिकेष्विति । इयं परिभाषानन्दहिंसे॑त्यादिवक्ष्यमाणसूत्रे ज्ञापितेति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् । प्रायिकमिति । एतच्चसूददीपदीक्षश्चे॑ति दीपग्रहणादितिजुचङ्क्रम्यदन्द्रम्ये॑ति सूत्रे भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'iti' is a synonym of 'ādi'; śam etc. stand in the divādi class; after these eight, ghinuṇ comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—śamity aṣṭābhyo—'): 'iti' has the sense of 'ādi'. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM: the gh of ghinuṇ is for the following rule [the kutva of saṃparkī etc. under SK 3122]. The Bhāṣya says ghinuṇ comes only after intransitive (akarmaka) roots. Recorded.
commentary BM: śaminitarā / śaminītarā is from śamin with feminine ṅīp (the rule for n-final stems), then tarap, then ṭāp. On the Bhāṣya's view the shortening comes from ugittva; on the Kāśikā's view there is no ugittva and so no shortening. In the option without shortening, puṃvadbhāva by tasilādiṣv ākṛtvasucaḥ (SK 836) is not to be suspected, because saṃjñāpūraṇyoś ca (SK 839) prohibits it. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the two forms and the rule.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—śaminītaretyatreti'), reports the moderns (navyāḥ): as with vidvattarā, puṃvadbhāva under tasilādiṣu… (SK 836) should give śamitarā. Accepting ugittva is not fruitless, since the optional shortening gives it a purpose; but in the option without shortening, puṃvadbhāva cannot be prevented. This disagrees with BM's appeal to SK 839 and with the form śaminītarā. The English keeps Bhaṭṭoji's forms unaltered (§16); both views are recorded.
commentary BM: the objection is that if ugittva is accepted with the Bhāṣya, ugidacām… (SK 361) would give num in śamī, śaminau etc. It is answered by drawing 'jhal' back from the following rule napuṃsakasya jhalacaḥ (SK 314), as the Bhāṣya makes clear here and under yuvor anākau (SK 1247). Followed in the bracketed source of 'jhal'.
commentary BM: 'nodātta…' answers the expected upadhā-vṛddhi before ghinuṇ. pramādī has vṛddhi, because mad is not m-final and so the prohibition does not reach it. Followed in the separation of pramādī from the barred forms.
commentary BM: the objection to unmādī is that the alaṃkṛñ… rule specifically prescribes iṣṇuc after mad with ut, and that tācchīlika affixes do not admit the vāsarūpa provision. Answer: that maxim is made known (jñāpita) by nindahiṃsa… (SK 3126), as the Bhāṣya says, and it is only generally valid, which is shown by the mention of dīp in sūdadīpadīkṣaś ca, as the Bhāṣya under jucaṅkramya… (SK 3130) makes clear. Followed in rendering 'prāyika' as 'generally valid'.
textual Three slips in ours; the 1915 print (NSP pp. 511–512, scans page-0521 and page-0522, read at zoom) is followed in the English (collation batch09, class A). (1) 'gitaś ca' → print 'ugitaś ca 987'. (2) 'na caivaṃ śamināv ityādau' → print 'na caivaṃ śamī śamināv ityādau' ([śamī] supplied in brackets). (3) 'jhantānām eva' → print 'jhalantānām eva'. Wikisource agrees with the print in all three, and BM's lemma 'śamī śaminau' agrees with (2).

SK 3122 · A 3.2.142V

संपृचानुरुधाङ्यमाङ्यसपरिसृसंसृजपरिदेविसंज्वरपरिक्षिपपरिरटपरिवदपरिदहपरिमुहदुषद्विषद्रुहदुहयुजाक्रीडविविचत्यजरजभजातिचरापचरामुषाभ्याहनश्च ॥ ३१२२ ॥

saṃpṛcānurudhāṅyamāṅyasaparisṛsaṃsṛjaparidevisaṃjvaraparikṣipapariraṭaparivadaparidahaparimuhaduṣadviṣadruhaduhayujākrīḍavivicatyajarajabhajāticarāpacarāmuṣābhyāhanaśca

saṃpṛcānurudha…abhyāhanaś ca — And after saṃpṛc, anurudh, āṅ-yam, āṅ-yas, parisṛ, saṃsṛj, paridevi, saṃjvar, parikṣip, pariraṭ, parivad, paridah, parimuh, duṣ, dviṣ, druh, duh, yuj, ākrīḍ, vivic, tyaj, raj, bhaj, aticar, apacar, āmuṣ and abhyāhan, [ghinuṇ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3121 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. ghinuṇ also comes after twenty-seven bases, most of them with an upasarga. They are saṃpṛc, anurudh, āyam, āyas, parisṛ, saṃsṛj, paridevi, saṃjvar, parikṣip, pariraṭ, parivad, paridah, parimuh, duṣ, dviṣ, druh, duh, yuj, ākrīḍ, vivic, tyaj, raj, bhaj, aticar, apacar, āmuṣ and abhyāhan.

Example.

sam + pṛc + ghinuṇ → sam + pṛc + in

→ guṇa of the light penultimate (SK 2189) → sam + parc + in

→ the gh-marked affix brings k for c (cajoḥ ku ghiṇṇyatoḥ, SK 2863) → saṃparkin → saṃparkī.

abhi + ā + han + ghinuṇ → vṛddhi (SK 2282) → t for n (SK 2574) → gh for h (SK 358) → abhyāghātī.

The rest, as Bhaṭṭoji lists them: anurodhī, āyāmī, āyāsī, parisārī, saṃsargī, paridevī, saṃjvārī, parikṣepī, parirāṭī, parivādī, paridāhī, parimohī, doṣī, dveṣī, drohī, dohī, yogī, ākrīḍī, vivekī, tyāgī, rāgī, bhāgī, aticārī, apacārī, āmoṣī.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators sorts the forms. Roots with a light penultimate i, u or ṛ take guṇa: anurodhī. Roots with penultimate a take vṛddhi: tyāgī.

Watch out. paridevi is the bhū-class root devṛ "to lament", not the causative of dīv. Both commentators say so. A causative is secondary here, and the other bases are not causatives.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

घिनुण् स्यात् । संपर्की । अनुरोधी । आयामी । आयासी । परिसारी । संसर्गी । परिदेवी । संज्वारी । परिक्षेपी । परिराटी । परिवादी । परिदाही । परिमोही । दोषी । द्वेषी । द्रोही । दोही । योगी । आक्रीडी । विवेकी । त्यागी । रागी । भागी । अतिचारी । अपचारी । आमोषी । अभ्यघाती ॥

ghinuṇ comes [after these]: saṃparkī, anurodhī, āyāmī, āyāsī, parisārī, saṃsargī, paridevī, saṃjvārī, parikṣepī, parirāṭī, parivādī, paridāhī, parimohī, doṣī, dveṣī, drohī, dohī, yogī, ākrīḍī, vivekī, tyāgī, rāgī, bhāgī, aticārī, apacārī, āmoṣī, abhyāghātī.

Bālamanoramā

संपृचानुरुधाङ्यमाङ्यसपरिसृसंसृज- परिदेविसंज्वरपरिक्षिपपरिरटपरिवदपरिदहपरिमुह- दुषद्विषद्रुहदुहयुजाक्रीडविविचत्यजरज- भजातिचरापचरामुषाभ्याहनश्च - संपृचानु । संपृच, अनुरुध, आङ्यम, आङ्यस, परिसृ, संसृज, परिदेवि, संज्वर, परिक्षिप, परिरट, परिवद, परिदह, परिमुह, दुष, द्विष, द्रुह, दुह, युज, आक्रीड, विविच, त्यज, रज, भज, अतिचर, अपचर, आमुष , अभ्याहन्, एषां सप्तविंशतेद्र्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । संपर्कीति ।चजो॑रिति कुत्वम् । अनुरोधीत्यादौ लघूपधगुणः । अदुपधेषु उपधावृद्धिः । परिदेवीति । 'देवृ देवने' भ्वादिः । दीव्यतेस्तु ण्यन्तस्य ग्रहणं , लाक्षणिकत्वात्, अण्यन्तैः साहचर्याच्च । अभ्याघातीति ।हनस्तोऽचिण्णलो॑रिति तत्वम् । 'हो हन्ते' रिति कुत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a fifth case follows the dvandva of these twenty-seven items (saṃpṛca, anurudha, āṅ-yama, āṅ-yasa, parisṛ, saṃsṛja, paridevi, saṃjvara, parikṣipa, pariraṭa, parivada, paridaha, parimuha, duṣa, dviṣa, druha, duha, yuja, ākrīḍa, vivica, tyaja, raja, bhaja, aticara, apacara, āmuṣa, abhyāhan). Followed in the list of sutra_en.
commentary BM: in saṃparkī the k is from cajoḥ ku ghiṇṇyatoḥ (SK 2863). anurodhī etc. take the guṇa of a light penultimate vowel, and the roots with penultimate a take upadhā-vṛddhi. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3121.t1 ('—saṃparkīti'): pṛcī saṃparke; ku by cajoḥ… (SK 2863), and guṇa. Agrees with BM.
commentary BM: in paridevī the root is devṛ devane (bhvādi); the causative of dīv is not taken, since it is secondary (lākṣaṇika) and since the other members are non-causatives (sāhacarya). Followed: paridevī is left as the form of bhvādi dev.
textual Our sk.3122.b1 reads 'dīvyates tu ṇyantasya grahaṇam', without 'na'. Wikisource BM uttara-3/0132 reads 'na grahaṇam', which the reasons given require. This is in the commentary layer only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3121.t1 ('—paridevīti'): devṛ devane, bhvādi; the causative of dīvyati is not taken here, since it is secondary and the others are non-causatives. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM on abhyāghātī: t for n by hanas to 'ciṇṇaloḥ (SK 2574); the k-series substitute (gh) by ho hanteḥ (SK 358). Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3121.t1 ('—abhyāghātīti'): han with abhi and āṅ; gh for h by kutva; t for n by hanas to 'ciṇṇaloḥ (SK 2574); vṛddhi by ata upadhāyāḥ (SK 2282). TB's lemma has abhyāghātī, with ā. Recorded.
textual Ours ends with 'abhyaghātī', without ā. The 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom) has 'abhyāghātī', and so do Wikisource SK, the BM and TB lemmas, and the sūtra's 'abhyāhan'. The English follows the print. This is a NEW mūla slip, not in collation batch10.
textual The print's sūtra (scan page-0522, zoom) reads 'parivad' with a virāma ('…pariraṭaparivadparidaha…'), and Wikisource has the same. Ours has the regular Aṣṭādhyāyī 'parivada'. This does not change the sense (collation batch10, class A).
textual sk.3121.t1 also carries the TB on this sūtra ('—saṃpṛcā—', '—saṃparkīti', '—paridevīti', '—abhyāghātīti') and on SK 3123 ('—vau kaṣa—'), as in the TB band of NSP p. 512.

SK 3123 · A 3.2.143V

वौ कषलसकत्थस्रम्भः ॥ ३१२३ ॥

vau kaṣalasakatthasrambhaḥ

vau kaṣalasakatthasrambhaḥ — When vi is the upapada, after kaṣ, las, katth and srambh [ghinuṇ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3121 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. With vi, ghinuṇ comes after kaṣ "to injure", las "to sport", katth "to boast" and srambh "to trust".

Example.

vi + kaṣ + ghinuṇ → vṛddhi of the penultimate a (SK 2282) → vikāṣī "given to injuring".

vi + las → vilāsī "given to sport".

vi + katth → vikatthī "given to boasting".

vi + srambh → visrambhī "given to trusting".

The glosses of the roots are one commentator's.

Watch out. This rule's ghinuṇ does not always block other affixes. One commentator gives vikatthanaḥ, with yuc, beside vikatthī (see SK 3133).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विकाषी । विलासी । विकत्थी । विस्रम्भी ॥

vikāṣī ("given to injuring"), vilāsī ("given to sport"), vikatthī ("given to boasting"), visrambhī ("given to trusting").

Bālamanoramā

वौ कषलसकत्थस्रम्भः - वौ कषलस । कष, लस, कत्थ, स्रम्भ् एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । एभ्यो घिनुण् स्यात्ताच्छील्यादिष्वित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a fifth case follows the dvandva of kaṣ, las, katth and srambh; after these, ghinuṇ comes in the tācchīlya etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3121.t1 ('—vau kaṣa—'): kaṣa means injuring (hiṃsārtha); lasa śleṣaṇakrīḍanayoḥ; kattha ślāghāyām; srambhu viśvāse. Followed in the glosses (for las, the sense 'sport', krīḍana).
textual The 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom) appears to read 'kapa-' in the sūtra and 'vikāpī', because the bold type shows no ṣ-stroke. Wikisource and the TB on the same page ('vau kaṣa—', 'kaṣa hiṃsārthaḥ') have ṣ. Ours is followed (collation batch10, class C: probably a print slip or a type limit).

SK 3124 · A 3.2.144V

अपे च लषः ॥ ३१२४ ॥

ape ca laṣaḥ

ape ca laṣaḥ — And when apa is the upapada, after laṣ [ghinuṇ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3121 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. With apa, ghinuṇ comes after laṣ "to desire". Bhaṭṭoji: by the ca, also with vi.

Example.

apa + laṣ + ghinuṇ → vṛddhi → apalāṣī.

vi + laṣ → vilāṣī.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: with apa or vi, and only in the senses of SK 3114.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चाद्वौ । अपलाषी । विलाषी ॥

By the "ca", [also when] vi [is the upapada]: apalāṣī, vilāṣī.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 522

—अपे च लषः । लष कान्तौ

Bālamanoramā

अपे च लषः - अपे च लषः । चाद्वाविति । वौ उपपदेऽपीत्यर्थः । अपे वौ च उपपदे लषोर्घिनुणित्यर्थः । ताच्छील्यादिष्वेव ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'cād vau' means 'also when vi is the upapada'. So after laṣ, with apa or vi as upapada, ghinuṇ comes, and only in the tācchīlya etc. senses. Followed.
commentary TB, own t1: the root is laṣa kāntau ('desiring'). Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
textual At zoom the 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522) has 'apalāṣī' with ṣ, but the following word looks like 'vilāpī' (no ṣ-stroke). Wikisource has 'vilāṣī', and vi + laṣ requires ṣ. Ours is followed (collation batch10, class C: probably a print slip).

SK 3125 · A 3.2.145V

प्रे लपसृद्रुमथवदवसः ॥ ३१२५ ॥

pre lapasṛdrumathavadavasaḥ

pre lapasṛdrumathavadavasaḥ — When pra is the upapada, after lap, sṛ, dru, math, vad and vas [ghinuṇ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3121 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. With pra, ghinuṇ comes after lap "to speak", sṛ, dru, math "to churn", vad and vas "to dwell".

Example.

pra + lap + ghinuṇ → vṛddhi → pralāpī "given to prattle".

pra + sṛ → vṛddhi with r → prasārī.

pra + dru → vṛddhi → pradrau + in → āv (SK 61) → pradrāvī.

pramāthī, pravādī, pravāsī.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रलापी । प्रसारी । प्रद्रावी । प्रमाथी । प्रवादी । प्रवासी ॥

pralāpī, prasārī, pradrāvī, pramāthī, pravādī, pravāsī.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 522

—प्रे लप—। रप लप व्यक्तायां वाचि ॥— प्रमाथीति । मथे विलोडने ॥—निन्दहिंस—। इह सूत्रे विनाशेति विपूर्वस्य नशेर्ण्यन्तस्य भाविना णिलोपेन निर्देशः, अकारस्त्वागन्तुकः । केचित्तु विनाशीति ण्यन्तमेव पठन्ति, परिवादीति तु वदेर्ण्यन्तस्य पाठो निर्विवाद एव । असूयतिः कण्ड्वादिर्यगन्तः, निन्दादीनामसूयान्तानां समाहारद्वन्द्वे सौत्रं पुंस्त्वम् । स्यादेतत् । असूयतेरेव वुञ् विधेयो नेतरेभ्यः, निन्दादीनां ण्वुलैव सिद्धेः । न हि तत्र लित्स्वरञित्स्वरयोर्विशेषोऽस्ति उभयथाप्याद्युदात्तत्वात् । असूयतेस्तु ण्वुलि ‘लिति’ इति प्रत्ययात्पूर्वमुदात्तं वुञि तु ‘ञ्नित्यादिर्नित्यम्’ इत्यादिरुदात्त इति विशेषस्तदाह—ण्वुलेति

Bālamanoramā

प्रे लपसृद्रुमथवदवसः - प्रे लप । लप, सृ, द्रु, मथ, वद, वस्, एषां षण्णां द्वनद्वात्पञ्चमी । प्रे उपपदे एभ्यो घिनुण् स्यात्ताच्छील्यादिष्वित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a fifth case follows the dvandva of these six (lap, sṛ, dru, math, vad, vas). When pra is the upapada, ghinuṇ comes after them in the tācchīlya etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, own t1: lap is rapa lapa vyaktāyāṃ vāci ('speaking distinctly'). On pramāthī, the root is mathe viloḍane ('churning'). Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
textual The 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom) reads '…mathavadvasaḥ', with a virāma on d, and Wikisource has the same. Ours has the regular Aṣṭādhyāyī 'vadavasaḥ'. This does not change the sense (collation batch10, class A).
textual sk.3125.t1 also carries the first part of the TB on SK 3126, from '—nindahiṃsa—' to '…tad āha—ṇvuleti'. Its tail '—tṛjādayo neti' is in sk.3126.t1.

SK 3126 · A 3.2.146V

निन्दहिंसक्लिशखादविनाशपरिक्षिपपरिरटपरिवादिव्याभाषासूयो वुञ् ॥ ३१२६ ॥

nindahiṃsakliśakhādavināśaparikṣipapariraṭaparivādivyābhāṣāsūyo vuñ

nindahiṃsakliśakhādavināśaparikṣipapariraṭaparivādivyābhāṣāsūyo vuñ — After nind, hiṃs, kliś, khād, vināś(i) [the causative of naś with vi], parikṣip, pariraṭ, parivādi [the causative of vad with pari], vyābhāṣ and asūy, the affix vuñ [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After ten bases, the affix vuñ comes, in the agents of SK 3114. The bases are nind "to blame", hiṃs "to injure", kliś, khād, vināśi, parikṣip, pariraṭ, parivādi, vyābhāṣ and asūy. Bhaṭṭoji: the first case in the sūtra stands for the fifth. The marker ñ goes, and vu becomes aka (SK 1247).

Example. The running example:

nind + vuñ → nind + vu → nind + aka → nindakaḥ "one given to blaming".

hiṃs + vuñ → hiṃsakaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators completes the list: kleśakaḥ, khādakaḥ, vināśakaḥ, parikṣepakaḥ, parirāṭakaḥ, parivādakaḥ, vyābhāṣakaḥ, asūyakaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators identify the bases. vināśa is the causative of naś with vi. parivādi is the causative of vad with pari. asūy is a root of the kaṇḍu list, formed with yak.

Watch out. This is an indication (jñāpaka). ṇvul (SK 2895) would already give nindakaḥ. So why teach vuñ? Bhaṭṭoji: it shows that in the senses of SK 3114, tṛc and the other general affixes do not come by the option between unlike affixes (SK 2830).

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators spells it out. Suppose the option held in these senses. Then tṛc and the others would come there, though ṇvul, being of the same form as vuñ, is always blocked by it. Suppose it does not hold. Then tṛn (SK 3115) is what would come in these senses, and vuñ has a purpose: it sets tṛn aside. He adds that the maxim is only generally valid (SK 3121).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पञ्चम्यर्थे प्रथमा । एभ्यो वुञ् स्यात् । निन्दकः । हिंसक इत्यादि । ण्वुला सिद्धे वुञ्वचनं ज्ञापकं तच्छीलादिषु वासपरूपन्यायेन तृजादयो नेति ॥

A first-case word (prathamānta) [here, the compound ending in asūyaḥ] stands in the sense of the fifth case (pañcamī). After these, vuñ comes: nindakaḥ, hiṃsakaḥ, and so on. Since [these forms] would already be established by ṇvul (SK 2895), the explicit statement of vuñ is an indicator (jñāpaka) that in the [senses] tacchīla etc. tṛc and the other [general affixes] do not come by the principle of affixes of a different form (vāsarūpanyāya, SK 2830).

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 522

—तृजादयो नेति । नेदं ण्वुल्विषयकमेव ज्ञापकं किंतु सामान्यतः प्रत्ययमात्रविषयकमित्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

निन्दहिंसक्लिशखादविनाशपरिक्षिपपरिरटपरिवादि- व्याभाषासूयो वुञ् - निन्दहिंस । निन्द, हिंस, क्लिश, खाद, विनाश, परिक्षिप, परिरट, परिवादि, व्याभाष, असूय एषां दशानां द्वन्द्वः । पञ्चम्यर्थे प्रथमेति । सौत्रं पुंस्त्वमेकवचनं वेति भावः । विनाशेति — विपूर्वस्य नशेण्र्यन्तस्य भाविना णिलोपेन निर्देशः । शकारादकार उच्चारणार्थः । केचित्तुविनाशी॑ति ण्यन्तमेव पठन्ति । परिवादीति — तु ण्यन्तमेव । असूयेति — कण्ड्वदियगन्तः । इत्यादीति । क्लेशकः, खादकः,विनाशकः, परिक्षेपकः, परिराटकः, परिवादकः, व्याभाषकः, असूयकः । ननुअसूयो वु॑ञिति असूयतेरेव वुञ्विधीयतां , न तु निन्दादिभ्योऽपि, तेषां ण्वुलैव सिद्धेः । लित्स्वरञित्स्वरयोस्तु नास्ति विशेषः, उभयथाप्याद्युदात्तत्वात् । असूयतेस्तु ण्वुलिलिती॑ति प्रत्ययात्पूर्वं उकार उदात्तः । वुञि तुञ्नित्यादिर्नित्य॑मिति धातोरकार उदात्त इति विशेषः । तस्मादसूयतेरेव वुञ्विधिरिति युक्तमित्यत आह — ण्वुला सिद्धे इति । तृजादयो नेतीति । तच्छीलादिषु वासरूपविधिसत्त्वे हि तद्विषये तृनि प्राप्ते वुञ्विधिरर्थवान् । अतस्तच्छीलादिषु वासरूपविधिर्न प्रवर्तत इति भावः । इदं च प्रायिकम् । तत्फलं तु उत्पूर्वान्मदेरलङ्कृञादिसूत्रेण इष्णुजुक्तो, वासरूपविधिना घिनुणपीति मूल एवानुपदमुक्तम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: nind, hiṃs, kliś, khād, vināśa, parikṣip, pariraṭ, parivādi, vyābhāṣ and asūya form a dvandva of ten. vināśa names the causative of naś with vi, with the ṇi already dropped by the deletion that is to come (bhāvinā ṇilopena); the a after ś is for pronunciation only; some read 'vināśi', with the ṇi. parivādi is a causative. asūya is a kaṇḍvādi root ending in yak (SK 2678). Followed in the brackets of sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3125.t1 ('—nindahiṃsa—'): the same account of vināśa (the a is adventitious, āgantuka), of 'vināśi' as read by some, and of parivādi (undisputed causative of vad); asūyati is a kaṇḍvādi root ending in yak. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM on 'pañcamyarthe prathamā': the masculine, or the singular, is a licence of the sūtra (sautra). Recorded; the English names the case only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3125.t1: nind…asūy form a collective dvandva (samāhāradvandva), and its masculine gender is a licence of the sūtra. TB thus fixes the compound as samāhāra, where BM leaves 'masculine or singular' open. Recorded; the English stays neutral (§16).
commentary BM's 'and so on': kleśakaḥ, khādakaḥ, vināśakaḥ, parikṣepakaḥ, parirāṭakaḥ, parivādakaḥ, vyābhāṣakaḥ, asūyakaḥ. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the first two.
commentary BM sets up 'ṇvulā siddhe' as the answer to an objection: vuñ should be taught after asūy alone, because for nind etc. ṇvul gives the same result. There is no accent difference there between the l-it accent (liti, SK 3676) and the ñ-it accent (ñnity ādir nityam, SK 3686), since both make the word initial-acute. For asūy, ṇvul makes the vowel before the affix acute, whereas vuñ makes the root's initial a acute. Followed in reading 'since [these forms] would already be established by ṇvul'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3125.t1, sets up the same objection from accent (liti / ñnity ādir nityam), ending 'tad āha — ṇvuleti'. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—tṛjādayo neti'): this jñāpaka is not about ṇvul alone; it concerns affixes in general. Followed in rendering 'tṛc and the other [general affixes]'.
commentary BM on the jñāpaka (coherent text per Wikisource; see the textual note): if the vāsarūpa provision held in the tacchīla etc. senses, then in that domain tṛc etc. would come, even though ṇvul, being of the same form as vuñ, is permanently blocked by vuñ. If the provision does not operate there, then tṛn is obtained in the tacchīla etc. senses by the sūtra tṛn (SK 3115), and the injunction of vuñ has a purpose. Hence the vāsarūpa provision does not operate in the tacchīla etc. senses. BM adds that this is only generally valid (prāyika), as the unmādī example under SK 3121 shows. Followed in the rendering of the jñāpaka; the prāyika point is recorded.
textual Ours reads 'vāsaparūpanyāyena', with an extra pa. The 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom) and Wikisource read 'vāsarūpanyāyena'. The English follows the print (collation batch10, class A).
textual Our sk.3126.b1 is short here by an eye-skip: '…vāsarūpavidhisattve hi tadviṣaye tṛni prāpte vuñvidhir arthavān'. Wikisource BM uttara-3/0135 reads '…sattve hi tadviṣaye ṇvulaḥ sarūpatayā vuñā nityaṃ bādhe 'pi tṛjādayaḥ syuḥ. atra vāsarūpavidhyapravṛttau tu tṛn iti sūtreṇa tacchīlādiṣu tṛni prāpte vuñvidhir arthavān'. This is in the commentary layer only. The BM note above follows the coherent text.
textual TB on this sūtra is split: its first part is at the tail of sk.3125.t1 (from '—nindahiṃsa—' to '…tad āha—ṇvuleti'), and the rest is sk.3126.t1. This matches the TB band of NSP p. 512.

