Vaiyākaraṇa-siddhānta-kaumudī — taddhitādhikāre svārthikaprakaraṇam

SK 2051 · A 5.3.96V

इवे प्रतिकृतौ ॥ २०५१ ॥

ive pratikṛtau

ive pratikṛtau — [kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2050 —] in the sense of iva ('like'), when [the thing compared is] a likeness (pratikṛti).

Rule. In the sense of iva "like", kan comes when the thing compared is a likeness (pratikṛti). It comes after the word for the standard of comparison. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kan is carried forward from SK 2050.

Example.

aśva iva pratikṛtiḥ "a likeness like a horse" → aśva + kan

→ the n of kan is an it → aśva + ka

→ aśvakaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. A pratikṛti is an image made of clay and the like. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators defines it so. The thing compared must be such an image. Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is gaur iva gavayaḥ "the gavaya is like a cow". A gavaya is not a likeness, so no kan comes.

Watch out. Pratikṛti is feminine, yet aśvakaḥ is masculine. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains: a svārthika affix keeps the gender and number of its base, here aśva. The other commentator reports two views of what kan does here. On one, it names the likeness itself. On the other, aśva already stands for the likeness, and kan only signals that use.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कन् स्यात् । अश्व इव प्रतिकृतिः अश्वकः । प्रतिकृतौ किम् । गौरिव गवयः ॥

[After a word denoting the standard of comparison, the affix] kan comes. A likeness (pratikṛti) [that is] like a horse: aśvakaḥ. Why 'when a likeness [is meant]'? [Consider] gaur iva gavayaḥ ('the gavaya is like a cow') [— no kan, since the gavaya is not a likeness].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 327–328

अश्वक इति ॥ अश्वशब्दोऽश्वे एव वर्तते, कन्प्रत्ययस्तु प्रतिकृतिरूपे सदृश इति नायं स्वार्थिक इत्येके ॥ अन्ये तु सादृश्यनिबन्धनादभेदोपचाराद्गौर्वाहीक इतिवदश्वशब्द एव प्रतिकृतौ वर्तते । प्रत्ययस्तु तस्यैवौपचारिकत्वस्य बोधक इत्याहुः । प्रतिकृतौ किम्, गौरिव गवयः ॥ तृणचर्मकाष्ठादिनिर्मितं प्रतिमापरपर्यायं वस्तु प्रतिकृतिः । गवयस्तु नैवम् ॥— समुदायश्चेदिति । प्रकृतिप्रत्ययसमुदायश्चेदश्वसदृशस्य संज्ञेत्यर्थः ॥—चञ्चा । वर्ध्रिकेति । लुपि युक्तवद्भावात् स्त्रीलिङ्गता ॥—वासुदेवः । शिव इत्यादि । याः प्रतिमाः प्रतिगृह्य गृहाद् गृहं भिक्षमाणा अटन्ति ता एवमुच्यन्ते । देवलका अपि ॥ त एव भिक्षवोऽभिप्रेताः ॥ यास्त्वायतनेषु प्रतिष्ठाप्यन्ते पूज्यन्ते च तासूत्तरसूत्रेण लुप् । तदुक्तम्—‘अर्चासु पूजनार्हासु चित्रकर्मध्वजेषु च । इवे प्रतिकृतौलोपः कनो देवपथादिषु’ इति । अर्चासु प्रतिमासु । प्रतिमासु कीदृशीषु । पूजनार्हासु । गृहेष्वायतनेषु वा याः पूज्यन्ते तासु । चित्रकर्मध्वजाभ्यां तद्गताः प्रतिकृतयो लक्ष्यन्ते ॥ अर्चासूदाहरणं—शिवः । विष्णुः ॥ चित्रकर्मणि—अर्जुनः । दुर्योधनः ॥ ध्वजेषु—कपिः । गरुडः । सिंहः ॥ सुपर्णसिंहमकरादयो राज्ञां ध्वजेषु सन्ति ॥—हस्तिकानिति । ईदृशमेव विषयमभिप्रेत्य पठन्ति—‘रामं सीतां लक्ष्मणं जीविकार्थे विक्रीणीते यो नरस्तं च धिग्धिक् । अस्मिन्पद्ये योऽपशब्दान्न वेत्ति व्यर्थप्रज्ञं पण्डितं तं च धिग्धिक्’ इति । अयं भावः । ‘अपण्ये’ इत्युक्तत्वात्पण्ये हस्तिकानितिवत् रामकं सीतिकां लक्ष्मणकमिति प्रयोगा एव साधव इति ॥—देवपथ इत्यादि । देवपथ इव प्रतिकृतिः । हंसपथ इव प्रतिकृतिरिति विग्रहः ॥—वस्तिरिति । ‘वस्तिर्नाभेरधो द्वयोः’ इत्यमरः

Bālamanoramā

इवे प्रतिकृतौ - अथ तद्धिते स्वार्थिकप्रकरणं निरूप्यते । इवे प्रतिकृतौ । कन्स्यादिति ।अवक्षेपणे क॑न्नित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । इवार्थ उपमानत्वम् । तद्वति वर्तमानात्प्रातिपदिकात्कन्स्यात्प्रतिकृतिभूते उपमेये इति फलितम् । मृदादिनिर्मिता प्रतिमा प्रतिकृतिः । अश्वक इति । प्रतिकृतेः स्त्रीत्वेऽपिस्वार्थिकाः प्रकृतितो लिङ्गवचनान्यनुवर्तन्ते॑ इति पुंलिङ्गत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM opens the section: 'now the svārthika section within the taddhitas is set out'. On 'kan syāt': the implication is that kan continues (anuvṛtti) from 'avakṣepaṇe kan' (SK 2050). The sense of iva is being the standard of comparison (upamānatva); the upshot is that kan comes after a prātipadika standing for what has that [status], when the thing compared (upameya) is a likeness. A pratikṛti is an image (pratimā) made of clay and the like. aśvakaḥ is masculine although pratikṛti is feminine, by 'svārthikāḥ prakṛtito liṅgavacanāny anuvartante'. Followed for the bracketed kan in sutra_en and for the bracketed 'after a word denoting the standard of comparison' in k1; the gender remark is Recorded.
commentary TB (sk.2051.t1, from 'aśvaka iti'): some hold that aśva keeps its sense 'horse' while kan denotes the similar thing in the form of a likeness, so that this kan is not svārthika; others say that by figurative identification grounded in similarity (as in 'gaur vāhīkaḥ') the word aśva itself stands for the likeness, and the affix merely signals that figurative use. On the counterexample: a pratikṛti is a thing made of grass, hide, wood etc., another name for an image (pratimā); the gavaya is not such. The disagreement is Recorded and the English ('a likeness like a horse') left neutral between the two views; the definition is Followed for the bracketed explanation of the counterexample.
textual NSP p. 327 (printed 317) (scan) sets the section heading 'taddhiteṣu tadrājāḥ 39' immediately before this sūtra (the same words stand in the running head); our source carries the prakaraṇa name 'taddhitādhikāre svārthikaprakaraṇam'. The kaumudī text itself agrees with the print (collation batch17: clean).

SK 2052 · A 5.3.97V

संज्ञायां च ॥ २०५२ ॥

saṃjñāyāṃ ca

saṃjñāyāṃ ca — And when a name (saṃjñā) [is conveyed: kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2050 — in the sense of iva ('like') — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2051; 'pratikṛtau' does not continue].

Rule. Kan also comes in the sense of iva when base and affix together are a name (saṃjñā). Bhaṭṭoji says the rule is made for things that are not likenesses.

Example.

aśvasadṛśa "something resembling a horse" → aśva + kan → aśvakaḥ, as its name.

Likewise uṣṭrakaḥ, the name of something resembling a camel (uṣṭra).

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators traces the words. Kan is supplied. Ive "like" continues from SK 2051, but pratikṛtau "a likeness" has ceased. Otherwise this rule would add nothing to SK 2051.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इवार्थे कन् स्यात्समुदायेन चेत्संज्ञा गम्यते । अप्रतिकृत्यर्थमारम्भः । अश्वसदृशस्य संज्ञा । अश्वकः । उष्ट्रकः ॥

kan comes in the sense of iva, if a name (saṃjñā) is conveyed by the whole [formed of base and affix]. The rule is undertaken for [things] that are not likenesses (pratikṛti). The name of something resembling a horse: aśvakaḥ. [Likewise] uṣṭrakaḥ [the name of something resembling a camel].

Bālamanoramā

संज्ञायां च - संज्ञायां च ।क॑निति शेषः । समुदायश्चेदिति । प्रकृतिप्रत्ययसमुदायश्चेत्प्रकृत्यर्थसदृशस्य संज्ञेत्यर्थः । पूर्वसूत्रेणैव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — अप्रतिकृत्यर्थमारम्भ इति तथाच प्रतिकृताविति निवृत्तम् । इव इति त्वनुवर्तत एव । तदाह — अश्वसदृशस्येति । अश्वसदृशस्य अमनुष्यस्य कस्यचित्संज्ञैषा । अश्वसदृशोऽयमश्वकसंज्ञक इति बोधः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'kan' is to be supplied (iti śeṣaḥ). 'samudāyaś cet': if the aggregate of base and affix (prakṛtipratyayasamudāya) is the name of something resembling what the base denotes. Why this rule, when the preceding one would suffice? Answer: 'apratikṛtyartham ārambhaḥ'; so 'pratikṛtau' has ceased (nivṛtta), but 'ive' does continue (anuvartata eva). aśvasadṛśasya: this is the name of some non-human (amanuṣya) thing resembling a horse; the understanding is 'this one, resembling a horse, is called aśvaka'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for 'the whole [formed of base and affix]' in k1; 'non-human' is Recorded (it anticipates SK 2053 'lum manuṣye') and not added.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2051.t1: 'samudāyaś ced iti': if the aggregate of base and affix is a name of what resembles a horse. Agrees with BM; Followed for 'the whole [formed of base and affix]'.
translator The bracketed gloss of uṣṭrakaḥ ('resembling a camel') is the translator's, on the pattern of aśvaka; the kaumudī lists the form only. The identification of SK 2050 as the source of kan rests on BM's statement under SK 2051.

SK 2053 · A 5.3.98V

लुम्मनुष्ये ॥ २०५३ ॥

lummanuṣye

lum manuṣye — lup [of the kan taught for a name (saṃjñā) by 'saṃjñāyāṃ ca', SK 2052] when a human being (manuṣya) [is to be denoted].

Rule. The kan given for a name by SK 2052 undergoes lup when a man (manuṣya) is meant.

Example.

A cañcā is a man made of grass.

cañcā iva manuṣyaḥ "a man like a cañcā" → cañcā + kan (SK 2052)

→ lup of kan

→ cañcā, the man's name.

Likewise vardhrikā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says a vardhrikā is a likeness made of leather.

Applies when / blocked by. Only the kan of SK 2052 is meant, not that of SK 2051. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. A man cannot be a likeness.

Watch out. The man's name cañcā stays feminine. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so: under lup the gender follows the base (SK 1294). One of them adds that the number follows the man. So for two men like cañcās, the singular cañcā is not used.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

संज्ञायां विहितस्य कनो लुप्स्यान्मनुष्ये वाच्ये । चञ्चा तृणमयः पुमान् । चञ्चेव मनुष्यश्चञ्चा । वर्ध्रिका ॥

There is lup of kan prescribed [when] a name (saṃjñā) [is understood — i.e. by 'saṃjñāyāṃ ca', SK 2052], when a human being is to be denoted. A cañcā is a man made of grass (tṛṇamayaḥ pumān). A human being like a cañcā: cañcā. [Likewise] vardhrikā.

Bālamanoramā

लुम्मनुष्ये - लुम्मनुष्ये । संज्ञायां चेति विहितस्येति । नतु 'इवेप्रतिकृतौ' इति विहतस्य प्रतिकृतित्वाऽसंभवादिति भावः । चञ्चेव मनुष्यः चञ्चेत्युदाहरणं वक्ष्यन्चञ्चाशब्दं व्याचष्टे — चञ्चा तृणमयः पुमानिति । चञ्चेति । चञ्चातुल्यो मनुष्योऽयं चञ्चासंज्ञक इत्यर्थः । वर्ध्रिकेति । वर्ध्रिका चर्ममयी प्रतिकृतिः । तत्तुल्यो मनुष्योऽयं वर्ध्रिकासंज्ञक इत्यर्थः । लुपि युक्तवत्वात्स्त्रीत्वम् । वचनं तु विशेष्यवदेव,हरीतक्यादिषु व्यक्ति॑रित्युक्तेः । तेन 'चञ्चे इव मनुष्यौ' इत्यत्र चञ्चा इति न भवति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'vihitasya' means prescribed by 'saṃjñāyāṃ ca', not by 'ive pratikṛtau', because a human being cannot be a likeness (pratikṛti). cañcā: a man resembling a cañcā, who bears the name cañcā; vardhrikā is a likeness made of leather, and a man like it bears the name vardhrikā (our BM copy reads 'vardhri carmamayī', with letters lost; Wikisource BM, purva-3-2 p. 0094, reads 'vardhrikā carmamayī pratikṛtiḥ'). The feminine is because, under lup, [gender is] as of the connected [base] (yuktavat); number, however, follows the qualified (viśeṣya), by the statement 'harītakyādiṣu vyaktiḥ', so in [the case of] 'cañce iva manuṣyau' [the singular] cañcā is not used. Followed for the bracketed identification of the kan with SK 2052 in sutra_en and k1; the gender and number remarks are Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2051.t1: cañcā, vardhikā [OCR for vardhrikā]: the feminine gender is because, under lup, [gender is] as of the connected [base] (yuktavadbhāva). Recorded; agrees with BM.
translator The rule for gender under lup is 'lupi yuktavad vyaktivacane' (SK 1294); the identification is the translator's. The kaumudī gives no gloss of vardhrikā and the English leaves it unglossed;

SK 2054 · A 5.3.99V

जीविकार्थे चापण्ये ॥ २०५४ ॥

jīvikārthe cāpaṇye

jīvikārthe cāpaṇye — And [kan (the kan of 'ive pratikṛtau', SK 2051) undergoes lup — 'lup' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2053] when [a likeness] that serves a livelihood and is not for sale [is to be expressed].

Rule. Kan also undergoes lup when the likeness serves a livelihood (jīvikārtha) and is not for sale (apaṇya).

Example.

vāsudeva iva pratikṛtiḥ "a likeness like Vāsudeva" → vāsudeva + kan (SK 2051)

→ lup of kan

→ vāsudevaḥ.

Likewise śivaḥ, skandaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says this applies to images of gods that are the livelihood of devalakas. Both of his commentators explain: devalakas carry such images from house to house, begging alms.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is the kan of SK 2051, not of SK 2052. The Bhāṣya gives the example only for a likeness.

Why "not for sale"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is hastikān vikrīṇīte "he sells hastikas", likenesses of elephants. Goods for sale keep kan. Both of his commentators cite a verse on a man who sells rāma, sītā and lakṣmaṇa for his living. For such goods, they say, the correct forms keep kan: rāmakam, sītikām.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads tasmivanvācye. The 1915 printed edition reads tasminvācye, "when that is to be expressed". We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

जीविकार्थं यदविक्रीयमाणं तस्मिवन्वाच्ये कनो लुप्स्यात् । वासुदेवः । शिवः । स्कन्दः । देवलकानां जीविकार्थासु देवप्रतिकृतिष्विदम् । अपण्ये किम् । हस्तिकान्विक्रीणीते ॥

When that which serves a livelihood and is not being sold is to be expressed, kan undergoes lup: vāsudevaḥ, śivaḥ, skandaḥ. This [applies] to images of gods (devapratikṛti) that serve as the livelihood of devalakas [men who carry such images from house to house for alms]. Why "not for sale" (apaṇye)? hastikān vikrīṇīte ("he sells hastikas [likenesses of elephants]").

Bālamanoramā

जीविकाऽर्थे चापण्ये - जीविकार्थे चापण्ये । पण्यं — विक्रीयमाणम् । तदाह — अविक्रीयमाणमिति । वासुदेव इति । वासुदेवतुल्या जीविकार्था अविक्रेया प्रतिकृतिरित्यर्थः । एवं शिव इत्यादि । कथं प्रतिकृतेरविक्रेयाया जीविकार्थत्वमित्यत आह — देवलकानामिति । प्रतिमां गृहीत्वा भिक्षार्थं प्रतिगृहमटतामित्यर्थः । तत्तदायतनेषु प्रतिष्ठितासु पूजार्थप्रतिमासु उत्तरसूत्रेण लुब्वक्ष्यते । हस्तिकान्विक्रीणीते इति । जीविकार्थं हस्तितुल्यप्रतिकृतीर्विक्रीणीते इत्यर्थः । अत्र पण्यत्वप्रतीतेः कनो न लुक् ।सज्ञायां चे॑तिज विहितस्य नायं लुप्, किन्तु 'इवे प्रतिकृतौ' इति विहितस्यैव, भाष्ये प्रतिकृतावेव एतदुदाहरणात् । पठन्ति । चाभियुक्ताः — ॒रामं सीतां लक्ष्मणं जीविकार्थे विक्रीणीते यो रामादिशब्दाः प्रतिकृतिषु वर्तन्ते । तासां चात्र पण्यतया कनो लुब्दुर्लभ इति रामसीतालक्ष्मणशब्दानामपशब्दत्वमित्याशयः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: this lup is not of the kan prescribed by 'saṃjñāyāṃ ca' (SK 2052) but only of the kan prescribed by 'ive pratikṛtau' (SK 2051), because the Bhāṣya gives this example only for a likeness (pratikṛti). Followed for the bracketed identification of the kan in sutra_en. The SK numbers of the bracket are the translator's.
commentary BM: paṇya means 'being sold', hence the kaumudī's 'avikrīyamāṇa'. vāsudevaḥ is a likeness resembling Vāsudeva that serves a livelihood and may not be sold; so too śivaḥ etc. devalakānām: of those who take an image and wander from house to house for alms. For images set up in their shrines for worship, lup will be taught by the next sūtra (SK 2055). hastikān vikrīṇīte: he sells likenesses resembling elephants for a livelihood; since being for sale is understood, there is no luk of kan. The learned recite 'rāmaṃ sītāṃ lakṣmaṇaṃ jīvikārthe vikrīṇīte yo…', meaning that rāma etc. there are incorrect words (apaśabda), because of the sale lup of kan is not available. Followed for the bracketed gloss on devalaka and for 'hastikas [likenesses of elephants]'; the rest is Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2051.t1: vāsudevaḥ, śivaḥ etc. are said of the images that people take and carry from house to house begging; the devalakas are these very beggars. Images set up and worshipped in shrines get lup by the next sūtra, as the verse 'arcāsu pūjanārhāsu citrakarmadhvajeṣu ca / ive pratikṛtau lopaḥ kano devapathādiṣu' says. On hastikān: TB quotes the full verse 'rāmaṃ sītāṃ lakṣmaṇaṃ jīvikārthe vikrīṇīte yo naras taṃ ca dhig dhik…' and explains that because of 'apaṇye', for goods on sale the forms rāmakam, sītikām, lakṣmaṇakam, like hastikān, are the correct ones. Agrees with BM; followed for the devalaka gloss, the rest Recorded.
textual The digital source reads 'tasmivanvācye'; NSP p. 327 (scan, per the p42 collation) prints 'tasminvācye' ('when that is to be expressed'), without the stray va. The English follows the print.

