prakāre guṇavacanasya — When similarity (prakāra) is to be conveyed, [two word-forms (dve) come in place of the whole — by the adhikāra of SK 2139 —] of a guṇavacana, a word expressing a quality, [and the doubled form is treated like a karmadhāraya — by the adhikāra of SK 2146].
Rule. When similarity (prakāra) is to be conveyed, a guṇavacana, a word for a quality, is doubled. By the heading SK 2146, the doubled form is treated like a karmadhāraya. Bhaṭṭoji glosses prakāra as sādṛśya "similarity".
The word prakāra can also mean "difference". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say that "similarity" is fixed only by the tradition's explanation (vyākhyāna).
Example.
paṭvī paṭvī "skilful, skilful" (feminine)
→ treated like a karmadhāraya: one prātipadika, both endings deleted
→ the first half becomes masculine by SK 746, paṭvī → paṭu
→ the whole takes the high accent on its last vowel by samāsasya (SK 3734, in the accent section)
→ paṭupaṭvī "somewhat skilful (she)".
In the masculine, paṭupaṭuḥ. Bhaṭṭoji gives its meaning: paṭusadṛśaḥ, "like one who is skilful". That is to say, īṣatpaṭuḥ, "somewhat skilful".
Both kinds of quality-word are taken here, Bhaṭṭoji says. One kind names a substance in which a quality is subordinate. The other names the quality alone.
śuklaśuklaṃ rūpam "a whitish colour": the quality alone.
śuklaśuklaḥ paṭaḥ "a whitish cloth": a substance with the quality.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the word rūpam "colour" shows that the first example names the quality alone. The other says this sentence rejects the view that a guṇavacana names only a substance.
Applies when / blocked by. Why is the karmadhāraya transfer needed, after the bahuvrīhi transfer? The bahuvrīhi treatment would already give paṭupaṭvī, through SK 831. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both answer. The karmadhāraya treatment brings SK 746, and SK 746 reaches words that SK 831 does not. It reaches even words with k before the final vowel, such as kārikā. One of them gives kālakakālikā.
Now come the vārttikas on this sūtra, in Bhaṭṭoji's order. Each adds a new sense in which a word is doubled.
Vārttika 1: succession in order. Ānupūrvye dve vācye: "when succession in order (ānupūrvya) is to be conveyed, two word-forms should be stated".
mūle "at the root" → doubled for order → mūle mūle sthūlaḥ "at the root, at the root, [it is] thick". Each part nearer the root is thicker than the part beyond it.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says there is no karmadhāraya treatment here, following the Bhāṣya's example. So the seventh-case ending of mūle stays in both halves. The other says why this is not pervasion. A bamboo stick has only one real root. Other parts are "root" only relative to the parts above them.
Vārttika 2: alarm. Saṃbhrameṇa pravṛttau yatheṣṭam anekadhā prayogo nyāyasiddhaḥ. "When someone acts in alarm (saṃbhrama), using the word many times, as often as one wishes, is established by reasoning."
sarpa "snake!" and budhyasva "wake up!" → repeated in alarm
→ sarpa sarpa, budhyasva budhyasva "Snake, snake! Wake up, wake up!"
→ or three times: sarpa sarpa sarpa, budhyasva budhyasva budhyasva.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the wording. Saṃbhrama is haste caused by fear and the like. The word anekadhā "many times" suspends the "two" of the heading. Yatheṣṭam "as one wishes" allows even a single use. And there is no karmadhāraya treatment, so the ending stays. The other commentator explains "by reasoning": use as many words as the hearer needs to grasp the meaning.
Vārttika 3: repetition or intensity of an action. Kriyāsamabhihāre ca: "and when kriyāsamabhihāra, repetition or intensity of an action, is to be conveyed, two word-forms come".
lunīhi "reap!" → doubled → lunīhi lunīhīty evāyaṃ lunāti "this man reaps in the manner 'Reap! Reap!'".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the grammar. Lunīhi is the imperative of lū "to cut, reap". The imperative is named loṭ; here it comes in the sense of repeated or intense action (SK 2825). The following lunāti is an anuprayoga, a finite verb of the same root added after it (SK 2827). Both rules are taught with the verbs, in the second half. The whole means intense reaping by a single agent.
Bhaṭṭoji then asks why the vārttika is needed. Doubling for repetition is already given by SK 2140. So the vārttika serves doubling in the sense of intensity (bhṛśa). Or else it lets the doubling signify repetition jointly with the loṭ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both draw the consequence. A yaṅ form such as pāpacyate "he cooks intensely" is not doubled. One of them gives the reason. Loṭ does not always mean repetition, so it needs the doubling beside it. Yaṅ always means it, and signifies it alone.
Vārttika 4: exchange of action. Karmavyatihāre sarvanāmno dve vācye, samāsavac ca bahulam. "When exchange of action (karmavyatihāra) is to be conveyed, two word-forms of a pronoun (sarvanāman) should be stated. And the doubled form is variously (bahulam) treated like a compound." Exchange of action means each does the act to the other.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators both say the doubling itself is obligatory. The word bahulam goes only with the compound treatment. Bhaṭṭoji draws the result. Because of bahulam, doubled anya "other" and para "other" are not treated like a compound. Doubled itara "other" is always treated like one. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that other pronouns are not doubled in this sense at all.