SK 3127 · A 3.2.147V

देविक्रुशोश्चोपसर्गे ॥ ३१२७ ॥

devikruśoścopasarge

devikruśoś copasarge — And after devi [the ṇi-final div] and kruś, when an upasarga is the upapada, [vuñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3126 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. With an upasarga, vuñ also comes after devi and kruś "to cry out". devi is div ending in ṇi. Both commentators: it takes in the causative of div "to play" and a cur-class root, which also ends in ṇi.

Example.

ā + devi + vuñ → ā + devi + aka → the ṇi is lost (SK 2313) → ādevakaḥ.

ā + kruś + vuñ → guṇa (SK 2189) → ākrośakaḥ "one given to reviling".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "with an upasarga"? Bhaṭṭoji: devayitā, kroṣṭā. Without one, the general tṛn comes (SK 3115).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आदेवकः । आक्रोशकः । उपसर्गे किम् । देवयिता । क्रोष्टा ॥

ādevakaḥ, ākrośakaḥ. Why "when an upasarga [is the upapada]"? devayitā, kroṣṭā.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 522

—देविक्रुशोः—। दीव्यतेर्हेतुमण्ण्यन्तस्य दिवु कूजने इति चुरादिण्यन्तस्य च ग्रहणम्

Bālamanoramā

देविक्रुशोश्चोपसर्गे - देवीक्रुशोः । देवीति चुरादिण्यन्तस्य,दिवु क्रीडा॑इत्यस्य च ग्रहणम् । उपसर्गे उपपदे देवयतेः क्रुशेश्च तच्छीलादिषु वुञ् स्यादित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when an upasarga is the upapada, vuñ comes after devayati and kruś in the tacchīla etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en (the upapada and the anuvṛtti of vuñ).
commentary BM: 'devi' takes in both the curādi root, which ends in ṇi, and [the causative of] divu krīḍā… Followed in the bracket '[the ṇi-final div]'.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—devikruśoḥ—'): 'devi' takes in both the causative (hetumaṇṇyanta) of dīvyati and the curādi root divu [pari]kūjane, which ends in ṇi. Agrees with BM; followed.
translator devayitā and kroṣṭā are the tṛn forms (SK 3115) of devi and kruś without an upasarga; the kaumudī does not name the affix.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists 3127 as clean.

SK 3128 · A 3.2.148V

चलनशब्दार्थादकर्मकाद्युच् ॥ ३१२८ ॥

calanaśabdārthādakarmakādyuc

calanaśabdārthād akarmakād yuc — After an intransitive (akarmaka) root that means motion (calana) or sound (śabda), the affix yuc [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After an intransitive (akarmaka) root meaning motion (calana) or sound (śabda), the affix yuc comes, in the agents of SK 3114. Its marker is c; yu remains.

Example. The running example:

cal + yuc → cal + yu → ana for yu (SK 1247) → calanaḥ "one given to moving".

Motion: copanaḥ (cup), kampanaḥ (kamp).

Sound: śabdanaḥ (śabd), ravaṇaḥ (ru, with guṇa).

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the roots.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "intransitive"? Bhaṭṭoji: paṭhitā vidyām "one who habitually recites learning". paṭh takes an object here, so yuc does not come. The general tṛn (SK 3115) does.

Watch out. Is śabd "to sound" intransitive? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says yes. Its object, the sound, is included in the root's meaning.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चलनार्थाच्छब्दार्थाच्च युच् स्यात् । चलनः । चोपनः । कम्पनः । शब्दनः । रवणः । अकर्मकात्किम् । पठिता विद्याम् ॥

yuc comes after [an intransitive root] that means motion and after one that means sound: calanaḥ, copanaḥ, kampanaḥ; śabdanaḥ, ravaṇaḥ. Why "intransitive"? paṭhitā vidyām, "one who habitually recites learning".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 522

—चलनशब्दार्था—। चल कम्पने, चुप मन्दायां गतौ, कपि चलने, शब्द शब्दने चुरादिः, रु शब्दे । चलन इत्यादि ‘युवोः’ इत्यनादेशः

Bālamanoramā

चलनशब्दार्थादकर्मकाद्युच् - चलन । शब्दन इति । 'शब्द शब्दने' चुरादिः । शब्दनं - शब्दोच्चारणम् । धात्वर्थोपसङ्ग्रहादकर्मकः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, own t1 ('—calanaśabdārthā—'): the roots are cala kampane, cupa mandāyāṃ gatau, kapi calane, śabda śabdane (curādi) and ru śabde. In calanaḥ etc. ana replaces yu by yuvor anākau (SK 1247). Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary BM on śabdanaḥ: śabda śabdane is a curādi root; śabdana is the uttering of sound; the root is intransitive because its object is included in the root-meaning (dhātvarthopasaṃgraha). Followed in placing śabdanaḥ among the intransitive roots of sound.
translator paṭhitā is the tṛn form (SK 3115); its object vidyām stands in the second case (dvitīyānta) as with kartā kaṭān (SK 3115). The kaumudī does not name the affix.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists 3128 as clean.

SK 3129 · A 3.2.149V

अनुदात्तेतश्च हलादेः ॥ ३१२९ ॥

anudāttetaśca halādeḥ

anudāttetaś ca halādeḥ — And after a root whose it-marker is an anudātta vowel (anudātteta) and which begins with a hal consonant, [if it is intransitive, yuc — 'akarmakāt yuc' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3128 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. yuc also comes after an intransitive root that has an anudātta vowel as its marker (anudātteta) and begins with a consonant (halādi). "Intransitive" and yuc carry over from SK 3128.

Example. The running example:

vṛt + yuc → vṛt + ana → guṇa of the light penultimate (SK 2189) → vartanaḥ.

vṛdh + yuc → vardhanaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives a counterexample for each condition. The general tṛn comes in each.

Not marked with an anudātta vowel: bhavitā.
Not beginning with a consonant: edhitā.
Not intransitive: vasitā vastram "one who habitually wears a garment".

Watch out. Why "beginning with" (ādi) a consonant, and not just "consonant"? Both commentators answer. Without ādi the rule would mean "ending in a consonant". Then the desiderative of gup would miss it, since that stem ends in a vowel. With ādi, jugupsanaḥ is formed. The anudātta marker of gup serves the desiderative stem.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अकर्मकाद्युच् स्यात् । वर्तनः । वर्धनः । अनुदात्तेतः किम् । भविता । हलादेः किम् । एधिता । अकर्मकात्किम् । वसिता वस्त्रम् ॥

[After such a root, if] intransitive, yuc comes: vartanaḥ, vardhanaḥ. Why "whose it-marker is anudātta"? bhavitā. Why "beginning with a hal"? edhitā. Why "intransitive"? vasitā vastram, "one who habitually wears a garment".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 522

—अनुदात्तेतश्च हलादेः । ननु सर्वोप्यनुदात्तेत हलन्त एवेति तदन्तविधिं बाधित्वा सामर्थ्याद्धलादिरेव ग्रहीष्यते तत्किमादिग्रहणेनेति चेत् । अत्राहुः । आदिग्रहणाभावे हलन्तादित्यर्थः स्यात्तथाहि सत्येधितेत्यादावतिप्रसङ्गः स्यात्, जुगुप्सत इत्यादि च न सिध्येत् । अस्ति चेहानुदात्तेत्त्वं गुपादिष्वचरितार्थस्यानुबन्धस्य समुदायविशेषकत्वादिति दिक्

Bālamanoramā

अनुदात्तेतश्च हलादेः - अनुदात्तेतश्च । आदिग्रहणाऽभावे हलन्तादित्यर्थः स्यात्, ततश्च जुगुप्सन इति न स्यात्, सन्नन्तस्य हलन्तत्वाऽभावात् । अस्ति चाऽनुदात्तेत्वं सन्नन्तस्य, 'गुप' इत्यनुदात्तेत्त्वस्य केवले प्रयोजनाऽभावेन सन्नन्तार्थत्वात् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'ādi': without the word ādi the sense would be 'ending in hal' (tadantavidhi). Then jugupsanaḥ would not result, since the desiderative stem does not end in hal. The desiderative does have the anudātta it, because the anudātta it of gup has no use with the bare root and so serves the desiderative. Followed in rendering 'which begins with a hal consonant'.
commentary TB, own t1, raises the objection: every anudātteta root ends in hal anyway, so the tadantavidhi would be pointless and 'hal-initial' would be understood by implication; why then say ādi? Answer: without ādi the sense would be 'ending in hal', which would wrongly extend the rule to edhitā etc. and would fail to give the forms of jugups ('jugupsata ityādi') The anudātta-it-ness belongs here to the desiderative, since an anubandha that has no use with gup etc. qualifies the whole formation. Agrees with BM; followed.
translator bhavitā, edhitā and vasitā are tṛn forms (SK 3115); the kaumudī does not name the affix.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists 3129 as clean.

SK 3130 · A 3.2.150V

जुचङ्क्रम्यदन्द्रम्यसृगृधिज्वलशुचलषपतपदः ॥ ३१३० ॥

jucaṅkramyadandramyasṛgṛdhijvalaśucalaṣapatapadaḥ

jucaṅkramyadandramyasṛgṛdhijvalaśucalaṣapatapadaḥ — After ju, caṅkramya, dandramya, sṛ, gṛdhi, jval, śuc, laṣ, pat and pad, [yuc — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3128 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. yuc also comes after ten bases: ju, caṅkramya, dandramya, sṛ, gṛdh, jval, śuc, laṣ, pat and pad. Bhaṭṭoji: ju is a root found only in the sūtras (sautra), meaning "to go" and "speed". One of his commentators: it is not in the Dhātupāṭha.

Example.

ju + yuc → guṇa, av → javanaḥ.

kram + yaṅ → caṅkramya → + ana

→ the a of yaṅ is lost (ato lopaḥ, SK 2308) → the y is lost (yasya halaḥ, SK 2631)

→ caṅkramaṇaḥ "one given to roaming".

Likewise dandramaṇaḥ; and sṛ → saraṇaḥ.

One commentator continues the list: gardhanaḥ, jvalanaḥ, śocanaḥ, laṣaṇaḥ, patanaḥ, padanaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. pad already takes yuc by SK 3129. Why name it again? Bhaṭṭoji: so that its yuc is not blocked by the ukañ of SK 3134, which also names pad.

Watch out. This is a second indication (jñāpaka). The naming of pad would be pointless if the affixes of habit allowed the option between unlike affixes among themselves. So, Bhaṭṭoji says, they do not allow it "mutually" (parasparam). Hence no tṛn after alaṃkṛñ: only alaṃkariṣṇuḥ (SK 3116).

Both commentators keep the two indications apart. SK 3126 shows that the general affixes, tṛc and the rest, do not come in these senses. This one shows that the affixes of habit do not alternate with one another.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

जु इति सौत्रो धातुर्गतौ वेगे च । जवनः । चङ्क्रमणः । दन्द्रमणः । सरणः । पूर्वेण सिद्धे पदिग्रहणं लषपतपत SK 3134 इत्युकञा बाधा माभूदिति । तेन ताच्छीलिकेषु परस्परं वासरूपविधिर्नास्तीति । तेनालंकृञस्तृन्न ॥

ju is a root found only in the sūtras (sautra dhātu), in the senses of going and of speed. javanaḥ, caṅkramaṇaḥ, dandramaṇaḥ, saraṇaḥ. pad is mentioned, although [yuc after it] is already established by the preceding [rule, anudāttetaś ca halādeḥ, SK 3129], so that [this yuc] should not be blocked by the ukañ of laṣapatapada… (SK 3134). Hence [it is made known] that among the affixes of habit (tācchīlika) the provision for affixes of a different form (vāsarūpavidhi) does not apply mutually. Hence tṛn does not [come] after alaṃ-kṛñ [only iṣṇuc, SK 3116].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 522–523

—जुचङ्क्रम्य—। क्रमिद्रमी यङन्तौ, क्रमु पादविक्षेपे, द्रम हम्म मीमृ गतौ ॥—पूर्वेणेति । ‘अनुदात्तेतश्च—’ इत्यनेन । इह पदिग्रहणं सकर्मकार्थमिति वृत्तिकृतोक्तम् । भाष्ये तु अनभिधानादेव सकर्मकान्न भविष्यतीत्युक्तत्वात् । ज्ञापनार्थमेव तदित्याशयेनाह—बाधा माभूदित्यादि ॥— परस्परमिति । निन्दादिसूत्रे हि तच्छीलादिषु वासरूपविधानात् तृजादयो नेति ज्ञापितमिह तु ताच्छीलिकेषु परस्परं नेति ज्ञापितमिति । विवेक इति भावः ॥—क्रुध—। क्रुध क्रोधे, रुष रोषे, मडि भूषायाम्, भूष अलंकारे ॥—न यः । अय पय नय तय जय गताविति पठितस्य नयतेर्नायं निर्देशः अनुदात्तेत्वादेव युचः सिद्धत्वात्किंतु नेति पृथक् पदमिति मत्वाह—यकारान्तादिति ॥—क्नूयिता । क्ष्मायितेति । क्नूयी शब्दे उन्दे च, क्ष्मायी विधूनने ॥ सूददीप—सूद क्षरणे, दीपी दीप्तौ, दीक्ष मौण्ड्येज्यादौ ॥—ताच्छीलिकेष्विति । परस्परमिति शेषः ॥—प्रायिकमिति । न केवलं यथाश्रुतभाष्यमवलम्ब्य युज्रयोरेव समावेश इति मन्तव्यं किंतु प्रायिकत्व एव भाष्यस्य तात्पर्यम् । तेन गमेः ‘लषपतपद’—इत्युक्तविषये तृन्नपि । गन्ता गामुकः । तथा ‘वौ कषलस’—इति घिनुण्विषये युजपि । विकत्थी विकत्थन इत्यादि सिध्यतीति भावः ॥—जल्प—जप जल्प व्यक्तायां वाचि, भिक्ष भिक्षायां अलाभे लाभे च, कुट्ट छेदने, लुण्ठ स्तेये, चौरादिकाविमौ । अत्र व्याचख्युः । जल्पेः ‘चलनशब्दार्थात्’ इति भिक्षेः ‘अनुदात्तेतश्च’ इति युचि प्राप्ते कुट्टलुण्ठजोः ‘णेश्छन्दसि’ इति इष्णुजि प्राप्ते वृङस्तु ‘आदृगमहनजन’—इति किकिनोः प्राप्तयोरयं विधिरिति । षो ङीषर्थ इत्याह—वराकीति ।—प्रजवीति । जु इति सौत्रो गत्यर्थः ॥—जिदृक्षि—जि जये, जि अभिभवे, दृङ् आदरे, क्षि क्षये, क्षि निवासगत्योः, श्रिञ् सेवायाम् विपूर्वः, व्यथ भयसंचलनयोर्नञ्पूर्वः । निपातनान्नञो धातुना समासे नलोपे ततः प्रत्ययः । अम गत्यादिषु अभिपूर्वः ॥—प्रसवीति । षू प्रेरणे । अस्मादिनिः । षूङ् प्राणिगर्भविमोचने, षूङ् प्राणिप्रसवे, इमौ न गृह्येते सानुबन्धत्वात् । ‘जिदृक्षि’—इत्यत्रैव प्रजुं पठित्वा पूर्वसूत्रं त्यक्तुमुचितम् । एवं हि पृथग्वि-भक्तिश्चकारश्च मास्त्विति सुवचम्

Bālamanoramā

जुचङ्क्रम्यदन्द्रम्यसृगृधिज्वलशुचलषपतपदः - जुचङ्क्रम्य । जु, चङ्क्रम्य, दन्द्रम्य, सृ, गृधि, ज्वल, शुच, लष, पत, पद एषां दशानां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । एभ्यस्तच्छीलादिषु युच् स्यादित्यर्थः । धातुपाठे जुधातोरदर्शनादाह — सौत्र इति । चङ्क्रमण इति । यङन्ताद्युच् । 'यस्य हलः' इति यकारलोपः, अतो लोपः । एवं दन्द्रमणः, सरणः, गर्धनः, ज्वलनः, शोचनः, लषणः, पतनः, पदन इत्यप्युदाहार्यम् । पूर्वेणेति ।अनुदात्तेतश्च हलादे॑रित्यनेनेत्यर्थः । तेनेति । उकञ् ह्ययं तच्छीलाधिकारस्थः । तत्र वाऽसरूपविधिनैव उकञाअनुदात्तेतश्च हलादे॑रिति विहितस्य पदेर्युचो बाधो न भविष्यतीति 'जुचङ्क्रम्ये' ति युज्विधिरनर्थकः स्यादतस्ताच्छीलिकेषु परस्परं वासरूपविधिर्नास्तीति विज्ञायते इत्यर्थः ।निन्दहिंसे॑ति सूत्रेतच्छीलादिषु वासरूपविधिना तृजादयो ने॑ति ज्ञापितम् । इह तुताच्छीलिकेषु परस्परं वासरूपविधिर्नास्ती॑ति ज्ञाप्यते इति न पौनरुक्त्यम् । तृन्नेति । अलम्पूर्वात्कृञोऽलङ्कृञित्यादिसूत्रविहितेन तच्छीलाधिकारस्थेन इष्णुचातृ॑न्निति सामान्यविहितस्तच्छीलाधिकारस्थो बाध्यते इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a fifth case follows the dvandva of these ten (ju, caṅkramya, dandramya, sṛ, gṛdhi, jval, śuc, laṣ, pat, pad); after them yuc comes in the tacchīla etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en.
translator That yuc continues here by anuvṛtti from SK 3128 is the translator's identification. BM says only that yuc comes after these roots ('ebhyas tacchīlādiṣu yuc syāt'); TB is silent.
commentary BM: Bhaṭṭoji calls ju sautra because it is not found in the Dhātupāṭha. Followed.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—jucaṅkramya—'): krami and drami end in yaṅ (the print, scan page-0522 read at zoom, has 'kramidramī'; the OCR's 'kamidramī' drops the r); the roots are kramu pādavikṣepe and drama, hamma, mīmṛ gatau. Recorded.
commentary BM on caṅkramaṇaḥ: yuc after the yaṅ-final stem; y is dropped by yasya halaḥ (SK 2631) and a by ato lopaḥ (SK 2308). BM adds the unstated examples dandramaṇaḥ, saraṇaḥ, gardhanaḥ, jvalanaḥ, śocanaḥ, laṣaṇaḥ, patanaḥ, padanaḥ. Recorded; the kaumudī stops at saraṇaḥ.
commentary BM: 'the preceding' = anudāttetaś ca halādeḥ (SK 3129). Followed in the bracket.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—pūrveṇeti'): 'the preceding' = anudāttetaś ca… (SK 3129). Agrees with BM. TB adds that the author of the Vṛtti takes the mention of pad to be for its transitive (sakarmaka) use. The Bhāṣya says a transitive pad will not take yuc anyway, by non-expression (anabhidhāna). Bhaṭṭoji follows the Bhāṣya and treats the mention as serving only to make something known (jñāpana): hence 'so that [yuc] should not be blocked…'. Followed in rendering the purpose clause as the sole reason.
commentary BM: ukañ also belongs to the tacchīla adhikāra. If the vāsarūpa provision applied among these affixes, ukañ would not block the yuc of pad taught by anudāttetaś ca halādeḥ, and the mention of pad here would be pointless. So it is learned that the vāsarūpa provision does not apply mutually among tācchīlika affixes. Followed in 'Hence [it is made known]'.
commentary BM: there is no repetition. Under nindahiṃsa… (SK 3126) it was made known that tṛc etc. do not come by the vāsarūpa provision in the tacchīla etc. senses. Here it is made known that the tācchīlika affixes do not admit the provision against one another. Followed in rendering 'parasparam' as 'mutually'.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—parasparam iti'): the same distinction between the jñāpaka under nindādi (SK 3126) and the one here. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM on 'tṛn na': tṛn, taught generally (SK 3115) and standing in the tacchīla adhikāra, is blocked by iṣṇuc, which alaṃkṛñ… (SK 3116) teaches after kṛñ preceded by alam and which also stands in the tacchīla adhikāra. Followed in the bracket '[only iṣṇuc, SK 3116]'.
textual Ours quotes the next sūtra as 'laṣapatapata' (final ta). The 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom) reads 'laṣapatapada 3134', and so does Wikisource ('laṣapatapad–'); the sūtra is laṣapatapadasthā… The English follows the print. This is a NEW mūla slip, not in collation batch10, which lists 3130 as clean. It does not change the sense.
textual The print (scan page-0522) has 'tenālaṃkṛñas tṛnna', as ours does; Wikisource SK omits the sentence, but BM comments on it ('tṛnneti').
textual sk.3130.t1 also carries the TB on SK 3131 ('—krudha—'), 3132 ('—na yaḥ', '—yakārāntād iti', '—knūyitā kṣmāyiteti'), 3133 ('—sūdadīpa—', '—tācchīlikeṣv iti', '—prāyikam iti'), 3135 ('—jalpa—', '—varākīti'), 3136 ('—prajavīti') and 3137 ('—jidṛkṣi—', '—prasavīti'), as in the TB bands of NSP pp. 512–513.

SK 3131 · A 3.2.151V

क्रुधमण्डार्थेभ्यश्च ॥ ३१३१ ॥

krudhamaṇḍārthebhyaśca

krudhamaṇḍārthebhyaś ca — And after [roots] having the meaning of krudh ('be angry') or of maṇḍ ('adorn'), [yuc — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3128 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. yuc also comes after roots that mean what krudh "to be angry" or maṇḍ "to adorn" means. So synonyms count too.

Example.

krudh + yuc → guṇa → krodhanaḥ "irascible".

ruṣ "to be angry" → roṣaṇaḥ.

maṇḍ → maṇḍanaḥ; bhūṣ "to adorn" → bhūṣaṇaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the four roots.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्रोधनः । रोषणः । मण्डनः । भूषणः ॥

krodhanaḥ, roṣaṇaḥ; maṇḍanaḥ, bhūṣaṇaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

क्रुधमण्डार्थेभ्यश्च - क्रुधमण्डार्थेभ्यश्च । 'क्रुध कोपे' 'मडि भूषायाम्' एतदर्थेभ्यो धातुभ्यो युच् स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after roots having the meaning of krudha kope and maḍi bhūṣāyām, yuc comes in the tacchīla etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en ('artha' taken with both members; yuc supplied).
translator That yuc continues here by anuvṛtti from SK 3128 is the translator's identification. BM says only that yuc comes after roots with these meanings ('etadarthebhyo dhātubhyo yuc syāt'); TB is silent.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—krudha—'): the roots of the examples are krudha [krodhe], ruṣa roṣe, maḍi bhūṣāyām and bhūṣa alaṃkāre. Followed: roṣaṇaḥ and bhūṣaṇaḥ are read as the synonyms that 'artha' admits.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists 3131 as clean. 3131 has no t1 of its own.

SK 3132 · A 3.2.152V

न यः ॥ ३१३२ ॥

na yaḥ

na yaḥ — [yuc — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3128 —] does not come after [a root] ending in y.

Rule. yuc does not come after a root ending in y. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: yaḥ is a fifth case, and by tadanta it means "ending in y".

Example.

knūy "to sound" → no yuc → tṛn → knūyitā.

kṣmāy "to shake" → kṣmāyitā.

Both roots are marked with an anudātta vowel, so SK 3129 would give yuc. This rule stops it.

Watch out. Is na yaḥ the root nay "to go"? No, says one commentator. That root would take yuc anyway, by SK 3129, and a rule for it would be pointless. na is the negative.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

यकारान्ताद्युच् न स्यात् । क्नूयिता । क्ष्मायिता ॥

yuc does not come after [a root] ending in y: knūyitā, kṣmāyitā.

Bālamanoramā

न यः - न यः । 'य' इति पञ्चम्यन्तं धातुविशेषणं । तदन्तविधिः । तदाह — यकारान्तादिति । क्नूयिता । क्ष्मायितेति ।क्नूयी शब्दे उन्दने च । क्ष्मायी विधूनने॑ । अनुदात्तेतश्च हलादे॑रिति युच् निषिध्यते । तृनेव भवति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'yaḥ' is a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta) qualifying the root; by tadantavidhi it means 'ending in y'. Hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'yakārāntāt'. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—na yaḥ'): this is not a mention of nayati (naya, read in aya paya naya taya jaya gatau), since yuc after that root would already be established by its anudātta it [SK 3129], and a rule would be pointless. 'na' is a separate word; with that in mind Bhaṭṭoji says 'yakārāntāt'. Followed in reading 'na' as the negation.
translator That yuc continues here by anuvṛtti from SK 3128 is the translator's identification. BM names yuc only in explaining the examples (the yuc of anudāttetaś ca halādeḥ is prohibited), and Bhaṭṭoji's gloss 'yuc does not come' supplies it; neither commentator states an anuvṛtti.
commentary BM: the roots are knūyī śabde undane ca and kṣmāyī vidhūnane. The yuc that anudāttetaś ca halādeḥ (SK 3129) would give is prohibited, and tṛn alone comes. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—knūyitā kṣmāyiteti'): knūyī śabde unde ca, kṣmāyī vidhūnane. Agrees with BM.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 512, scan page-0522, read at zoom; collation batch10 checked 'knūyitā' against the print's kn ligature). 3132 has no t1 of its own.