SK 2055 · A 5.3.100V

देवपथादिभ्यश्च ॥ २०५५ ॥

devapathādibhyaśca

devapathādibhyaś ca — And after devapatha etc. [there is lup — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'lum manuṣye' (SK 2053) — of kan, namely the kan taught by 'ive pratikṛtau' (SK 2051)].

Rule. After devapatha and the words that follow it, the kan of SK 2051 also undergoes lup. The list is an ākṛtigaṇa.

Example.

devapatha iva pratikṛtiḥ "a likeness like the path of the gods" → devapatha + kan

→ lup of kan

→ devapathaḥ.

Likewise haṃsapathaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji writes "there is lup of kan". One of his commentators calls these words a śeṣapūraṇa. The same commentator says the kan is that of SK 2051.

Watch out. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cite a verse. It extends this lup to images for worship (arcā), to paintings, and to banners. One of them gives examples: Śiva and Viṣṇu among images for worship, and the monkey (kapi) and Garuḍa on banners.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कनो लुप्स्यात् । देवपथः । हंसपथः । आकृतिगणोऽयम् ॥

There is lup of kan [— of the kan taught by 'ive pratikṛtau' (SK 2051), in the sense 'like', of a likeness (pratikṛti) —]: devapathaḥ ['a likeness of the path of the gods']; haṃsapathaḥ. This is an open class (ākṛtigaṇa).

Bālamanoramā

देवपथादिभ्यश्च - देवपथादिभ्यश्च । कनो लुप् स्यादिति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । 'इवे प्रतिकृतौ' इति विहितस्य देवपथादिभ्यः परस्य कनो लुप्स्यादिति यावत् । देवपथ इति । देवानां पन्थाः देवपथः । तत्प्रतिकृतिरित्यर्थः ।इवे प्रतिकृतौ लोपः कनो देवपथादिषु॑ इति । अर्चाः=प्रतिमाः । पूजार्थासु तासु, चित्रकर्मसु, ध्वजेषु देवपथादिगणपठितेषुइवे प्रतिकृतौ॑विहितस्य कनो लुबित्यर्थः । 'तद्राजस्ये' ति सूत्रे कैयटोऽप्येतं श्लोकं पपाठ । अर्चासु यथा — शिवो विष्णुर्गणपतिरित्यादि । चित्रकर्मसु यथा — रावणः कुम्भकर्णः इन्द्रजिदित्यादि । ध्वजेषु यथाकपिः गरुडः वृषभ इत्यादि ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'kano lup syāt' is a filling-in of what is left unsaid (śeṣapūraṇa): there is lup of the kan prescribed by 'ive pratikṛtau' when it comes after devapatha etc. devapathaḥ: the path of the gods is devapatha, and the sense is 'a likeness of that'. BM cites the verse 'arcāsu pūjanārhāsu citrakarmadhvajeṣu ca / ive pratikṛtau lopaḥ kano devapathādiṣu' (which Kaiyaṭa also recites under 'tadrājasya'): the lup applies to images for worship (arcā: Śiva, Viṣṇu, Gaṇapati), to paintings (Rāvaṇa, Kumbhakarṇa, Indrajit) and to banners (kapi, garuḍa, vṛṣabha) that are read in the devapathādi list. Followed for the bracketed specification of the kan and for the gloss of devapathaḥ.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2051.t1: 'devapatha ityādi': the analysis is devapatha iva pratikṛtiḥ, haṃsapatha iva pratikṛtiḥ ('a likeness like devapatha / haṃsapatha'). TB, in the same block on SK 2054, cites the same verse ('tad uktam — arcāsu…') for images installed and worshipped in temples, to which 'the following sūtra' (this one) gives lup, and exemplifies arcā with Śiva, Viṣṇu, citrakarma with Arjuna, Duryodhana, and dhvaja with kapi, garuḍa, siṃha. Agrees with BM on which kan is meant; followed.
translator The anuvṛtti of lup from SK 2053 is not stated in so many words by BM or TB; it is supplied by the kaumudī's own gloss 'kano lup syāt', which BM calls a śeṣapūraṇa.

SK 2056 · A 5.3.101V

वस्तेर्ढञ् ॥ २०५६ ॥

vasterḍhañ

vaster ḍhañ — After vasti [in the sense of 'like' (iva) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2051], the affix ḍhañ [comes].

Rule. After vasti, ḍhañ comes in the sense "like". Vasti is the region below the navel. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gloss it from Amara's lexicon.

Example.

vastir iva "like the vasti" → vasti + ḍhañ

→ the ñ is an it → vasti + ḍha

→ ḍh → ey (SK 475) → vasti + eya

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → vāsti + eya

→ the final i deleted (SK 311) → vāsteyam.

In the feminine, ṅīp (SK 470) → vāsteyī.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says iva is carried forward, and pratikṛtau has ceased (nivṛtta). One of his commentators gives the reason. Pratikṛtau was not marked svarita.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इवेत्यनुवर्तत एव । प्रतिकृताविति निवृत्तम् । वस्तिरिव वास्तेयम् । वास्तेयी ॥

'iva' is indeed carried forward (anuvṛtti) [from SK 2051]; 'pratikṛtau' ('when a likeness is denoted') has ceased (nivṛtta). vastir iva — 'like the vasti [the region below the navel]' — vāsteyam; [feminine] vāsteyī.

Bālamanoramā

वस्तेर्ढञ् - वस्तेर्ढञ् । निवृत्तमिति । अस्वरितत्वादिति भावः ।संज्ञायां चे॑त्यादिपूर्वसूत्रेषु क्वापि प्रतिकृतावित्यस्याऽनिवृत्तेर्न लुब्विधिषु तेषु तदनुवृत्तिरपेक्षिता । वस्तिरिवेति ।बस्तिर्नाभेरधो द्वयो॑रित्यमरः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'nivṛttam': the reason is that [pratikṛtau] is not marked svarita (asvaritatvāt); in the preceding sūtras beginning 'saṃjñāyāṃ ca' (SK 2052) it has nowhere ceased, but in those lup-enjoining rules its anuvṛtti was not required. BM glosses vasti by Amara, 'bastir nābher adho dvayoḥ' (vasti: below the navel; of both genders). Followed for the bracketed gloss of vasti; the ceasing of 'pratikṛtau' is rendered as the kaumudī states it.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2051.t1 (NSP p. 328 scan, printed p. 318), on 'vastir iti': quotes the same line of Amara, 'vastir nābher adho dvayoḥ'. Followed for the bracketed gloss of vasti.

SK 2057 · A 5.3.102V

शिलाया ढः ॥ २०५७ ॥

śilāyā ḍhaḥ

śilāyā ḍhaḥ — After śilā [in the sense of 'like' (iva) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2051], the affix ḍha [comes].

Rule. After śilā "rock", ḍha comes in the sense "like". Unlike ḍhañ, it brings no vṛddhi.

Example.

śileva "like a rock" → śilā + ḍha

→ ḍh → ey (SK 475) → śilā + eya

→ the final ā deleted (SK 311) → śileyam.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies what is meant: curds and the like.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji reports that some split the rule (yogavibhāga) at śilāyāḥ. So ḍhañ comes too: śaileyam, with vṛddhi. One of his commentators says ḍhañ is carried forward from SK 2056 into that first part. One of his commentators gives the point of ḍhañ: vṛddhi, and ṅīp in the feminine.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शिलेव शिलेयम् । शिलाया इति योगविभागाड्ढञपीत्येके । शैलेयम् ॥

śileva — 'like a rock (śilā)' — śileyam [curds (dadhi) and the like]. Some hold that, by splitting the rule (yogavibhāga) at 'śilāyāḥ', ḍhañ [carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2056 into that first part] also [comes]: śaileyam.

Bālamanoramā

शिलाया ढः - शिलाया ढः । इवे इत्येव । शिलेव शिलेयमिति ।दध्यादी॑ति शेषः । योगेति । 'शिलाया' इत्येको योगः । ढञित्यनुवर्तते, इवे इति च । शैलेयमिति । ञित्त्वादादिवृद्धिः, स्त्रियां, ङीप् च फलम् । 'ढः' इति द्वितीयो योगः । शिलाया इत्यनुवर्तते । उक्तोऽर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ive ity eva' — '[in the sense of] iva' holds here as before. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en.
commentary BM on 'śileva śileyam': 'dadhyādi' (curds and the like) is to be supplied (iti śeṣaḥ). On 'yoga…': 'śilāyāḥ' is one rule, into which ḍhañ [from SK 2056] and 'ive' are carried forward (anuvartate); on 'śaileyam': ādivṛddhi because of the ñ-marker, and ṅīp in the feminine, is the point [of having ḍhañ]; 'ḍhaḥ' is the second rule, into which 'śilāyāḥ' is carried forward, with the sense already stated. Followed for the bracketed 'curds and the like' and the bracketed anuvṛtti of ḍhañ in k1.
textual Our source carries no Tattvabodhinī for SK 2057: the TB on SK 2051–2056, filed under sk.2051.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.2050.t1), ends at 'vastir iti' (SK 2056), and the next TB, under sk.2059.t1, begins at SK 2059 (NSP p. 328 scan, printed p. 318).

SK 2058 · A 5.3.103V

शाखादिभ्यो यः ॥ २०५८ ॥

śākhādibhyo yaḥ

śākhādibhyo yaḥ — After śākhā and the rest, ya [BM: yat] comes [in the sense 'like' (iva) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ive pratikṛtau' (SK 2051), 'pratikṛtau' having ceased at SK 2056].

Rule. After śākhā "branch" and the words that follow it, ya comes in the sense "like".

Example.

śākheva "like a branch" → śākhā + ya

→ the final ā deleted (SK 311) → śākhyaḥ.

Likewise mukhyaḥ, agryaḥ, śaraṇyaḥ, and jaghanam iva "like the hind part" → jaghanyaḥ.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī and the 1915 printed edition read the affix as ya. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads yat and calls ya a faulty reading, on grounds of accent; scholars discuss this. The forms are the same either way; only the accent differs.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शाखेव शाख्यः । मुख्यः । जघनमिव जघन्यः । अग्र्यः । शरण्यः ॥

Like a branch (śākhā): śākhyaḥ. mukhyaḥ. Like the hind part (jaghana): jaghanyaḥ. agryaḥ. śaraṇyaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

शाखाऽऽदिभ्यो यत् - शाखादिभ्यो यत् । 'य' इति त्वपपाठः । तैत्तिरीये॒मुख्यो भवती॑त्यादौ मुख्यशब्दस्य आद्युदात्तत्वदर्शनात्, उगवादिसूत्रभाष्यविरुद्धत्वाच्च ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sūtra is 'śākhādibhyo yat'; 'ya' is a faulty reading (apapāṭha), because in the Taittirīya, in 'mukhyo bhavati' etc., the word mukhya is seen with the udātta on its first syllable, and because [the reading 'ya'] contradicts the Bhāṣya on the sūtra 'ugavādibhyo yat'. Recorded: sutra_en keeps the transmitted 'ya' and gives BM's 'yat' in brackets.
translator The kaumudī's forms are the same under either affix; the difference between ya and yat is one of accent. This observation is the translator's, not BM's.
commentary BM, under SK 2061 (sk.2061.b1): the sense 'iva' continues as a heading (adhikāra) until [the sūtra] 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ' (SK 2066), exclusive. With the kaumudī's own statement at SK 2056 ('ive ity anuvartata eva; pratikṛtāv iti nivṛttam'), followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en; the kaumudī's paraphrases 'śākheva', 'jaghanam iva' show the same sense.
textual TB has no comment on this sūtra: its run of comment on SK 2051–2056, filed under sk.2051.t1 (re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.2050.t1), ends at 'vastiḥ' (SK 2056), and the next TB is 'dravyaṃ ca bhavye' (SK 2059, sk.2059.t1); NSP p. 328 (OCR) confirms. Recorded.
textual Our sūtra (Devanāgarī and IAST) reads 'śākhādibhyo yaḥ', as do the NSP 1915 print (p. 328, printed 318; the scan collation .work/collate-p29-42/batch17.md lists 2058 as clean) and the Wikisource SK; our padaccheda field and the ashtadhyayi.com Aṣṭādhyāyī text give 'yat'. Neither reading is emended; see the BM note.

SK 2059 · A 5.3.104V

द्रव्यं च भव्ये ॥ २०५९ ॥

dravyaṃ ca bhavye

dravyaṃ ca bhavye — And dravya [is irregularly formed (nipātana) from dru, in the sense of iva ('like') — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2051 —] when [the thing compared is] bhavya ('worthy').

Rule. The word dravya is fixed by nipātana from dru "tree", in the sense "like". It is used when the thing compared is bhavya, "worthy".

Example.

dravyam ayaṃ brāhmaṇaḥ "this brāhmaṇa is dravya", a worthy man.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the likeness. A tree bears flowers and fruit; so he is a vessel of what is desired. Or dru is the wish-granting tree.

The same commentator names the affix ya: dru + ya → guṇa of u → dro + ya → av for o → dravyam.

Applies when / blocked by. The other commentator names the affix ṇya, heard as -ya, its ṇ being a marker; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads dvavyam. The 1915 printed edition reads dravyam, as the sūtra itself does. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्वव्यमयं ब्राह्मणः ॥

dravyam ayaṃ brāhmaṇaḥ ('this brāhmaṇa is dravya', [i.e. worthy, like a tree (dru)]).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 328

—द्रव्यं च भव्ये । द्रुशब्दादिवार्थे ण्यप्रत्ययो निपात्यते

Bālamanoramā

द्रव्यं च भव्ये - द्रव्यं च भव्ये । द्रुशब्दादिवार्थवृत्तेर्यप्रत्ययो निपात्यते भव्ये उपमेये गम्ये । भव्य आत्मवान् ।अभिप्रेतानामर्थानां पात्रभूतः॑ इति वृत्तिः । द्रव्यमयमिति । द्रुः=वृक्षः, स यथा पुष्पफलादिभागेवमभिमतफलपात्रभूत इत्यर्थः । यद्वा द्रुः=कल्पवृक्षो ।ञत्र विवक्षितः, स इव अभिमतार्थभागित्यर्थः । यप्रत्यये ओर्गुणः । अवादेशः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: from dru, standing in the sense of iva, the affix ya is irregularly formed (nipātyate) when bhavya, the thing compared (upameya), is understood. bhavya = ātmavān, 'a vessel for desired things' (so the Vṛtti). On 'dravyam ayam': dru is a tree; as it has flowers, fruit and the like, so he is a vessel for desired results; or dru here means the wish-granting tree (kalpavṛkṣa), and like it he has what is desired. With the affix ya, guṇa of the u, then the av-substitute. Followed for 'from dru' and the bracketed iva in sutra_en and for the bracketed gloss in k1; BM's naming of the affix as 'ya' is Recorded (see the TB note).
commentary TB (sk.2059.t1): 'dravyaṃ ca bhavye: from dru, in the sense of iva, the affix ṇya is irregularly formed.' NSP p. 328 (printed 318) (scan) prints 'ṇyapratyayo'; our OCR has 'iśabdād' for 'druśabdād'. TB's ṇya disagrees with BM's ya. The English names no affix and stays neutral; both are Recorded.
translator A ṇ-it affix such as TB's ṇya would bring vṛddhi, which the form dravya does not show; this observation is the translator's.
textual Our kaumudī reads 'dvavyam ayaṃ brāhmaṇaḥ' (dva for dra). NSP p. 328 (printed 318) (scan) reads 'dravyam ayaṃ brāhmaṇaḥ', as the sūtra's own 'dravyaṃ' requires (collation batch17, class A). The English follows the print.

SK 2060 · A 5.3.105V

कुशाग्राच्छः ॥ २०६० ॥

kuśāgrācchaḥ

kuśāgrāc chaḥ — After kuśāgra ('the tip of kuśa grass'), cha comes [in the sense 'like' (iva) — carried forward (anuvṛtti), as BM states].

Rule. After kuśāgra "the tip of kuśa grass", cha comes in the sense "like".

Example.

kuśāgram iva "like the tip of kuśa grass" → kuśāgra + cha

→ ch → īy (SK 475) → kuśāgra + īya

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → kuśāgrīyā buddhiḥ "a fine intellect".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the likeness lies in fineness. The intellect is as fine as a kuśa tip.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कुशाग्रमिव कुशाग्रीया बुद्धिः ॥

Like the tip of kuśa grass [in fineness]: kuśāgrīyā buddhiḥ ('a [fine] intellect').