Vārttika 5: su for the first half. Asamāsavadbhāve pūrvapadasthasya supaḥ sur vaktavyaḥ. "Where there is no treatment like a compound, su should be stated as the substitute for a case-ending in the first member." So this vārttika concerns anya and para. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says any case-ending of the first member, of any case, is replaced by su, the first-case singular ending.
anyam anyam → the first member's ending am is replaced by su → anya + su (the second anyam is untouched)
→ the s of su becomes ru (SK 162)
→ ru becomes u (SK 163) → anya + u
→ a + u gives o by guṇa (SK 69) → anyo
→ anyo + anyam → anyo 'nyam
→ anyo 'nyaṃ viprā namanti "the brahmins bow to one another".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps (su, ru, u, guṇa); Bhaṭṭoji gives only the result.
Likewise anyo 'nyau, anyo 'nyān, anyo 'nyena kṛtam "done by one another", anyo 'nyasmai dattam "given to one another". Only the second half changes its ending; the first half stays anyo.
anyo 'nyam and anyonyam are one form written two ways. Our text writes anyo 'nya- with the sign '. The printed edition writes anyonya- throughout.
Bhaṭṭoji cites the poet Māgha: anyo 'nyeṣāṃ puṣkarair āmṛśantaḥ "touching one another with the tips of their trunks". Bhaṭṭoji's citations answer an older view. One of his commentators states that view: this doubling is for the first-case singular only. The other describes it differently: su replaces only endings from the second case on, and in the singular only. Both say that the Bhāṣya's examples, and Māgha's usage, go against it. Scholars discuss this.
paraḥ param → parasparam "each other". Bhaṭṭoji says the visarga is replaced by s, because paraspara is in the kaskādi list (SK 144).
itaraḥ itaram → treated like a compound: both endings deleted, a fresh ending after the whole → itaretaram, itaretareṇa and so on. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.
Vārttika 6: ām in the feminine and neuter. Strīnapuṃsakayor uttarapadasthāyā vibhakter āmbhāvo vā vaktavyaḥ. "In the feminine and the neuter, ām should optionally be stated as substitute for the case-ending of the second member."
anyonyām or anyonyam; parasparām or parasparam; itaretarām or itaretaram.
ime brāhmaṇyau kule vā bhojayataḥ "these two brahmin women (or: these two families) feed each other". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. This woman or family feeds the other, and the other feeds this one.
Bhaṭṭoji reports two views on the reach of ām.
- Some say ām replaces the second-case ending only, because the Bhāṣya gives only such examples. So in the third case and the rest, even the feminine and neuter forms are as in the masculine.
- Others say ām replaces the ending of every case, because the example is merely indicative (diṅmātra). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes this second view as the settled one.
The verse on bahula. Bhaṭṭoji then quotes a verse. One of his commentators calls it an older verse. It lists what the word bahula in Vārttika 4 achieves:
daladvaye ṭābabhāvaḥ klībe cādḍvirahaḥ svamoḥ | samāse sor aluk ceti siddhaṃ bāhulakāt trayam ||
"Absence of ṭāp in both halves; in the neuter, absence of adḍ for su and am; and non-deletion of su in a compound: these three are established from bāhulaka." Bāhulaka means the force of the word bahula.
1. In the feminine anyonyam and parasparam, no feminine ṭāp appears in either half.
2. In the neuter anyonyam and itaretaram, adḍ does not replace su and am.
3. When the doubled form enters a further compound, the su of the first half is not deleted. The name for non-deletion is aluk.
Why each of the three needs bahula. Bhaṭṭoji shows that each result would otherwise go wrong.
- Ṭāp. In feminine
anyonyam and parasparam, ṭāp is due in both halves. Could the vārttika sarvanāmno vṛttimātre [puṃvadbhāvaḥ] remove it? That vārttika makes a pronoun masculine in any vṛtti. A vṛtti is a compound or similar derived formation. But anya and para are not treated like a compound. Nor is doubling itself a vṛtti. If it were, the masculine would wrongly come in yāṃ yāṃ priyaḥ praikṣata kātarākṣī sā sā "whichever woman the beloved looked at, she, the timid-eyed one…". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators lists the vṛttis as five: kṛt, taddhita, compound, ekaśeṣa, and the derived verb stems. - Adḍ. In neuter
anyonyam and itaretaram, adḍ is due by SK 315. - Deletion of su. In
anyonyasaṃsaktam ahastriyāmam "day and night joined to each other", deletion of the first half's su is due. So too in anyonyāśrayaḥ "mutual dependence", parasparākṣisādṛśyam "the likeness of each other's eyes", and aparasparaiḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators analyses each of them as a compound, and in a compound the inner case-endings are deleted. (This is the rule of SK 650, chapter 17.)
Bhaṭṭoji concludes: all this is settled by the force of bāhulaka. His authorities are two passages of the Bhāṣya. One is the Bhāṣya's example to this very vārttika. The other is the phrase anyonyasaṃśrayaṃ tv etad under striyām (SK 453).
Watch out. Five places in this unit correct a slip in our text by the printed edition.
- Our text of the Kaumudī reads antodātatvam. The 1915 printed edition reads antodāttatvam "final udātta". We follow the print.
- Our text of the Kaumudī reads ānupūrvye dve aācye. The 1915 printed edition reads ānupūrvye dve vācye. We follow the print.
- Our text of the Kaumudī reads sarpa sarva. The 1915 printed edition repeats the same word (sarpaḥ). We keep our form sarpa and repeat it: sarpa sarpa.
- Our text of the Kaumudī reads samu-itya, with a letter lost. The 1915 printed edition reads samuccitya "jointly". We follow the print.
- Our text of the Kaumudī reads pūrvapadasthasya supaṃ. The 1915 printed edition reads supaḥ "of a case-ending". We follow the print.
Two points of grammar are easily missed too. Not every doubling in this unit is compound-like: mūle mūle and sarpa sarpa keep their endings. And under Vārttika 4, anya and para are never compound-like, while itara always is.