SK 3133 · A 3.2.153V

सूददीपदीक्षश्च ॥ ३१३३ ॥

sūdadīpadīkṣaśca

sūdadīpadīkṣaś ca — And after sūd, dīp and dīkṣ, [yuc does not come — 'yuj na' supplied to complete the sūtra (śeṣapūraṇa), per BM].

Rule. yuc also does not come after sūd "to pour", dīp "to shine" and dīkṣ "to consecrate". Bhaṭṭoji supplies "yuc does not come".

Example.

sūd → sūditā; dīp → dīpitā; dīkṣ → dīkṣitā.

These are tṛn forms. The yuc of SK 3129 is barred.

Applies when / blocked by. How then is madhusūdanaḥ formed, with ana after sūd? Bhaṭṭoji: sūd is in the nandi list. One commentator adds: so lyu comes by SK 2896.

Watch out. This is the third indication. dīp already takes ra by SK 3147, and ra would block yuc. Yet dīp is named here. Bhaṭṭoji: this shows that the maxim of SK 3130 is only generally valid (prāyika). So ra and yuc may stand side by side:

kamrā / kamanā yuvatiḥ "a young woman given to desire";

kamprā / kampanā śākhā "a bough given to trembling".

One commentator adds that the Bhāṣya means "generally valid", not "only for ra and yuc". He gives gantā beside gāmukaḥ, and vikatthanaḥ beside vikatthī.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

युच् न स्यात् । सूदिता । दीपिता । दीक्षिता । नमिकम्पि - SK 3147 इति रेण युचो बाधे सिद्धे दीपेर्ग्रहणं ज्ञापयति ताच्छीलिकेषु वासरूपविधिर्नास्तीति प्रायिकमिति । तेन कम्रा कमना युवतिः । कम्प्रा कम्पना शाखा । यदि सूदेर्युज् न । कथं मधुसूदनः । नन्द्यादिः ॥

yuc does not come: sūditā, dīpitā, dīkṣitā. The blocking of yuc [after dīp] by ra under namikampi… (SK 3147) is already established, and yet dīp is mentioned [here]. This makes known that [the maxim] "among the affixes of habit (tācchīlika) [with one another] the provision for affixes of a different form (vāsarūpavidhi) does not apply" is [only] generally valid (prāyika). Hence kamrā and kamanā yuvatiḥ, "a young woman given to desire"; kamprā and kampanā śākhā, "a bough given to trembling". If yuc does not come after sūd, how [is] madhusūdanaḥ [formed]? [sūd belongs to] the nandi etc. [list, SK 2896].

Bālamanoramā

सूददीपदीक्षश्च - सूददीप । सूद, दीप, दीक्ष, एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । युज्नेति । शेषपूरणमिदम् ।अनुदात्तेतश्चे॑ति प्राप्तो युच् प्रतिषिध्यते । नन्विह दीपग्रहणं व्यर्थं,नमिकम्पिस्म्यजसकमहिंसदीपोरः॑ इति विशेषविहितेन रप्रत्ययेन युचो बाधसिद्धेः । नच वाऽसरूपविधिना तद्बाधः शङ्क्यः, ताच्छीलिकेषु वासरूपविधेः प्रतिषेधादित्यत आह — नमिकम्पीति । रेणेति । रप्रत्ययेनेत्यर्थः । प्रायिकमिति । तथा चाऽत्र वासरूपविधिना ताच्छीलिकेनापि रप्रत्ययेन युचो बाधासंभवादिह दीपेर्युचो निषेधोऽर्थवानिति भावः । तेनेति । ताच्छीलिकेऽपि क्वचिद्वासरूपविधेः सत्त्वादित्यर्थः । कम्रा कमनेति । इच्छाशीलेत्यर्थः । अत्रापिनमिकम्पी॑ति रेण युचः पक्षे बाध इति भावः । आक्षिपति — यदीति.यदिसूददीपदीक्षश्चे॑तिसूदेर्युच्प्रतिषिध्यते तदा 'मधुसूदन' इति कथमित्यन्वयः । समाधत्ते — नन्द्यादिरिति ।सूदि॑रिति शेषः । तथा चनन्दिग्रही॑ति ल्युप्रत्यय इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a fifth case follows the dvandva of sūd, dīp and dīkṣ. Bhaṭṭoji's 'yuj na' fills in what is left unsaid (śeṣapūraṇa). The yuc prohibited is the one that anudāttetaś ca (SK 3129) would give. Followed in the bracket of sutra_en.
translator BM treats Bhaṭṭoji's 'yuj na' as śeṣapūraṇa and names no anuvṛtti. That 'na' comes from na yaḥ (SK 3132) through 'ca', and yuc from SK 3128, is the translator's identification only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—sūdadīpa—'): the roots are sūda kṣaraṇe, dīpī dīptau and dīkṣa mauṇḍyejyādau. Recorded.
commentary BM sets up the objection: the mention of dīp here is pointless, because ra, specially taught by namikampi… (SK 3147), blocks yuc; nor can one suspect that the vāsarūpa provision undoes that blocking, since that provision is barred among tācchīlika affixes. Answer: the maxim is only generally valid. A tācchīlika ra can therefore fail to block yuc by the vāsarūpa provision, and so the prohibition of yuc after dīp has a purpose. Followed in the argument of the second paragraph.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—tācchīlikeṣv iti'): 'parasparam' ('with one another') is to be supplied. Followed in the bracket '[with one another]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—prāyikam iti'): one should not hold, following the Bhāṣya as literally heard, that only yuc and ra co-occur. The Bhāṣya's intent is that the maxim is generally valid. Hence for gam, in the domain of ukañ from laṣapatapada… (SK 3134), tṛn also comes: gantā beside gāmukaḥ. Likewise, in the domain of ghinuṇ from vau kaṣalasa… (SK 3123), yuc also comes: vikatthī, vikatthanaḥ. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the kam / kamp examples.
commentary BM: 'hence' = because the vāsarūpa provision exists in places even among tācchīlika affixes. kamrā kamanā means 'given to desire' (icchāśīlā): the yuc of anudāttetaś ca (SK 3129) is blocked by the ra of namikampi… (SK 3147) in one option only. Of kamprā kampanā, Wikisource BM uttara-3/0136 adds 'given to moving' (calanaśīlā), with the same optional blocking. Followed in the glosses.
commentary BM on 'nandyādiḥ': supply 'sūdi' as the subject; sūd is in the nandi etc. list, so lyu comes by nandigrahi… (SK 2896). Followed in the brackets.
textual Our sk.3133.b1 loses part of the kamrā / kamprā passage by an eye-skip. It reads 'kamnā kamaneti. icchāśīlety arthaḥ. atrāpi namikampīti reṇa yucaḥ pakṣe bādha iti bhāvaḥ', where 'kamnā' = kamrā. Wikisource BM uttara-3/0136 has '…icchāśīlety arthaḥ. anudāttetaś ca iti yuc namikampi iti reṇa pakṣe bādha iti bhāvaḥ. kamprā kampaneti. calanaśīlety arthaḥ. atrāpi…'. This is in the commentary layer only.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists 3133 as clean. 3133 has no t1 of its own.

SK 3134 · A 3.2.154V

लषपतपदस्थाभूवृषहनकमगमशॄभ्य उकञ् ॥ ३१३४ ॥

laṣapatapadasthābhūvṛṣahanakamagamaśṝbhya ukañ

laṣapatapadasthābhūvṛṣahanakamagamaśṝbhya ukañ — After laṣ, pat, pad, sthā, bhū, vṛṣ, han, kam, gam and śṝ, the affix ukañ [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After ten roots, the affix ukañ comes, in the agents of SK 3114. They are laṣ, pat, pad, sthā, bhū, vṛṣ, han, kam, gam and śṝ. Its marker is ñ; uka remains.

Example. The running example:

pat + ukañ → pat + uka → the ñ brings vṛddhi of the penultimate a (SK 2282) → pātukaḥ.

laṣ → lāṣukaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji then says "and so on".

One of his commentators fills in the rest:

pādukaḥ;
sthā → yuk (SK 2761) → sthāyukaḥ;
bhāvukaḥ, varṣukaḥ;
han → t for n (SK 2574), gh for h (SK 358) → ghātukaḥ;
kāmukaḥ, gāmukaḥ, śārukaḥ.

Watch out. ukañ does not shut out every other affix of habit. One commentator, at SK 3133, gives gantā beside gāmukaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लाषुकः । पातुक इत्यादि ॥

lāṣukaḥ, pātukaḥ, and so on.

Bālamanoramā

लषपतपदस्थाभूवृषहनकमगमशॄभ्य उकञ् - लषपत । एभ्यो दशभ्य उकञ् स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वर्थेषु । इत्यादीति । पादुकः । आतो युक् । स्थायुकः । भावुकः । वर्षुकः । घातुकः । 'हनस्तः' इति तत्वम् । 'हो हन्तेति' कुत्वम् । कामुकः । गामुकः । शारुकः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after these ten, ukañ comes in the tacchīla etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM's 'and so on': pādukaḥ; sthāyukaḥ, with yuk by āto yuk… (SK 2761); bhāvukaḥ, varṣukaḥ; ghātukaḥ, with t for n by hanas to 'ciṇṇaloḥ (SK 2574) and the k-series substitute by ho hanteḥ… (SK 358); kāmukaḥ, gāmukaḥ, śārukaḥ. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the first two.
commentary No TB on this sūtra as such. TB on SK 3133 (printed under sk.3130.t1, '—prāyikam iti') cites the ukañ domain of laṣapatapada…: for gam, tṛn also comes, gantā beside gāmukaḥ, because the bar on the vāsarūpa provision among tācchīlika affixes is only generally valid. Recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists 3134 as clean. The print's 'lāpukaḥ' is the ṣ/p type limit noted in the collation, not a variant.

SK 3135 · A 3.2.155V

जल्पभिक्षकुट्टलुण्टवृङः षाकन् ॥ ३१३५ ॥

jalpabhikṣakuṭṭaluṇṭavṛṅaḥ ṣākan

jalpabhikṣakuṭṭaluṇṭavṛṅaḥ ṣākan — After jalp, bhikṣ, kuṭṭ, luṇṭ and vṛṅ, the affix ṣākan [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After jalp "to talk", bhikṣ "to beg", kuṭṭ "to cut", luṇṭ "to rob" and vṛṅ, the affix ṣākan comes. Its markers are ṣ and n; āka remains.

Example. The running example:

jalp + ṣākan → jalp + āka → jalpākaḥ "talkative".

bhikṣākaḥ, kuṭṭākaḥ, luṇṭākaḥ.

vṛ + āka → guṇa → varākaḥ.

Feminine: the ṣ-marked affix brings ṅīṣ (SK 498) → varākī.

Both commentators say the ṣ is for ṅīṣ.

Applies when / blocked by. One commentator reports an explanation. ṣākan is taught where other affixes would come. jalp and bhikṣ would take yuc (SK 3128, SK 3129). vṛ would take ki or kin (SK 3151).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

जल्पाकः । भिक्षाकः । कुट्टाकः । लुण्टाकः । वराकः । वराकी ॥

jalpākaḥ, bhikṣākaḥ, kuṭṭākaḥ, luṇṭākaḥ, varākaḥ; [feminine] varākī.

translator notes

commentary Wikisource BM only (uttara-3/0136): after these five, ṣākan comes in the tacchīla etc. senses; ṣ and n are it-markers; in the feminine ṅīṣ comes because of the ṣ (ṣidgaurādibhyaś ca, SK 498). Followed in sutra_en and in the bracket '[feminine]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—varākīti'): the ṣ is for ṅīṣ, as varākī shows. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—jalpa—'): the roots are japa jalpa vyaktāyāṃ vāci, bhikṣa bhikṣāyām alābhe lābhe ca, kuṭṭa chedane and luṇṭha steye, the last two curādi. TB reports an explanation (vyācakhyuḥ): this rule is taught where other affixes would come — yuc for jalp by calanaśabdārthāt… (SK 3128), yuc for bhikṣ by anudāttetaś ca… (SK 3129), iṣṇuc for kuṭṭ and luṇṭh by ṇeś chandasi (SK 3117), and ki / kin for vṛ by ādṛgamahanajanaḥ… (SK 3151). Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
textual TB names the root as luṇṭha (with ṭh), while the sūtra and the example in ours and in the print (scan page-0523) have luṇṭ / luṇṭākaḥ. Recorded; the English follows the sūtra.
textual The block formerly filed here as sk.3135.b1 was NOT BM on this sūtra: it is BM on puvaḥ saṃjñāyām (SK 3166: pavitra, 'yenājyam', 'yac cānāmikā'), re-filed to sk.3166.b1 (2026-10-05). BM on SK 3135 is missing from our layer; the note above uses Wikisource BM uttara-3/0136. 3135 has no t1 of its own.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists 3135 as clean.

SK 3136 · A 3.2.156V

प्रजोरिनिः ॥ ३१३६ ॥

prajoriniḥ

prajor iniḥ — After ju preceded by pra, the affix ini (= in) [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After ju with pra, the affix ini comes. ju is the sautra root of SK 3130, "to go". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the i after n is for pronunciation; in remains.

Example.

pra + ju + ini → pra + ju + in

→ guṇa (SK 2168) → pra + jo + in → av (SK 61) → prajavin

→ prajavī, prajavinau, prajavinaḥ.

Watch out. One commentator criticizes the division of the sūtras. praju could have been read in the next sūtra, and this one dropped. A case-ending and a ca would then be saved.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रजवी । प्रजविनौ । प्रजविनः ॥

prajavī, prajavinau, prajavinaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

प्रजोरिनिः - प्रजोरिनिः । जुः सौत्रो धातुः । प्रपूर्वादस्मादिनिप्रत्ययः स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । नकारादिकार उच्चारणार्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ju is a sautra root; after it, preceded by pra, the affix ini comes in the tacchīla etc. senses; the i after n is for pronunciation only. Followed in sutra_en ('ini (= in)').
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1 ('—prajavīti'): ju is a sautra root meaning motion. Agrees with BM.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3130.t1, at the end of its note on SK 3137 ('—prasavīti'): it would have been proper to read 'praju' within jidṛkṣi… (SK 3137) and give up the preceding sūtra (this one). That would have spared a separate case-ending and the 'ca'. Recorded; this is TB's criticism of the sūtra-division, not a reading of the kaumudī.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists 3136 as clean. 3136 has no t1 of its own.

SK 3137 · A 3.2.157V

जिदृक्षिविश्रीण्वमाव्यथाभ्यमपरिभूप्रसूभ्यश्च ॥ ३१३७ ॥

jidṛkṣiviśrīṇvamāvyathābhyamaparibhūprasūbhyaśca

jidṛkṣiviśrīṇvamāvyathābhyamaparibhūprasūbhyaś ca — And after ji, dṛ, kṣi, viśri, iṇ, vam, avyath, abhyam, paribhū and prasū, [ini — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3136 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. ini also comes after ten bases: ji, dṛ, kṣi, viśri, iṇ, vam, avyath, abhyam, paribhū and prasū.

Example. The running example:

ji + ini → ji + in → guṇa → je + in → ay (SK 61) → jayin → jayī "victorious".

The rest, as Bhaṭṭoji lists them: darī, kṣayī, viśrayī, atyayī (iṇ with ati), vamī, avyathī, abhyamī, paribhavī, prasavī.

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators name the roots. dṛ is dṛṅ "to respect". viśri is śriñ "to serve" with vi. prasū is ṣū "to urge" with pra. The ṣū roots that carry another marker are not taken.

Watch out. In avyatha, the negative nañ is compounded with the root by nipātana. Both commentators say so. Its n is then lost (SK 757): avyathī "fearless".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

जयी । दरी । क्षयी । विश्रयी । अत्ययी । वमी । अव्यथी । अभ्यमी । परिभवी । प्रसवी ॥

jayī, darī, kṣayī, viśrayī, atyayī, vamī, avyathī, abhyamī, paribhavī, prasavī.

Bālamanoramā

जिदृक्षिविश्रीण्वमाव्यथाभ्यमपरिभूप्रसूभ्यश्च - जिदृक्षि । जि, दृ, क्षि, विश्रि, इण्, वम, अव्यथ, अभ्यम, परिभू, प्रसू, एषां दशानां द्वन्द्वः । जि जये, जि अभिभवे, दृङ् आदरे, क्षि क्षये, क्षि निवासगत्योः, श्रिञ् सेवायां विपूर्वः । इण् गतौ । वमु उद्गिरणे । व्यथ भयसंचलनयोः — नञ्पूर्वः । निपातनान्नञो धातुना समासे 'न लोपो नञः' इति नकारलोपः । अमु गत्यादिषु- अभिपूर्वः । भू सत्तायाम् — परिपूर्वः । षू प्रेरणे प्रपूर्वः । एभ्य इनिः स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । सूतिसूयत्योस्तु सानुबन्धकत्वान्नेह ग्रहणम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a dvandva of these ten (ji, dṛ, kṣi, viśri, iṇ, vama, avyatha, abhyama, paribhū, prasū); after them ini comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. The roots: ji jaye and ji abhibhave; dṛṅ ādare; kṣi kṣaye and kṣi nivāsagatyoḥ; śriñ sevāyām with vi; iṇ gatau; vamu udgiraṇe; vyatha bhayasaṃcalanayoḥ with nañ; amu gatyādiṣu with abhi; bhū sattāyām with pari; ṣū preraṇe with pra. Followed in sutra_en (the ten items and the bracketed ini).
translator That ini continues here by anuvṛtti from SK 3136 is the translator's identification. BM says only 'ebhya iniḥ syāt tacchīlādiṣu'; TB does not state an anuvṛtti.
commentary BM: in avyatha, nañ is compounded with the root by nipātana, and its n is dropped by nalopo nañaḥ (SK 757). sūti and sūyati (the ṣū-roots with an extra anubandha) are not taken here, because they carry an anubandha (sānubandhaka). Recorded.
commentary TB, printed at the tail of sk.3130.t1 ('—jidṛkṣi—', '—prasavīti'): gives the same roots as BM; nañ is compounded with the root by nipātana, and the affix follows after the loss of n. prasavī is from ṣū preraṇe; ṣūṅ prāṇigarbhavimocane and ṣūṅ prāṇiprasave are not taken, because they carry an anubandha. TB adds that it would have been proper to read 'pra-ju' in this very sūtra and drop the preceding sūtra (prajor iniḥ, SK 3136); then the separate case-ending and the 'ca' would be unnecessary. Agrees with BM on the roots; the criticism of the sūtra-division is recorded.
translator The example for iṇ is atyayī, i.e. iṇ with the preverb ati; neither commentator remarks on the preverb.
textual Ours = the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom) for the whole unit; collation batch10 lists it as clean. Wikisource SK agrees.

SK 3138 · A 3.2.158V

स्पृहिगृहिपतिदयिनिद्रातन्द्राश्रद्धाभ्य आलुच् ॥ ३१३८ ॥

spṛhigṛhipatidayinidrātandrāśraddhābhya āluc

spṛhigṛhipatidayinidrātandrāśraddhābhya āluc — After spṛhi, gṛhi, pati, dayi, nidrā, tandrā and śraddhā, the affix āluc [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After spṛhi, gṛhi, pati, dayi, nidrā, tandrā and śraddhā, the affix āluc comes. Its marker is c; ālu remains.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji: the first three are cur-class roots ending in a (adanta).

spṛha + ṇic → spṛhi → spṛhi + ālu

→ ay for ṇi (SK 2311) → spṛhay + ālu → spṛhayāluḥ "eager".

Likewise gṛhayāluḥ, patayāluḥ.

dayāluḥ "compassionate"; ni + drā → nidrāluḥ "sleepy".

In tandrā, drā is preceded by tad. Bhaṭṭoji: the n-final form of tad is given by nipātana → tandrāluḥ "drowsy".

A vārttika, śīṅo vācyaḥ: āluc should be stated after śīṅ "to lie" too.

śī + āluc → guṇa → śe + ālu → ay → śayāluḥ "given to lying down".

Applies when / blocked by. Why does Bhaṭṭoji add "ending in a"? Both commentators answer. With ṇic, guṇa or vṛddhi of the penultimate would follow. But the lost a is treated as still present (sthānivat). So neither applies.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji gives no form for śraddhā. Both commentators explain śraddhāluḥ, from dhā after the indeclinable śrat. Scholars discuss whether the form stood in Bhaṭṭoji's text.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आद्यास्त्रयश्चुरादावदन्ताः । स्पृहयालुः । गृहयालुः । पतयालुः । दयालुः । निद्रालुः । तत्पूर्वो द्रा । तदो नान्तत्वं निपात्यते । तन्द्रालुः ।

The first three are in the curādi class and end in a (adanta): spṛhayāluḥ, gṛhayāluḥ, patayāluḥ. dayāluḥ. nidrāluḥ. [In tandrā,] drā is preceded by tad; the n-final form of tad is prescribed by nipātana: tandrāluḥ.

vārttika

शीङो वाच्यः

(vārttika) [āluc] should be stated [also] after śīṅ.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ शयालुः ॥

śayāluḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 523

—स्पृहि—स्पृह ईप्सायाम्, गृह ग्रहणे, पत गतौ ॥—त्रयश्चुरादाविति । तेन णेरयादेशेन रूपसिद्धिरिति भावः । यद्येवं णिचि उपधागुणवृद्धी स्यातामंत आह—अदन्ता इति । ततश्चाल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वात्तदभाव इति भावः ॥—तत्पूर्व इति । तच्छब्दस्य समासोऽपि निपातनादिति बोध्यम् । डुधाञ् श्रत्पूर्वः । श्रद्धालुः । धेटस्तु नेदं रूपम् । श्रत्पूर्वस्य तस्य प्रयोगाभावादिति व्याचख्युः । कथं कृपालुः । स्पर्धालुः इति । कृपां स्पर्धां च लातीति विग्रहे मृगय्वादित्वात्कुः

Bālamanoramā

स्पृहिगृहिपतिदयिनिद्रातन्द्राश्रद्धाभ्य आलुच् - स्पृहिगृहि । स्पृहि, गृहि,पति, दयि, निद्रा, तन्द्रा, श्रद्धा, एभ्यः सप्तभ्य आलुच् स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । स्पृहयालुरिति । स्पृहधातोरदन्तादालुच् ।अयामन्ते॑ति णेरय् णिलोपापवादः । अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वान्न लघूपधगुणः । एवं गृहयालुः । पतयालुरित्यत्र तु अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वान्नोपधावृद्धिः । निद्रालुरिति ।द्रा कुत्सायां गतौ॑ निपूर्वादालुच् । तत्पूर्वो द्रेति । तच्छब्दपूर्वो द्राधातुस्तन्द्रेत्यनेन गृह्यत इत्यर्थः । श्रद्धालुरिति ।श्र॑दित्यव्ययं, तत्पूर्वाद्धातोरालुच् । शीङो वाच्य इति । आलु॑जिति शेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after these seven (spṛhi, gṛhi, pati, dayi, nidrā, tandrā, śraddhā), āluc comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: spṛhayāluḥ is āluc after the a-final root spṛha. ayāmantālvāyyetnviṣṇuṣu (SK 2311) gives ay for ṇi, an exception to the deletion of ṇi; because the deletion of a is sthānivat, there is no guṇa of the light penultimate. gṛhayāluḥ likewise; in patayāluḥ the a-deletion being sthānivat blocks vṛddhi of the penultimate. Recorded; the kaumudī states only that the three are curādi and adanta.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—trayaś curādāv iti', '—adantā iti'): roots spṛha īpsāyām, gṛha grahaṇe, pata gatau. Being curādi, the forms are reached through the ay-substitute of ṇi. Since with ṇic guṇa or vṛddhi of the penultimate would then follow, Bhaṭṭoji adds 'adanta': the deletion of a is sthānivat, so neither applies. Agrees with BM; followed in rendering 'adanta' as a separate qualification of the three.
commentary BM: nidrāluḥ is āluc after drā kutsāyāṃ gatau with ni. On 'tatpūrvo drā': the root drā preceded by the word tad is what 'tandrā' in the sūtra denotes. Followed in the bracketed '[In tandrā,]'.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—tatpūrva iti'): the compounding of tad [with the root] is also by nipātana. Recorded.
commentary BM has the lemma 'śraddhālur iti': śrat is an indeclinable, and āluc comes after the root [dhā] preceded by it. The kaumudī as we have it gives no form śraddhāluḥ (see the textual note). Recorded.
commentary TB, own t1: [the dhā in śraddhā is] ḍudhāñ preceded by śrat: śraddhāluḥ. It is not this form from dheṭ, since dheṭ preceded by śrat is not in use — so they explain. How then kṛpāluḥ and spardhāluḥ? On the analysis 'takes (lā) kṛpā / spardhā', the affix ku [comes] because [the word] is in the mṛgayu etc. list (Uṇādi). Recorded.
commentary BM: in 'śīṅo vācyaḥ', 'āluc' is to be supplied (śeṣa). Followed in the bracketed [āluc].
textual Ours = the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom): after the nipātana remark both have tandrāluḥ, and neither has śraddhāluḥ. Wikisource SK reads 'tatpūrvo drā, tado nāntatvaṃ nipātyate. śraddhāluḥ.' (no tandrāluḥ), and BM's lemma 'śraddhālur iti' presupposes a śraddhāluḥ in the kaumudī. The English follows ours = print; possibly a gap shared by ours and the print (ours = print, commentator differs — for Ajai).
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag before 'śayāluḥ' in ours is editorial. The print (NSP p. 513) marks the vārttika with its sign before 'śīṅo vācyaḥ' (k2) and has no tag; 'śayāluḥ' is Bhaṭṭoji's example. The tag is dropped in the English.