Bālamanoramā

कुशाग्राच्छः - कुशाग्राच्छः । इवे इत्येव । कुशाग्रमिवेति । सूक्ष्मत्वेन सादृश्यम् । कुशाग्रवत्सूक्ष्मेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ive ity eva' — the sense 'iva' still holds. On 'kuśāgram iva': the likeness is by fineness (sūkṣmatva); the meaning is 'fine like the tip of kuśa grass'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for '[in fineness]' in k1.
textual TB has no comment on this sūtra: its comment printed under sk.2059.t1 and sk.2061.t1 passes from 'dravyaṃ ca bhavye' (SK 2059) to 'samāsāc ca tadviṣayāt' (SK 2061); NSP p. 328 (OCR) confirms. The scan collation (batch17) lists 2060 as clean.

SK 2061 · A 5.3.106V

समासाच्च तद्विषयात् ॥ २०६१ ॥

samāsācca tadviṣayāt

samāsāc ca tadviṣayāt — And after a compound (samāsa) that has that [sense, i.e. the sense of 'like' (ivārtha),] as its domain, [cha — drawn in by 'ca' from SK 2060 — comes, in the sense of 'like' (ive), the adhikāra of 'ive' (SK 2051) running up to (but not including) 'pūgāñ ñyo 'grāmaṇīpūrvāt' (SK 2066)].

Rule. Cha also comes after a compound (samāsa) whose domain is the sense "like". The word ca "and" draws cha in from SK 2060. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so.

Example.

kākatāla "crow-and-palm", a compound of likeness → kākatāla + cha

→ kākatāla + īya → kākatālīyaḥ.

kākatālīyo devadattasya vadhaḥ "Devadatta's killing was kākatālīya".

Likewise ajākṛpāṇīyaḥ "goat-and-knife-like".

Applies when / blocked by. Two likenesses are at work, Bhaṭṭoji explains. The compound means Devadatta's meeting with the thief, like the meeting of crow and palm fruit. The affix means his killing, brought about by that, like the crow's death. The upshot is "come about unforeseen".

The compound must be made to convey likeness. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives śastrīśyāmā as a case where cha does not come. It holds only one likeness, already in the compound. What is expressed is not expressed again.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the sense "like" runs as a heading up to SK 2066. It does not include that rule.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads sadṛśas caurasamāgama, with s before c. The 1915 printed edition reads sadṛśaś caurasamāgama, as sandhi requires. We follow the print; the words are the same.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इवार्थविषयात्समासाच्छः स्यात् । काकतालीयो देवदत्तस्य वधः । इह काकतालसमागमसदृशस्चौरसमागम इति समासार्थः ॥ तत्प्रयुक्तः काकमरणसदृशस्तु प्रत्ययार्थः । अजाकृपाणीयः । अतर्कितोपनत इति फलितोऽर्थः ॥

After a compound whose domain is the sense of 'like' (ivārtha), cha comes. kākatālīyo devadattasya vadhaḥ — 'Devadatta's killing was kākatālīya ("crow-and-palm-like")'. Here the meaning of the compound (samāsārtha) is: the meeting with the thief, resembling the meeting of the crow and the palm [fruit]. The meaning of the affix (pratyayārtha), on the other hand, is: [Devadatta's killing,] brought about by that, resembling the crow's death. ajākṛpāṇīyaḥ ('like the goat and the knife'). The resultant meaning (phalito 'rthaḥ) is 'come about unforeseen' (atarkitopanata).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 328

—समासाच्च तद्विषयात् । तच्छब्देन प्रकृत इवार्थो निर्दिश्यते इत्याह—इवार्थविषयादिति ॥—छः स्यादिति । इवार्थे इति बोध्यम् । ‘पूगाञ्ञ्यः—’ इत्यतः प्रागिवेत्यधिकारात् । शस्त्रीश्यामेत्यादौ तु एक एव इवार्थः । स च समासान्तर्भूत इति छो न भवत्युक्तार्थानामप्रयोगात् ॥—काकतालीय इति । प्रकृतसूत्रादेव ज्ञापकादिवार्थे समासः । सुप्सुपेति वा । उभयथापि विशेषसंज्ञाविनिर्मुक्तः । स च छप्रत्ययविषय एव । तेनेह स्वातन्त्र्यमुपाध्यन्तरयोगो विग्रहश्च नेत्याकरः ॥—इह काकतालेत्यादि । आगच्छतः काकस्याऽकस्मात्तालफलपतनाद्यथा वधः, तथैव चाकस्मिकचोरसमागमादेवदत्तवधः ॥ एवमजाया आगच्छन्त्याः कृपाणपतनाद् यथा वधः, तत्सदृशं मरणमिति फलितोऽर्थः ॥—अतर्कितोपनत इति । अचिन्तितोपपन्नः । यादृच्छिक इत्यर्थः

Bālamanoramā

समासाच्च तद्विषयात् - समासाच्चा । तच्छब्देन प्रकृत इवार्थः परामृश्यते । तदाह — इवार्थविषयादिति । इवार्थः सादृश्यमुपमानोपमेयभावात्मकं, तद्विषयकादित्यर्थः । सादृश्यवदर्थबोधकात्समासादिति यावत् । यद्यपि घनश्याम इति समासोऽपि सादृश्यवदर्थबोधकस्तथापि सादृश्यवदर्थबोधकसमस्यमानयावत्पदावयवकात्समासादिति विवक्षितमिति न दोषः । छः स्यादिति । चकारेण पूर्वसूत्रोपात्तच्छस्यानुकर्षादिति भावः ।इवार्थे॑इति शेषः । 'पूगाञ्ञ्यः' इत्यतः प्रागिवाधिकारात् । ततश्च इवार्थसमस्यमानयावत्पदावयवकात्समासादिवार्थे छः स्यादिति लभ्यते । काकतालीयो देवदत्तस्य वध इति । काकः कश्चिदकस्मात्ताल वृक्षस्य मूलं गतस्तालफलपतनान्मृतः । तथैव कश्चिद्देवदत्तोऽकस्मान्निर्जनप्रदेशे क्वचिद्गतश्चोरेण हतस्तत्रेदं वाक्यं प्रवृत्तम् । अत्र समासार्थगतं सादृश्यमेकं, प्रत्ययार्थगतमन्यत्सादृश्यं च भासते । तथाहि — काकगमनमिव तालपतनमिव काकतालमिति समासस्य विग्रहः । अत्र 'काक' शब्दः काकागमनसदृशे देवदत्तागमने लाक्षणिकः ।ताल॑शब्दस्तु तालपतनसदृशे चोरागमने लाक्षणिकः । काकागमनसदृशं देवदत्तागमनं, तालपतनसदृशं चोरागमनमिति च काकतालमिति समासाद्बोधः । यद्यप्यत्र काकतालशब्दयोर्मिलितयोरेकत्रान्वयाऽभावाद्द्वन्द्वसमासो न संभवति, परस्परान्वयाऽभावेन असामर्थ्याच्च, तथापि अस्मादेव विधिबलात् 'सुप्सुपा' इति समासः । तथाच काकतालसमागमसदृशो देवदत्तचोरसमागम इति समासार्थः । तदाह — इहेत्यादि । अत्र चोरसमागम इत्यस्य चोरेण देवदत्तस्य समागम इत्यर्थः । तदेवंविदात्समासात्काकतालशब्दादिवान्तरार्थे सादृश्यान्तरे छप्रत्ययः । तत्र समासात्मककाकतालशब्दभूतप्रकृत्यर्थरूपकाकतालसमागमसदृशदेवदत्तचोरसमागमे सति तालपतनकृतकाकमरणे उपस्थिते उपमानत्वं, देवदत्तवधे चोरागमकृते उपमेयत्वं च छप्रत्ययेन गम्यते । ततश्च तादृशचोरसमागमे सति तालपतनकृतकाकमरणसदृशो देवदत्तस्य चोरकृतो वध इति छप्रत्ययेन लभ्यते । तदाह — तत्प्रयुक्त इति । तादृशतालपतनप्रयुक्तेत्यर्थः । सदृश इत्यनन्तरं 'देवदत्तवध' इति शेषः । तथा च काकतालसमागमसदृशो देवदत्तचोरसमागमः, तद्देतुकस्तालपतनकृत काकमरणसदृशश्चोरकृतो देवदत्तवध इत्येवंकाकतालीयो देवदत्तवध॑ इति समासाद्बोधः ।एतदेवाभिप्रेत्योक्तं भाष्येकाकागमनमिव तालपतनमिव काकतालम् । काकतालमिव काकतालीय॑मिति । अत्र काकतालमिति इवार्थगर्भितकेवलद्वन्द्वान्न भवति, इवान्तरार्थस्य सादृश्यान्तरस्याऽप्रतीतेरित्यलम् । अजाकृपाणीय इति । अजागमनमिव कृपाणपतनमिव अजाकृपाणम्, तदिव अजाकृपाणीयः । अजाकृपाणसमागमसदृशो देवदत्तचोरसमागमः समासार्थः, कृपाणपतनप्रयुक्ताऽजामरणसदृशो देवदत्तवधश्चोरकृतः प्रत्ययार्थः । अत्र सर्वत्र अतर्कितोपनतत्वं साधारणो धर्म इत्याह — अतर्कितेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tat' refers to the sense of 'like' (ivārtha) that is in context, hence the kaumudī's 'ivārthaviṣayāt'; it means a compound conveying a meaning that has similarity, more precisely one all of whose members are words that are compounded to convey similarity (so that ghanaśyāma, which also conveys similarity, is not covered). 'cha' is drawn in (anukarṣa) by 'ca' from the preceding sūtra (SK 2060); 'ivārthe' is supplied (śeṣa), because the adhikāra of 'ive' runs up to 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ'. Followed for the bracketed cha and 'ive' in sutra_en and for 'the sense of like' in k1.
commentary TB: 'tat' designates the sense of 'like' in context; on 'chaḥ syāt', 'ivārthe' is to be understood, since the adhikāra 'prāg ive' runs up to 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ'. In śastrīśyāmā and the like there is only one sense of 'like', and it is contained in the compound, so cha does not come, what has been expressed not being expressed again. Followed, agreeing with BM.
commentary BM: two similarities are conveyed, one in the meaning of the compound and another in the meaning of the affix. kākatāla = 'like the crow's coming, like the palm [fruit]'s falling': kāka stands by indication (lakṣaṇā) for Devadatta's coming, tāla for the thief's coming. The two words have no joint construal, so a dvandva is impossible, but on the strength of this very rule the compound is made by 'supsupā'. 'corasamāgama' means Devadatta's meeting with the thief. On 'tatprayuktaḥ': 'brought about by such a falling of the palm [fruit]'; after 'sadṛśaḥ', 'devadattavadhaḥ' is to be supplied (śeṣa). BM sums up: 'Devadatta's killing by the thief, caused by that meeting and resembling the crow's death caused by the palm-fall'. ajākṛpāṇīya is analysed the same way, with the goat and the falling knife. Common to all is 'coming about unforeseen'. Followed for the supplied '[Devadatta's killing]'.
translator 'By that' (tat-) is left as in the Sanskrit, since BM's gloss of 'tatprayuktaḥ' (the palm-fall) and his summary (the meeting) take 'tat' differently.
commentary TB: the compound kākatāla is made in the sense of 'like' by the jñāpaka of this sūtra, or else by 'supsupā'; either way it is free of any particular compound name and occurs only where the cha affix follows, so, as the major texts (ākara) say, it has no independent use, no connection with another qualifier, and no analytical phrase (vigraha). The sense: just as a crow coming along is killed by the sudden fall of a palm fruit, so Devadatta is killed by a sudden meeting with a thief; likewise with the goat and the falling knife. atarkitopanata = come about unthought-of, i.e. by chance (yādṛcchika). Recorded; consistent with the English.
textual Our source reads 'kākatālasamāgamasadṛśas caurasamāgama' with s before c; NSP p. 328 (scan, per the p29–42 collation) reads 'kākatālasamāgamasadṛśaś caurasamāgama', as sandhi requires. Rendered from the evident reading; the words are unaffected.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.2050.n1 (p. 328), on 'kākatālīya': the prior member refers to the upamāna, the crow's coming; the final member to the upamāna, the fall of the palm [fruit], coreferential with the meaning of the prior member; and the whole to the thief's falling [upon Devadatta], coreferential with the upameya, Devadatta's going.

SK 2062 · A 5.3.107V

शर्करादिभ्योऽण् ॥ २०६२ ॥

śarkarādibhyo'ṇ

śarkarādibhyo 'ṇ — After śarkarā and the rest, aṇ comes [in the sense 'like' (iva) — carried forward (anuvṛtti), as BM states].

Rule. After śarkarā "grit" and the words that follow it, aṇ comes in the sense "like".

Example.

śarkareva "like grit" → śarkarā + aṇ

→ the ṇ is an it → śarkarā + a

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → śārkarā + a

→ the final ā deleted (SK 311) → śārkaram.

Watch out. Śarkarā is feminine, but śārkaram is here neuter. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Svārthika affixes may go beyond the gender and number of their base. The derivative follows the thing it qualifies.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शर्करेव शार्करम् ॥

Like śarkarā ('grit'): śārkaram.

Bālamanoramā

शर्कराऽऽदिभ्योऽण् - शर्करादिभ्योऽण् । इवे इत्येव । शार्करमिति ।स्वार्थिकाः प्रकृतितो लिङ्गवचनान्यतिवर्तन्ते॑ इति विशेष्यनिघ्नतेति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ive ity eva' — the sense 'iva' still holds. On śārkaram: the idea is that, by '[affixes] in their own sense (svārthika) go beyond the gender and number of their base', [the derivative] follows [the gender of] the thing qualified (viśeṣyanighnatā). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en; the gender point is Recorded (the English leaves śārkaram, neuter beside feminine śarkarā, without comment).
textual No TB on this sūtra: TB on NSP p. 328 passes from 'samāsāc ca tadviṣayāt' (SK 2061, sk.2061.t1) to 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ' (SK 2066, sk.2066.t1). The scan collation (batch17) lists 2062 as clean; the NSP OCR's 'śarkaram' is an OCR slip (the collation reports print = ours, śārkaram).
translator śarkarā means grit or gravel and also sugar; the kaumudī gives no gloss, and 'grit' is the translator's choice.

SK 2063 · A 5.3.108V

अङ्गुल्यादिभ्यष्ठक् ॥ २०६३ ॥

aṅgulyādibhyaṣṭhak

aṅgulyādibhyaṣ ṭhak — After aṅgulī and the rest [in the sense of 'like' (iva) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2051], the affix ṭhak [comes].

Rule. After aṅgulī "finger" and the words that follow it, ṭhak comes in the sense "like".

Example.

aṅgulīva "like a finger" → aṅgulī + ṭhak

→ the k is an it → aṅgulī + ṭha

→ ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → aṅgulī + ika

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1076) → āṅgulī + ika

→ the final ī deleted (SK 311) → āṅgulikaḥ.

Likewise bharujeva "like a bharujā" → bhārujikaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अङ्गुलीव आङ्गुलिकः । भरुजेव भारुजिकः ॥

aṅgulīva — 'like a finger (aṅgulī)' — āṅgulikaḥ. bharujeva — 'like a bharujā' — bhārujikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

अङ्गुल्यादिभ्यष्ठक् - अङ्गुल्यादिभ्यष्ठक् । इवे इत्येव । अङ्गुलीवेति । अङ्गुलिशब्दात् कृदिकारादक्तिनः॑ इति ङीष् । आङ्गुलिक इति । पूर्ववद्विशेष्यनिघ्नता । भारूजिक इति । पूर्ववद्विशेष्यनिघ्नता ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ive ity eva' — '[in the sense of] iva' holds here as before. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en.
commentary BM on 'aṅgulīva': the long ī of aṅgulī is ṅīṣ after the word aṅguli, by 'kṛdikārād aktinaḥ'. On 'āṅgulikaḥ' and 'bhārujikaḥ': the gender follows the thing qualified (viśeṣyanighnatā), as before [BM on SK 2062]. Followed for the stem aṅgulī (with long ī) in the analysis; the gender remark is recorded, the English giving the forms as the kaumudī does.
textual BM's pratīka reads 'bhārūjika' (long ū); our kaumudī and the 1915 print (NSP p. 328 scan, printed p. 318: 'bharujeva bhārujikaḥ') have short u, which the English follows. Our source carries no Tattvabodhinī for SK 2063 (the TB under sk.2061.t1 ends with SK 2061; the next, under sk.2066.t1, begins at SK 2066).

SK 2064 · A 5.3.109V

एकशालायाष्ठजन्यतरस्याम् ॥ २०६४ ॥

ekaśālāyāṣṭhajanyatarasyām

ekaśālāyāṣ ṭhaj anyatarasyām — After ekaśālā ('a single hall'), ṭhac optionally comes [in the sense 'like' (iva); in the other alternative, ṭhak — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'aṅgulyādibhyaṣ ṭhak' (SK 2063), as BM states].

Rule. After ekaśālā "a single hall", ṭhac comes optionally (anyatarasyām) in the sense "like". In the other option, ṭhak comes.

Example.

ekaśāleva "like a single hall" → ekaśālā + ṭhac

→ the c is an it → ekaśālā + ṭha

→ ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → ekaśālā + ika

→ the final ā deleted (SK 311) → ekaśālikaḥ.

With ṭhak, marked with k, vṛddhi comes too (SK 1076) → aikaśālikaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the two forms without naming their affixes. Pairing them with ṭhac and ṭhak is this book's inference, from the order in which he names the affixes.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the word anyatarasyām. It adds the ṭhak of SK 2063 as the other option. Otherwise the shorter "ṭhaj vā" would have served.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एकशालाशब्दादिवार्थे ठज्वा पक्षे ठक् । एकशालेव एकशालिकः । ऐकशालिकः ॥

After the word ekaśālā, in the sense of iva, ṭhac optionally [comes]; in the other alternative (pakṣe), ṭhak. Like a single hall (ekaśālā): ekaśālikaḥ; aikaśālikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

एकशालायाष्ठजन्यतरस्याम् - एकशालायाः । पक्षे ठगिति । अन्यतरस्याङ्ग्रहणमनन्तरठकः समुच्चयार्थमिति भावः ।ठज्वे॑त्येव सुवचम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'pakṣe ṭhak': the idea is that the word 'anyatarasyām' is there to add (samuccaya) the immediately preceding ṭhak [of SK 2063]; [otherwise] 'ṭhaj vā' alone would have been easy to say. Followed for 'in the other alternative, ṭhak' as carried from SK 2063 in sutra_en; BM's remark on the wording of the sūtra is Recorded.
textual No TB on this sūtra (NSP p. 328: TB passes from SK 2061 to SK 2066). The scan collation (batch17) lists 2064 as clean; the NSP OCR's repeated 'ekaśālikaḥ' is an OCR slip for 'aikaśālikaḥ'.
translator The kaumudī's 'ṭhaj vā' is ṭhac in sandhi before vā (padaccheda: ṭhac). Taken in the order in which the kaumudī names the affixes, ekaśālikaḥ is the ṭhac form and aikaśālikaḥ, with vṛddhi of the first vowel, the ṭhak form; the kaumudī does not state this pairing.

SK 2065 · A 5.3.110V

कर्कलोहितादीकक् ॥ २०६५ ॥

karkalohitādīkak

karkalohitād īkak — After karka and lohita, īkak comes [in the sense 'like' (iva) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ive pratikṛtau' (SK 2051), which BM and TB under SK 2061 say runs as a heading until 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ' (SK 2066)].

Rule. After karka and lohita "red", īkak comes in the sense "like". Bhaṭṭoji says a karka is a white horse.

Example.

karka iva "like a white horse" → karka + īkak

→ the final k is an it → karka + īka

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1076) → kārka + īka

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → kārkīkaḥ.

Likewise lauhitīkaḥ sphaṭikaḥ "a crystal that looks red".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the crystal. It looks red from a japā flower or the like placed beside it.

The next sūtra in Pāṇini's order, A 5.3.111, is Vedic. It is taught in the Vedic section (SK 3502).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्कः शुक्लोऽश्वः स इव कार्कीकः । लौहितीकः स्फटिकः ॥

karka is a white horse; like it: kārkīkaḥ. lauhitīkaḥ sphaṭikaḥ ('a crystal [that looks] red').

Bālamanoramā

कर्कलोहितादीकक् - कर्कलोहितादीकक् । कर्कः शुक्लोऽश्वः इति । अश्वपर्यायेषु 'सितः कर्कः' इत्यमरः । लौहितीकः स्फटिक इति । जपापुष्पादिसम्पर्कवशाल्लोहित इवेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'karkaḥ śuklo 'śvaḥ': Amara lists 'sitaḥ karkaḥ' among the words for horse. On 'lauhitīkaḥ sphaṭikaḥ': the meaning is 'like red' (lohita iva), through contact with a japā flower or the like. Followed for '[that looks] red'; the Amara citation is Recorded.
commentary BM, under SK 2061 (sk.2061.b1): the heading (adhikāra) 'iva' runs until 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ' (SK 2066); BM's own gloss here ('lohita iva') shows it. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en.
commentary TB, under SK 2061 (sk.2061.t1): 'iva' is to be understood because of the heading 'prāg iva' [running] up to 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ'. Followed, agreeing with BM.
textual No TB on SK 2065 itself (NSP p. 328: TB passes from SK 2061 to SK 2066). The scan collation (batch17) lists 2065 as clean.

SK 2066 · A 5.3.112V

पूगाञ्ञ्योऽग्रामणीपूर्वात् ॥ २०६६ ॥

pūgāññyo'grāmaṇīpūrvāt

pūgāñ ñyo 'grāmaṇīpūrvāt — After [a word denoting] a pūga (association), provided it does not have [a word for] a grāmaṇī 'leader' as its prior member (pūrva), ñya [comes in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After a word denoting a pūga, ñya comes in its own sense. The word must not have a word for a grāmaṇī "leader" as its prior member. Bhaṭṭoji first says the sense of iva has lapsed (nivṛtta).

Example.

lohitadhvaja, "the pūga whose banners are red" → lohitadhvaja + ñya

→ the ñ is an it → lohitadhvaja + ya

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → lauhitadhvaja + ya

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → lauhitadhvajyaḥ, that same pūga.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji defines a pūga. It is a band (saṅgha) of men of various castes, bent chiefly on wealth and pleasure. Its conduct is not fixed (aniyatavṛtti). One of his commentators glosses this as "unruly".

The rule does not mean the word pūga itself. Both commentators say so. It means any word that names such a band.

Why "without a leader-word before it"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives devadattakāḥ, "the band whose leader is Devadatta". There the whole compound names the pūga, so ñya does not come.

Bhaṭṭoji then cites SK 1100 (vrātacphañor astriyām), the next sūtra in Pāṇini's order. It gives the same ñya, not in the feminine. A vrāta differs from a pūga by living by bodily toil, both commentators say.

For a vrāta: kapotapāka → kāpotapākyaḥ. One of the commentators glosses kapotapāka as "one who cooks pigeons to eat".

For a cphañ-final word: kauñjāyana → kauñjāyanyaḥ; likewise brādhnāyanyaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

इवार्थो निवृत्तः । नानाजातीया अनियतवृत्तयोऽर्थकामप्रधानाः सङ्घाः पूगास्तद्वाचकात्स्वार्थे ञ्यः स्यात् । लौहितध्वज्यः । व्रातच्फञोरस्त्रियाम् SK 1100 । व्राते । कापोतपाक्यः । च्फञ् । कौञ्जायन्यः । ब्राध्नायन्यः ॥

The sense of iva ['like', carried in the preceding rules] has lapsed (nivṛtta). Pūgas are associations (saṅgha) of [people] of various castes, of no fixed conduct (aniyatavṛtti) [i.e. unruly (udvṛtta), BM], whose chief aim is wealth and pleasure (arthakāmapradhāna); after a word denoting such [an association], ñya comes in its own sense (svārthe): lauhitadhvajyaḥ [the Lohitadhvaja association itself].

vrātacphañor astriyām (SK 1100) ['After (a word denoting) a vrāta and after (a word ending in) cphañ, (ñya comes), but not in the feminine']. For vrāta: kāpotapākyaḥ. For cphañ: kauñjāyanyaḥ; brādhnāyanyaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 328

—पूगाञ्ञ्यो—स्वरूपग्रहणं तु न भवति, ‘अग्रामणीपूर्वात्’ इति वचनात् । पूर्वशब्दो ह्यवयववचनः ॥ अग्रामणीपूर्वादिति किम् । देवदत्तो ग्रामणीर्येषां ते देवदत्तकाः । ‘स एषां ग्रामणीः’ इति कन् । अत्र समुदायः पूगवचनः ॥—लौहितध्वज्य इति । लोहितः ध्वजो यस्य संघस्य स लोहितध्वजः । स एव लौहितध्वज्यः ॥—व्रातच्फञोः—। उत्सेधजीवित्वं ब्रातस्य पूगाद्विशेषः । उत्सेधः शरीरायासः ॥—कौञ्जायन्य इति । ‘गोत्रे कुञ्जादिभ्यः’ इति च्फञ्

Bālamanoramā

पूगाञ्ञ्योऽग्रामणीपूर्वात् - पूगाञ्ञ्यः । इवार्थो निवृत्त इति । व्याख्यानादिति भावः । अनियतवृत्तय इति । उद्वृत्ता इत्यर्थः । तद्वाचकादिति । पूगेति न स्वरूपग्रहणं, व्याख्यानात् । ग्रामणीवाचकपूर्वावयवकभिन्नात्पूगवाचकादित्यर्थः । लौहितध्वज्य इति । लोहिता ध्वजा यस्य पूगस्य स लोहितध्वजः । सएव लौहितध्वज्यः । व्रातच्फञोरस्त्रियामिति । इदं सूत्रम् ।गोत्रे कुञ्जादिभ्यः॑ इत्यत्र प्रसङ्गादुपादाय व्याख्यातम् । व्रात इति । उदाहरणसूचनमिदम् । भारोद्वहनादिशरीरायासजीवनान्नानाजातीयानामनियतवृत्तीनां सङ्घो व्रातः । कापोतपाक्य इति । कपोतान्=पक्षिविशेषान् भक्षणाय पचतीति कपोतपाकः, स एव कापोतपाक्यः । पचेः कर्तरि घञ्,चजोः कु घिण्ण्यतो॑रिति कुत्वम् । च्फञिति । उदाहरणसूचनमिदम् । कौञ्जायन्य इति । गोत्रे कुञ्जादिभ्यः॑ इति च्फञ् । आयन्नादेशः । ततः स्वार्थे अनेन ञ्यः । एवं व्राध्नायन्यः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: that the sense of iva has lapsed is known from the exposition (vyākhyāna); 'aniyatavṛttayaḥ' means 'unruly / of irregular conduct (udvṛtta)'; 'tadvācakāt': the word pūga is not taken in its own form (svarūpagrahaṇa), by the exposition, i.e. 'after a word denoting a pūga, other than one that has as its prior part (pūrvāvayava) a word denoting a grāmaṇī'. Followed for rendering 'pūgāt' as 'a word denoting a pūga' and 'pūrva' as 'prior member', and for taking vṛtti in 'aniyatavṛtti' as conduct (BM's udvṛtta) rather than livelihood.
commentary TB: pūga is not taken in its own form, because of the words 'agrāmaṇīpūrvāt', for 'pūrva' denotes a part (avayava). Counter-example to 'agrāmaṇīpūrvāt': devadattakāḥ ('those whose grāmaṇī is Devadatta', kan by 'sa eṣāṃ grāmaṇīḥ'), where the whole compound denotes the pūga, so ñya does not come. Followed, with BM, for 'prior member'.
commentary BM: lohitadhvaja is 'the pūga whose banners are red', and lauhitadhvajyaḥ is that same [pūga]. 'vrātacphañor astriyām' is a sūtra which was taken up incidentally (prasaṅgāt) and explained under 'gotre kuñjādibhyaḥ' [SK 1099–1100]; 'vrāte' and 'cphañ' merely signal the examples. A vrāta is an association of people of various castes, of no fixed conduct, living by bodily toil such as carrying loads. Kapotapāka is 'one who cooks pigeons to eat' (ghañ of pac in the agent sense, with k by 'cajoḥ ku ghiṇṇyatoḥ'), and kāpotapākyaḥ is that same one. Kauñjāyanyaḥ: cphañ by 'gotre kuñjādibhyaḥ', āyan substituted, then ñya in its own sense 'by this' (anena); brādhnāyanyaḥ likewise. Followed for the bracketed gloss of lauhitadhvajyaḥ and for reading 'vrāte' and 'cphañ' as headings to the examples.
commentary TB: lohitadhvaja is 'the association (saṃgha) whose banner is red', and lauhitadhvajyaḥ is that same one. On 'vrātacphañoḥ' (the OCR garbles the pratīka): what distinguishes a vrāta from a pūga is that it lives by utsedha, i.e. bodily exertion. Kauñjāyanya: cphañ by 'gotre kuñjādibhyaḥ'. Recorded; agrees with BM.
textual The .work collation (batch17) finds SK 2066 clean against NSP p. 328 (scan). The bracketed sense of 'vrātacphañor astriyām' is supplied from the kaumudī at SK 1100 ('vrātavācibhyaś cphañantebhyaś ca svārthe ñyaḥ syān na tu striyām').
commentary BM, under SK 2061 (sk.2061.b1): the heading 'iva' (begun by 'ive pratikṛtau', SK 2051) runs up to 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ' exclusive ('pūgāñ ñyaḥ' ity ataḥ prāg ivādhikārāt). Followed for identifying the lapsing 'iva' in k1.
commentary TB, under SK 2061 (sk.2061.t1): the adhikāra 'prāg ive' runs up to 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ'. Followed, agreeing with BM.

SK 2067 · A 5.3.114V

आयुधजीविसंघाञ्ञ्यड्वाहीकेष्वब्राह्मणराजन्यात् ॥ २०६७ ॥

āyudhajīvisaṃghāññyaḍvāhīkeṣvabrāhmaṇarājanyāt

āyudhajīvisaṅghāñ ñyaḍ vāhīkeṣv abrāhmaṇarājanyāt — After [a word denoting] a corporate body (saṅgha) of those who live by arms (āyudhajīvin) among the Vāhīkas, other than brāhmaṇa and rājanya, the affix ñyaṭ [comes, in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. Ñyaṭ comes in its own sense after a word for a band of men who live by arms (āyudhajīvisaṅgha). The band must be among the Vāhīkas. It must not be called brāhmaṇa or rājanya. Ñyaṭ is heard as -ya: its ñ and its ṭ are markers.

Example.

kṣudraka, an armed band of the Vāhīka country → kṣudraka + ñyaṭ

→ the ñ and ṭ are its → kṣudraka + ya

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → kṣaudraka + ya

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → kṣaudrakyaḥ.

Likewise mālava → mālavyaḥ.

In the feminine, ṅīp comes because the affix is marked with ṭ (SK 470) → kṣaudrakī.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says vāhīkeṣu means among the settlements called Vāhīka. He also says "not in the feminine" of SK 1100 does not reach this rule. That is why kṣaudrakī is correct.

Bhaṭṭoji tests each word of the sūtra with a counter-example.

Why "arms"? mallāḥ.
Why "band"? samrāṭ.
Why "among the Vāhīkas"? śabarāḥ.
Why "not brāhmaṇa or rājanya"? Bhaṭṭoji gives gopālakāḥ and śālaṅkāyanāḥ.

Taking the first as brāhmaṇas and the second as a band called "rājanya" is this book's reading, following an older commentary. Bhaṭṭoji then remarks on the two words of the sūtra. For brāhmaṇa, its particular kinds are taken (tadviśeṣagrahaṇa). So every kind of brāhmaṇa band, such as the gopālakas, is excluded. For rājanya, only the word's own form is taken (svarūpagrahaṇa). So only a band called by the word "rājanya" itself is excluded. On this reading the śālaṅkāyanas are such a band.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī has three slips here.

It reads the affix as lyuṭ, a kṛt affix heard as -ana that makes action nouns. The 1915 printed edition reads ñyaṭ, the affix of the sūtra. We follow the print.
After "Why 'arms'?" it skips straight to śabarāḥ. The 1915 printed edition has the words between: mallāḥ, "Why 'band'?", samrāṭ, "Why 'among the Vāhīkas'?". We follow the print. Without them, śabarāḥ would wrongly answer "Why 'arms'?".
It reads gaupālakāḥ. The 1915 printed edition reads gopālakāḥ. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वाहीकेषु य आयुधजीविसङ्घस्तद्वाचिनः स्वार्थे ल्युट् । क्षौद्रक्यः । मालव्यः । टित्वान्ङीप् । क्षौद्रकी । आयुधेति किम् । शबराः । अब्राह्मणेति किम् । गौपालकाः । शालङ्कायनाः । ब्राह्मणे तद्विशेषग्रहणम् । राजन्ये स्वरूपग्रहणम् ॥

After a word denoting a saṅgha of those who live by arms that is [found] among the Vāhīkas, ñyaṭ [comes] in its own sense (svārthe): kṣaudrakyaḥ; mālavyaḥ. Because [the affix] is ṭ-marked, ṅīp [comes in the feminine, 'astriyām' (SK 1100) not being connected here — BM]: kṣaudrakī. Why 'arms' (āyudha)? [mallāḥ. Why 'saṅgha'? samrāṭ. Why 'among the Vāhīkas'?] śabarāḥ. Why 'other than brāhmaṇa [and rājanya]'? gopālakāḥ; śālaṅkāyanāḥ. In [the word] 'brāhmaṇa' [of the sūtra] its particular kinds are taken (tadviśeṣagrahaṇa); in 'rājanya', the word's own form (svarūpagrahaṇa).

Bālamanoramā

आयुधजीवि । बाहीकेष्विति । बाहीकाख्यग्रामविशेषेष्वित्यर्थः । क्षौद्रक्य इति । क्षुद्रको नाम कश्चिदायुधजीविनां बाहीक देशवासिनां सङ्घः । स एव क्षौद्रक्यः । मालव्य इति । मालवो नाम कश्चिद्वाहीकेषु आयुधजीविनांसङ्घः । स एव मालव्यः । टित्त्वान्ङीबिति । एवं च अस्त्रियामिति नात्र सम्बध्यत इति भावः । तद्विशेषेति । व्याख्यानादिति भावः ।

translator notes

textual Our source reads the affix as 'lyuṭ' ('tadvācinaḥ svārthe lyuṭ'); the 1915 print reads 'ñyaṭ' (NSP p. 328 scan, printed p. 318; confirmed on the scan), the affix taught by the sūtra (ñyaḍ in sandhi, ñyaṭ per the padaccheda) and the one presupposed by 'ṭitvān ṅīp' and kṣaudrakyaḥ/mālavyaḥ. The English renders ñyaṭ; lyuṭ is a corruption.
textual Eye-skip in our source: after 'āyudheti kim', it passes straight to 'śabarāḥ', omitting 'mallāḥ. saṅgheti kim. samrāṭ. vāhīkeṣu kim.', which the 1915 print has (NSP p. 328 scan, printed p. 318; confirmed on the scan; Wikisource agrees with the print). The omitted words are supplied in square brackets. Without them our text makes śabarāḥ the counter-example to 'āyudha'.
textual Our source reads 'gaupālakāḥ'; the 1915 print reads 'gopālakāḥ' (NSP p. 328 scan, printed p. 318), which the English follows.
textual The Bālamanoramā on SK 2067 ('āyudhajīvi…'), formerly filed under sk.1100.b1 (p27), is now filed here as sk.2067.b1 (re-filed 2026-10-05); it has not yet been collated with the BM note below, which cites the Wikisource BM print (purva-3-2 p. 0097, breaking off at a page turn and resuming at 'vyākhyānād iti bhāvaḥ' on p. 0098). The NSP Tattvabodhinī has no comment on SK 2067 (the TB printed under sk.2066.t1 ends at 'kauñjāyanyaḥ', and the next TB, under sk.2069.t1, begins at SK 2069).
commentary BM (Wikisource print, pp. 0097–0098): 'vāhīkeṣu' means among the particular settlements called Vāhīka; kṣudraka is a certain saṅgha of arms-bearers living in the Vāhīka country, and kṣaudrakya is that same one; likewise mālava/mālavya. On 'ṭittvān ṅīp': 'thus astriyām [of vrātacphañor astriyām, SK 1100] is not connected here' (evam astriyām iti nātra sambadhyate). Followed for the bracket in k1.
translator 'abrāhmaṇeti kim' abbreviates the whole sūtra word abrāhmaṇa-rājanyāt (Wikisource prints it 'abrāhmaṇa-' with a hyphen), hence the bracketed '[and rājanya]'. The passage is the Kāśikā's, where the two counter-examples are paired with the two excluded words: gopālakāḥ (Kāśikā gopālavāḥ) are brāhmaṇas, śālaṅkāyanāḥ are rājanyas. The closing remark explains the pairing: under 'brāhmaṇa' its particular kinds (such as the gopālakas) are taken, under 'rājanya' only a saṅgha called by the word rājanya itself (such as the śālaṅkāyanas), not every kṣatriya saṅgha. No SK commentator in our witnesses settles this; the identification follows the Kāśikā.