SK 3139 · A 3.2.159V

दाधेट्सिशदसदो रुः ॥ ३१३९ ॥

dādheṭsiśadasado ruḥ

dādheṭsiśadasado ruḥ — After dā, dheṭ, si, śad and sad, the affix ru [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After dā, dheṭ "to suck", si, śad and sad "to sit", the affix ru comes, in the agents of SK 3114.

Example.

dā + ru → dāruḥ.

dheṭ → ā for the final diphthong (SK 2370) → dhā + ru → dhāruḥ.

si + ru → guṇa → seruḥ.

śad + ru → śadruḥ; sad + ru → sadruḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Which dā? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports a view. Only the three roots ḍudāñ "to give", do "to cut" and deṅ "to protect".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दारुः । धारुः । सेरुः । शद्रुः । सद्रुः ॥

dāruḥ, dhāruḥ, seruḥ, śadruḥ, sadruḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 523

—दाधेट्—। डुदाञ्दोदेङां त्रयाणामेव ग्रहणं न तु दाण्दापोरित्याहुः ॥—भङ्गुर इति । ‘चजोः—’ इति कुत्वम् । अभिधानस्वभावाद्भञ्जेः कर्मकर्तर्येवेत्याहुः

Bālamanoramā

दाधेट्सिशदसदो रुः - दाधेट् । दा, धेट्, सि, शद्, सद् एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । एभ्यो रुप्रत्ययः स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the fifth case follows the dvandva of dā, dheṭ, si, śad and sad; after them the affix ru comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—dādheṭ—'): 'dā' takes in only the three roots ḍudāñ, do and deṅ, not dāṇ and dāp — so they say. Recorded; sutra_en leaves 'dā' unspecified, as the kaumudī does.
textual Ours = the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom); collation batch10 lists the unit as clean. The raw OCR's misreadings of this line are OCR errors only.

SK 3140 · A 3.2.160V

सृघस्यदः क्मरच् ॥ ३१४० ॥

sṛghasyadaḥ kmarac

sṛghasyadaḥ kmarac — After sṛ, ghas and ad, the affix kmarac [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After sṛ "to go", ghas "to eat" and ad "to eat", the affix kmarac comes. Its markers are k and c; mara remains.

Example.

sṛ + kmarac → k-marked: no guṇa, the plain effect of kṅiti ca (SK 2217) → sṛmaraḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji gives only the forms.

ghas + mara → ghasmaraḥ "voracious".

ad + mara → admaraḥ.

Watch out. ghas and ad both mean "to eat". Is ghas here only the substitute of ad (SK 2424)? No. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it a separate base.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सृमरः । घस्मरः । अद्मरः ॥

sṛmaraḥ, ghasmaraḥ, admaraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

सृघस्यदः क्मरच् - सृघस्यदः । सृ, घसि, अद् एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । घसिः प्रकृत्यन्तरम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the fifth case follows the dvandva of sṛ, ghasi and ad. ghasi is a separate base (prakṛtyantara), [not the substitute of ad]. Followed in reading 'ghas' as an item of its own beside 'ad' in sutra_en.
textual No TB on this sūtra in the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523: the footnote band goes from '—dādheṭ—' straight to '—bhaṅgura iti') or in ours. Ours = print for the sūtra and kaumudī (collation batch10: clean).

SK 3141 · A 3.2.161V

भञ्जभासमिदो घुरच् ॥ ३१४१ ॥

bhañjabhāsamido ghurac

bhañjabhāsamido ghurac — After bhañj, bhās and mid, the affix ghurac [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After bhañj "to break", bhās "to shine" and mid, the affix ghurac comes. Its markers are gh and c; ura remains.

Example.

bhañj + ghurac → bhañj + ura

→ the gh-marked affix brings the velar (SK 2863): g for j → bhaṅguraḥ "fragile".

bhās + ura → bhāsuraḥ "shining".

mid + ura → guṇa → meduraḥ.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reports a restriction. After bhañj the affix comes only when the object acts as its own agent (karmakartṛ), by the nature of the word's meaning.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भङ्गुरः । भासुरः । मेदुरः ॥

bhaṅguraḥ, bhāsuraḥ, meduraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

भञ्जभासमिदो घुरच् - भञ्जभास । भञ्ज, भास, मिद्, एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । एभ्यो घुरच् स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । घचावितौ । भङ्गुर इति ।चजो॑रिति कुत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the fifth case follows the dvandva of bhañja, bhāsa and mid; after them ghurac comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. gh and c are it-markers. In bhaṅguraḥ the k-substitution (kutva) is by cajoḥ ku ghiṇṇyatoḥ (SK 2863). Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3139.t1 ('—bhaṅgura iti', OCR 'bhaṅkura'): kutva by cajoḥ… (SK 2863). By the nature of what the word expresses (abhidhānasvabhāva), [ghurac comes] after bhañj only when the object is treated as agent (karmakartṛ) — so they say. Recorded; the English does not restrict bhaṅguraḥ.
textual Ours = the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom); collation batch10: clean.

SK 3142 · A 3.2.162V

विदिभिदिच्छिदेः कुरच् ॥ ३१४२ ॥

vidibhidicchideḥ kurac

vidibhidicchideḥ kurac — After vid [in the sense of knowing], bhid and chid, the affix kurac [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind — still in force (anuvṛtti of the adhikāra) from SK 3114].

Rule. After vid "to know", bhid "to split" and chid "to cut", the affix kurac comes. Its markers are k and c; ura remains. Both commentators: only the vid of knowing, not the one of gaining.

Example.

vid + kurac → vid + ura → k-marked: no guṇa → viduraḥ "wise".

bhid + ura → bhiduram; chid + ura → chiduram.

Watch out. The Vṛtti, one commentator reports, limits the affix to an object acting as its own agent. This is not in the Bhāṣya. He cites Māgha, who uses chidura of an ordinary agent.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विदुरः । भिदुरम् । छिदुरम् ॥

viduraḥ, bhiduram, chiduram.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 523

—विदिभिदि—। विदेर्ज्ञानार्थस्यैव ग्रहणं न तु लाभार्थस्य व्याख्यानात् ॥—छिदुरमिति । कर्मकर्तरि प्रत्यय इति वृत्तिः, नेति तद्भाष्ये दृष्टम् । तथा च माघः मुख्ये कर्तरि प्रायुङ्क—‘प्रियतमाय वपुर्गुरुमत्सरच्छिदुरयाऽदुरयाचितमङ्गना’ इति । इह अदुरिति च्छेदः ॥—इत्वरः । इत्वरीति । इण् गतौ ‘ह्रस्वस्य पिति—’ इति तुक् कित्त्वाद्गुणाभावः । ‘टिड्ढा—’ इत्यादिना स्त्रियां ङीप्

Bālamanoramā

विदिभिदिच्छिदेः कुरच् - विदिभिदि । तच्छीलादिष्वित्येव । विदेर्ज्ञानार्थस्य ग्रहणं, नतु लाभार्थस्य, व्याख्यानादित्याहुः । विदुर इत्यादौ कित्त्वान्न लघूपधगुणः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tacchīlādiṣv ity eva' — the tacchīla etc. senses still hold. vid is the root meaning 'to know', not the one meaning 'to gain', by the commentators' explanation (vyākhyāna) — so they say. Followed in sutra_en (the bracketed sense of vid and of the adhikāra).
commentary TB, own t1 ('—vidibhidi—'): only vid of knowing is taken, not vid of gaining, by explanation (vyākhyāna). Agrees with BM; followed. (OCR 'hānārthasya' = scan 'jñānārthasya', NSP p. 513.)
commentary BM: in viduraḥ etc. there is no guṇa of the light penultimate, because kurac has k as it-marker (kittva). Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—chiduram iti'): the Vṛtti says the affix comes when the object is treated as agent (karmakartṛ); this is not found in the Bhāṣya. Accordingly Māgha uses it with a principal agent: 'priyatamāya vapur gurumatsaracchidurayā 'durayācitam aṅganā', where, TB says, the split is 'adur' (= aduḥ, 'they gave') + 'ayācitam' — not a second instrumental 'durayā' — so that chidurayā is the instrumental used of a principal agent. Recorded; the English of chiduram is not restricted to either use.
textual Ours = the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom); collation batch10: clean.

SK 3143 · A 3.2.163V

इण्नश्जिसर्तिभ्यः क्वरप् ॥ ३१४३ ॥

iṇnaśjisartibhyaḥ kvarap

iṇnaśjisartibhyaḥ kvarap — After iṇ, naś, ji and sṛ, the affix kvarap [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After iṇ "to go", naś "to perish", ji "to conquer" and sṛ "to go", the affix kvarap comes. Its markers are k and p; vara remains.

Example. The running example:

iṇ + kvarap → i + vara

→ k-marked: no guṇa

→ p-marked kṛt after a short vowel: tuk (hrasvasya piti kṛti tuk, SK 2858) → i-t-vara → itvaraḥ.

Feminine: ṅīp (SK 470) → itvarī.

naś + vara → naśvaraḥ "perishable".

ji → tuk → jitvaraḥ; sṛ → sṛtvaraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Both commentators name the work of the markers. The k bars guṇa; the p brings tuk.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इत्वरः । इत्वरी । नश्वरः । जित्वरः । सृत्वरः ॥

itvaraḥ, itvarī, naśvaraḥ, jitvaraḥ, sṛtvaraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

इण्नश्जिसर्त्तिभ्यः क्वरप् - इण्नशिजि । इण्, नशि, जि, सृ एभ्यः क्वरप् स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । कित्त्वान्न गुणः । पित्त्वं तु तुगर्थम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM (pratīka 'iṇnaśiji'): after iṇ, naśi, ji and sṛ, kvarap comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. Because of the k-marker there is no guṇa; the p-marker is for the augment tuk. Followed in sutra_en; the operations are recorded, since the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3142.t1 ('—itvaraḥ. itvarīti'): iṇ gatau; tuk by hrasvasya piti kṛti tuk (SK 2858); no guṇa because of the k-marker; in the feminine ṅīp by ṭiḍḍhāṇañ… (SK 470). Agrees with BM; recorded.
textual The 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom) has 'iṇnaśaji-' with no visible virāma on ś; BM's pratīka and Wikisource SK have 'iṇnaśiji-' (naśi). Ours has the standard 'iṇnaśji-'. The three spellings name the same root naś, so there is no change of sense (collation batch10, class V).

SK 3144 · A 3.2.164V

गत्वरश्च ॥ ३१४४ ॥

gatvaraśca

gatvaraś ca — gatvara too [is formed irregularly: after gam, the affix kvarap and the loss of the nasal are prescribed by nipātana, per BM — in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. gatvara is also given by nipātana. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: both kvarap after gam and the loss of its nasal are fixed by it. Bhaṭṭoji: "the loss of the nasal of gam is also given by nipātana".

Example.

gam + kvarap → gam + vara

→ the m is lost (by the nipātana) → ga + vara

→ tuk (SK 2858) → ga-t-vara → gatvaraḥ "transient".

Feminine: ṅīp → gatvarī.

Watch out. Why must the loss of m be fixed by nipātana? The same commentator answers. The ordinary rule would not apply, because vara does not begin with a jhal consonant.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

गमेरनुनासिकलोपोऽपि निपात्यते । गत्वरी ॥

The loss of the nasal (anunāsikalopa) of gam is also prescribed by nipātana [along with the affix]: gatvarī.

Bālamanoramā

गत्वरश्च - गत्वरश्च । गमेरिति । गमेः क्वरप्, अनुनासिकलोपश्च निपात्यते इत्यर्थः । झलादिप्रत्ययपरकत्वाऽभावादनुनासिकलोपस्याऽप्राप्तिः । पित्त्वात्तुक् । गत्वरीति ।टिड्ढे॑ति ङीप् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'gameḥ kvarap, anunāsikalopaś ca nipātyate' — kvarap after gam, and the loss of its nasal, are both prescribed by nipātana (BM places the affix inside the nipātana; it does not speak of anuvṛtti from SK 3143). Followed in sutra_en (the bracketed gam, kvarap and nasal loss, all as nipātana) and in k1 ('along with the affix').
commentary BM: the loss of the nasal would not otherwise apply, since the following affix does not begin with a jhal. tuk comes because of the p-marker; gatvarī takes ṅīp by ṭiḍḍhāṇañ… (SK 470). Recorded; the kaumudī states only the nipātana and the feminine form.
translator The general rule whose condition fails is presumably anudāttopadeśavanatitanotyādīnām anunāsikalopo jhali kṅiti (SK 2428), which needs a following jhal-initial affix with k or ṅ; BM does not name it.
textual No TB on this sūtra in the 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523: the footnote band goes from '—itvaraḥ. itvarīti' straight to '—jāgarūkaḥ') or in ours. Ours = print for the sūtra and kaumudī (collation batch10: clean).

SK 3145 · A 3.2.165V

जागुरूकः ॥ ३१४५ ॥

jāgurūkaḥ

jāgurūkaḥ — After jāgṛ (jāguḥ, a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta)), the affix ūka [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind — still in force (anuvṛtti of the adhikāra) from SK 3114].

Rule. After jāgṛ "to be awake", the affix ūka comes. jāguḥ is the fifth-case form of jāgṛ: jāguḥ + ūkaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji: "after jāgṛ, ūka comes".

Example. The running example:

jāgṛ + ūka → guṇa of the ṛ, with r (SK 70) → jāgar + ūka → jāgarūkaḥ "wakeful".

Watch out. Is jāgarūkaḥ a nipātana? No, say both commentators. If the whole form were fixed, ūka could not carry over into SK 3146.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

जागर्तेरूकः स्यात् । जागरूकः ॥

After jāgṛ, ūka comes: jāgarūkaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 523–524

—जागरूकः । जागुरिति पञ्चम्यन्तं तद्व्याचष्टे—जागर्तेरिति । जागरूक इति सिद्धरूपमेव न तु निपातितम् । उत्तरसूत्रे ऊकस्याननुवृत्तिप्रसङ्गात् ॥—यजजप—॥—यायजूक इति । यजेर्यङि द्वित्वादि ‘दीर्घोऽकितः’ इत्यभ्यासदीर्घः । अतो लोपे ‘यस्य हलः’ इति यलोपः ॥—जञ्जपूक इत्यादि । ‘जपजभदहदश—’ इत्यादिना नुक् । वावदूकशब्दस्तु ‘उलूकादयश्च’ इत्यत्र वक्ष्यते। माधवस्त्वाह कुर्वादिगणे वावदूक इति पाठादेव यङन्ताद्वदेरूकप्रत्यय इति

Bālamanoramā

जागुरूकः - जागुरूकः । 'जागृ' इत्यस्य जागुरिति पञ्चम्यन्तं पदम् । तदाह — जागर्तेरिति । तच्छीलादिष्वित्येव । जागरूक इति । ऋकारस्य गुणः, रपरत्वम् । सिद्धरूपं तु न निपातितम्, उत्तरसूत्रे ऊक इत्यननुवृत्तिप्रसङ्गात् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'jāguḥ' is the fifth-case form of 'jāgṛ', and the sūtra is jāguḥ + ūkaḥ; hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'jāgarteḥ'. 'tacchīlādiṣv ity eva' — the tacchīla etc. senses still hold. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—jāgarūkaḥ', '—jāgarteḥ'): 'jāguḥ' is a fifth-case form, which Bhaṭṭoji explains with 'jāgarteḥ'. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM: in jāgarūkaḥ the ṛ takes guṇa, followed by r (raparatva). The finished form is not prescribed by nipātana; otherwise 'ūka' would not continue into the next sūtra (SK 3146). Recorded; the English treats jāgarūkaḥ as a regular formation.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—jāgarūka iti'): jāgarūka is just the finished form, not prescribed by nipātana, since otherwise ūka would fail to continue into the next sūtra. Agrees with BM; recorded.
textual The 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom) reads the sūtra as 'jāgarūkaḥ', with no u under the g, and the print's own TB lemma reads the same. But TB and BM both explain 'jāguḥ' as a fifth-case form, which needs ours 'jāgurūkaḥ' (= Wikisource and the standard Aṣṭādhyāyī reading). Here the English keeps ours, because the print's reading would make the commentators' analysis meaningless (collation batch10, class V; probably a print slip — for Ajai).

SK 3146 · A 3.2.166V

यजजपदशां यङः ॥ ३१४६ ॥

yajajapadaśāṃ yaṅaḥ

yajajapadaśāṃ yaṅaḥ — After yaj, jap and daś ending in yaṅ, [ūka — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3145 — comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind — still in force (anuvṛtti of the adhikāra) from SK 3114].

Rule. After yaj "to sacrifice", jap "to mutter" and daś "to bite", ending in the intensive affix yaṅ, ūka comes. ūka carries over from SK 3145. Bhaṭṭoji: daś names daṃś in the form it will have after the loss of its n. That loss is still to come.

Example. The running example:

yaj + yaṅ → reduplication → the reduplicated syllable is lengthened (dīrgho 'kitaḥ, SK 2632) → yāyajya

→ + ūka → the a of yaṅ is lost (SK 2308) → the y is lost (SK 2631)

→ yāyaj + ūka → yāyajūkaḥ "one who sacrifices often".

jap → the reduplicated syllable takes nuk (SK 2638) → jañjapūkaḥ.

daṃś → likewise → dandaśūkaḥ "given to biting".

The steps are both commentators'; Bhaṭṭoji gives only the forms.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो यङ्न्तेभ्यः ऊकः स्यात् । दशामिति भाविना नलोपेन निर्देशः । यायजूकः । जञ्जपूकः । दन्दशूकः ॥

After these [three roots], ending in yaṅ, ūka comes. "daśām" is a mention [of daṃś] in the form it will have after the loss of n that is still to come (bhāvinā nalopena nirdeśaḥ). yāyajūkaḥ, jañjapūkaḥ, dandaśūkaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

यजजपदशां यङः - यजजपदशां यङः । यज, जप,दश एषां त्रयाणां द्वन्द्वः । पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । तदाह — एभ्य इति । तच्छीलादिष्वित्येव । ननु दंशेर्नोपधत्वात्कथं दशामिति निर्देश इत्यत आह — भाविनेति । ऊके कृतेसति भविष्यतो नलोपस्याऽत्र निर्देश इति यावत् । यायजूक इति । 'यस्य हलः' इति यलोपः । 'अतो लोपः' 'दीर्घोऽकितः' इत्यभ्यासस्य दीर्घः । जञ्जपूक इति ।जपजभदहदशभञ्जपशां चे॑त्यभ्यासस्य नुक् । एवं दन्दशूकः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a dvandva of the three, yaja, japa and daśa; the sixth case stands for the fifth (pañcamyarthe ṣaṣṭhī), hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'ebhyaḥ'. 'tacchīlādiṣv ity eva' — the tacchīla etc. senses still hold. Followed in sutra_en ('after'; the bracketed adhikāra).
commentary BM: Objection — daṃś has n as its penultimate, so how can it be mentioned as 'daśām'? Answer ('bhāvinā'): the mention is of the n-loss that will occur once ūka has been added. Followed in rendering 'bhāvinā nalopena' as 'the loss of n that is still to come'.
commentary BM: in yāyajūkaḥ, y is dropped by yasya halaḥ (SK 2631); [a is dropped by] ato lopaḥ (SK 2308); and the abhyāsa is lengthened by dīrgho 'kitaḥ (SK 2632). In jañjapūkaḥ the abhyāsa takes the augment nuk by japajabhadahadaśabhañjapaśāṃ ca (SK 2638); dandaśūkaḥ likewise. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3145.t1 ('—yajajapa—', '—yāyajūka iti', '—jañjapūka ityādi'): yaj takes yaṅ; reduplication etc.; the abhyāsa is lengthened by dīrgho 'kitaḥ; after the loss of a (ato lope), y is dropped by yasya halaḥ. In jañjapūka etc., nuk by japajabha…daśa… (SK 2638). The word vāvadūka will be dealt with under ulūkādayaś ca [Uṇādi]; but Mādhava says that the reading vāvadūka in the kurvādi list itself shows that ūka comes after vad ending in yaṅ (OCR 'yaṅantād vair ūka-' = scan page-0524 'yaṅantād vader ūka-'). Agrees with BM on the derivations; the vāvadūka point is recorded.
textual Ours 'yaṅntebhyaḥ' (a stray virāma after ṅ, U+094D, which loses the a of yaṅa-) is a slip. The 1915 print (NSP p. 513, scan page-0523, read at zoom) has 'yaṅantebhya', and so does Wikisource. The English follows the print, 'ending in yaṅ' (collation batch10, class A). The same slip recurs at SK 3151 and 3156.

SK 3147 · A 3.2.167V

नमिकम्पिस्म्यजसकमहिंसदीपो रः ॥ ३१४७ ॥

namikampismyajasakamahiṃsadīpo raḥ

namikampismyajasakamahiṃsadīpo raḥ — After nam, kamp, smi, ajas, kam, hiṃs and dīp, the affix ra [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After seven bases, the affix ra comes, in the agents of SK 3114. They are nam, kamp "to tremble", smi, ajas, kam "to desire", hiṃs and dīp "to shine".

Example.

nam + ra → namraḥ "bowing".

kamp + ra → kampraḥ.

smi + ra → guṇa → smeraḥ "smiling".

kamraḥ, hiṃsraḥ, dīpraḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. What is ajas? Bhaṭṭoji: it is the root jas with the negative nañ, meaning continuity of action. So ajasram means "continuous". One of his commentators: jas is jasu "to free". No root ajas is in the Dhātupāṭha. nañ is compounded with the root by nipātana, and its n is lost (SK 757).

Watch out. ra does not always block yuc. By SK 3133, kamanā stands beside kamrā and kampanā beside kamprā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

नम्रः । कम्प्रः । स्मेरः । जसिर्नञ्पूर्वः क्रियासातत्ये वर्तते । अजस्रम् । सन्ततमित्यर्थः । कम्रः । हिंस्रः । दीप्रः ॥

namraḥ, kampraḥ, smeraḥ. jasi, preceded by nañ, is used in the sense of continuity of action (kriyāsātatya): ajasram, meaning "continuous". kamraḥ, hiṃsraḥ, dīpraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

नमिकम्पिस्म्यजसकमहिंसदीपो रः - नमिकम्पि । नमि, कम्पि, स्मि, अजस, कम, हिंस, दीप् एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्येकवचनम् । एभ्यः सप्तभ्यो रप्रत्ययः स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । अजसधातोर्धातुपाठेऽदर्शनादाह — जसिर्नञ्पूर्व इति ।जसु मोक्षणे॑अयं नञ्पूर्वः शक्तिस्वभावात् क्रियासातत्ये वर्तते इत्यर्थः । निपातनाद्धातुना नञः समासे 'नलोपो नञः' इति नलोपः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the fifth-case singular follows the dvandva of nami, kampi, smi, ajasa, kama, hiṃsa and dīp; after these seven the affix ra comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: because a root 'ajas' is not found in the Dhātupāṭha, Bhaṭṭoji says 'jasi, preceded by nañ'. The root is jasu mokṣaṇe; preceded by nañ, it denotes continuity of action by the nature of its expressive power (śaktisvabhāva). nañ is compounded with the root by nipātana, and its n is dropped by nalopo nañaḥ (SK 757). Followed in rendering 'jasi' as the root and 'nañpūrvaḥ' as 'preceded by nañ'.
textual No TB on this sūtra in the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524: the footnote band goes from the end of TB on SK 3146, '…yaṅantād vader ūkapratyaya iti', to '—sanāśaṃsa—') or in ours. Ours = print for the sūtra and kaumudī (scan page-0524 read at zoom; collation batch10: clean). The raw OCR's 'dīmaḥ' and 'nandūrdhaḥ' are OCR errors; the scan has dīpraḥ and nañpūrvaḥ.

SK 3148 · A 3.2.168V

सनाशंसभिक्ष उः ॥ ३१४८ ॥

sanāśaṃsabhikṣa uḥ

sanāśaṃsabhikṣa uḥ — After [a base ending in] san, after āśaṃs and after bhikṣ, the affix u [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. The affix u comes after a stem ending in the desiderative affix san, after āśaṃs "to wish" and after bhikṣ "to beg". It comes in the agents of SK 3114.

Example. The running example:

kṛ + san → the desiderative stem cikīrṣa

→ + u → the final a of the stem is lost (ato lopaḥ, SK 2308) → cikīrṣ + u → cikīrṣuḥ "wishing to do".