SK 2068 · A 5.3.115V

वृकाट्टेण्यण् ॥ २०६८ ॥

vṛkāṭṭeṇyaṇ

vṛkāṭ ṭeṇyaṇ — After vṛka [as a word denoting a corporate body (saṅgha) of those who live by arms — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2067], the affix ṭeṇyaṇ [comes, in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After vṛka, as the name of a band of men who live by arms, ṭeṇyaṇ comes in its own sense. Its ṭ and ṇ are markers, so it is heard as -eṇya.

Example.

vṛka, the name of such a band → vṛka + ṭeṇyaṇ

→ the ṭ and ṇ are its → vṛka + eṇya

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel, ṛ → ār (SK 1075) → vārka + eṇya

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → vārkeṇyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "a band of men who live by arms"? Bhaṭṭoji says: so that the affix does not come after vṛka as a species-word. As a species-word, vṛka is the wolf. One of his commentators says so.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आयुधजीविसङ्घवाचकात्स्वार्थे । वार्केण्यः । आयुधेति किम् । जातिशब्दान्मा भूत् ॥

[ṭeṇyaṇ comes] after [vṛka as] a word denoting a saṅgha of those who live by arms, in its own sense (svārthe): vārkeṇyaḥ. Why 'arms' (āyudha)? So that [the affix] does not come after [vṛka as] a word denoting a species (jātiśabda) [the wolf].

Bālamanoramā

वृकाट्टेण्यण् - वृकाट्टेण्यण् । वृको नाम कश्चिदायुधजीविसङ्घः । स एव वार्केण्यः । आदिवृद्धिः । रपरत्वम् । जातिविशेषादिति । वृको नाम कश्चिन्मनुष्यखादी चतुष्पाज्जातिविशेषः प्रसिद्धः,तस्मान्नेत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: vṛka is the name of a certain saṅgha of those who live by arms; that itself is vārkeṇyaḥ, with ādivṛddhi and the r-extension (raparatva). On the counter-example: vṛka is well known as a four-footed, man-eating species (jātiviśeṣa); [the affix does] not [come] after it. Followed for the bracketed 'vṛka as' and the bracketed 'the wolf'.
textual BM's pratīka reads 'jātiviśeṣāt' where our kaumudī reads 'jātiśabdān mā bhūt'. The 1915 print agrees with our kaumudī (NSP p. 328 scan, printed p. 318: 'jātiśabdān mā bhūt'), and the English follows it. Our source carries no Tattvabodhinī for SK 2068 (the next TB, under sk.2069.t1, begins at SK 2069).

SK 2069 · A 5.3.116V

दामन्यादित्रिगर्तषष्ठाच्छः ॥ २०६९ ॥

dāmanyāditrigartaṣaṣṭhācchaḥ

dāmanyāditrigartaṣaṣṭhāc chaḥ — After dāmani and the rest, and after the trigartaṣaṣṭhas (the groups of which Trigarta is the sixth), [when they denote a saṅgha of those who live by arms (āyudhajīvin) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2067, as the kaumudī's paraphrase shows,] cha [comes, in the base's own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. Cha comes in its own sense after dāmani and the words that follow it. It also comes after the trigartaṣaṣṭhas, "the groups of which Trigarta is the sixth". The words must name bands of men who live by arms.

Example.

dāmani → dāmani + cha → dāmani + īya

→ the final i deleted (SK 311) → dāmanīyaḥ; dual dāmanīyau.

Plural: the cha goes by luk, being tadrāja (SK 2072) → dāmanayaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this reason for the plural.

Likewise aulapi → aulapīyaḥ.

For the trigartaṣaṣṭhas: kauṇḍoparathīyaḥ, dāṇḍakīyaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji quotes a verse that names the six groups: Kauṇḍoparatha, Dāṇḍaki, Krauṣṭuki, Jālamāni, Brahmagupta and Jālaki. One of his commentators reads the fifth name as Brāhmagupta; scholars discuss this.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads trikartaḥ in the definition of the trigartaṣaṣṭhas. The 1915 printed edition reads trigartaḥ, as the sūtra and the verse do. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दामन्यादिभ्यस्त्रिगर्तषष्ठेभ्यश्चायुधजीविसङ्घवाचिभ्यः स्वार्थे छः स्यात् । त्रिकर्तः षष्ठो वर्गो येषां ते त्रिगर्तषष्ठाः ॥ आहुस्त्रिगर्तषष्ठांस्तु कौण्डोपरथदाण्डकी ॥ क्रौष्टुकिर्जालमानिश्च ब्रह्मगुप्तोऽथ जालकिः ॥ 1 ॥ दामनीयः । दामनीयौ । दामनयः । औलपि । औलपीयः । त्रिगर्तः । कौण्डोपरथीयः । दाण्डकीयः ॥

After dāmani and the rest, and after the trigartaṣaṣṭhas, when they denote a saṅgha of those who live by arms (āyudhajīvin), cha comes in the base's own sense (svārthe). Those whose sixth group (varga) is Trigarta are the trigartaṣaṣṭhas. (verse 1) They call the trigartaṣaṣṭhas: Kauṇḍoparatha, Dāṇḍaki, Krauṣṭuki, Jālamāni, Brahmagupta, and then Jālaki. dāmanīyaḥ; dāmanīyau; dāmanayaḥ [plural: luk of cha as tadrāja (SK 2072)]. aulapi: aulapīyaḥ. Trigarta[ṣaṣṭhas]: kauṇḍoparathīyaḥ; dāṇḍakīyaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 328–329

—दामन्यादित्रिगर्तषष्ठात्— समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी ॥—त्रिगर्तषष्ठेभ्य इति । येषामायुधजीविनां षडन्तर्वर्गाः । षष्ठवर्गस्तु त्रिगर्तस्तेभ्य इत्यर्थः ॥ त्रिगर्तवर्गषष्ठकाः के इत्याकाङ्क्षायामाह—आहुस्त्रिगर्तषष्ठांश्चेति । अत्र जानकयस्त्रिगर्तवर्गः । तेषु च त्रिगर्तषष्ठेषु प्रथमपञ्चमौ कौण्डोपरथब्राह्मणगुप्तशब्दौ शिवाद्यणन्तौ शेषास्त्विञन्ताः ॥ केचित्तु अतद्धितान्तमेव पञ्चमं ब्रह्मगुप्तशब्दं पठन्ति ॥ —कौण्डोपरथीय इति । बहुवचने तु कौण्डोपरथाः दण्डकय इत्यादि ॥—पार्शव इति । पर्शुरिति जनपदशब्दस्ततोऽपत्ये ‘ध्यञ्मगध—’ इत्यण् । बहुत्वे तद्राजत्वाल्लुक् । पुनः संघविवक्षायामनेनाण् । अस्याप्यणो बहुत्वे तद्राजत्वाल्लुक् । तदाह—पार्शव इति । ननु पर्शुरिति यो जनपदशब्दस्तसादेवानेन स्वार्थेऽण् विधीयतामपत्यवाचिपर्शुशब्दात्संघविवक्षायामण्विधौ तु स्वार्थिकत्वं न सिध्येदिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । केवलः पर्शुशब्द एव जनपदवाची न त्वणन्त इति जनपदवाचिनः स्वार्थेऽण् न विधीयते, किं तु ‘ध्यञ्मगध—’ इत्यणः ‘तद्राजस्य वहुषु—’ इत्यादिना लुकि वह्वपत्यवाचिपर्शुशब्दादेव स्वार्थे विधीयते । स्वार्थश्चात्र संघ एव । न च पर्शुशब्दस्य संघवाचित्वं नेति शङ्क्यम् । वह्वपत्यवाचित्वे संघवाचिल्लौ व्यादिति न काप्यनुपपत्तिरिति ॥—यौधेय इति । युध्यतेऽसौ युधा । युधेरिगुपधलक्षणः कः । युधाया अपत्यं ‘ध्यचः’ इति ढक् । तदन्तात्संघविवक्षायामनेनाण् । तेन यौधेय इति आद्युदात्तं भवति । किं च यौधेयस्याङ्को लक्षणं वा यौधेयः । ‘संघाङ्कलक्षण—’ इत्यन्तादण् । एवं यौधेयादिषु ये ढगन्ताः शौकेयादयस्तेषु सर्वेषु प्रयोजनद्वयमूह्यम् ॥—यौधेया इति । अञो लुक् अन्तोदात्तम् । न च ‘न प्राच्यभर्गा—’ इत्यादिना निषेधः शङ्क्यः । स्त्रियामेव तन्निषेधात् ॥—आभिजित्य इति । आभिजितशब्दादणन्ताद्यन् । एवं विदधृत्प्रभृतिभ्योऽणि तदन्तेभ्यो वैदभृतः । शालावतः । शैखावतादिभ्यो यन् ॥—पादशतस्य संख्यादेः—। पादशतस्य किम् । द्वौ द्वौ माषौ ददाति ॥ संख्यादेरिति किम् । पादं पादं ददाति ॥ वीप्सायामिति किम् । द्वौ पादौ ददाति ॥—अनैमित्तिकत्वार्थमिति । निमित्ते भवो नैमित्तिकः । अध्यात्मादित्वाट्ठञ् ॥—तद्धितार्थ इति । यद्यपि प्रकृत्युपाधिवीप्सा । तथापि वुनो द्योत्येति तद्धितार्थो भवत्येवेति भावः ॥—ददातीति । समर्पणमात्रमिह ददातेरर्थः, न तु परस्वत्वापादनपर्यन्तम् । तथात्वे हि उत्तरसूत्रविषयत्वं स्यात् । केचित्तु व्यवसृजतेर्धातोः प्रयोगे सत्येव उत्तरसूत्रस्य प्रवृत्तिमाहुः ॥—अन्यत्रापि तद्दर्शनादिति । द्वौ द्वौ माषौ ददातीत्यादौ त्वनभिधानान्नातिप्रसङ्ग इति भावः

Bālamanoramā

दामन्यादित्रिगर्तषष्ठाच्छः - दामन्यादि । दामनिरादिर्यस्य दामन्यादिः । त्रिगर्तः षष्ठो यस्य वर्गस्य स त्रिगर्तषष्ठः । दामन्यादिश्च त्रिगर्तषष्ठश्चेति समाहार द्वन्द्वात्पञ्चमी । फलितमाह — दामन्यादिभ्यस्त्रिगर्तषष्ठेभ्यश्चेति । आयुधजीविनां हि षड्वर्गाः, तत्र षष्ठस्त्रिगर्तो वर्गः, तेभ्यः षड्वर्गेभ्य इति यावत् । के ते त्रिगर्तषष्ठा इत्यत आह — आहुरिति । कौण्डोपरथः, दाण्डकिः, क्रौष्टुकिः, जालमानिः, ब्राह्मगुप्तः, जालकिरित्येतान् त्रिगर्तषष्ठान् आहुरित्यर्थः ।जालकि॑रिति त्रिगर्तस्य नामान्तरम् । एतेषु षट्सु कौण्डोपरथब्राह्मगुप्तशब्दौ शिवाद्यणन्तौ । शेष इञन्तः । दामादिगणमुदाहरति — दामनीय इति । दामनिरेव दामनीयः । औलपीति । प्रकृतिप्रदर्शना । औलपीय इति । औलपिशब्दात्स्वार्थे छः । त्रिगर्तेति । त्रिगर्तषष्ठानामुदाहरणसूचनमिदम् । कौण्डोपरथीय इति । कौण्डोपरथशब्दात्स्वार्थे छः । दाण्डकीय इति । दाण्डकिशब्दात्स्वार्थे छः । क्रौष्टुकीयः, जालमानीयः, ब्राह्मगुप्तीयः, जालकीयः — इत्यप्युदाहार्यम् ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 329 १ जातीयरोऽपवाद इति—जातीयविधौ भेद एव प्रकार इति जयादित्यमतेऽपवाद इत्यस्य परत्वाद्बाधक इत्यर्थः । तत्राप्युभयं गृह्यते इति वामनमते तु यथाश्रुतमेव ।

translator notes

commentary BM: dāmanyādi = that of which dāmani is the first; trigartaṣaṣṭha = the group (varga) of which Trigarta is the sixth; the fifth case follows a samāhāra-dvandva of the two. Those who live by arms have six groups, of which the sixth is Trigarta; 'trigartaṣaṣṭhebhyaḥ' means 'after those six groups'. Followed for sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB: the fifth case follows a samāhāra-dvandva; the trigartaṣaṣṭhas are the six inner groups of certain arms-bearers, the sixth group being Trigarta. Followed, agreeing with BM.
commentary BM: the verse names Kauṇḍoparatha, Dāṇḍaki, Krauṣṭuki, Jālamāni, Brāhmagupta and Jālaki as the trigartaṣaṣṭhas; 'Jālaki' is another name of Trigarta. Of the six, kauṇḍoparatha and brāhmagupta end in aṇ by the śivādi rule, the rest in iñ. dāmanīyaḥ = dāmani itself. 'aulapi' is a display of the base (prakṛtipradarśana); aulapīyaḥ has cha after aulapi in its own sense. 'trigarta' points to (sūcana) the examples of the trigartaṣaṣṭhas; kauṇḍoparathīyaḥ and dāṇḍakīyaḥ have cha in their own sense; krauṣṭukīyaḥ, jālamānīyaḥ, brāhmaguptīyaḥ, jālakīyaḥ are also to be cited. Followed for 'aulapi:' as the base and 'Trigarta[ṣaṣṭhas]:' as a heading in k1. BM reads the fifth name as brāhmagupta, whereas our kaumudī's verse has 'brahmaguptaḥ' (the NSP print agrees with ours); the English keeps the kaumudī's form.
commentary BM, under SK 2072 (sk.2072.b1): in dāmanīyaḥ, dāmanīyau, dāmanayaḥ, kauṇḍoparathāḥ and the like, the cha taught by 'dāmanyāditrigartaṣaṣṭhāt' is deleted by luk [in the plural, being tadrāja]. Followed for the bracket after dāmanayaḥ in k1.
commentary TB: the Jālakis are the Trigarta group; of the trigartaṣaṣṭhas the first and fifth, kauṇḍoparatha and brāhmaṇagupta (so the print, NSP p. 329 scan: 'kauṇḍoparathabrāhmaṇaguptaśabdau', presumably for brāhmagupta; our OCR has 'trāhmaṇagupta'), end in aṇ by the śivādi rule, the rest in iñ; but some read the fifth as brahmagupta, a word not ending in a taddhita. In the plural: kauṇḍoparathāḥ, dāṇḍakayaḥ and so on. Recorded: our kaumudī's 'brahmaguptaḥ' in the verse is the reading TB reports from 'some'; the English keeps the kaumudī's form.
textual Our source reads 'trikartaḥ ṣaṣṭho vargo yeṣāṃ'; NSP p. 329 (scan, per the p29–42 collation) reads 'trigartaḥ', as the sūtra, the verse and both commentaries require. Rendered as Trigarta.
textual The NSP footnote filed under sk.2069.n1 (p. 329), on 'jātīyaro 'pavādaḥ', does not bear on this unit. sk.2069.t1 runs on past this sūtra into TB on SK 2070 ff. ('pārśva iti' onward).
translator The verse is numbered '1' in our source; it is a list-verse (kārikā) quoted by the kaumudī. The kaumudī gives dāmanīyau (dual) and dāmanayaḥ (plural, without cha) without explanation; the bracketed luk of cha in the plural is from BM under SK 2072, as in SK 2070.

SK 2070 · A 5.3.117V

पर्श्वादियौधेयादिभ्योऽणञौ ॥ २०७० ॥

parśvādiyaudheyādibhyo'ṇañau

parśvādiyaudheyādibhyo 'ṇañau — After parśu etc. and yaudheya etc. [denoting a saṅgha of those who live by arms (āyudhajīvisaṅgha) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2067], aṇ and añ [respectively, in their own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After parśu and the words that follow it, aṇ comes. After yaudheya and the words that follow it, añ comes. The pairing is "respectively" (kramāt). Both come in their own sense, for bands of men who live by arms.

Example.

parśu → a descendant of Parśu: pārśava, with the descendant aṇ (SK 1188)

→ a band of such descendants: aṇ again, by this rule → pārśavaḥ; dual pārśavau.

Plural: both aṇ affixes, the descendant one and the band one, go by luk as tadrāja → parśavaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the present aṇ too is deleted by luk. If only the band aṇ went, the vṛddhi of pārśava would remain.

yaudheya → añ by this rule → yaudheyaḥ; dual yaudheyau.

Plural: luk of the añ → yaudheyāḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the bases. Each is already a descendant-word. Pārśava has the aṇ of SK 1188. Yaudheya is from yudhā with the ḍhak of SK 1124.