ā + śaṃs + u → āśaṃsuḥ.

bhikṣ + u → bhikṣuḥ "mendicant".

Applies when / blocked by. Does san mean the affix or the roots ṣaṇ "to give" and "to share"? Both commentators say the affix. Their proof: vijigīṣu is read in the garga list.

Watch out. āśaṃs is śaṃs with ā, meaning "to wish". It is not śaṃs "to praise". One commentator explains this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

चिकीर्षुः । आशंसुः । भिक्षुः ॥

cikīrṣuḥ, āśaṃsuḥ, bhikṣuḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 524

—सनाशंस—। सनिति प्रत्ययग्रहणात्तदन्तग्रहणम्। षणु दाने। षण संभक्ताविति धात्वोस्तु नेह ग्रहणम्। गर्गादिषु विजिगीषुशब्दस्य पाठात्। आशंसेत्याङः शंसु इच्छायामित्ययं गृह्यते न शंसु स्तुताविति आङा सह निर्देशात्

Bālamanoramā

सनाशंसभिक्ष उः - सनाशंस । सन्, आशंस, भिक्ष एषां त्रयाणां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्येकवचनम् ।स॑निति सन्प्रत्ययान्तं गृह्यते ।षणु दाने॑, 'षण संभक्तौ' इत्यनयोस्तु न ग्रहणं , गर्गादिषु विजिगीषुशब्दपाठाल्लिङ्गात् । एभ्य उप्रत्ययः स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । आशंसुरिति ।आङः शसि इच्छाया॑मित्यस्मादुः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a fifth case follows the dvandva of the three, san, āśaṃs and bhikṣ. 'san' means a base ending in the affix san (sanpratyayānta), not the roots ṣaṇu dāne or ṣaṇa saṃbhaktau; the indicator (liṅga) is the reading of vijigīṣu in the garga etc. list. After these, u comes in the tacchīla etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en ('[a base ending in] san').
commentary TB, own t1 ('—sanāśaṃsa—'): san is an affix, so a base ending in it is meant (tadantagrahaṇa); the roots ṣaṇu dāne and ṣaṇa saṃbhaktau are not taken, because vijigīṣu is read in the garga etc. list. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM: āśaṃsuḥ is u after āṅaḥ śasi icchāyām ('śaṃs with ā, to wish'). Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, own t1: āśaṃs is āṅ with śaṃsu in the sense of wishing, not śaṃsu stutau ('to praise'), because it is stated together with ā. Agrees with BM; recorded.
textual BM in ours reads 'vijigīṣuśabdāpāṭhāl liṅgāt' ('from the non-reading of vijigīṣu'). Wikisource BM (uttara-3/0139) reads '…śabdapāṭhāl liṅgāt' and TB has 'vijigīṣuśabdasya pāṭhāt'. The argument requires the reading, so the ā in ours is a BM-layer slip; the note above follows Wikisource and TB.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read).

SK 3149 · A 3.2.169V

विन्दुरिच्छुः ॥ ३१४९ ॥

vinduricchuḥ

vindur icchuḥ — vinduḥ and icchuḥ [are formed irregularly (nipātana) with the affix u (supplied, per BM's 'upratyaye'), in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. vindu and icchu are given by nipātana, with the affix u. Bhaṭṭoji: the augment num for vid (vetti), and ch for the ṣ of iṣ, are fixed by nipātana.

Example.

vid + u → num (by the nipātana) → vind + u → vinduḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: one whose habit is to know (vetti tacchīlaḥ) is vinduḥ.

iṣ + u → ch for ṣ (by the nipātana) → icch + u → icchuḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: one who wishes (icchati) is icchuḥ.

Watch out. bindu "drop", with b, is a different word. One commentator derives it from another root, among the Uṇādi words.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वेत्तेर्नुम् एषेश्छत्वं च निपात्यते । वेत्ति तच्छीलो विन्दः । इच्छति इच्छुः ॥

The augment num for vid (vetti) and ch [for the final ṣ] of iṣ are irregularly sanctioned (nipātyate). One whose habit is to know (vetti tacchīlaḥ) is vinduḥ; one who wishes (icchati) is icchuḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 524

—विन्दुरिच्छुः। । विद ज्ञाने इत्यस्यैव ग्रहणं नेतरेषाम्। एवमिषेरपि इच्छार्थकस्यैव ग्रहणं नत्विष गतौ, इष आभीक्ष्ण्ये इत्यनयोः । अनभिधानान्निपातनाद्वेति भावः। बिन्दुशब्दस्तु पवर्गीयादिः विदि अवयवेऽस्मान्मृगय्वादित्वात्कुप्रत्यये बोध्यः

Bālamanoramā

विन्दुरिच्छुः - विन्दुरिच्छुः । वेत्तेरिति । 'विद ज्ञाने' इत्यस्यादुप्रत्यये प्रकृतेर्नुमागमः । इषु इच्छायामित्यस्मादुप्रत्यये षकारस्य छत्वं च निपात्यते इत्यर्थः । वेत्तीति । धातुप्रदर्शनम् । तच्छील इति । वेदनशील इत्यर्थः । इच्छतीति ।इषु इच्छाया॑मिति धातुप्रदर्शनम् । एषणशील इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: when u is added to vid jñāne ('to know'), the base takes the augment num; when u is added to iṣu icchāyām ('to wish'), its ṣ becomes ch; both are nipātana. 'vetti' and 'icchati' show the roots meant; 'tacchīla' means 'whose habit is knowing' (vedanaśīla), and icchuḥ means 'whose habit is wishing' (eṣaṇaśīla). Followed: the affix u in sutra_en (BM 'upratyaye'), and '[for the final ṣ]' is supplied.
translator The u is presumably in force by anuvṛtti from sanāśaṃsabhikṣa uḥ (SK 3148); that identification is the translator's — BM only supplies 'upratyaye', and TB is silent on it.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—vindur icchuḥ'): only vid jñāne is taken, not the other roots vid; likewise only iṣ in the sense of wishing, not iṣa gatau or iṣa ābhīkṣṇye, either because those forms are not in use (anabhidhāna) or because of the nipātana. The word bindu ('drop'), with initial b (a labial), is a different word: from bidi avayave with the affix ku, as one of the mṛgayu etc. words. Recorded.
textual Two slips in ours; the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read) is followed in the English (collation batch11, class A). (1) Ours 'eṣeś chatvam' → print 'iṣeś chatvam' (the root is iṣ; Wikisource and BM's iṣu icchāyām agree). (2) Ours 'vetti tacchīlo vindaḥ' → print '…vinduḥ', the form taught by the sūtra (Wikisource agrees).

SK 3150 · A 3.2.170V

क्याच्छन्दसि ॥ ३१५० ॥

kyācchandasi

kyāc chandasi — In the Veda (chandas), after [a base ending in] kya, [the affix u, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3148, comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. In the Veda, u comes after a stem ending in kya. One commentator: kya covers the denominative affixes kyac, kyaṅ and kyaṣ.

Example.

sumna + kyac "desires well-being for himself" (SK 2657) → sumnaya

→ + u → the a is lost (SK 2308) → sumnayuḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: devāñ jigāti sumnayuḥ "desiring well-being for himself, he goes to the gods".

Applies when / blocked by. Why no ī before ya? Both commentators answer. In the Veda na cchandasy aputrasya (SK 3588) bars the ī of kyaci ca (SK 2658). It also bars the lengthening of SK 2298.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

देवाञ्जिगाति सुम्नयुः ॥

devāñ jigāti sumnayuḥ — "desiring well-being (sumna) [for himself], he goes to the gods".

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 524

—क्याच्छन्दसि। क्य इति क्यच्क्यष्क्यङां सामान्यग्रहणम्। क्यान्ताद्धातोश्छन्दसि विषये तच्छीलादिषु उप्रत्ययो भवतीति काशिका, किथः क्य इति व्याख्यानात्कण्ड्वादियगपि गृह्यते। तेन 'तुरण्यवोऽङ्गिरसो नक्षन्त', 'समर्प्येमसपर्यवः', 'यमस्य योनौ शकुनं भुरण्युम्' इत्यादि सिद्धम्। तुरण त्वरायाम्, सपर पूजायाम्, भुरण धारणपोषणयोरित्येते कण्ड्वादिषु पठिताः। अथ कथं 'सन्तः प्रणयिवाक्यानि गृह्णन्ति ह्यनसूयवः' इति भट्टपादाः। मृगय्वादिषु असूयशब्दो द्रष्टव्य इति हरदत्तः ॥—सुम्नयुरिति। सुम्नशब्दात्क्यचि तदन्तादुः। 'न छन्दस्यपुत्रस्य' इति निषेधात् 'क्यचि च' इति ईत्वम् 'अकृत्सार्व-' इति दीर्घश्च न भवति ॥—आदृ—। 'ऋदोरप्' इतिवदादिति दकारो मुखसुखार्थो न त्वयं तकारस्तेन तात्परत्वाभावादृ इत्यनेन दीर्घोऽपि गृह्यते। ततुरिर्जगुरिः। तॄ प्लवनतरणयोरित्यस्य गॄ निगरण इत्यस्य च 'बहुलं छन्दसि—' इत्युत्त्वे रूपमिति प्राञ्चः। वस्तुतस्तु आदित्यादिप्रकृतिविशेषणमुदाहरणं प्रपञ्चमात्रम्। किकिनौ लिट् चेत्येतावन्मात्रमेव विवक्षितम्। तथाच वार्तिकम् 'किकिनावुत्सर्गश्छन्दसि सदादिभ्यो दर्शनात्' इति। उदाहृतं च भाष्ये सेहिर्नेमिरित्यादि। एवं स्थिते आदिति तपरकरणेऽपि न क्षतिरिति ध्वनयन्नाह—आदन्तादृदन्तादिति ॥—बभ्रिर्वज्रमिति। 'न लोका—' इति षष्ठीनिषेधाद्द्वितीया। किकिनोः स्थाने तिबादयो लिड्वदित्यतिदेशेन स्वरूपाबाधेनैव कार्यातिदेशात्। छान्दससूत्रद्वयोपन्यसनं भाषायां धाञित्यादिवार्तिकविषयविवेचनार्थम्। इह च वार्तिके गमिर्यद्यपि न दृश्यते तथापि धातुवृत्तौ क्वचिद्वृत्तिपुस्तके च दर्शनादुपन्यस्तः ॥—जग्मिरिति। 'गमहनजन-' इत्युपधालोपः ॥—जघ्निरिति। 'अभ्यासाच्च' इति कुत्वम् ॥ —दधिरिति। आतो लोपः ॥—नेमिरिति। एत्वाभ्यासलोपौ ॥—सासहीत्यादि। यङोऽतो लोपे यलोपः। अभ्यासदीर्घः ॥—नीगभावश्चेति। 'नीग्वञ्चु—' इत्यादिना प्राप्तस्य नीगागमस्याभाव इत्यर्थः ॥—तृष्णगिति। ङित्त्वान्न गुणः नजिङ इकार उच्चारणार्थः ॥—क्रुकन्नपीति। अत एव 'भीरुभीरुकभीलुकाः' इत्यमरः .॥—ईश्वर इति। 'नेड्वशि-' इतीडभावः ॥—पेस्वर इति। पिसृ पेसृ गतौ ॥—कस्वर इति। कस गतौ

Bālamanoramā

क्याच्छन्दसि - क्याच्छन्दसि । क्यप्रत्ययान्तादुप्रत्ययः स्यात्तच्छीलादिषु छन्दसीत्यर्थः । सुम्नयुरिति । सुम्नं - सुखम् ।तदात्मन इच्छतीत्यर्थे सुम्नशब्दात् क्यच् ।न च्छन्दस्यपुत्रस्ये॑ति निषेधात्क्यचि चे॑ति ईत्त्वम्,अकृत्सार्वे॑ति दीर्घश्च न ।सुम्नयुरिति क्यजन्तादुप्रत्ययः । अतो लोपः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after a base ending in a kya affix, the affix u comes in the tacchīla etc. senses, in the Veda. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—kyāc chandasi'): 'kya' is a general term covering kyac, kyaṅ and kyaṣ; so the Kāśikā. On a further explanation the yak of the kaṇḍu etc. roots (kaṇḍvādibhyo yak, SK 2678) is also included, which accounts for Vedic turaṇyavaḥ, saparyavaḥ and bhuraṇyum (turaṇa, sapara and bhuraṇa are read among the kaṇḍu etc. roots). As for Bhaṭṭapāda's 'anasūyavaḥ' in ordinary language, Haradatta says asūya is to be counted among the mṛgayu etc. words. Followed: sutra_en keeps 'kya' general.
commentary BM: sumna means sukha; kyac comes after sumna in the sense 'desires it for himself' (supa ātmanaḥ kyac, SK 2657). Because na cchandasy aputrasya (SK 3588) prohibits them, there is no ī by kyaci ca (SK 2658) and no lengthening by akṛtsārvadhātukayor dīrghaḥ (SK 2298). Then u comes after the kyac-final sumnaya, and its a is deleted by ato lopaḥ (SK 2308). Followed in the bracketed '[for himself]'; the kaumudī gives the quotation only.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—sumnayur iti'): kyac after sumna, then u after the kyac-final base; na cchandasy aputrasya blocks the ī of kyaci ca and the lengthening of akṛtsārva…. Agrees with BM; recorded.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read). sk.3150.t1 also carries the TB on SK 3151 (from '—ād—'), 3152 ('—tṛṣṇag iti', OCR 'vṛṣṇag iti'), 3154 ('—krukann apīti', OCR 'kukalnapīti') and 3155 ('—īśvara iti', '—pesvara iti', '—kasvara iti').

SK 3151 · A 3.2.171V

आदृगमहनजनः किकिनौ लिट् च ॥ ३१५१ ॥

ādṛgamahanajanaḥ kikinau liṭ ca

ādṛgamahanajanaḥ kikinau liṭ ca — After [roots ending in] ā and ṛ, and after gam, han and jan, the affixes ki and kin [come, in the Veda (carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3150), in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)], and they are like liṭ.

Rule. In the Veda, the affixes ki and kin come after roots ending in ā or ṛ, and after gam, han and jan. They are treated like liṭ (liḍvat). So what happens to a root before liṭ happens before them: reduplication and the rest. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: ki and kin differ only in accent.

Example. The running example:

pā + ki → like liṭ: reduplication → pa-pā + i → the ā is lost → papiḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji: papiḥ somam "drinker of soma", dadir gāḥ "giver of cows", babhrir vajram "bearer of the thunderbolt", jagmir yuvā, jaghnir vṛtram amitriyam "slayer of the hostile Vṛtra", jajñiḥ.

han + ki → reduplication → the penultimate a is lost (SK 2363) → jaghniḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is somam in the second case, not the sixth? One commentator answers: na lokāvyaya… (SK 627) bars the sixth. He adds that "like liṭ" transfers the operations only. ki and kin are not replaced by verb-endings.

A vārttika, bhāṣāyāṃ dhāñkṛsṛgamijaninamibhyaḥ: in ordinary speech, ki and kin come after dhā, kṛ, sṛ, gam, jan and nam.

dadhiḥ, cakriḥ, sasriḥ, jagmiḥ, jajñiḥ.

nam + ki → reduplication → e and loss of the reduplicated syllable → nemiḥ.

A second vārttika, sāsahivāvahicācalipāpatīnām upasaṃkhyānam: sāsahi, vāvahi, cācali and pāpati should be added. Bhaṭṭoji: ki and kin after sah and the others ending in yaṅ, and, for pat, no augment nīk, are fixed by nipātana.

Watch out. Why are two Vedic sūtras taught here, in a book of ordinary usage? Both commentators answer. They are set out to make clear the vārttika for ordinary speech.

The commentators name different rules for the gh of jaghniḥ; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आदन्तादृदन्ताद्गमादिभ्यश्च किकिनौ स्तश्छन्दसि तौ च लिड्वत् । पपिः सोमं ददिर्गाः । बभ्रिर्वज्रम् । जग्मिर्युवा । जघ्निर्वृत्रममित्रियम् । जज्ञिः ।

After [roots] ending in ā, after [roots] ending in ṛ, and after gam etc., the affixes ki and kin come in the Veda (chandas), and they are treated like liṭ (liḍvat): papiḥ somam ("drinker of soma"), dadir gāḥ ("giver of cows"), babhrir vajram ("bearer of the thunderbolt"), jagmir yuvā ("the young one, ever on the move"), jaghnir vṛtram amitriyam ("slayer of the hostile Vṛtra"), jajñiḥ.

vārttika

भाषायां धाञ्कृसृगमिजनिनमिभ्यः

(vārttika) bhāṣāyāṃ dhāñkṛsṛgamijaninamibhyaḥ — "In ordinary language (bhāṣā), [ki and kin, treated like liṭ, come] after dhāñ, kṛ, sṛ, gami, jani and nami."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दधिः । चक्रिः । सस्रिः । जग्मिः । जज्ञिः । नेमिः ।

dadhiḥ, cakriḥ, sasriḥ, jagmiḥ, jajñiḥ, nemiḥ.

vārttika

सासहिवावहिचाचलिपापतीनामुपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) sāsahivāvahicācalipāpatīnām upasaṃkhyānam — "sāsahi, vāvahi, cācali and pāpati should be added."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ यङ्न्तेभ्यः सहेत्यादिभ्यः किकिनौ पतेर्नीगभावश्च निपात्यते ॥

[That is,] ki and kin after sah etc. ending in yaṅ, and, for pat, the absence of [the augment] nīk, are irregularly sanctioned (nipātyate).

Bālamanoramā

आदृगमहनजनः किकिनौ लिट् च - आदृगम । आत्, ऋ, गम, हन, जन्, एषां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी ।कि किन् अनयोद्र्वन्द्वः । लिट् चेति व्याचष्टे — तौ च लिड्वदिति । तच्छीलादिष्वित्येव । पपिरिति । पाधातोः किः । द्वित्वादि, आल्लोपः । ददिरिति । दाधातोः किः । द्वित्वादि । बभ्रिर्वज्रमिति । भृञः किः, द्वित्वादि । जघ्निरिति । हनः किः । द्वित्वादि ।गमहने॑त्युपधालोपः ।हो हन्ते॑रिति कुत्वम् । जज्ञिरिति । जनेः किः । द्वित्वादि । एवं किन्यपि बोध्यम् । स्वरे विशेषः । छान्दसमप्येतत्सूत्रद्वयं भाषायामित्यादिवक्ष्यमाणवार्तिकविवेचनाय इहोपन्यस्तम् । भाषायामिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । धाञ्, कृ, सृ, गमि, जनि, नमि एभ्यः षड्भ्यः किकिनौ , तौ च लिड्वदिति वक्तव्यमित्यर्थः । दधिरित्यादि । किकिनोः कृतयोर्द्वित्वादि यथासंभवं ज्ञेयम् । नेमिरिति । नमेः किः । द्वित्वम् । एत्त्वाभ्यासलोपौ । सासहीति । सहेर्यङि द्वित्वादौ 'दीर्घोऽकितः' इति दीर्घे, किकिनोः कृतयोः 'यस्य हलः' इति यकारलोपे , अतो लोपेसासही॑ति निर्देशः । एवं वहेः चलेः पतेश्च यङन्तस्य किकिनन्तस्य निर्देशः । एषां निपातनस्य उपसङ्ख्यानमित्यर्थः । तदाह — यङन्तेभ्यः सहेत्यादिभ्य इति । नीगभाव इति । 'नीग्वञ्चु' इति प्राप्तस्य नीगागमस्याभाव इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: a fifth case follows the dvandva of āt, ṛ, gam, han and jan; 'kikinau' is a dvandva of ki and kin; 'liṭ ca' is explained by 'tau ca liḍvat'; 'in the tacchīla etc. senses' still holds (tacchīlādiṣv ity eva). Followed in sutra_en. The 'in the Veda' bracket follows the kaumudī's own gloss 'chandasi' (the word stands in SK 3150).
commentary TB, printed under sk.3150.t1 ('—ād—'): the ancients (prāñcaḥ) take the d of 'ād', as in ṛdor ap, to be for ease of utterance and not a t, so that, lacking taparakaraṇa, long ṝ is also included: taturiḥ, jaguriḥ, from tṝ plavanataraṇayoḥ and gṝ nigaraṇe with ut by bahulaṃ chandasi. In fact, TB says, naming the bases ā etc. only elaborates the examples; what is meant is just 'ki and kin, liḍvat', as the vārttika kikināv utsargaś chandasi sadādibhyo darśanāt and the Bhāṣya's examples (sehiḥ, nemiḥ…) show. So even a taparakaraṇa in 'āt' does no harm, which Bhaṭṭoji hints at by glossing 'ādantād ṛdantāt'. Recorded; the English renders the gloss as it stands.
commentary BM: papiḥ is pā with ki, reduplication etc. and deletion of ā; dadiḥ is dā with ki and reduplication etc.; babhriḥ is bhṛñ with ki and reduplication etc.; jaghniḥ is han with ki, reduplication etc., deletion of the upadhā by gamahanajana… (SK 2363) and kutva by ho hanteḥ… (SK 358); jajñiḥ is jan with ki and reduplication etc. 'Likewise with kin; the difference is only in accent (svare viśeṣaḥ).' Recorded; the kaumudī gives no derivations.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3150.t1: babhrir vajram has a second-case word (dvitīyānta) because na lokāvyaya… (SK 627) prohibits the sixth case; the atideśa 'liḍvat' transfers operations without displacing the own form of ki and kin, [so they are not replaced by tip etc.]. jagmiḥ: deletion of the upadhā by gamahanajana… (SK 2363). jaghniḥ: kutva by abhyāsāc ca (SK 2430), where BM names ho hanteḥ… (SK 358). dadhiḥ: āto lopaḥ. nemiḥ: e and deletion of the abhyāsa. Both kutva rules are recorded; the English is neutral.
commentary BM: 'bhāṣāyām…' is a vārttika: after the six dhāñ, kṛ, sṛ, gami, jani and nami, ki and kin, liḍvat, should be stated. These two sūtras (SK 3150, 3151), though Vedic, are set out here to make clear the vārttika 'bhāṣāyām…' that follows. Followed in the bracket of k2.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3150.t1: the two Vedic sūtras are cited to set out the scope of the vārttika 'bhāṣāyāṃ dhāñ…'. Gami is not in fact found in the vārttika, but it is cited because it occurs in the Dhātuvṛtti and in some manuscripts of the Vṛtti. Recorded.
commentary BM: in dadhiḥ etc. reduplication etc. follow the addition of ki or kin as each case allows. nemiḥ: nam with ki, reduplication, then e and deletion of the abhyāsa. Recorded.
commentary BM: sāsahi is sah with yaṅ, reduplication etc., lengthening of the abhyāsa by dīrgho 'kitaḥ (SK 2632), then ki or kin, deletion of y by yasya halaḥ (SK 2631) and of a by ato lopaḥ (SK 2308); vah, cal and pat ending in yaṅ, with ki or kin, are given in the same way. The vārttika adds (upasaṃkhyāna) the nipātana of these, as k5 states. 'nīgabhāva' is the absence of the augment nīk otherwise due by nīg vañcu… (SK 2642). Followed in k5.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3150.t1 ('—sāsahītyādi', '—nīgabhāvaś ceti'): after the a of yaṅ is deleted, y is deleted; the abhyāsa is lengthened. The absence is of the nīk augment due by nīg vañcu…. Agrees with BM; recorded.
textual Ours reads 'yaṅ-ntebhyaḥ' (a stray virāma on ṅ that drops the a) for 'yaṅantebhyaḥ'; the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read) reads 'yaṅantebhyaḥ' (collation batch11, class A). The English follows the print.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags in ours before k3 and k5 are editorial. The print marks the two vārttikas (k2, k4) with a sign before them and sets Bhaṭṭoji's examples and gloss after them; only k2 and k4 are labelled as vārttikas.

SK 3152 · A 3.2.172V

स्वपितृषोर्नजिङ् ॥ ३१५२ ॥

svapitṛṣornajiṅ

svapitṛṣor najiṅ — After svap and tṛṣ, the affix najiṅ [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After svap "to sleep" and tṛṣ "to thirst", the affix najiṅ comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the i is for pronunciation and the ṅ is a marker; naj remains.

Example.

svap + najiṅ → svap + naj → svapnaj → first case svapnak "given to sleeping".

tṛṣ + naj → ṅ-marked: no guṇa → ṇ for n → tṛṣṇaj

→ tṛṣṇak, tṛṣṇajau, tṛṣṇajaḥ "given to thirsting".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: "it should be stated: and after dhṛṣ", so say the Kāśikā and other works: dhṛṣṇak. One commentator takes the phrase "the Kāśikā and other works" to mean it is not in the Bhāṣya.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्वप्नक् । तृष्णक् । तृष्णजौ । तृष्णजः । धृषेश्चेति वाच्यमिति काशिकादौ । धृष्णक् ॥

svapnak; tṛṣṇak, tṛṣṇajau, tṛṣṇajaḥ. "It should be stated: and after dhṛṣ [too]" — so in the Kāśikā and other works: dhṛṣṇak.

Bālamanoramā

स्वपितृषोर्नजिङ् - स्वपितृषोर्नजिङ् । पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । स्वपेर्नजिङ् स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । जकारादिकार उच्चारणार्थः । ङकार इत् । स्वप्नगिति । स्वपनशील इत्यर्थः । स्वप्नजौ स्वप्नजः । एवं तृष्णक् । तर्षणशीलः इत्यर्थः । धृषेश्चेति ।नजि॑ङिति शेषः । काशिकादाविति । भाष्ये तु न दृश्यते इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sixth case stands for the fifth (pañcamyarthe ṣaṣṭhī); najiṅ comes after svap and tṛṣ in the tacchīla etc. senses. The i after the j is for pronunciation and the ṅ is an it-marker. svapnak means 'given to sleeping' (svapanaśīla), with svapnajau, svapnajaḥ; tṛṣṇak means 'given to thirsting' (tarṣaṇaśīla). Followed in sutra_en ('after').
commentary TB, printed under sk.3150.t1 ('—tṛṣṇag iti', OCR 'vṛṣṇag iti'): there is no guṇa because the affix is ṅ-it; the i of najiṅ is for pronunciation. Agrees with BM; recorded.
commentary BM: in 'dhṛṣeś ca', najiṅ is to be supplied (iti śeṣaḥ); 'in the Kāśikā and other works' implies that it is not found in the Bhāṣya. Followed: the rule is attributed to the Kāśikā etc., not labelled a vārttika.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read).

SK 3153 · A 3.2.173V

शॄवन्द्योरारुः ॥ ३१५३ ॥

śṝvandyorāruḥ

śṝvandyor āruḥ — After śṝ and vand, the affix āru [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After śṝ "to injure" and vand "to salute, to praise", the affix āru comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the roots.

Example.

śṝ + āru → guṇa, with r → śar + āru → śarāruḥ "harmful".

vand + āru → vandāruḥ "given to praising".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शरारुः । वन्दारुः ॥

śarāruḥ, vandāruḥ.

Bālamanoramā

शॄवन्द्योरारुः - शृवन्द्योरारुः । पञ्चम्यर्थे षष्ठी । 'शॄ हिंसायां'वदि अभिवादनस्तुत्योः॑ । आभ्यामारुप्रत्ययः स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sixth case stands for the fifth; the roots are śṝ hiṃsāyām ('to injure') and vadi abhivādanastutyoḥ ('to salute, to praise'); after them āru comes in the tacchīla etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en ('after').
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read). The print has no TB on this sūtra (the TB band runs from '—tṛṣṇag iti' to '—krukann apīti').

SK 3154 · A 3.2.174V

भियः क्रुक्लुकनौ ॥ ३१५४ ॥

bhiyaḥ kruklukanau

bhiyaḥ kruklukanau — After bhī, the affixes kru and klukan [come, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After bhī "to fear", the affixes kru and klukan come. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: they are k-marked, so there is no guṇa.

Example.

bhī + kru → bhī + ru → bhīruḥ "timid".

bhī + klukan → bhī + luka → bhīlukaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika, krukann api vācyaḥ: "krukan too should be stated" → bhīrukaḥ. One commentator: this is why the Amarakośa lists bhīru, bhīruka and bhīluka.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

भीरुः । भीलुकः ।

bhīruḥ, bhīlukaḥ.

vārttika

क्रुकन्नपि वाच्यः

(vārttika) krukann api vācyaḥ — "krukan too should be stated."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ भीरुकः ॥

bhīrukaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

भियः क्रुक्लुकनौ - भियः । भीधातोः क्रु क्लुकन् एतौ स्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । कित्त्वान्न गुणः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after the root bhī, the two affixes kru and klukan come in the tacchīla etc. senses; there is no guṇa because they are k-it. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3150.t1 ('—krukann apīti', OCR 'kukalnapīti'): this is why the Amarakośa has 'bhīrubhīrukabhīlukāḥ'. Recorded.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag in ours before 'bhīrukaḥ' is editorial. The print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read) marks the vārttika krukann api vācyaḥ with a sign and sets the example after it; only k2 is labelled. Otherwise ours agrees with the print.

SK 3155 · A 3.2.175V

स्थेशभासपिसकसो वरच् ॥ ३१५५ ॥

stheśabhāsapisakaso varac

stheśabhāsapisakaso varac — After sthā, īś, bhās, pis and kas, the affix varac [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After sthā "to stand", īś "to rule", bhās "to shine", pis "to go" and kas "to go", the affix varac comes. Its marker is c; vara remains.

Example. The running example:

sthā + varac → sthā + vara → sthāvaraḥ "stationary".

īś + vara → no iṭ (neḍ vaśi kṛti, SK 2981) → īśvaraḥ "lord".

bhāsvaraḥ "shining".

pis → pesvaraḥ.

kasvaraḥ.

Watch out. The feminine īśvarī "the wife of a lord" has ṅīṣ by puṃyoga. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्थावरः । ईश्वरः । भास्वरः । पेस्वरः । कस्वरः ॥

sthāvaraḥ, īśvaraḥ, bhāsvaraḥ, pesvaraḥ, kasvaraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

स्थेशभासपिसकसो वरच् - स्थेश । ष्ठा गतिनिवृत्तौ, ईश ऐश्वर्ये, भासृ दीप्तौ, पिसृ पेसृ गतौ, कस गतौ,एभ्यो वरच् स्यात्तच्छीलादिष्वित्यर्थः । ईश्वरीति तु पुंयोगे ङीष् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the roots are ṣṭhā gatinivṛttau ('to stand'), īśa aiśvarye ('to rule'), bhāsṛ dīptau ('to shine'), pisṛ pesṛ gatau ('to go') and kasa gatau ('to go'); after them varac comes in the tacchīla etc. senses. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: the feminine īśvarī has ṅīṣ in the sense of 'wife of' (puṃyoga). Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3150.t1 ('—īśvara iti', '—pesvara iti', '—kasvara iti'): īśvara has no iṭ by neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981); pesvara is from pisṛ pesṛ gatau; kasvara from kasa gatau. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read).

SK 3156 · A 3.2.176V

यश्च यङः ॥ ३१५६ ॥

yaśca yaṅaḥ

yaś ca yaṅaḥ — And after yā ending in yaṅ, [varac, carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3155, comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. varac also comes after yā "to reach" ending in the intensive affix yaṅ. Bhaṭṭoji: "after yā ending in yaṅ, varac comes". One of his commentators: yaḥ is the sixth-case form of yā.

Example. The running example, with Bhaṭṭoji's reasoning:

yā + yaṅ → reduplication → lengthening (SK 2632) → yāyāya

→ + vara → the a of yaṅ is lost (ato lopaḥ, SK 2308) → yāyāy + vara

→ the y is lost before v (lopo vyor vali, SK 873) → yāyā + vara

→ the ā of yā stays → yāyāvaraḥ "a wanderer".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji meets two difficulties.

First, the lost a would count as still present (sthānivat) by acaḥ parasmin (SK 50). Then the y would not stand before v, and could not be lost. But SK 51 denies this. A vowel-substitute does not count as the original when the loss of y is to be done. So SK 873 applies.

Second, relying on that same sthānivat a, the ā of yā might be lost (SK 2372). The answer is a clause of SK 51: "a loss before vara is not treated as the original" (vare luptaṃ na sthānivat). So the ā stays.

Watch out. yasya halaḥ (SK 2631) does not delete this y. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains: the y does not follow a consonant. lopo vyor vali does the work.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

यातेर्यङन्ताद्वरच् स्यात् । अतो लोपः SK 2380 । तस्य अचः परस्मिन् SK 50 इति स्थानिवद्भावे प्राप्ते पदस्य चरमावयवे द्विर्वचनादौ च कर्तव्ये परनिमित्तोऽजादेशे न स्थानिवत् तस्य यलोपं प्रति स्थानिवद्भावनिषेधात् लोपो व्योः - SK 873 इति यलोपः । अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वामाश्रित्य आतो लोपे प्राप्ते । वरे लुप्तं न स्थानिवत् । यायावरः ॥

After yā ending in yaṅ, varac comes. [The a of yaṅ is deleted by] ato lopaḥ (SK 2308). By acaḥ parasmin [pūrvavidhau] (SK 50) that [deletion] would be treated as the original (sthānivadbhāva). But "when an operation on the final part of a pada, reduplication and the rest are to be done, a substitute for a vowel conditioned by what follows is not treated as the original"; this prohibits the sthānivadbhāva of that [deletion] with respect to the deletion of y. So y is deleted by lopo vyoḥ… (SK 873). [Next,] relying on the sthānivattva of the deletion of a, deletion of the ā [of yā] would arise. [This is answered by:] "a deletion before vara is not treated as the original." yāyāvaraḥ.

Bālamanoramā

यश्च यङः - यश्च यङः । 'या प्रापणे' इत्यस्य धातोरनुकरणस्य या इत्यस्य 'यः' इति षष्ठन्तम् । तदाह - यातेरिति । याधातोर्यङ् । द्वित्वादि । 'दीर्घोऽकितः' इत्यभ्यासस्य दीर्घः ।यायाये॑ति यङन्ताद्वरचिविशेषमाह — अतो लोप इति । हलः परत्वाऽभावात् 'यस्य हलः' इति यकारलोपो न । 'यायाय् - वर' इति स्थिते आह — लोपो व्योरिति यकारलोप इति । ननु अतो लोपस्यअचः परस्मिन् इति स्थानिवत्त्वादकारेण व्यवधानाद्वल्परत्वाऽभावात्कथमिह यलोप इत्यत आह — तस्येति । तस्य= अल्लोपस्य यलोपे कर्तव्येन पदान्ते॑ति स्थानिवत्त्वनिषेधादित्यर्थः । एवं च यङोऽकारस्य यकारस्य च लोपे यायावर इत्यत्रआतो लोप इटि चे॑त्याल्लोपमाशङ्क्य निराकरोति — अल्लोपस्येति । यङकारलोपस्यअचः परस्मिन्निति स्थानिवत्त्वमाश्रित्य तदकारात्मकार्धधातुकपरत्वादाकारस्यआतो लोप इटि चे॑त्याल्लोपे प्राप्ते सति परिहार उच्यते इत्यर्थः । परिहारमेवाह — वरे लुप्तं न स्थानिवदिति ।लुप्त॑मिति भावे क्तः । 'न पदान्ते' ति सूत्रे 'वरे' इत्यनेन वरे परे विहितं न स्थानिवदिति लभ्यते । अल्लोपोऽयमार्धधातुके वरे परे विहितः । अतस्तस्य स्थानिवत्त्वाऽभावान्न यङोऽकारमाश्रित्यआतो लोप इटि चे॑त्यस्य प्रवृत्तिरित्यर्थः । एवंचन पदान्ते॑ति सूत्रे 'वरे' इत्यंशस्य , 'यलोपे' इत्यंशस्य च यायावर इत्युदाहरणमिति बोध्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'yaḥ' is the sixth-case form (ṣaṣṭhyanta) of yā, the citation form of the root yā prāpaṇe ('to reach'). The root takes yaṅ, reduplication etc., and the abhyāsa is lengthened by dīrgho 'kitaḥ (SK 2632), giving yāyāya; the kaumudī then states what is special when varac follows this yaṅ-final base. Followed in sutra_en and in the bracketed 'of yaṅ'.
commentary BM: yasya halaḥ (SK 2631) does not delete the y, because the y does not follow a consonant. With yāyāy + vara standing, the y is deleted by lopo vyor vali. Objection: by acaḥ parasmin the deleted a of yaṅ is treated as present and intervenes, so the y is not followed by a val consonant; how can it be deleted? Answer ('tasya'): na padānta… (SK 51) prohibits the sthānivattva of that a-deletion when y-deletion is to be done. Followed: the quoted principle is SK 51's provision, and the y is the y of yaṅ.
commentary BM: after the a and the y of yaṅ are deleted, one might expect the ā of yāyā to be deleted by āto lopa iṭi ca (SK 2372): if the a-deletion were sthānivat by acaḥ parasmin, the ā would stand before an ārdhadhātuka consisting of that a. The answer 'vare luptaṃ na sthānivat': 'luptam' is a kta in the sense of the action (bhāve), and the word 'vare' in na padānta… gives 'a deletion enjoined before vara is not sthānivat'. This a-deletion is enjoined before the ārdhadhātuka vara, so it is not sthānivat and āto lopa does not apply. yāyāvaraḥ is thus the example both for the 'vare' part and for the 'yalope' part of na padānta…. Followed: the ā is that of yā, and the deletion is the a-deletion before vara.
textual Two slips in ours; the 1915 print (NSP p. 514, scan page-0524, read at zoom) is followed in the English (collation batch11, class A). (1) Ours 'paranimitto 'jādeśe na sthānivat' → print '…'jādeśo na sthānivat' (first-case word (prathamānta) needed). (2) Ours 'sthānivattvām āśritya' → print 'sthānivattvam āśritya'. The collation's third row for this unit (ours 'yaṅ-nta' with a stray virāma, for yaṅanta) does not apply: ours already reads 'yāter yaṅantād varac' (checked character by character).
textual Ours and the print (scan page-0524) both cite ato lopaḥ as '2380'. SK 2380 is guṇo 'rtisaṃyogādyoḥ; ato lopaḥ is SK 2308, and the print gives '2308' for it elsewhere (NSP pp. 391, 437, OCR pages 0401, 0447). The figures are transposed. The English gives SK 2308. Not in the collation report; for Ajai.
textual The print has no TB on this sūtra (the TB band runs from '—kasvara iti' to '—bhrāja—').
translator Neither commentator states the anuvṛtti of varac here: BM says only that Bhaṭṭoji states what is special when varac follows the yaṅ-final base ('yaṅantād varaci viśeṣam āha'), and the print has no TB on this sūtra. The kaumudī's gloss itself supplies 'varac syāt'; identifying its source as stheśabhāsapisakaso varac (SK 3155) is the translator's.

SK 3157 · A 3.2.177V

भ्राजभासधुर्विद्युतोर्जिपॄजुग्रावस्तुवः क्विप् ॥ ३१५७ ॥

bhrājabhāsadhurvidyutorjipṝjugrāvastuvaḥ kvip

bhrājabhāsadhurvidyutorjipṝjugrāvastuvaḥ kvip — After bhrāj, bhās, dhurv, dyut, ūrj, pṝ, ju, and stu with grāvan, the affix kvip [comes, in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. After eight bases, the affix kvip comes, in the agents of SK 3114. They are bhrāj "to shine", bhās "to shine", dhurv "to injure", dyut "to shine", ūrj "to be strong", pṝ "to fill", ju "to go", and stu "to praise" with grāvan. This kvip is the limit of the heading ā kveḥ (SK 3114), one commentator notes.

Example. The running example:

vi + bhrāj + kvip → nothing of the affix remains → vibhrāj

→ ṣ for j (vraśca…, SK 294) → then ḍ, then ṭ at the end → vibhrāṭ.

The other forms, with the commentators' steps:

bhās → bhāḥ, bhāsau.
dhurv → the v is lost (rāl lopaḥ, SK 2655) → dhur → lengthening (SK 433) → dhūḥ, dhurau.
vi + dyut → vidyut.
ūrj → k for j (SK 378) → ūrk. One commentator: the last consonant of the cluster is not lost, by the restriction SK 280.
pṝ → ur for ṝ (SK 2494) → pur → lengthening → pūḥ, purau.

Applies when / blocked by. Why does ju have a long vowel, jūḥ, juvau, juvaḥ? Bhaṭṭoji: the word dṛśi "is seen" is drawn back (apakarṣa) from SK 3158. One commentator: only the tradition's explanation supports this.

Watch out. A finished word like grāvan cannot compound with a bare root before the affix. Bhaṭṭoji: the compound is fixed by nipātana in the sūtra. Then kvip: grāvastut. One commentator adds tuk, the affix being p-marked.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विभ्राट् । भाः । भासौ । धूः । धुरौ । विद्युत् । उर्क् । पूः । पुरौ । दृशिग्रहणस्यापकर्षाज्जवतेर्दीर्घः । जूः । जुवौ । जुवः । ग्रावशब्दस्य धातुना समासः सूत्रे निपात्यते । ततः क्विप् । ग्रावस्तुत् ॥

vibhrāṭ; bhāḥ, bhāsau; dhūḥ, dhurau; vidyut; ūrk; pūḥ, purau. Because the word "dṛśi" is drawn back (apakarṣa) [from the following sūtra, SK 3158], ju (javati) gets a long vowel: jūḥ, juvau, juvaḥ. The compounding of the word grāvan with the root is irregularly sanctioned (nipātyate) in the sūtra; after that comes kvip: grāvastut.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 524–525

—भ्राज—। आ क्वेरित्युक्तत्वात्तच्छीलादिष्वयं क्विप्। भ्राजृ दीप्तौ, भासृ दीप्तौ, धुर्वी हिंसायाम्, द्युत दीप्तौ, ऊर्ज बलप्राणनयोः, पॄ पालनपूरणयोः, जु गतौ सौत्रः। ग्रावपूर्वः ष्टुञ् स्तुतौ ॥—विभ्राडिति। 'व्रश्च-' इति षत्वम्। जश्त्वचर्त्वे ॥—धूरिति। 'राल्लोपः' इति वलोपः 'र्वोरुपधायाः—' इति दीर्घः ॥—ऊर्गिति । ‘चोः कुः’ । ‘रात्सस्य’ इति नियमान्न संयोगान्तलोपः ।—पूरिति । ‘उदोष्ठ्यपूर्वस्य’ इत्युत्वम् । ‘र्वोः’ इति दीर्घः ॥—वाक् । प्राडिति । इह दीर्घः संप्रसारणाभावश्च । संप्रसारणप्राप्तिस्तु ‘वचिस्वपि—’ ‘ग्रहिज्यावयि—’ इत्यादिना । श्रयति हरिं श्रीरिति । प्राचा तु श्रयन्त्येतामिति कर्मणि क्विबुदाहृतस्तत्र ‘कर्तरि कृत्’ इति सूत्रविरोधः स्पष्ट एव । वाहुलकं तु अगतिकगति ॥—द्युतीति—। ‘द्वे च’ इति कृतेऽपि द्वित्वे अभ्याससंज्ञेह दुर्लभा प्रत्यासत्त्या षाष्टद्वित्व एव प्रवृत्तेरत एव आष्टमिके सा नेत्याशङ्कायामाह—दृशिग्रहणादिति ॥—दिद्युरिति । ‘द्युतिस्वाप्योः—’ इत्यभ्यासस्य संप्रसारणम् ॥—जगदिति । ‘गमः कौ’ इति मलोपे तुक् । अत्र ‘द्वे च’ इति चकारेण दीर्घः समुच्चीयमानो द्युतिगम्योर्न भवति दीर्घश्रुत्या ‘अचश्च’ इति परिभाषोपस्थानादजन्तस्य जुहोतेरेव संभवतीत्याशयेनाह

Bālamanoramā

भ्राजभासधुर्विद्युतोर्जिपॄजुग्रावस्तुवः क्विप् - भ्राजभास । भ्राज, भास , धुर्वि, द्युत, ऊर्जि, पृ , जु, ग्रावस्तु, एभ्योऽष्टभ्यः क्विप्स्यात्तच्छीलादिषु कर्तृष्वित्यर्थः । विभ्राडिति ।व्रश्चे॑ति षः । भा इति । भासेः क्विपि सकारान्तस्य रुत्वविसर्गौ । धूरिति । धुर्वीधातोः क्विप् । 'राल्लोपः' इति वकारस्य लोपः ।धु॑रिति रेफान्तम् । सुलोपः । 'र्वोरुपधायाः' इति दीर्घः । पूरिति । पृधातोः क्विप् ।'उदोष्ठ्य—' इत्युत्त्वम्, रपरत्वम् ।पु॑रिति रेफान्तम्, सुलोपेर्वो॑रिति दीर्घः । जुधातोः क्विपि दीर्घं साधयितुमाह — दृशिग्रहणस्याप्यपकर्षादिति । उत्तरसूत्रादिति भावः । अत्र व्याख्यानमेव शरणम् । ननु 'ग्रावस्तु' इति कथं समस्तनिर्देशः, सुबन्तस्य ग्रावशब्दस्य धातुना समासाऽसंभवादित्यत आह — ग्रावशब्दस्येति । ग्रावस्तुदिति । पित्त्वात्तुक् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after these eight, bhrāj, bhās, dhurvī, dyut, ūrj, pṝ, ju and grāvastu, kvip comes in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—bhrāja—'): this kvip is in the tacchīla etc. senses because the adhikāra was stated as 'ā kveḥ' (SK 3114), i.e. up to kvip. The roots are bhrāja dīptau, bhāsa dīptau, dhurvī hiṃsāyām, dyuta dīptau, ūrja balaprāṇanayoḥ, pṝ pālanapūraṇayoḥ, ju gatau (a sūtra-only root, sautra), and ṣṭuñ stutau preceded by grāvan. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM: vibhrāṭ has ṣ by vraśca… (SK 294). bhāḥ: kvip after bhās, then ru and visarga of the final s. dhūḥ: kvip after dhurvī; v deleted by rāl lopaḥ (SK 2655), leaving r-final dhur; su deleted; lengthening by rvor upadhāyā… (SK 433). pūḥ: kvip after pṝ, u by udoṣṭhyapūrvasya (SK 2494) with r following (raparatva), giving r-final pur; su deleted and lengthening by the same rule. grāvastut: tuk because the affix is p-it. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary TB, own t1: vibhrāṭ: ṣ by vraśca…, then jaśtva and cartva. dhūḥ: v deleted by rāl lopaḥ, lengthening by rvor upadhāyāḥ…. ūrk: k by coḥ kuḥ (SK 378); the conjunct-final consonant is not deleted, because of the restriction (niyama) rāt sasya (SK 280). pūḥ: u by udoṣṭhyapūrvasya, lengthening by rvoḥ…. Recorded.
commentary BM (pratīka 'dṛśigrahaṇasyāpy apakarṣād iti'): this is said in order to obtain the long vowel when kvip follows ju; the word is drawn back from the following sūtra (uttarasūtrāt), and here the tradition's explanation (vyākhyāna) is the only authority. Followed in the bracket '[from the following sūtra, SK 3158]'.
commentary BM: the objection is that 'grāvastu' cannot be stated as a compound in the sūtra, since grāvan as an inflected word (subanta) cannot compound with a root [before an affix]; the answer is that the compound is irregularly sanctioned in the sūtra. Followed.
textual Ours agrees with the 1915 print (NSP pp. 514–515, scans page-0524 and page-0525, read at zoom). sk.3157.t1 also carries the TB on SK 3158 from '—vāk. prāḍ iti' to the lead-in of '—juhoter dīrghaś ceti', which is in sk.3158.t1.
textual Ours and the print (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525) read 'dṛśigrahaṇasyāpakarṣāt'; Wikisource SK and BM's pratīka (sk.3157.b1) read 'dṛśigrahaṇasyāpy apakarṣāt' ('because the word dṛśi too is drawn back'). A variant only; the English follows the print. Not in the collation report.

SK 3158 · A 3.2.178V

अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते ॥ ३१५८ ॥

anyebhyo'pi dṛśyate

anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate — After other [roots] too, [kvip — to be supplied to complete the sentence (śeṣapūraṇa), per BM —] is seen [in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind (adhikāra from SK 3114)].

Rule. kvip "is seen" after other roots too. Bhaṭṭoji supplies kvip. The heading ends with SK 3157's kvip, but the senses of SK 3114 are still read here. One of his commentators says so, and Bhaṭṭoji's remark on tṛn below presupposes it.

Example.

chid + kvip → chit; bhid + kvip → bhit.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji: the word dṛśi "is seen" takes in other operations. In some cases lengthening, in some no saṃprasāraṇa, in some reduplication, in some shortening. Four vārttikas follow.

The first, kvib vacipracchyāyatastukaṭaprujuśrīṇāṃ dīrgho 'saṃprasāraṇaṃ ca: kvip after vac, pracch, stu with āyata, pru with kaṭa, ju and śrī, with lengthening and no saṃprasāraṇa.

vac + kvip → lengthening, no saṃprasāraṇa → vāc → vāk "speech" (vaktīti vāk).
pracch + kvip → no saṃprasāraṇa → prāṭ "one who asks".
āyatastūḥ "one who praises the extended"; kaṭaprūḥ "one who goes to the mat".
jūḥ has been stated under SK 3157.
śrī: śrayati hariṃ sā śrīḥ "she who resorts to Hari is Śrī".

Bhaṭṭoji explains why these forms are in a vārttika. Some already come by the Uṇādi sūtra "kvib vaci…". They are restated so that tṛn does not block them in the senses of SK 3114.

The second, dyutigamijuhotīnāṃ dve ca: for dyut, gam and hu, reduplication with kvip. Bhaṭṭoji: the first part gets the name abhyāsa because of dṛśi in the sūtra.

dyut → reduplication; saṃprasāraṇa of the first part (SK 2344) → didyut.
gam → reduplication; the m is lost (gamaḥ kvau, SK 2986); tuk → jagat.

The third, juhoter dīrghaś ca: for hu, lengthening too → juhūḥ "ladle": the ladle, spoken of as the agent, as one commentator explains.

Bhaṭṭoji adds dṝ "to fear", with shortening (hrasvaś ca): dīryati "fears" → dadṛt.

The fourth, dhyāyateḥ saṃprasāraṇaṃ ca: for dhyai, saṃprasāraṇa with kvip → lengthening (SK 2559) → dhīḥ.

Watch out. Why must dṛśi give the name abhyāsa? Both commentators answer. pūrvo 'bhyāsaḥ (SK 2178) names only a reduplication taught in the sixth book.