What does the ñ of añ do here? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says it gives the word a high pitch (udātta) on its first vowel. The other adds a second purpose. Another rule gives an affix for "the mark of the Yaudheyas", and that affix comes only after an añ-final word.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

आयुधजीविसङ्घवाचिभ्य एभ्यः क्रमादणञौ स्तः स्वार्थे । पार्शवः । पार्शवौ । पर्शवः । यौधेयः । यौधेयौ । यौधेयाः ॥

After these [words — parśu etc. and yaudheya etc.], when they denote a saṅgha of those who live by arms (āyudhajīvin), aṇ and añ come respectively (kramāt), in their own sense (svārthe). pārśavaḥ, pārśavau, parśavaḥ [plural: the aṇ is deleted by luk, being a tadrāja affix (SK 2072)]. yaudheyaḥ, yaudheyau, yaudheyāḥ [plural: likewise luk of the añ].

Bālamanoramā

पर्श्वादियौधेयादिभ्यामणञौ - पर्श्वादियौधेयादि । एभ्य इति । पर्श्वादिभ्यो यौधेयादिभ्यश्चेत्यर्थः । पार्शव इति । पर्शुशब्दाज्जनपदक्षत्रियविशेषयोर्वाचकादपत्येष्वर्थेषुद्व्यञ्मगधे॑त्यण् । ततोऽपत्यसङ्घविवक्षायामनेन अणिति भावः । पर्शव इति । अपत्यसङ्घबहुत्वविवक्षायां प्रकृतस्याऽणोऽपि तद्राजत्वाल्लुक्, 'ञ्यादस्तद्राजाः' इति वक्ष्यमाणत्वादिति भावः । यौधेय इति । युधाशब्दादपत्येऽर्थे 'द्व्यचः' इति ढक् । तदन्ताऽपत्यसङ्घविवक्षायामनेन अञ् । ञित्त्वमाद्युदात्तत्वफलकम् । यौधेया इति । अपत्यसङ्घबहुत्वविवक्षायांतद्राजस्ये॑त्यञो लुक् । 'कितः' इत्यन्तोदात्तं फलम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ebhyaḥ' = after parśu etc. and yaudheya etc. pārśavaḥ: from parśu, denoting both a country (janapada) and a particular kṣatriya, aṇ comes in the sense of descendants by 'dvyañmagadha…' (SK 1188); then, when a saṅgha of descendants is meant, aṇ by this rule. parśavaḥ: when the plurality of the saṅgha of descendants is meant, the present aṇ too is deleted by luk, since it is tadrāja by 'ñyādayas tadrājāḥ' (SK 2072). yaudheyaḥ: from yudhā, ḍhak in the sense of a descendant by 'dvyacaḥ' (SK 1124); when a saṅgha of those [descendants] is meant, añ by this rule; its ñ-it has as its result the initial acute (ādyudātta). yaudheyāḥ: in the plural, luk of the añ by 'tadrājasya…' (SK 1193); the result is end-acute by 'kitaḥ' (SK 3712). Followed for the bracketed luk in k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2069.t1 ('pārśva iti' onward, OCR for pārśava): parśu is a country-word; aṇ in the sense of a descendant by 'dvyañmagadha…'; in the plural luk as tadrāja; then again aṇ by this rule when a saṅgha is meant, and this aṇ too has luk in the plural as tadrāja. Objection: prescribe aṇ in its own sense directly after the country-word parśu. Answer: the bare word parśu is the country-word, not the aṇ-ending; so the aṇ is prescribed after parśu denoting many descendants (after luk), and the 'own sense' here is the saṅgha itself. yaudheya: yudhā from yudh with ka; ḍhak by 'dvyacaḥ'; then añ by this rule when a saṅgha is meant, so yaudheya is initial-acute; moreover, [the añ allows] yaudheya 'the mark or sign of the Yaudheyas' by the aṇ of 'saṃghāṅkalakṣaṇa…', which comes after an añ-ending ('ity añantād aṇ', NSP p. 329 scan); so for all the ḍhak-final members of yaudheyādi (śaukeya etc.) the two purposes (prayojanadvaya) are to be inferred. yaudheyāḥ: luk of añ, end-acute; 'na prācyabharga…' does not block it, since that prohibition is for the feminine only. Recorded; agrees with BM on the luk followed in k1.
textual The sūtra is printed 'parśvādiyaudheyādibhyo 'ṇañau' (NSP p. 329 scan; Wikisource agrees), and sutra_en follows it. Our padaccheda ('…yaudheyādibhyām') and BM's pratīka ('parśvādiyaudheyādibhyām aṇañau') have the standard Aṣṭādhyāyī reading -bhyām (dual). The sense is unaffected.
translator The kaumudī gives the six forms without derivation. The bracketed luk in the plural follows BM; the reference of 'tadrāja' luk to 'tadrājasya bahuṣu tenaivāstriyām' (SK 1193) is BM's. The kaumudī's 'āyudhajīvisaṅghavācibhyaḥ' carries the condition of SK 2067; BM on SK 2071 cites the Vṛtti that it ceases (nivṛtta) at SK 2071.

SK 2071 · A 5.3.118V

अभिजिद्विदभृच्छालावच्छिखावच्छमीवदूर्णावच्छ्रुमदणो यञ् ॥ २०७१ ॥

abhijidvidabhṛcchālāvacchikhāvacchamīvadūrṇāvacchrumadaṇo yañ

abhijidvidabhṛcchālāvacchikhāvacchamīvadūrṇāvacchrumadaṇo yañ — After [a word ending in] aṇ [added] to abhijit, vidabhṛt, śālāvat, śikhāvat, śamīvat, ūrṇāvat or śrumat, yañ [in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. Yañ comes in its own sense after a word ending in aṇ, added to one of seven names. The names are abhijit, vidabhṛt, śālāvat, śikhāvat, śamīvat, ūrṇāvat and śrumat. Yañ is heard as -ya.

Example.

abhijito 'patyam "the descendant of Abhijit" → ābhijita, with the descendant aṇ

→ ābhijita + yañ

→ the ñ is an it → ābhijita + ya

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → ābhijityaḥ, that same one.

Likewise vaidabhṛtyaḥ, śālāvatyaḥ, śaikhāvatyaḥ, śāmīvatyaḥ, aurṇāvatyaḥ, śraumatyaḥ.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. The aṇ must be the descendant aṇ. So yañ does not come in ābhijito muhūrtaḥ, where the aṇ does not mean "descendant". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so, following the Bhāṣya.

The same commentator cites the Vṛtti, an older commentary on the sūtras. There the words "band of men who live by arms" cease at this rule.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads śalāvatyaḥ. The 1915 printed edition reads śālāvatyaḥ, with the vowel of śālāvat. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अभिजिदादिभ्योऽणन्तेभ्यः स्वार्थे यञ् स्यात् । अभिजितोऽपत्यमाभिजित्यः । वैदभृत्यः । शलावत्यः । शैखावत्यः । शामीवत्यः । और्णावत्यः । श्रौमत्यः ॥

After abhijit etc. ending in aṇ, yañ comes in its own sense (svārthe). The offspring of Abhijit [is ābhijita; that same is] ābhijityaḥ. vaidabhṛtyaḥ, śālāvatyaḥ, śaikhāvatyaḥ, śāmīvatyaḥ, aurṇāvatyaḥ, śraumatyaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

अभिजिद्विदभृच्छालावच्छिखावच्छमीवदूर्णावच्छ्रुमदणो यञ् - अभिजिद्विदभृत् । अभिजित्, विदभृत्, शालावत्, शिखावत्, शमीवत्, ऊर्णावत्, श्रुमत् — एषां समाहारद्वन्द्वात्पञ्चम्या लुक् । अण इति प्रत्ययत्वात्तदन्तग्रहणम् । तदाह — अभिजिदादिभ्य इति । अत्रआयुधजीविसङ्घादिति निवृत्त॑मिति वृत्तिः ।आभिजित्य इति । अभिजितोऽपत्यमाभिजितः । अपत्येऽण् । आभिजित एव आभिजित्यः । वैदभृत्य इति । विदभृत्यः । शालावत्य इति । शालावतोऽपत्यं शालावतः, स एव शालावत्यः । शैखावत्यैति । शिखावतोऽपत्यं शैखावतः । स एव शैखावत्यः । शामीवत्य इति ।शमीवतोऽपत्यं शामीवतः, स एव शामीवत्यः । और्णावत्य इति । ऊर्णावतोऽपत्यमौर्णावतः, स एव और्णावत्यः । श्रौमत्य इति । श्रुमतोऽपत्यं श्रौमतः, स एव श्रौमत्यः । अत्र अभिजिदित्यादिशब्देषु यञः स्वार्थिकतया गोत्रार्थकत्वादाभिजित्यस्यायमिति विग्रहेगोत्रचरणा॑दिति वुञि॒आपत्यस्य चे॑ति यलोपे 'आभिजितक' इति भवति ।अपत्याऽणन्तेभ्य एवायं यञ् । तेन आभिजितो मुहूर्त इत्यादौ न य॑ञिति भाष्ये स्पष्टम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the seven words form a samāhāra dvandva with luk of the fifth case; since aṇ is an affix, the mention of aṇ takes in what ends in it (tadantagrahaṇa), hence the kaumudī's 'abhijidādibhyo 'ṇantebhyaḥ'. The Vṛtti says that 'āyudhajīvisaṅghāt' has ceased here (nivṛtta). Followed for 'after [a word ending in] aṇ [added] to' in sutra_en and for not carrying 'āyudhajīvisaṅgha' into it.
commentary BM: abhijito 'patyam ābhijitaḥ with aṇ in the sense of offspring (apatya); ābhijita eva ābhijityaḥ; likewise śālāvato 'patyaṃ śālāvataḥ, sa eva śālāvatyaḥ, and so for śaikhāvatya, śāmīvatya, aurṇāvatya, śraumatya. Because the yañ is svārthika, these words keep the gotra sense, so with the analysis 'ābhijityasya ayam' vuñ comes by 'gotracaraṇāt' and the y is deleted by 'āpatyasya ca' (SK 1082), giving ābhijitaka. This yañ comes only after words ending in the apatya aṇ, so not in 'ābhijito muhūrtaḥ' (Bhāṣya). Followed for the bracketed '[is ābhijita; that same is]' in k1; the rest Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2069.t1: ābhijityaḥ has yañ after ābhijita ending in aṇ; likewise from vidabhṛt etc. with aṇ, and then from the aṇ-final vaidabhṛta, śālāvata, śaikhāvata etc., yañ. Agrees with BM; followed for the bracket in k1 and for the reading śālāvatyaḥ.
textual The digital source reads 'śalāvatyaḥ'; NSP p. 329 (scan, per the p42 collation) prints 'śālāvatyaḥ', with vṛddhi of the first vowel of śālāvat, as BM's 'śālāvatyaḥ' also has. The English follows the print.

SK 2072 · A 5.3.119तद्राजसंज्ञा

ञ्यादयस्तद्राजाः ॥ २०७२ ॥

ñyādayastadrājāḥ

ñyādayas tadrājāḥ — [The affixes] beginning with ñya [taught from 'pūgāñ ñyo 'grāmaṇīpūrvāt', SK 2066, onward] are [called] tadrāja.

Rule. The affixes taught from pūgāñ ñyaḥ (SK 2066) onward are named tadrāja. So, by SK 1193, they go by luk in the plural, but not in the feminine.

Example.

lauhitadhvajyaḥ → in the plural, ñya goes by luk → lohitadhvajāḥ.

Likewise kapotapākāḥ, kauñjāyanāḥ, brādhnāyanāḥ (the ñya of SK 1100).

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators fills in Bhaṭṭoji's "and so on":

kṣudrakāḥ (SK 2067), vṛkāḥ (SK 2068), dāmanayaḥ and kauṇḍoparathāḥ (SK 2069),

parśavaḥ and yaudheyāḥ (SK 2070), abhijitaḥ (SK 2071).

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators closes the third quarter of Pāṇini's fifth book here.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī quotes SK 2066 as pūgāñyaḥ, with one ñ. The 1915 printed edition reads pūgāññyaḥ, as the sūtra itself does. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पूगाञ्यः - SK 2066 इत्यारभ्य उक्ता एतत्संज्ञाः स्युः । तेनास्त्रियां बहुषु लुक् । लोहितध्वजाः । कपोतपाकाः । कौञ्जायनाः । ब्राध्नायना इत्यादि ॥

[The affixes] taught starting from 'pūgāñ ñyaḥ…' (SK 2066) receive this designation [tadrāja]. Hence (tena), in [the sense of] many (bahuṣu), except in the feminine (astriyām), there is luk: lohitadhvajāḥ, kapotapākāḥ, kauñjāyanāḥ, brādhnāyanāḥ, and so on.

Bālamanoramā

ञ्यादयस्तद्राजाः - ञ्यादयस्तद्राजाः । लोहितध्वजा इति ।पूगा॑दिति विहितस्य ञ्यस्य तद्राजत्वाद्बहुत्वे लुक् । कपोतपाकाः कौञ्जायनाः ब्रध्नायना इति ।व्रातच्फञो॑रिति विहितस्य ञ्यस्य लुक् । इत्यादीति । क्षौद्रक्यौ, क्षुद्रकाः ।आयुधजीवी॑ति ञ्यटो लुक् । वार्केण्यः, वार्केण्यौ, वृकाः । वृकाट्टेण्यणो लुक् । दामनीयः, दामनीयौ, दामनयः, कौण्डोपरथाः इत्यादौदामन्यादित्रिगर्तषष्ठा॑दिति छस्य लुक् । पार्शवः, पार्शवौ, पर्शवः, यौधेयाः इत्यत्र पर्ाआदियौधेयाद्यणञोर्लुक् । आभिजित्यः आभिजित्यौ, अभिजितः, विदभृत इत्यादौअभिजिद्विदभृ॑दित्यादिविहितस्य यञो लुगिति भावः । इति पञ्चमस्य तृतीयपादः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: lohitadhvajāḥ: the ñya prescribed by 'pūgāt…' (SK 2066) has luk in the plural because it is tadrāja; kapotapākāḥ, kauñjāyanāḥ, brādhnāyanāḥ: luk of the ñya prescribed [in the domain of] 'vrātacphañoḥ…' (SK 1100). 'ityādi' covers: kṣaudrakyau, kṣudrakāḥ (luk of the ñyaṭ of SK 2067); vārkeṇyaḥ, vārkeṇyau, vṛkāḥ (luk of the ṭeṇyaṇ of SK 2068); dāmanīyaḥ, dāmanīyau, dāmanayaḥ, kauṇḍoparathāḥ (luk of the cha of SK 2069); parśavaḥ, yaudheyāḥ (luk of the aṇ and añ of SK 2070); ābhijityaḥ, ābhijityau, abhijitaḥ, vidabhṛtaḥ (luk of the yañ of SK 2071). Followed for the identification of the four examples with SK 2066; the further forms are Recorded.
textual Our text quotes SK 2066 as 'pūgāñyaḥ' (one ñ); NSP p. 329 (printed 319) prints 'pūgāññyaḥ', as the sūtra SK 2066 itself reads (scan collation, batch 17). The English follows the print.
textual The words 'iti pañcamasya tṛtīyapādaḥ' at the end of sk.2072.b1 are BM's close of the pāda, not kaumudī text.
translator 'tena astriyāṃ bahuṣu luk' applies 'tadrājasya bahuṣu tenaivāstriyām' (SK 1193); the identification is the translator's. No TB on this sūtra was found in the neighbouring units' TB blocks (sk.2069.t1 runs from SK 2069 to SK 2073 and says nothing on SK 2072).

SK 2073 · A 5.4.1V

पादशतस्य संख्यादेर्वीप्सायां वुन् लोपश्च ॥ २०७३ ॥

pādaśatasya saṃkhyādervīpsāyāṃ vun lopaśca

pādaśatasya saṃkhyāder vīpsāyāṃ vun lopaś ca — After pāda or śata preceded by a numeral, [occurring in a sense qualified by] distributive repetition (vīpsā), vun [in its own sense], and deletion (lopa) [of the final of the base].

Rule. After pāda or śata "hundred" preceded by a numeral, vun comes in its own sense. The sense must be distributive (vīpsā): "so many at a time". The final of the base is deleted (lopa) as well.

Example.

dvau dvau pādau dadāti "he gives two pādas at a time"

→ the compound dvipāda is formed first (SK 728)

→ dvipāda + vun

→ the n is an it → dvipāda + vu

→ the final a deleted by this rule → dvipād + vu

→ vu → aka (SK 1247) → dvipād + aka

→ the affix now begins with a vowel, so the stem is bha (SK 231); pad replaces pād (SK 414) → dvipad + aka

→ used only in the feminine: ṭāp, and i for the a before k (SK 463) → dvipadikā

→ dvipadikāṃ [dadāti].

Bhaṭṭoji leaves the aka and the feminine steps implicit.

Likewise dviśatikām "two hundreds at a time".

Applies when / blocked by. Why is the deletion stated in the rule? Yasyeti ca (SK 311) would delete the a anyway. Bhaṭṭoji answers: the deletion here is not conditioned by what follows (anaimittika). So it is not sthānivat, and pādaḥ pat (SK 414) can apply.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators spells this out. The deletion by SK 311 is caused by the affix after it. So by SK 50 it would count as the vowel it removed, and pad would not replace pād.

Bhaṭṭoji also says that a word ending in vun is used only in the feminine. One of his commentators says this is by nature.

A vārttika says the mention of pāda and śata is pointless, because the affix is seen elsewhere too. Bhaṭṭoji's example: dvimodakikām. One of his commentators analyses it as "he gives two modakas (sweets) at a time".