One commentator rejects a reading of śrīḥ as an object noun, "she to whom they resort". It conflicts with kartari kṛt (SK 2832). The other meets a charge against the fourth vārttika, dhyāyateḥ saṃprasāraṇaṃ ca: that it repeats an Uṇādi sūtra. It does not, he says, since the Uṇādi sūtras are another sage's work, not Pāṇini's.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

क्विप् । छित् । भिद् । दृशिग्रहणं विध्यन्तरोपसंग्रहार्थम् । क्वचिद्दीर्घः क्वचिदसंप्रसारणं क्वचिद्द्वे क्वचिद्ध्रस्वः । तथा च वार्तिकम् ।

[The affix understood is] kvip: chit, bhit. The word "dṛśi" (is seen) is there to take in other operations (vidhi): in some cases lengthening, in some the absence of saṃprasāraṇa, in some reduplication, in some shortening. And accordingly there is the vārttika:

vārttika

क्विब्वचिप्रच्छयायतस्तुकटप्रुजुश्रीणां दीर्घोऽसंप्रसारणं च

(vārttika) kvib vacipracchyāyatastukaṭaprujuśrīṇāṃ dīrgho 'saṃprasāraṇaṃ ca — "kvip [comes] after vac, pracch, stu with āyata, pru with kaṭa, ju and śrī, with lengthening and without saṃprasāraṇa."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ किब्वचीत्यादिना उणादिसूत्रेण केषांचित्सिद्धे तच्छीलादौ तृना बाधा मा भूदिति वार्तिके ग्रहणम् । वक्तीति वाक् । पृच्छतीति प्राट् । आयतं स्तौतीति आयतस्तूः । कटं प्रवते कटप्रूः । जूरुक्तः । श्रयति हरिं सा श्रीः ।

For some of these [the forms] are already established by the Uṇādi sūtra "kvib vaci…"; they are taken into the vārttika so that, in the tacchīla etc. senses, there should be no blocking by tṛn. vakti, "speaks": vāk. pṛcchati, "asks": prāṭ. āyataṃ stauti, "praises the extended": āyatastūḥ. kaṭaṃ pravate, "goes to the mat": kaṭaprūḥ. jūḥ has [already] been stated [under SK 3157]. śrayati hariṃ sā śrīḥ: "she who resorts to Hari is Śrī."

vārttika

द्युतिगमिजुहोतीनां द्वे च

(vārttika) dyutigamijuhotīnāṃ dve ca — "And for dyut, gam and juhoti (hu), reduplication [with kvip]."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दृशिग्रहणादभ्याससंज्ञा । दिद्युत् । जगत् ।

The [first part] gets the name abhyāsa because of the word "dṛśi" [in the sūtra]: didyut, jagat.

vārttika

जुहोतेर्दीर्घश्च

(vārttika) juhoter dīrghaś ca — "And for juhoti, lengthening [too]."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ जुहूः । दॄ भये । अस्य ह्रस्वश्च । दीर्यति ददृत् ।

juhūḥ. dṝ "to fear" (bhaye): for this, shortening too (hrasvaś ca). dīryati, "fears": dadṛt.

vārttika

ध्यायतेः संप्रसारणं च

(vārttika) dhyāyateḥ saṃprasāraṇaṃ ca — "And for dhyāyati (dhyai), saṃprasāraṇa [with kvip]."

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ धीः ॥

dhīḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 525

—जुहोतेर्दीर्घश्चेति । जुहोतीति जुहूः । ह्रस्वश्चेति चकारेण द्वित्वं समुच्चीयते ॥—धीरिति । ध्यायतीति धीः । ‘हलः’ इति दीर्घः । ननु ध्यायति पुरुषो न तु धीः, एवं जुहोत्यनया पुरुष इति सर्वसंमतत्वात् । कथं तर्हि भवदुक्तार्थः संगच्छत इति चेत् । अत्राह हरदत्तः । करणस्य कर्तृत्वविवक्षायां क्विप् भवति

Bālamanoramā

अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते - अन्येभ्योऽपि । क्विबिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् ।भ्राजभासे॑त्यादिसूत्रोपात्तापेक्षया अन्येभ्योऽपि धातुभ्यस्तच्छीलादिषु कर्तृषु क्विप् दृश्यते इत्यर्थः । विध्यन्तरेति । विधीयते इति विधिः = कार्यं । कार्यान्तरोपसङ्ग्रहार्थमित्यर्थः । तदेव दर्शयति — क्वचिद्दीर्घ इत्यादि । क्विब्वचीत्यादिनेति ।क्विब्वचिप्रच्छ्यायतस्तुकटप्रुजुश्रीणां दीर्घोऽसंप्रसारणं चे॑त्यौणादिकसूत्रेणेत्यर्थः । तृना बाधा मा भूदिति । वासरूपविधिस्तु ताच्छीलिकेषु नेति भावः । वागिति । वचधातोः क्विप्, वचनादुपधाया दीर्घः,वचिस्वपी॑ति संप्रसारणाऽभावश्च । एवं कटप्रूरित्यत्र दीर्घः । प्राडिति । वचनान्न संप्रसारणम् । जुरुक्त इति ।भ्राजभासेत्यत्रे॑ति शेषः । अतोऽत्र तद्ग्रहणं मास्त्विति भावः । श्रीरिति । श्रिञः क्विपि दीर्घः । द्युतीति ।द्युतिगमिजुहोत्यादीनां द्वित्वं क्विप्चे॑ति वाच्यमित्यर्थः । 'पूर्वोऽभ्यासः' इत्यत्र षाष्ठद्विर्वचन एव पूर्वखण्डस्याऽभ्याससंज्ञावचनादाह — दृशिग्रहणादिति ।अन्येभ्योऽपि दृश्यते॑ इत्यत्रेत्यर्थः । ततश्चाऽभ्यासकार्यं हलादिशेषादीति भावः । दिद्युदिति ।द्युतिस्वाप्यो॑रिति संप्रसारणम् । जगदिति । गमेः क्विप् 'गमः क्वौ' इति मलोपे तुक् । जुहोतेर्दीर्घश्चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । चात्क्विब्द्वित्वे । ह्रस्वश्चेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । ददृदिति । ह्रस्वे कृते तुक् । ध्यायतेरिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । चात्क्विप् । धीरिति । ध्यैधातोः क्विपि संप्रसारणे पूर्वरूपे 'हलः' इति दीर्घ इति भावः । अत्रध्यायतेः संप्रसारणं चे॑त्युणादिषु पठितत्वादिदं वार्तिकं माऽस्त्वित्याहुः । वस्तुतस्तु उणादिसूत्राणि न पाणिनीयानि किन्तु ऋष्यन्तरप्रणीतानीति वक्ष्यते अतो न पौनरुक्त्यशङ्का ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'kvip' completes what is to be supplied (śeṣapūraṇa). The sense is that kvip is seen in agents of the tacchīla etc. kind after roots other than those taken in bhrājabhāsa… (SK 3157). Followed in sutra_en and in the bracket of k1.
commentary BM: in 'vidhyantara', vidhi means 'what is enjoined', i.e. an operation (kārya); so 'to take in other operations', which 'kvacid dīrghaḥ…' then shows. Followed ('operations').
commentary BM: 'kvib vacītyādinā' refers to the Uṇādi sūtra kvib vacipracchy…. 'So that there is no blocking by tṛn': the point is that the vāsarūpa option does not hold among the tācchīlika affixes. vāk: kvip after vac, lengthening of the upadhā by this statement, and no saṃprasāraṇa by vacisvapi… (SK 2409); likewise lengthening in kaṭaprūḥ; prāṭ has no saṃprasāraṇa by the statement; śrīḥ is śriñ with kvip and lengthening. On 'jūr uktaḥ': it was stated under bhrājabhāsa… (SK 3157), so its mention here [in the vārttika] may be dispensed with. Followed in the bracket '[under SK 3157]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3157.t1 ('—vāk. prāḍ iti'): here there is lengthening and no saṃprasāraṇa; saṃprasāraṇa would otherwise come by vacisvapi… (SK 2409) and grahijyā… (SK 2412). On 'śrayati hariṃ śrīḥ': an earlier writer (prācā) gave kvip in the object sense, 'they resort to her' (śrayanty etām), which plainly conflicts with kartari kṛt (SK 2832); appeal to bāhulaka is only a last resort. Recorded; the English keeps Bhaṭṭoji's agent sense.
commentary BM: 'dyuti…' means that reduplication and kvip should be stated for dyut, gam and hu. Since pūrvo 'bhyāsaḥ (SK 2178) names the first part abhyāsa only in reduplication taught in the sixth book, he says 'dṛśigrahaṇāt', i.e. from 'dṛśi' in anyebhyo 'pi dṛśyate; hence the abhyāsa operations such as halādiḥ śeṣaḥ apply. didyut: saṃprasāraṇa by dyutisvāpyoḥ… (SK 2344). jagat: kvip after gam, deletion of m by gamaḥ kvau (SK 2986), then tuk. Followed in the bracket '[first part]' and '[in the sūtra]'.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3157.t1 ('—dyutīti—'): even when reduplication is done by 'dve ca', the name abhyāsa is hard to obtain, because by proximity (pratyāsatti) pūrvo 'bhyāsaḥ operates only for sixth-book reduplication and so not for eighth-book reduplication; meeting this doubt he says 'dṛśigrahaṇāt'. didyut: saṃprasāraṇa of the abhyāsa by dyutisvāpyoḥ…; jagat: m-deletion by gamaḥ kvau, then tuk. Lengthening gathered by the 'ca' of 'dve ca' cannot apply to dyut and gam, because the word 'dīrgha' calls up the paribhāṣā 'acaś ca', so it is possible only for vowel-final hu; with this in mind he states 'juhoter dīrghaś ca'. Agrees with BM; recorded.
commentary BM: 'juhoter dīrghaś ca' is a vārttika, and by its 'ca' kvip and reduplication come. 'hrasvaś ca' is also a vārttika; dadṛt has tuk after the shortening. Recorded: the print has no vārttika sign before 'asya hrasvaś ca', so it is rendered unlabelled within Bhaṭṭoji's sentence.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—juhoter dīrghaś ceti'): juhoti, 'offers': juhūḥ. In 'hrasvaś ca', the 'ca' gathers reduplication. Recorded.
commentary BM: 'dhyāyateḥ…' is a vārttika, and by its 'ca' kvip comes. dhīḥ: dhyai with kvip ('kvanipi' in ours, read kvipi), saṃprasāraṇa, the prior vowel retained (pūrvarūpa), lengthening by halaḥ (SK 2559). Some say this vārttika is not needed, since 'dhyāyateḥ saṃprasāraṇaṃ ca' is read among the Uṇādi sūtras; but in fact the Uṇādi sūtras are not Pāṇini's, being the work of another sage, as will be said, so the charge of repetition does not arise. Recorded.
commentary TB, own t1 ('—dhīr iti'): dhyāyati, 'meditates': dhīḥ, with lengthening by halaḥ. Objection: it is the person who meditates, not the dhī, and likewise the person offers with the juhū, as all agree; how then does the stated sense fit? Haradatta's answer: kvip comes when the instrument is intended as the agent. Recorded.
textual The 1915 print (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525, read at zoom) reads the vārttika as 'kib vacipracch…', with plain ki and not the kvi ligature it uses in 'kvip' on the same page; Wikisource SK also has 'kib vaci'. Ours reads 'kvib vaci…', the standard Uṇādi form, which the sense (the affix kvip) requires; k3 reads 'kib vacītyādinā' in both ours and the print. The English gives kvip in both places (collation batch11, class A, 'owner to decide'), for Ajai.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tags in ours before k3, k5, k7 and k9 are editorial. The print marks the four vārttikas (k2, k4, k6, k8) with a sign before them and sets Bhaṭṭoji's prose after them; only those four blocks are labelled.

SK 3159 · A 3.2.179V

भुवः संज्ञाऽन्तरयोः ॥ ३१५९ ॥

bhuvaḥ saṃjñā'ntarayoḥ

bhuvaḥ saṃjñāntarayoḥ — After bhū, [kvip — to be supplied (śeṣa), per BM — comes, only] when the derivative is a name (saṃjñā) or [denotes one who stands] between (antara).

Rule. After bhū "to be", kvip comes only when the word is a name (saṃjñā), or means one who stands between (antara). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies kvip and calls the rule a restriction (niyama).

Example.

mitra + bhū + kvip → mitrabhūḥ, the name of someone.

prati + bhū + kvip → pratibhūḥ "surety". Bhaṭṭoji: one who stands between a creditor and a debtor, for the sake of trust.

Applies when / blocked by. Is pratibhūḥ not also a name? No, say both commentators. A name lasts as long as its bearer. A man ceases to be a pratibhū once the debt is repaid. One commentator adds: one who stands between two villages is not a pratibhū. The word dṛśi, still in force, keeps the sense narrow.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मित्रभूर्नाम कश्चित् । धनिकाधमर्णयोरन्तरे यस्तिष्ठति विश्वासार्थं स प्रतिभूः ॥

mitrabhūḥ — the name of someone. One who stands between a creditor and a debtor for the sake of trust is a pratibhū ('surety').

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 525

—भुवः संज्ञा—॥—धनिकेत्यादि । तेन ग्रामयोरन्तरे यस्तिष्ठति तत्र नेति भावः । एतच्च दृशिग्रहणानुवृत्त्या लभ्यते । नन्वेवं प्रतिभूशब्दः संज्ञेति फलितं तत्र संज्ञायामित्येव सिद्धं किमन्तरग्रहणेन । अत्राहुः । यावद्द्रव्यभाविन्यः संज्ञाः । प्रतिभूशब्दस्तु सत्येव तस्मिन् ऋणप्रदानेन निवर्तत इत्युभयोर्भेद इति ॥ शं सुखं भावयतीति शंभुरित्यर्थाभ्युपगमेनाह—अन्तर्भावितेति । शं भवति सुखस्वरूपो भवतीति शंभुरित्यन्ये । शं भवत्यस्मादिति व्युत्पत्तिस्तु अपादाने डुप्रत्ययाभावाच्चिन्त्येति माधवः

Bālamanoramā

भुवः संज्ञाऽन्तरयोः - भुवः संज्ञान्तरयोः ।क्वि॑बिति शेषः ।संज्ञान्तरयोरेवेति॑ नियमार्थं सूत्रम् । संज्ञायामुदाहरति — मित्रभूर्नामेति । अन्तरे उदाहरति — धनिकेत्यादि । यावद्द्रव्यभाविन्यः संज्ञाः । प्रतिभूशब्दस्तु सत्येव पुरुषे कदाचिन्न भवति, ऋणे प्रतिदत्ते सति प्रातिभाव्यस्य निवृत्तेः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'kvib iti śeṣaḥ' — kvip is to be supplied; the sūtra is restrictive (niyamārtha): [after bhū, kvip comes] only in a name and in the sense 'between'. BM then pairs the two examples: mitrabhūḥ for the name, the creditor–debtor definition for antara. Followed in sutra_en (the bracketed kvip and 'only').
commentary BM on why pratibhū is not simply a name: names last as long as their bearer (yāvaddravyabhāvinyaḥ [saṃjñāḥ] — ours omits saṃjñāḥ, Wikisource BM uttara-3/0143 has it), whereas the word pratibhū ceases to apply to the man while he still exists, since the suretyship ends once the debt is repaid. Recorded.
commentary TB (sk.3159.t1, '—dhanikety ādi'): the definition restricts antara, so one who stands between two villages is not called pratibhū; this restriction is obtained by the continuation of the word dṛśi (dṛśyate) from SK 3158. Objection: then pratibhū turns out to be a name, so saṃjñāyām alone would suffice — why antara? Answer (atrāhuḥ): names last as long as their bearer; pratibhū ceases while the person still exists, when the debt is paid — hence the two differ. Followed: antara is rendered with the restricted creditor–debtor sense the kaumudī gives.
textual Ours reads the sūtra 'bhuvaḥ saṃjñā'ntarayoḥ' with an avagraha; the 1915 print (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525 read) has 'saṃjñāntarayoḥ' without it. Orthographic only. The kaumudī = print word for word (collation batch11: clean).
textual The second half of sk.3159.t1 (from 'śaṃ sukhaṃ bhāvayatīti') is TB on SK 3160 (śambhuḥ, antarbhāvita-ṇyartha), not on this sūtra.

SK 3160 · A 3.2.180V

विप्रसम्भ्यो ड्वसंज्ञायाम् ॥ ३१६० ॥

viprasambhyo ḍvasaṃjñāyām

viprasambhyo ḍv asaṃjñāyām — After [bhū — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3159 —] preceded by vi, pra or sam, ḍu comes, but not when the derivative is a name.

Rule. After bhū with vi, pra or sam, the affix ḍu comes, but not in a name. Bhaṭṭoji supplies bhū. Its marker is ḍ; u remains.

Example. The running example:

pra + bhū + ḍu → pra + bhū + u

→ the ḍ-marked affix: the ṭi of bhū (its last vowel, with anything after it) is lost → pra + bh + u → prabhuḥ "master".

vibhuḥ "pervading"; sambhuḥ "begetter".

In a name, kvip comes by SK 3159: vibhūḥ, the name of someone.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators: the ṭi is lost by force of the ḍ marker alone, though the stem is not a bha stem.

A vārttika, mitadrvādibhya upasaṃkhyānam: ḍu should be added for mitadru and the rest.

mitaṃ dravatīti mitadruḥ "one who runs a measured pace"; śatadruḥ; śambhuḥ.

Watch out. In śambhuḥ, Bhaṭṭoji says, bhavati carries the causative sense within it. "One who causes happiness (śam) to be." One commentator reports other analyses; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो भुवो डुः स्यान्न तु संज्ञायाम् । विभूर्व्यापकः । प्रभुः स्वामी । संभुर्जनिता । संज्ञायां तु विभूर्नाम कश्चित् ।

After bhū preceded by these, ḍu comes, but not in a name. vibhuḥ — 'pervading'; prabhuḥ — 'master'; sambhuḥ — 'begetter'. In a name, however: vibhūḥ — the name of someone.

vārttika

मितद्र्वादिभ्य उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) mitadrvādibhya upasaṃkhyānam — An additional statement [of ḍu] is to be made for mitadru and the rest.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ मितं द्रवतीति मितद्रुः । शतद्रुः । शंभुः । अन्तर्भावितण्यर्थोऽत्र भवतिः ॥

mitadruḥ — 'one who runs (dravati) a measured [pace]'; śatadruḥ; śambhuḥ. Here bhavati carries the sense of the causative (ṇic) within it.

Bālamanoramā

विप्रसम्भ्यो ड्वसंज्ञायाम् - विप्रसंभ्यः ।डु- अ- संज्ञाया॑मिति छेदः । विभुरिति । डित्त्वसामर्थ्यादभस्यापि टेर्लोपः । सम्भुरिति । संभवति उत्पादयतीति सम्भुः । तदाह — जनितेति । मितद्र्वादिसिद्ध्यर्थं डुप्रत्ययस्य उपसङ्ख्यानमित्यर्थः । शम्भुरिति । शं = सुखं , भवति = उत्पादयतीत्यर्थः । तदेवोपपादयति - अन्तर्भावितेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is to be divided 'ḍu' + 'a-saṃjñāyām'. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary BM on vibhuḥ: by the force of the ḍ being an it (ḍittva-sāmarthya), the ṭi is dropped although the stem is not bha. On sambhuḥ: saṃbhavati = utpādayati 'brings forth', hence 'begetter' (janitā). Followed for janitā; the ṭi-lopa is recorded.
commentary BM: the vārttika is an additional statement (upasaṃkhyāna) of the suffix ḍu, to obtain mitadru etc. Followed: '[of ḍu]' is supplied in brackets.
commentary BM on śambhuḥ: śam = sukham 'happiness', bhavati = utpādayati 'produces'; 'antarbhāvita…' justifies this causative sense. Followed.
commentary TB, printed at the tail of sk.3159.t1: Bhaṭṭoji says 'antarbhāvita-ṇyarthaḥ' because he accepts the sense 'śaṃ sukhaṃ bhāvayati' (causes happiness to be). Others: 'śaṃ bhavati' = is of the nature of happiness. The analysis 'śaṃ bhavaty asmāt' (from whom happiness arises) is doubtful, says Mādhava, because ḍu is not prescribed in the apādāna. Agrees with BM on the causative; followed. The other analyses are recorded.
textual Ours reads 'vibhūr vyāpakaḥ' (long ū); the 1915 print (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525 read) has 'vibhur vyāpakaḥ' (short u), which the ḍu suffix requires and which contrasts with the name vibhūḥ (by kvip, SK 3159) cited at the end of the block. English follows the print (collation batch11). Wikisource SK also has the short form.
textual The '(vārttikam)' tag that opens this block in our source is editorial; the 1915 print marks the vārttika (k2) with its sign and has no tag. Print sūtra 'viprasaṃbhyo', ours 'viprasambhyo' — spelling only.
translator The name vibhūḥ (long ū) is the kvip derivative of SK 3159, which the asaṃjñāyām of this sūtra leaves in place; the kaumudī does not name the rule.
translator No commentator states the anuvṛtti of bhū here (BM only divides the sūtra and glosses the examples; TB, at the tail of sk.3159.t1, comments only on śambhuḥ). The kaumudī's gloss itself supplies 'bhuvaḥ' ('ebhyo bhuvo ḍuḥ'); identifying its source as bhuvaḥ saṃjñāntarayoḥ (SK 3159) is the translator's.

SK 3161 · A 3.2.181V

धः कर्मणि ष्ट्रन् ॥ ३१६१ ॥

dhaḥ karmaṇi ṣṭran

dhaḥ karmaṇi ṣṭran — After dhā (dheṭ and dhāñ), ṣṭran comes in the sense of the karman (object).

Rule. After dhā, the affix ṣṭran comes in the sense of the object (karman). Bhaṭṭoji: dhā means dheṭ "to suck" and dhāñ "to place, to nourish". One commentator: here karmaṇi names the sense, not an upapada.

Example.

dhā + ṣṭran → the markers ṣ and n go

→ the ṭ was only the t made retroflex by the ṣ; with the ṣ it goes back to t → dhā + tra

→ feminine ṅīṣ, because the affix is ṣ-marked → dhātrī.

Bhaṭṭoji: dhātrī means "mother", "āmalakī", "earth" and "foster-mother".

One commentator: dhātrī is "one who is sucked", a wet-nurse.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

धेटो घाञश्च कर्मण्यर्थे ष्ट्रन् स्यात् । धात्री जनन्यामलकीवसुमत्युपमातृषु ॥

After dheṭ ('to suck') and dhāñ ('to place, to nourish'), ṣṭran comes in the sense of the karman. dhātrī [is used] for 'mother', 'āmalakī (emblic myrobalan)', 'earth' and 'foster-mother'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 525–526

—धः कर्मणि—। कर्मणीति नोपपदम् । ‘ह्वावामश्च’ इत्यनन्तरमेव धः । ष्ट्रनिति वक्तव्ये पृथक्कर्मग्रहणाद्व्याख्यानाद्वेत्याशयेनाह—कर्मण्यर्थे इति । अत एव धीयते पीयत इति धात्री स्तनदायिनीत्यादि व्याचक्षते ॥—तितु—। मेढ्रमिति । ‘हो ढः’ धत्वष्टुत्वढलोपाः ॥—दंष्ट्रेति । षित्त्वेऽपि ङीष् इह न भवति अनित्यः षितां ङीषित्युक्तत्वात् । अन्ये त्वजादिपाठाट्टापमाहुः ॥—नद्ध्रीति । ‘नहो धः’ इति धत्वम् । ‘झषस्तथोर्धो धः’ इति जश्त्वम् । सूत्रे दशेति नलोपिनो निर्देशो ज्ञापकः क्वचिदकित्यपि दंशेर्नलोपो भवतीति । तेन दंश दशन इत्यस्माल्ल्युटि दशना दन्ता इति सिद्धम् । न च सन्निधानात् ष्ट्रन्येव नलोपः स्यादिति वाच्यम् । ‘शुनो दन्तदंष्ट्रा—’ इति निर्देशात् ॥—तच्चेत्करणमित्यादि । एतेन हलसूकरयोरभिधेयत्वमुपपदत्वं च निरस्तम् ॥—मुखमित्यर्थ इति । तत्रैव रूढिरिति भावः ॥—अर्तिलूधूसू—। धू विधूनने इति कुटादिरेव गृह्यते निरनुबन्धकत्वात्। अत एव ‘गाङ्कुटा—’ इति ङित्त्वाद्गुणनिषेधे उवङ् तदाह—धुवित्रमिति ॥—पुवः—। पूङ्पूञोरुभयोर्ग्रहणमविशेषात् । करण इत्यनुवृत्तेराह—येनाज्यमिति ॥—कर्तरि चर्षि-।—इत्रः स्यादिति । करणे कर्तरि चेत्यर्थः । काशिकानुसारेण यथासंख्यं व्याचष्टे—ऋषौ करणे इति । ‘कर्तरि कृत्’ इति सूत्रस्थभाष्यकैयटयोस्तु यथासंख्यं नेति गम्यत इति शब्दकौस्तुभे स्थितम् ॥ ॥ इति पूर्वकृदन्तम् ॥ अथोणादयः ॥

Bālamanoramā

धः कर्मणि ष्ट्रन् - धः कर्मणि ष्ट्रन् । धेटः कृतात्वस्य धाञश्च ध इति पञ्चम्यन्तम् । तदाह — धेट इत्यादि । षकारात्तकारस्य ष्टुत्वसंपन्नटकारेण निर्देशः, षस्य इत्संज्ञायां लोपे सति ष्टुत्वसंपन्नस्य टस्य निवृत्तिः । तदाह — धात्रीत्यादि ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.3161.t1 ('—dhaḥ karmaṇi—'): karmaṇi is not an upapada. Where 'dhaḥ ṣṭran' could have been stated right after 'hvāvāmaś ca' [whose karmaṇi is an upapada], the karman is named separately; or this follows from the commentators' explanation (vyākhyāna). Hence Bhaṭṭoji's 'karmaṇy arthe', and hence dhātrī is explained as 'one who is sucked (dhīyate, pīyate)', i.e. a wet-nurse. Followed: 'in the sense of the karman'.
commentary BM: 'dhaḥ' is the fifth-case word (pañcamyanta) of dhā, covering dheṭ (once its vowel has become ā) and dhāñ. The suffix is written with ṭ because the t after ṣ has undergone ṣṭutva; when ṣ is an it and is dropped, the ṭ produced by ṣṭutva goes too, [leaving tra] — hence dhātrī. Followed (both roots; the suffix as ṣṭran).
textual Ours reads 'dheṭo ghāñaś ca'; the 1915 print (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525 read) has 'dheṭo dhāñaś ca' — the root is ḍudhāñ, as the sūtra's dhaḥ and BM show. English follows the print (collation batch11). Wikisource SK also has dhāñ.
translator The half-verse on dhātrī is a lexical citation; the kaumudī does not name its source.

SK 3162 · A 3.2.182V

दाम्नीशसयुयुजस्तुतुदसिसिचमिहपतदशनहः करणे ॥ ३१६२ ॥

dāmnīśasayuyujastutudasisicamihapatadaśanahaḥ karaṇe

dāmnīśasayuyujastutudasisicamihapatadaśanahaḥ karaṇe — After dāp (written dām), nī, śas, yu, yuj, stu, tud, si, sic, mih, pat, daś (= daṃś) and nah, [ṣṭran — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3161 —] comes in the sense of the karaṇa (instrument).

Rule. After thirteen roots, ṣṭran comes in the sense of the instrument (karaṇa). They are dāp, nī, śas, yu, yuj, stu, tud, si, sic, mih, pat, daṃś and nah. ṣṭran carries over from SK 3161.

Example. The running example:

dāp + ṣṭran → dā + tra → dātram "sickle".

Bhaṭṭoji: dānty anena "they cut with it".

nī + tra → guṇa → netram "eye".

The other eleven forms are given under SK 3163.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the root written dām? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. It is dāp "to cut", with m for p before the nasal (SK 116). So it is not dā "to give".

Watch out. daś in the sūtra is daṃś "to bite". The commentators explain its n-less form differently.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दावादेः ष्ट्रन् स्यात्करणेऽर्थे । दान्त्यनेन दात्रम् । नेत्रम् ॥

After dāp etc., ṣṭran comes in the sense of the karaṇa. 'They cut (dānti) with it': dātram. netram.

Bālamanoramā

दाम्नीशसयुयुजस्तुतुदसिसिचमिहपतदशनहः करणे - दाम्नी । दाप्, नी, शस, यु , युज, स्तु, तुद, सि, सिच, मिह, पत, दश , नह एषां त्रयोदशानां द्वन्द्वः । 'दाप् लवने' इत्यस्य पकारस्य स्थाने 'यरोऽनु' इति कृतमकारस्य निर्देशः । अत्र शसेः पतेश्च त्रप्रत्यये इटमाशङ्क्याऽऽह —

translator notes

commentary BM: a dvandva of thirteen — dāp, nī, śas, yu, yuj, stu, tud, si, sic, mih, pat, daś, nah. dām is dāp lavane ('to cut') with its p replaced by m by yaro 'nunāsike 'nunāsiko vā (SK 116). Followed in sutra_en and in k1 ('dāp', not dā 'to give').
commentary BM closes (end of sk.3162.b1): 'here, suspecting iṭ for śas and pat before the suffix tra, he states —', leading into SK 3163 (Pāṇini 7.2.9), which Bhaṭṭoji inserts here out of Aṣṭādhyāyī order. Recorded; the examples of this sūtra (śastram, yotram, yoktram, stotram, totram, setram, sektram, meḍhram, patram, daṃṣṭrā, naddhrī) are given under SK 3163.
commentary On daśa in the sūtra (BM under SK 3163, on daṃṣṭrā): the root is daṃś; the sūtra names it in its form with śap, where n is lost by daṃśasañjasvañjāṃ śapi (SK 2396). Followed in sutra_en ('daś (= daṃś)').
commentary TB, printed under sk.3161.t1 (on SK 3163, '—naddhrīti'): the sūtra's naming of daṃś in the n-less form daśa is a jñāpaka that daṃś sometimes loses its n even before a non-kit suffix (hence daśanāḥ 'teeth', with lyuṭ). Also reads daśa as daṃś; followed in sutra_en. Its account of the n-less form differs from BM's (śap form) — recorded.
textual No TB on this sūtra in the 1915 print: the TB band of NSP p. 515 (scan page-0525 read) goes from '—dhaḥ karmaṇi—' straight to '—titu—'. The kaumudī = print word for word (collation batch11: clean).
translator Neither commentator states the anuvṛtti of ṣṭran here: BM only analyses the dvandva, and the print has no TB on this sūtra. The kaumudī's gloss itself supplies 'ṣṭran syāt'; identifying its source as dhaḥ karmaṇi ṣṭran (SK 3161) is the translator's.

SK 3163 · A 7.2.9V

तितुत्रतथसिसुसरकसेषु च ॥ ३१६३ ॥

titutratathasisusarakaseṣu ca

titutratathasisusarakaseṣu ca — And before ti, tu, tra, ta, tha, si, su, sara, ka and sa [— kṛt suffixes — the augment iṭ does not come; 'na iṭ' and 'kṛti' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from neḍ vaśi kṛti, SK 2981].

Rule. Ten kṛt affixes do not take iṭ: ti, tu, tra, ta, tha, si, su, sara, ka and sa. This is a seventh-book rule, placed here out of order. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. iṭ might be expected for śas and pat before tra.

Example. The running example:

śas + ṣṭran → śas + tra → no iṭ (this rule) → śastram "weapon".

The forms of SK 3162, as Bhaṭṭoji lists them:

yotram, yoktram, stotram, totram, setram, sektram, meḍhram, patram, daṃṣṭrā, naddhrī.

nah + tra → dh for h, dh for t → d for the first dh (jaś) → naddhra → ṅīṣ → naddhrī "a leather strap".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators illustrates all ten affixes. For example ti in tantiḥ, tu in saktuḥ, sa in vatsaḥ.

Watch out. ṣṭran is ṣ-marked, so why daṃṣṭrā and not ṅīṣ? One commentator says ṅīṣ after a ṣ-marked affix is not obligatory. Others give ṭāp through the aja list. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषां दशानां कृत्प्रत्ययानामिण्न स्यात् । शस्त्रम् । योत्रम् । योक्त्रम् । स्तोत्रम् । तोत्रम् । सेत्रम् । सेक्त्रम् । मेढ्रम् । पत्रम् । दंष्ट्रा । नद्ध्री ॥

These ten kṛt suffixes do not take iṭ. śastram, yotram, yoktram, stotram, totram, setram, sektram, meḍhram, patram, daṃṣṭrā, naddhrī.

Bālamanoramā

तितुत्रतथसिसुसरकसेषु च - तितुत्रत । ति, तु, त्र, त,थ, सि, सु, सर, क , स एषां दशानां द्वन्द्वः । अत्रसरे॑त्येकम् । ति, — तन्तिः ।स्त्रिया॑मिति क्तिन् । तु- सक्तुः ।तनिगमी॑त्यादिनातु॑प्रत्ययः । त्र, — शस्त्रम्, पत्रम् ।दाम्नी॑ति त्रप्रत्ययः । त, — हस्तः । औणादिकस्तप्रत्ययः । क्तप्रत्यये तु हसितमित्येव । थ — कुष्ठम् । औणादिकः क्थप्रत्ययः । सि — कुक्षिः । कुषेरौणादिकः क्सिप्रत्ययः । सु — इक्षुः । इषेरौणादिकः क्सुप्रत्ययः । सर — अक्षरम् । अशेः सरन् । क — शल्कः । शलेः कः । स — वत्सः ।वदेः सः॑ । मेढ्रमिति । 'मिह सेचने' त्रः । ढत्वधत्वष्टुत्वढलोपाः । दंष्ट्रेति । दंशधातोस्त्रः । क्ङित्प्रत्ययाऽभावान्नलोपो न । सूत्रे दशेति शपा निर्देशात्दंशसञ्जे॑ति नलोपः । केचित्तु दशेत्यकार उच्चारणार्थः । नलोपनिर्देशात्क्वचिदन्यस्मिन्नपि प्रत्यये अक्ङित्यपि नलोप इति 'दशन दन्ताः' इत्याहुः । नद्ध्रीति । नह्यते अनयेति विग्रहः । चर्मरज्जुः । 'नह बन्धने' त्रः । 'नहो धः'झषस्तथो॑रिति तस्य धः । षित्त्वान्ङीष् ।

translator notes

translator The kaumudī's gloss itself supplies 'kṛt suffixes' and 'iṭ does not come'; identifying their source as neḍ vaśi kṛti (SK 2981), the preceding sūtra in the Aṣṭādhyāyī (7.2.8), is the translator's. Neither commentator names it here.
translator The eleven examples are the ṣṭran (tra) derivatives of SK 3162 — from śas, yu, yuj, stu, tud, si, sic, mih, pat, daṃś and nah — given here because this sūtra blocks iṭ in them (dā and nī, the first two roots of SK 3162, were illustrated there).
commentary BM: a dvandva of these ten — ti, tu, tra, ta, tha, si, su, sara, ka, sa; 'sara' is one item. BM illustrates each: ti — tantiḥ (ktin by striyām); tu — saktuḥ (tu by tanigami…); tra — śastram, patram (by dāmnī…, SK 3162); ta — hastaḥ (Uṇādi ta; with kta it would be hasitam); tha — kuṣṭham (Uṇādi kthan); si — kukṣiḥ (Uṇādi ksi from kuṣ); su — ikṣuḥ (Uṇādi ksu from iṣ); sara — akṣaram (saran from aś); ka — śalkaḥ (ka from śal); sa — vatsaḥ (sa from vad). Followed in sutra_en (the ten items); BM's examples are recorded (they are not the kaumudī's).
commentary BM on meḍhram: mih secane + tra, then ḍhatva, dhatva, ṣṭutva and ḍha-lopa. On daṃṣṭrā: daṃś + tra; the suffix is neither kit nor ṅit, so the n is not lost; the sūtra (SK 3162) names daṃś as daśa in its śap form, with n lost by daṃśasañjasvañjāṃ śapi. Some (kecit) say the a of daśa is for pronunciation, and its naming without n shows that n is lost sometimes before another suffix even when not kṅit — hence daśanāḥ 'teeth'. On naddhrī: 'that by which one is bound', a leather strap; nah bandhane + tra; dh by naho dhaḥ and jhaṣas tathoḥ; ṅīṣ because the suffix is ṣit. Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3161.t1 ('—titu—'): meḍhram by ho ḍhaḥ, dhatva, ṣṭutva and ḍha-lopa. daṃṣṭrā: though the suffix is ṣit, ṅīṣ does not come, because ṅīṣ after ṣit suffixes is stated to be non-obligatory (anitya); others say ṭāp by inclusion in the ajādi list. naddhrī: dh by naho dhaḥ, then jaśtva by jhaṣas tathor dho 'dhaḥ. The n-less 'daśa' in the sūtra is a jñāpaka for n-loss of daṃś even before a non-kit suffix (daśanāḥ from lyuṭ); this is not confined to ṣṭran, as the wording 'śuno dantadaṃṣṭrā…' shows. Recorded; it agrees with the view BM attributes to 'kecit'.
textual The kaumudī = the 1915 print (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525 read; collation batch11: clean). The raw OCR's 'yoktam', 'sektam', 'medam', 'najjī' are OCR misreadings.

SK 3164 · A 3.2.183V

हलसूकरयोः पुवः ॥ ३१६४ ॥

halasūkarayoḥ puvaḥ

halasūkarayoḥ puvaḥ — After pū, [ṣṭran — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3161 — comes in the sense of the karaṇa — carried forward from SK 3162 —, when that instrument is a part] of a plough or of a hog.

Rule. After pū "to purify", ṣṭran comes in the sense of the instrument. That instrument must be part of a plough or of a hog. Bhaṭṭoji: both pūṅ and pūñ.

Example.

pū + ṣṭran → guṇa → po + tra → no iṭ (SK 3163) → potram.

Bhaṭṭoji: the potra of a plough or of a hog, "that is, its fore-part" (mukha): the front of the plough, the snout of the hog.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says "if that instrument is part of a plough or a hog". One commentator: this rejects two views. That the plough and hog are what the word means. And that they are upapadas.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूङ्पूञोः करणे ष्ट्रन् स्यात् तच्चेत्करणं हलसूकरयोरवयवः । हलस्य सूकरस्य वा पोत्रम् । मुखमित्यर्थः ॥

After pūṅ and pūñ, ṣṭran comes in the sense of the karaṇa, if that karaṇa is a part of a plough or of a hog. potram — of a plough or of a hog; that is, its mukha (fore-part, snout).

Bālamanoramā

हलसूकरयोः पुवः - हलसूकरयोः पुवः । पोत्रमिति ।तितुत्रतथसिसुसरे॑ति नेट् ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.3161.t1 ('—tac cet karaṇam ity ādi'): by this gloss Bhaṭṭoji rejects the views that plough and hog are what the word denotes, or that they are upapadas. On 'mukham ity arthaḥ': the word is conventional (rūḍhi) only in that sense. Followed: halasūkarayoḥ is rendered 'a part of a plough or of a hog', not as an upapada.
commentary BM: in potram iṭ does not come, by titutratathasisusarakaseṣu ca (SK 3163). Recorded.
textual The kaumudī = the 1915 print (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525 read; collation batch11: clean).
translator Neither commentator states these anuvṛttis: TB's 'tac cet karaṇam…' concerns the construal of halasūkarayoḥ, and BM notes only that iṭ does not come. The kaumudī's gloss itself supplies 'karaṇe ṣṭran syāt'; identifying the sources as dhaḥ karmaṇi ṣṭran (SK 3161) for ṣṭran and dāmnī… karaṇe (SK 3162) for karaṇe is the translator's.

SK 3165 · A 3.2.184V

अर्तिलूधूसूखनसहचर इत्रः ॥ ३१६५ ॥

artilūdhūsūkhanasahacara itraḥ

artilūdhūsūkhanasahacara itraḥ — After ṛ (arti), lū, dhū, sū, khan, sah and car, itra comes [in the sense of the karaṇa — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3162].

Rule. After seven roots, the affix itra comes, in the sense of the instrument. They are ṛ (arti), lū, dhū, sū, khan, sah and car.

Example.

ṛ + itra → guṇa → ar + itra → aritram.

lū + itra → guṇa → lo + itra → av → lavitram.

dhavitram, savitram, khanitram, sahitram, caritram.

Watch out. One commentator takes dhū as a root of the kuṭ group. After such a root an affix counts as ṅ-marked (SK 2461), so there is no guṇa. His reading then presupposes dhuvitram. Bhaṭṭoji's text has dhavitram; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अरित्रम् । लवित्रम् । धवित्रम् । सवित्रम् । खनित्रम् । सहित्रम् । चरित्रम् ॥

aritram, lavitram, dhavitram, savitram, khanitram, sahitram, caritram.

Bālamanoramā

अर्तिलूधूसूखनसहचर इत्रः - अर्तिलूधू । अर्ति, लू, धू, सू , खन, सह , चर एषां सप्तानां द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी ।

translator notes

translator Neither commentator states the anuvṛtti of karaṇe at this sūtra; both state it at the next (SK 3166: TB 'karaṇa ity anuvṛtteḥ', BM 'karaṇe ity eva'), which presupposes that it runs through this one. The bracket is supplied on that basis.
commentary BM: the fifth case (pañcamī) of a dvandva of these seven — arti, lū, dhū, sū, khana, saha, cara. Followed in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.3161.t1 ('—artilūdhūsū—'): dhū is the kuṭādi root dhū vidhūnane, because the sūtra names it without anubandha (niranubandhaka). The next line of the print (NSP p. 515, last line, under the scan watermark) reads, as far as legible: 'ata eva gāṅkuṭā[dibhyo…] iti ṅittvād guṇaniṣedhe uvaṅ, tad āha — dhuvitram iti', i.e. TB's kaumudī has dhuvitram (no guṇa, the suffix being ṅit by gāṅkuṭādibhyo 'ñṇin ṅit, SK 2461). Not followed; see the textual note.
textual Ours reads 'dhavitram' and so does the 1915 print's kaumudī (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525 read), so the English keeps dhavitram. But TB's lemma and argument (as far as legible under the watermark) presuppose 'dhuvitram', and Wikisource SK (uttara-3/0144) reads 'dhuvitram'. Not in the collation report → for Ajai's printed copy.

SK 3166 · A 3.2.185V

पुवः संज्ञायाम् ॥ ३१६६ ॥

puvaḥ saṃjñāyām

puvaḥ saṃjñāyām — After pū, [itra — to be supplied (śeṣa), per BM — comes in the sense of the karaṇa — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3162, per TB and BM —] when the derivative is a name.

Rule. After pū, itra comes in the sense of the instrument, when the word is a name. Both commentators: "instrument" still holds. One commentator: both pūṅ and pūñ are taken.

Example.

pū + itra → guṇa → po + itra → av → pavitram.

Bhaṭṭoji: that by which the ājya (clarified butter) is purified, and that which is wrapped round the ring finger.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पवित्रम् । येनाज्यमुत्पूयते यच्चानामिकावेष्टनम् ॥

pavitram — that by which the ājya (clarified butter) is purified, and that which is wrapped round the ring finger.

Bālamanoramā

पुवः संज्ञायाम् । 'इत्र' इति शेषः । करणे इत्येव । पवित्रमिति । पूयते अनेनाऽऽज्यमिति विग्रहः । तदाह — येनाज्यमिति । पूयते आचमनोदकादिकमनेनेति विग्रहं मत्वाऽऽह — यच्चानामिकेति । अनामिका — उपकनिष्ठिकाङ्गुलिः ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.3161.t1 (NSP pp. 515–516, '—puvaḥ—'): both pūṅ and pūñ are taken, since no distinction is made; and because karaṇe is carried forward (karaṇa ity anuvṛtteḥ) Bhaṭṭoji says 'that by which the ājya…'. Followed in sutra_en (the bracketed karaṇa) and in k1.
commentary BM, sk.3166.b1 (its text agrees with Wikisource BM uttara-3/0144): 'itra iti śeṣaḥ. karaṇe ity eva' — itra is to be supplied and karaṇe continues. pavitram = 'pūyate anena ājyam' (the ājya is purified by it); taking the analysis 'by it the water for sipping etc. is purified', he adds 'that which is wrapped round the ring finger' — the anāmikā is the finger next to the little finger. Followed in sutra_en and k1.
textual The BM on this sūtra (sk.3166.b1) was re-filed here 2026-10-05 from sk.3135.b1, where it stood under the pratīka of SK 3135 (jalpabhikṣakuṭṭaluṇṭavṛṅaḥ ṣākan); its text is 'puvaḥ saṃjñāyām. itra iti śeṣaḥ. karaṇe ity eva. pavitram iti…' through 'anāmikā — upakaniṣṭhikāṅguliḥ', which agrees with Wikisource BM uttara-3/0144 (between BM on SK 3165 and on SK 3167).
textual The kaumudī = the 1915 print (NSP p. 515, scan page-0525 read; collation batch11: clean).

SK 3167 · A 3.2.186V

कर्तरि चर्षिदेवतयोः ॥ ३१६७ ॥

kartari carṣidevatayoḥ

kartari carṣidevatayoḥ — [After pū, itra — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 3166 — comes] also (ca) [in the sense of the karaṇa] and in the sense of the kartṛ (agent), when a ṛṣi or a deity [is denoted].

Rule. After pū, itra comes in the instrument sense and in the agent sense (kartṛ). The ca brings in the instrument. Bhaṭṭoji pairs them in order (yathāsaṃkhya). The instrument goes with a ṛṣi, the agent with a deity (devatā).

Example.

For a ṛṣi, the instrument: pūyate 'nena "one is purified by it" → pavitram.

Bhaṭṭoji: ṛṣi here means a Vedic mantra, since one finds "tad uktam ṛṣiṇā". One commentator names the Pāvamānī hymns.

For a deity, the agent: agniḥ pavitraṃ sa mā punātu "Agni is the purifier; may he purify me."

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's pairing in order follows the Kāśikā. One commentator reports the Śabdakaustubha, which denies the pairing on the Bhāṣya's authority; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. In agniḥ pavitram, pavitram is neuter and singular, beside a masculine. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the word is used generically.

End of the prakaraṇa. With SK 3167 the pūrvakṛdanta ends. The printed text closes it with the words iti pūrvakṛdantaṃ samāptam "here the pūrvakṛdanta is concluded". The next chapter, chapter 68, is the Uṇādi list.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पुव इत्रः स्यात् ऋषौ करणे देवतायां कर्तरि । ऋषिर्वेदमन्त्रः । तदुक्तमृषिणेति दर्शनात् । पूयतेऽनेनेति पवित्रम् ॥ देवतायां त्वग्निः पवित्रं स मा पुनातु ॥

After pū, itra comes: in the sense of the karaṇa when a ṛṣi [is denoted], in the sense of the kartṛ (agent) when a deity [is denoted]. Here ṛṣi means a Vedic mantra, since one finds [the expression] 'tad uktam ṛṣiṇā' ('this has been said by the ṛṣi'). 'One is purified by it' (pūyate 'nena): pavitram. With a deity, on the other hand: agniḥ pavitraṃ sa mā punātu — 'Agni is the purifier; may he purify me.' [Here the pūrvakṛdanta is concluded.]

Bālamanoramā

कर्तरि चर्षिदेवतयोः - कर्तरि च । पवित्रमिति । पावमान्यादिसूक्तम् । अग्निः पवित्रमिति । पुनातीत्यर्थः । सामान्याभिप्रायमेकवचनं, नपुंसकत्वं च । इति पूर्वकृदन्तम्॥॥ इति बालमनोरमायाम् पूर्वकृदन्तम्॥अथ रुधादयः ।अथ श्नम्विकरणा धातवो निरूप्यन्ते ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.3161.t1 (NSP p. 516 top, scan page-0526 read): 'itraḥ syāt' — the sense is 'in the karaṇa and in the kartṛ' (the ca bringing in karaṇe). Bhaṭṭoji explains the pairing respectively (yathāsaṃkhya) — karaṇa with ṛṣi, kartṛ with devatā — following the Kāśikā; but the Śabdakaustubha holds that from the Bhāṣya and Kaiyaṭa on kartari kṛt (SK 2832) it is understood that the pairing is not respective. Followed in sutra_en (the ca read as bringing in karaṇe; the pairing left open there, as the sūtra leaves it); k1 renders Bhaṭṭoji's respective pairing as he states it; the Śabdakaustubha's objection is recorded.
commentary BM: pavitram (the ṛṣi case) = the Pāvamānī and similar hymns (sūkta). In 'agniḥ pavitram', pavitram = punāti 'purifies'; its singular number and neuter gender are used with a generic intent (sāmānyābhiprāya). Followed: pavitram is rendered as the agent 'purifier'.
textual The closing line 'iti pūrvakṛdantaṃ samāptam' ('Here the pūrvakṛdanta is concluded'), printed at the end of this sūtra in the 1915 edition (NSP p. 516, scan page-0526 read), is missing from ours; supplied in brackets (collation batch11, class M). On the print it is followed by the heading 'uṇādiprakaraṇam 65 / prathamapādaḥ', which belongs to the next prakaraṇa. Otherwise the kaumudī = print word for word.
textual sk.3167.b1 ends with BM's colophon ('iti pūrvakṛdantam … iti bālamanoramāyāṃ pūrvakṛdantam') followed by a stray 'atha rudhādayaḥ. atha śnamvikaraṇā dhātavo nirūpyante', which is BM's opening of the rudhādi section and does not belong here. TB's own colophon ('iti pūrvakṛdantam') stands at the end of sk.3161.t1, followed by the heading 'athoṇādayaḥ'; TB's Uṇādi commentary that followed it was re-filed to sk.90001.t1 (2026-10-05).
translator 'tad uktam ṛṣiṇā' is cited as a usage showing that ṛṣi can mean the mantra itself; the kaumudī does not name its source.
translator No commentator states the anuvṛtti of puvaḥ and itra here: TB's only gloss on the sūtra is 'karaṇe kartari ca ity arthaḥ', and BM comments on the examples. The kaumudī's gloss itself supplies 'puva itraḥ syāt'; identifying the source as puvaḥ saṃjñāyām (SK 3166), into which itra comes from SK 3165, is the translator's.

पूर्वकृदन्तप्रकरणम्