Watch out. The same things without distribution take no affix. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives counter-examples. pādaṃ pādaṃ dadāti has no numeral. dvau pādau dadāti has no distribution. He also says forms like "two māṣas at a time" do not occur, by anabhidhāna.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लोपवचनमनैमित्तिकत्वार्थम् । अतो न स्थानिवत् । पादः पत् SK 414 । तद्धितार्थ SK 728 इति समासे कृते प्रत्ययः । वुन्नन्तं स्त्रियामेव । द्वौ द्वौ पादौ ददाति द्विपदिकाम् ॥ द्विशतिकाम् ।

The statement of deletion (lopa) is for the sake of [the deletion's] not being conditioned [by what follows] (anaimittikatva). Hence it is not [treated as] sthānivat [and pādaḥ pat can apply]. pādaḥ pat (SK 414). The affix [comes] after the compound has been formed by taddhitārthe… (SK 728). What ends in vun is [used] only in the feminine. dvau dvau pādau dadāti ("he gives two pādas at a time"): dvipadikām [dadāti]. dviśatikām.

vārttika

पादशतग्रहणमनर्थकमन्यत्रापि दर्शनात्

(vārttika) The mention of pāda and śata is purposeless, because [the affix] is seen elsewhere too.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ द्विमोदकिकाम् ॥

dvimodakikām.

Bālamanoramā

पादशतस्य संख्याऽऽदेर्वीप्सायां वुन् लोपश्च - अथ पञ्चमस्य चतुर्थपादः-पादशतस्य । पादश्चशतं चेति समाहारद्वन्द्वाल्लोपापेक्षया षष्ठी । वुन्प्रत्ययापेक्षया तु सा पञ्चम्यर्थे । सङ्ख्यावाचकशब्दपूर्वकात्पादशब्दाच्च वीप्साविशिष्टार्थवृत्तेः स्वार्थे वुन्प्रत्ययः स्यात्, प्रकृतेरन्त्यस्य लोपश्चेत्यर्थः । ननु वुनोऽकादेशे सतियस्येति चे॑त्येव लोपसिद्धेरिह लोपविधिर्व्यर्थ इत्यत आह — अनैमित्तिकत्वार्थमिति ।यस्येति चे॑ति लोपस्य परनिमित्तकतया तस्य 'अचः परस्मिन्' इति स्थानिवत्त्वापादः प॑दिति पदादेशो न स्यात् । अस्य तु लोपस्य परनिमित्तकत्वाऽभावेन स्थानिवत्त्वाऽप्रसक्तेः पद्भावो निर्बाध इति भावः । तद्धितार्थ इति । नच वीप्सायाः प्रकृत्यर्थविशेषणतया वुनोऽर्थाऽभावात्कथमिह॒तद्धितार्थ॑ इति समास इति वाच्यं, वुनो द्योतकतया द्योत्यार्थेनैवार्थवत्त्वात् । वुन्नयं स्त्रियामेवेति । स्वभावादिति भावः । द्विशति कामिति । द्वे द्वे शते ददातीति विग्रहः । पादशतेत्यादि । वार्तिकमिदम् । अनर्थकमिति कथं, पादशतभिन्नव्यावृत्त्यर्थत्वादित्यत आह — अन्यत्रापि दर्शनादिति । तदुदाहृत्य दर्शयति — द्विमोदकिकामिति । द्वौ द्वौ मोदकौ ददातीति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: pādaśatasya is a samāhāra dvandva of pāda and śata; its sixth case is with respect to the lopa, but with respect to the affix vun it stands in the sense of the fifth. The sense: after pāda and [śata] preceded by a numeral word, occurring in a sense qualified by vīpsā, vun comes in its own sense (svārthe) and the final of the base is deleted. Followed for the bracketed '[occurring in a sense qualified by]', '[in its own sense]' and '[of the final of the base]' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: Objection: once vun is replaced by aka, the deletion is obtained by 'yasyeti ca' (SK 311) anyway, so this lopa is pointless. Response: the lopa by 'yasyeti ca' is conditioned by what follows, so by 'acaḥ parasmin' (SK 50) it would be sthānivat and the substitution pad by 'pādaḥ pat' would not take place; this lopa has no such condition, so sthānivattva does not arise and pad-substitution is unobstructed. On 'taddhitārthe': the objection that vun has no meaning, vīpsā being a qualifier of the base's sense, is met because vun is a signifier (dyotaka) and has meaning through what it signifies. The feminine only is by nature (svabhāvāt). dviśatikām: analysis 'dve dve śate dadāti'. Followed for '[and pādaḥ pat can apply]' in k1; the rest Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2069.t1: counterexamples — 'pādaśatasya kim': dvau dvau māṣau dadāti; 'saṃkhyādeḥ kim': pādaṃ pādaṃ dadāti; 'vīpsāyām kim': dvau pādau dadāti. naimittika is 'what exists in a cause (nimitta)', with ṭhañ. On 'taddhitārthe': although vīpsā is an adjunct of the base, it is signified by vun and so counts as the taddhita sense. 'dadāti' here means mere handing over, not transfer of ownership to another, since that would be the domain of the next sūtra (SK 2074); some hold that the next sūtra applies only when the verb vyavasṛj is used. Agrees with BM on 'taddhitārthe'; followed for 'he gives two pādas at a time' (plain giving); the rest Recorded.
commentary BM: 'pādaśata…' is a vārttika. To the question how the mention is purposeless when it serves to exclude words other than pāda and śata, it answers 'because it is seen elsewhere too', and illustrates with dvimodakikām, analysed as 'dvau dvau modakau dadāti'. Followed for labelling k2 as a vārttika and for keeping k3 as Bhaṭṭoji's example.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2069.t1: on 'anyatrāpi taddarśanāt' — in dvau dvau māṣau dadāti and the like there is no over-application, because [such a form] is not in use (anabhidhāna). Recorded (TB had given the same phrase as a counterexample to the sūtra).
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2; NSP p. 329 (OCR) instead prints the vārttika sign before 'pādaśatagrahaṇam…'. The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own example. The p42 collation reports the unit clean.
translator The kaumudī gives only part of the derivation of dvipadikām: the compound dvipāda (by SK 728), vun with deletion of the final a, and pad for pād (SK 414). The replacement of vun by aka and the feminine in -ikā are implicit and are not supplied in the English.

SK 2074 · A 5.4.2V

दण्डव्यवसर्गयोश्च ॥ २०७४ ॥

daṇḍavyavasargayośca

daṇḍavyavasargayoś ca — [vun comes after pāda and śata preceded by a numeral, and the final of the base is deleted (lopa) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2073] also when a fine (daṇḍa) or a giving away (vyavasarga) [is understood].

Rule. The same vun, with deletion of the final, also comes when a fine (daṇḍa) or a giving away (vyavasarga) is meant. Bhaṭṭoji says this rule is for cases without distribution.

Example.

dvau pādau daṇḍitaḥ "he has been fined two pādas" → dvipāda + vun (as in SK 2073)

→ dvipadikāṃ [daṇḍitaḥ].

Likewise dviśatikām.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji glosses vyavasṛjati as "he gives". One of his commentators explains daṇḍa as the taking of goods by force. He supplies vun and the deletion of the final, as in SK 2073.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji gives no verb for dviśatikām. His gloss of "gives", which follows it, suggests a gift. The text does not say so.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वुन् स्यात् । अवीप्सार्थमिदम् । द्वौ पादौ दण्डितः द्विपदिकाम् । द्विशतिकाम् । व्यवसृजति ददातीत्यर्थः ॥

vun comes [after pāda and śata preceded by a numeral, with deletion of the final — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2073]. This [rule] is for [the case where] distribution (vīpsā) is absent. dvau pādau daṇḍitaḥ, '[he] has been fined two pādas': dvipadikām [daṇḍitaḥ]. dviśatikām. vyavasṛjati means 'gives' (dadāti).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 329

—दण्डव्यवसर्ग—। दण्डनं दण्डश्चुरादित्वाद्भावे घञ् । अत्राप्युदाहरणे ‘तद्धितार्थ—’ इति समासः । स्त्रीलिङ्गं च तद्धितार्थः । यद्वा प्रकृत्यर्थं एव तद्धितार्थः । स्वार्थिकत्वाद्वुनः ॥—द्वौ पादौ दण्डित इति । देवदत्तेन यज्ञदत्त इति शेषः । दण्डेरप्रधाने कर्मणि क्त इति यज्ञदत्त इत्यत्र प्रथमा । द्वौ पादावित्यत्र द्विपदिकामित्यत्र च द्वितीया भवति । ‘दण्डेर्ग्रहणार्थे’ इति द्विकर्मकेषूक्तम् । तथा च द्विपदिकाकर्मकर्मकग्रहणविषयीभूतो यज्ञदत्त इत्यादिरर्थं इति नव्याः

Bālamanoramā

दण्डव्यवसर्गयोश्च - दण्डव्यवसर्गयोश्च । वुन्स्यादिति सङ्ख्यादेः पादशताद्दण्डव्यवसर्गयोर्गम्ययोर्वुन्स्यात्प्रकृतेरन्तलोपश्चेत्यर्थः । दण्डनं-दण्डः=बलाकृत्य द्रव्यग्रहणम् । व्यवसर्गो-दानम् । ननु पूर्वेण सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — अवीप्सार्थमिति । द्वौ पादौ दण्डित इति । बलाकृत्य ग्राहित इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'vun syāt' means: after pāda and śata preceded by a numeral, when daṇḍa or vyavasarga is understood, vun comes and the final of the base is deleted. daṇḍa = daṇḍana, the taking of goods by force; vyavasarga = giving (dāna). Objection: since this is already obtained by the preceding [rule], what is it for? Hence 'avīpsārtham'. 'dvau pādau daṇḍitaḥ' = made to give up by force. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and k1 and for the glosses 'fine' and 'giving away'.
commentary TB: daṇḍa is daṇḍana, with ghañ in the sense of the action (bhāva) after the cur-class root. In the example too the compound is by 'taddhitārthe…'; the taddhita sense is the feminine gender, or else the taddhita sense is just the sense of the base, since vun is svārthika. 'dvau pādau daṇḍitaḥ': supply 'devadattena yajñadattaḥ'; kta is in the non-principal object (apradhāne karmaṇi) of daṇḍ, hence the first case in 'yajñadattaḥ', and the second case in 'dvau pādau' and 'dvipadikām', daṇḍ being listed among the two-object roots in the sense of taking; so the Navyas: 'yajñadatta is the one subjected to a taking whose object is dvipadikā'. Followed for the bracketed subject '[he]' and for construing dvipadikām with daṇḍitaḥ.
translator The kaumudī's examples are elliptical. dvipadikām goes with daṇḍitaḥ (TB). The kaumudī does not supply a verb for dviśatikām; its gloss of vyavasṛjati, placed right after it, suggests that dviśatikām illustrates vyavasarga ('dviśatikāṃ vyavasṛjati'), but the text does not say so, and the English leaves the construal open.

SK 2075 · A 5.4.3V

स्थूलादिभ्यः प्रकारवचने कन् ॥ २०७५ ॥

sthūlādibhyaḥ prakāravacane kan

sthūlādibhyaḥ prakāravacane kan — After sthūla etc., kan, when [something possessing] a mode (prakāra) is expressed.

Rule. After sthūla "stout" and the words that follow it, kan comes when something having a mode (prakāra) is meant. Bhaṭṭoji calls it an apavāda of jātīyar (SK 2024).

Example.

sthūla + kan → sthūlakaḥ.

Likewise aṇu + kan → aṇukaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say prakāra means both a variety and a likeness. Kan, like jātīyar, names the thing that has the mode, not the mode alone.

A vārttika adds cañcat and bṛhat to the list: cañcatkaḥ, bṛhatkaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses them. cañcatkaḥ is what seems to move though it does not, like a gem in rippling water. bṛhatkaḥ is what seems big though it is not.

A gaṇasūtra in the list says: after surā, only when a snake is meant. It is a niyama, one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says. A snake the colour of surā is surakaḥ. Its ā is shortened by ke 'ṇaḥ (SK 834), the same commentator says.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

जातीयरोऽपवादः । स्थूलकः । अणुकः ।

This is an exception (apavāda) to jātīyar (SK 2024). sthūlakaḥ, aṇukaḥ.

vārttika

चञ्चद्बृहतोरुपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) cañcat and bṛhat are to be added (upasaṃkhyāna) [to this rule].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ चञ्चत्कः । बृहत्कः ॥ (गणसूत्रम् -) सुराया अहौ । सुरावर्णोऽहिः सुरकः ॥

cañcatkaḥ, bṛhatkaḥ. (gaṇasūtra) surāyā ahau — "After surā, when a snake [is meant]." A snake having the colour of surā: surakaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 329–330

—स्थूलादिभ्यः—। प्रकारो भेदः सादृश्यं च । उभयत्रापि यथासंभवं कन् ॥—जातीयरोऽपवाद इति । तेनायमपि तद्वदेव प्रकारवति भवति न तु प्रकारमात्रे इत्युक्तं भवति ॥—चञ्चद्बृहतोरिति । एतावपि स्थूला- दिष्वेव पठितव्याविति भावः ॥—चञ्चत्क इति । चञ्चतिश्चलनकर्मा । चञ्चन्नेव कश्चिच्चञ्चत्कः । एवं बृहद्विशेषो बृहत्कः । यद्वा अचञ्चन्नबृहन्नपि प्रभाविशेषाच्चञ्चन्निव बृहन्निव मणिविशेषो लक्ष्यते स चञ्चत्कः । बृहत्कः ॥—सुरक इति । ‘केऽणः’ इति ह्रस्वः ॥—छिन्नकमिति । ईषच्छिन्नमित्यर्थः । क्तप्रकृतिवाच्यया क्रियया कप्रत्ययवाच्यस्य साधनस्य व्याप्तिरत्यन्त-गतिः । सेह नास्ति

Bālamanoramā

स्थूलादिभ्यः प्रकारवचने कन् - स्थूलादिभ्यः । प्रकारो भेदः सादृश्यं च, व्याख्यानात्, तद्वति वर्तमानाद्यथायोयं कन्नित्यर्थः । जातीयरोऽपवाद इति । एतेन अयमपि तद्वदेव प्रकारवति भवति, नतु प्रकारमात्रे इति सूचितम् । चञ्चत्क इति । चञ्चधातुश्चलने । अचञ्चन्नपि यश्चञ्चन्निव दृश्यते स चञ्चत्कः । यथा स्पन्दमानस्वच्छजनमध्यवर्ती मणिः । बृहत्क इति । अबृहन्नपि बृहन्निव दृश्यते स बृहत्कः, बृहदाख्यसामविशेषो वा । सुराया अहाविति । गणसूत्रमिदम् ।॒प्रकारवचने क॑न्निति शेषः । सुराया अहावेवेति नियमार्थमिदम् । सुरक इति । 'केऽण' इति ह्रस्वः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: prakāra means both variety (bheda) and similarity (sādṛśya), by the explanation of the tradition (vyākhyāna); kan comes as appropriate after [a word] occurring in [the sense of] what possesses it. 'jātīyaro 'pavādaḥ' indicates that this too, like jātīyar, comes in what possesses a mode (prakāravat), not in the mode alone. Followed for '[something possessing]' in sutra_en.
commentary TB: prakāra is bheda and sādṛśya, and kan comes in both as possible; 'jātīyaro 'pavādaḥ' means that this too comes in what possesses a mode, not in the mode alone. Agrees with BM; followed.
commentary BM: cañcatkaḥ — from cañc 'to move': what appears as if moving though it is not, like a gem lying in clear, rippling water; bṛhatkaḥ — what appears big though it is not, or a particular sāman called bṛhat. 'surāyā ahau' is a gaṇasūtra; 'prakāravacane kan' is to be supplied; it is a restriction (niyama): after surā only when a snake [is meant]. In surakaḥ the ā is shortened by 'ke 'ṇaḥ' (SK 834). Followed for the gaṇasūtra label and '[is meant]'; the rest Recorded.
commentary TB: 'cañcadbṛhatoḥ' means these two are to be read in the sthūlādi list. cañcatkaḥ: a kind of moving thing; likewise bṛhatkaḥ a kind of big thing; or else a gem that by its lustre appears as if moving and big though it is neither. surakaḥ: shortening by 'ke 'ṇaḥ'. Agrees with BM in substance (TB also offers the 'variety' reading); followed for '[to this rule]' in k2, the rest Recorded.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.2069.n1 (p. 329), on 'jātīyaro 'pavādaḥ': in Jayāditya's view, where only variety (bheda) is the mode in the jātīyar rule, 'apavāda' means 'blocking because it is later (para)'; in Vāmana's view, where both [variety and similarity] are taken there too, the word is to be taken as it stands. Recorded; the English keeps 'exception (apavāda)'.
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2, and tags the gaṇasūtra '(gaṇasūtram -)'. NSP p. 329 (OCR) prints the vārttika sign before 'cañcadbṛhatoḥ…' and tags the gaṇasūtra '(ga)'. The vārttika tag is left untranslated; the gaṇasūtra label is kept since both texts carry it.

SK 2076 · A 5.4.4V

अनत्यन्तगतौ क्तात् ॥ २०७६ ॥

anatyantagatau ktāt

anatyantagatau ktāt — After [a word ending in] kta, when incompleteness (anatyantagati) [is to be conveyed, the affix kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2075 — comes].

Rule. After a word ending in kta, kan comes when the action is not carried right through (anatyantagati). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies kan; tracing it to SK 2075 is this book's inference.

Example.

chinna "cut" → chinna + kan → chinnakam "cut in part".

Likewise bhinnakam, abhinnakam.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators defines the complete action. It reaches every part of the thing, with nothing left over. Where that is lacking, kan comes. The other glosses chinnakam as "slightly cut".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

छिन्नकम् । भिन्नकम् । अभिन्नकम् ॥

chinnakam ['cut, but not completely']. bhinnakam. abhinnakam.

Bālamanoramā

अनत्यन्तगतौ क्तात् - अनत्यन्तगतौ क्तात् । अत्यन्तगतिरशेषावयवसम्बन्धः, तदभावः=अनत्यन्तगतिः, तस्यां गम्यमानायां क्तान्तात्कन्नित्यर्थः । छिन्नकमिति । किञ्चिदवयवावच्छेदेन छिन्नमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: atyantagati is connection with all the parts without remainder (aśeṣāvayavasambandha); its absence is anatyantagati; when that is conveyed, kan comes after a word ending in kta (ktāntāt kan). On 'chinnakam': 'cut with respect to some part' (kiñcidavayavāvacchedena chinnam). Followed for the bracketed 'ending in kta', for the carried-forward kan in sutra_en, and for the gloss of chinnakam in k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2075.t1 (NSP p. 330 scan, printed p. 320): 'chinnakam' means 'slightly cut' (īṣac chinnam); atyantagati is the pervading (vyāpti) of the kāraka (sādhana) denoted by the affix by the action denoted by the base of kta; that is absent here. Agrees with BM; followed for the gloss of chinnakam.
translator Neither BM nor TB comments on bhinnakam or abhinnakam. abhinnakam is also what the 1915 print reads (NSP p. 330 scan, printed p. 320). Its intended analysis (a negated a-bhinna, or something else) is not stated, so the two forms are left unglossed.

SK 2077 · A 5.4.5V

न सामिवचने ॥ २०७७ ॥

na sāmivacane

na sāmivacane — [kan does] not [come after a word ending in kta — 'ktāt' and kan carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2076, as the kaumudī's paraphrase shows; the kan negated being a wholly svārthika kan, not that of SK 2076 — BM, TB] when a word expressing sāmi ('half') [i.e. sāmi or a synonym of it] is the upapada.

Rule. Kan does not come after a kta-final word when sāmi "half", or a word of the same meaning, is the upapada.

Example.

sāmikṛtam "half-done" — no kan.

ardhakṛtam "half-done" — no kan.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the word vacana in the sūtra takes in synonyms of sāmi. So ardha "half" counts.

Bhaṭṭoji raises an objection. Here sāmi itself expresses the incompleteness. So SK 2076 would not give kan anyway. His answer: even so, this prohibition is a jñāpaka. It shows that a wholly svārthika kan also exists (atyantasvārthika). Such a kan leaves the base's sense just as it is: bahutarakam is just bahutaram, one of his commentators says. Both of his commentators say it is that kan which this rule forbids, not the kan of SK 2076.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds that the Bhāṣya rejects this sūtra. It derives bahutarakam another way. The two commentators also differ on whether sāmikṛta counts as ending in kta; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सामिपर्याये उपपदे क्तान्तान्न कन् । सामिकृतम् । अर्धकृतम् । अनत्यन्तगतेरिह प्रकृत्यैवाभिधानात्पूर्वेण कन् न प्राप्तः । इदमेव निषेधसूत्रमत्यन्तस्वार्थिकमपि कनं ज्ञापयति । बहुतरकम् ॥

When a synonym of sāmi ('half') is the upapada, kan does not [come] after [a word] ending in kta. sāmikṛtam ('half-done'); ardhakṛtam. [Objection:] Here incompleteness (anatyantagati) is expressed by the base itself, so kan would not be obtained by the preceding [rule] (SK 2076) [in any case]. [Reply: even so,] this very prohibitory sūtra indicates (jñāpayati) a kan that is wholly svārthika (atyantasvārthika) as well: bahutarakam.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 330

—न सामिवचने । सामि अर्थः उच्यते येन तत्सामिवचनमिति व्युत्पत्त्या वचनग्रहणं पर्यायार्थ-मित्याह—सामिपर्याये इति ॥—सामिकृतमिति । ‘सामि’ इति समासः ॥—अर्धकृतमिति । विशेषणसमासो बहुव्रीहिर्वा ॥—प्रकृत्यैवेति । सामिवचनेनैवेत्यर्थः ॥—ज्ञापयतीति । अयं भावः । ‘न सामिवचने’ इत्यनेन ‘अनत्यन्त-गतौ’—इति कनो न निषेधः । सामिकृतादिभ्यस्तस्य प्राप्त्यभावात् तेभ्योऽसमासे सामिपदेनैव अनत्यन्तगतेर्द्योतनात् । स-मासेभ्यस्तु क्तान्तत्वाभावाच्च । न च कृद्ग्रहणपरिभाषया समासस्य क्तान्तत्वमस्तीति शङ्क्यम् । सामिशब्दस्य गतिकारकत्वाभावात् । तस्मात् स्वार्थिक एव कन् निषिध्यत इति । इदमेव निषेधवचनं क्वचित्स्वार्थिकं कनं ज्ञापयतीति ॥—अषडक्षीण इति । अविद्यमानानि षडक्षीणि यस्मिन्निति वहुब्रीहिः । अक्षिशब्दोऽत्र श्रोत्रेन्द्रिये वर्तते । ‘वहुब्रीहौ सक्थ्यक्षणोः’ इति षच् । तदन्तादनेन खः । मन्त्रो मन्त्रणम् ॥—आशितंगवीनमिति । आङ्पूर्वादश्नोतेः ‘आशितः कर्ता’ इति ज्ञापका-त्कर्तारे क्तः । ण्यन्तात्कर्मणि वा । उभयथापि प्रभूतयवसमिति फलितोऽर्थः ॥—अलंकर्माण इति । अलंकर्म अलंपुर-षेति ‘पर्यादयो ग्लानाद्यर्थे चतुर्थ्या’ इति समासः ॥—अलंपुरुषीण इति । प्रतिमल्लादिः ॥—ईश्वराधीन इति । अधिशब्दः शौण्डादिरित्युक्तम् ॥—तमवादय इति । ‘अतिशायने तमप्’ इत्यादयः ॥—प्राक्कन इति । ‘अवक्षेपणे कन्’ इति विहितात् ॥—ज्यादय इति । ‘पूगाञ्ञ्यो ग्रामणीपूर्वात्’ इत्यादयः ॥—प्राग्बुन इति । ‘पादशतस्य सं-ख्यादेः’ इति विहितात् ॥—आमादय इति । किमेत्तिङ्व्ययघादामु—इत्यादयः ॥—प्राङ्मयट इति । ‘तत्प्रकृतव-चने मयट्’ इत्यतः प्रागित्यर्थः ॥—बृहतीजात्यन्ता इति । बृहतीशब्देन ‘बृहत्या आच्छादने’ इति विहितः कन् उपल-क्ष्यते । जात्यन्तशब्देन ‘जात्यन्ताच्च—’ इति च्छः । वहुवचननिर्देशात्पाशबादयो गृह्यन्ते । यो हि वैयाकरणपाशादिशब्दै-रर्थः प्रतीयते नासौ प्रकृतिमात्रेण प्रतीयते इति तेऽपि तमवादिवन्नित्या एवेति स्थितमाकरे ॥ कन्छौ मुक्त्वा मूले बृहती-मात्रप्रयोगो जात्यन्तमात्रप्रयोगश्च कृतः, स तु अवाचकोऽप्यार्षग्रन्थानुवादकत्वान्न दोषाय ॥—विभाषाञ्चेर—। दिक्-चासौ स्त्री चेति दिक्स्त्री तत्र प्रतिषेधो, न तु दिशि स्त्रियां च, स्त्रीलिङ्गैकवचननिर्देशात् ॥—प्राचीनमिति । ‘अचः’ इत्यकारलोपे कृते ‘चौ’ इति दीर्घः । एवमग्रे क्वचिदूह्यम्

Bālamanoramā

न सामिवचने - न सामिवचने । वचनग्रहणं पर्यायलाभार्थमिति मत्वाऽऽह — सामिपर्याये उपपदे इति । सामिकृतमिति ।सामी॑त्यव्ययमर्धे ।सामी॑ति समासः । अर्धकृतमिति । अर्धं कृतमिति कर्मधारयः ।सामी॑त्यस्य क्रियाविशेषणत्वेन कारकत्वात्समुदायस्य क्तान्तत्वं, कृद्ग्रहणे गतिकारकपूर्वस्यापि ग्रहणात् । नन्विह अनत्यन्तगतेः प्रकृत्यैवाभिहितत्वात्उक्तार्थानामप्रयोगः॑ इति न्यायेन पूर्वसूत्रविहितस्य कनोऽप्रसक्तेरिह तन्निषेधो व्यर्थ इति शङ्कते — अनत्यन्तगतेरिति । परिहरति — इदमेवेति ।तथापी॑ति पूर्वमध्याहार्यम् । ज्ञापयतीति । न ह्ययमनत्यन्तगताविति कनः प्रतिषेधः । किं तर्हि, अत्यन्तस्वार्थिकस्य कनः । तत्र च इदमेव ज्ञापकम् । अन्यथा तद्वैयर्थ्यादिति भावः । बहुतरकमिति । बहुतरमेव बहुतरकम् । भाष्ये तु इदं सूत्रं प्रत्याख्यातम् ।तमबाद्यन्तात्स्वार्थे कन्वक्तव्यः॑ इति वचनेन, यावादित्वाद्वा स्वार्थे कना बहुतरक सुकरतरकमित्यादि सिद्धमिति तदाशयः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the word 'vacana' is taken in order to include synonyms, hence the kaumudī's 'sāmiparyāye upapade'. Followed for the bracketed synonyms in sutra_en and 'a synonym of sāmi' in k1.
commentary TB: by the analysis 'sāmivacana = that by which the sense sāmi is expressed', the word 'vacana' serves to take in synonyms, hence 'sāmiparyāye'. Followed, agreeing with BM.
commentary BM: sāmi is an avyaya meaning 'half'; sāmikṛta is a compound by 'sāmi' (A 2.1.27); ardhakṛta is a karmadhāraya, 'ardhaṃ kṛtam'. Since sāmi, as a qualifier of the action, is a kāraka, the whole compound ends in kta, because in a mention of a kṛt [affix] what is preceded by a gati or a kāraka is also taken. 'anatyantagater…' raises the objection (śaṅkate) that the prohibition is useless, since by the maxim that what has been expressed is not expressed again the kan of the preceding sūtra is not applicable here; 'idam eva…' answers it, 'tathāpi' ('even so') being supplied before it. The rule is not a prohibition of kan in the sense of anatyantagati but of a wholly svārthika kan, for which this very rule is the jñāpaka, since it would otherwise be useless. bahutarakam = bahutaram eva. In the Bhāṣya this sūtra is rejected: bahutaraka, sukarataraka and the like are established by the statement 'after [a word] ending in tamap etc. kan is to be stated in its own sense', or by kan in its own sense on account of [the word's] belonging to yāvādi (SK 2097). Followed for the objection-and-reply structure, the bracketed 'even so' and the sutra_en bracket on which kan is negated; the Bhāṣya's rejection is Recorded.
commentary TB: 'prakṛtyaiva' = by the word expressing 'half' itself (sāmivacanena eva). sāmikṛta is a compound by 'sāmi'; ardhakṛta is a viśeṣaṇa-compound or a bahuvrīhi. The point: this rule does not prohibit the kan of 'anatyantagatau', which is not obtained after sāmikṛta and the like, because outside a compound the word sāmi itself conveys incompleteness, and a compound does not end in kta — nor can it be said to do so by the paribhāṣā on mention of a kṛt, since sāmi is neither a gati nor a kāraka. So it is the svārthika kan that is prohibited, and this prohibitory statement indicates a svārthika kan in some places. Followed for 'by the base itself', for the jñāpaka reading and, with BM, for the sutra_en bracket on which kan is negated. TB and BM disagree on whether the compound counts as ending in kta (BM: yes, sāmi being a kāraka; TB: no, sāmi being neither gati nor kāraka); the English, which says only that kan 'would not be obtained', is neutral between them (§16).

SK 2078 · A 5.4.6V

बृहत्या आच्छादने ॥ २०७८ ॥

bṛhatyā ācchādane

bṛhatyā ācchādane — After bṛhatī, [kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2075 —] when a covering (ācchādana) [is meant].

Rule. After bṛhatī, kan comes when a covering (ācchādana) is meant. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kan is supplied.

Example.

bṛhatī, a covering → bṛhatī + kan → bṛhatikā, an upper wrap.

Bhaṭṭoji quotes a line: prāvāra and uttarāsaṅga are synonyms, and so is bṛhatikā. One of his commentators says the line is from Amara's lexicon.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "a covering"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is bṛhatī chandaḥ, the metre named bṛhatī. It takes no kan.

Watch out. This kan is obligatory (nitya). Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say it is the "bṛhatī" of the Bhāṣya's list of obligatory svārthikas (SK 2079).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कन् स्यात् । द्वौ प्रावारोत्तरासङ्गौ समौ बृहतिका तथा ॥ आच्छादने किम् । बृहती छन्दः ॥

kan comes. 'The two, prāvāra and uttarāsaṅga, are synonyms; so too bṛhatikā' [— all words for an upper wrap]. Why 'when a covering [is meant]'? bṛhatī [as the name of] a metre (chandas) [takes no kan].

Bālamanoramā

बृहत्या आच्छादने - वृहत्या आच्छादने । 'कन्' इति शेषः । बृहत्येव बृहतिका=उत्तरीयं वासः । तदाह — द्वौ प्रावार इति । अमरवाक्यमिदम् । अषडक्षा । स्वार्थे इति । शेषपूरणमिदम् । अषडक्ष, आशितङ्गु, अलङ्कर्मन्, अलम्पुरुष एभ्योऽध्युत्तरपदाच्च स्वार्थे खः स्यादित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'kan' is to be supplied (iti śeṣaḥ). bṛhatī itself is bṛhatikā, i.e. an upper garment (uttarīyaṃ vāsaḥ); hence he quotes 'dvau prāvāra…'. This is a statement of Amara (amaravākyam idam). Followed for the bracketed kan in sutra_en and for the bracketed gloss 'upper wrap' in k1; the attribution to Amara is BM's, not the kaumudī's, and is not added to the English.
commentary BM on SK 2079 (sk.2079.b1), explaining the Bhāṣya's list of obligatory (nitya) svārthika affixes 'bṛhatījātyantāḥ': the word 'bṛhatī' there stands for the kan of 'bṛhatyā ācchādane' (this sūtra). TB, printed under sk.2077.t1, says the same. Recorded: on the Bhāṣya's view as the kaumudī reports it at SK 2079, this kan is nitya.
textual No TB is printed on this sūtra: sk.2077.t1 passes from SK 2077 to 'aṣaḍakṣīṇa iti' (SK 2079). The tail of sk.2078.b1 (from 'aṣaḍakṣā. svārthe iti') is BM on SK 2079, filed under this unit.
translator BM says only 'kan iti śeṣaḥ'; identifying the source as 'sthūlādibhyaḥ prakāravacane kan' (SK 2075), continued through SK 2076 and negated for sāmi- in SK 2077, is the translator's inference.

SK 2079 · A 5.4.7V

अषडक्षाशितङ्ग्वलंकर्मालम्पुरुषाध्युत्तरपदात् खः ॥ २०७९ ॥

aṣaḍakṣāśitaṅgvalaṃkarmālampuruṣādhyuttarapadāt khaḥ

aṣaḍakṣāśitaṅgvalaṃkarmālampuruṣādhyuttarapadāt khaḥ — After aṣaḍakṣa, āśitaṅgu, alaṃkarma and alampuruṣa, and after [a word] whose final member (uttarapada) is adhi, kha [comes, in the base's own sense (svārthe) — supplied (śeṣa), as the kaumudī's 'svārthe' and BM state].

Rule. Kha comes in its own sense after aṣaḍakṣa, āśitaṅgu, alaṃkarma and alampuruṣa. It also comes after a word whose final member (uttarapada) is adhi.

Example.

aṣaḍakṣa "at which there are not six akṣi" → aṣaḍakṣa + kha

→ kh → īn (SK 475) → aṣaḍakṣa + īna

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → aṣaḍakṣīna

→ the n after ṣ becomes ṇ (SK 235, SK 197) → aṣaḍakṣīṇo mantraḥ.

By those two rules of chapter 8, ṇ replaces an n that follows r or ṣ in the same word, even with vowels and some consonants between.

Bhaṭṭoji explains: a consultation held by two persons only.

āśitā gāvo 'smin "in which cows have been fed" → āśitaṅgavīnam araṇyam, a forest.

Bhaṭṭoji says the prior member takes the augment mum by nipātana. An augment (āgama) is a sound added to an item without replacing anything; mum adds an m.

alaṃ karmaṇe "equal to work" → alaṃkarmīṇaḥ, with ṇ after the r. Likewise alampuruṣīṇaḥ, with ṇ after the ṣ, and īśvarādhīnaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take the six akṣi as ears, not eyes: the ears of three persons. The word aṣaḍakṣa is a bahuvrīhi, one of them says, with ṣac by SK 852.

Bhaṭṭoji says this kha is obligatory (nitya). The next sūtra says vibhāṣā "optionally". One of his commentators explains the reasoning. The great option would already make SK 2080 optional. So its word vibhāṣā shows that the great option does not reach this rule.

Bhaṭṭoji then quotes the Bhāṣya. Some other svārthika affixes too are held to be obligatory:

tamap and the rest, before kan (SK 2001 up to SK 2050);
ñya and the rest, before vun (SK 2066 up to SK 2072);
ām and the rest, before mayaṭ, the affix heard as -maya (SK 2004, and SK 2083 up to SK 2088);
the affixes of bṛhatī (SK 2078) and of jātyanta (SK 2081);
the samāsānta affixes, which come at the end of a compound.

Both commentators give these ranges.

Watch out. The Bhāṣya writes "bṛhatī and jātyanta" in the plural. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators takes the plural to include pāśap (SK 1993) and the affixes after it. The other says only the listed affixes are meant; scholars discuss this.

Our text of the Kaumudī reads iṣyate, singular. The 1915 printed edition reads iṣyante, "are held", as the plural subject requires. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्वार्थे । अषडक्षीणो मन्त्रः । द्वाभ्यामेव कृत इत्यर्थः । आशिता गावोऽस्मिन्नित्याशितङ्गवीनमरण्यम् । निपातनात्पूर्वस्य मुम् । अलं कर्मणे अलंकर्मीणः । अलंपुरुषीणः । ईश्वराधीनः । नित्योऽयं खः । उत्तरसूत्रे विभाषाग्रहणात् ॥ अन्येऽपि केचित्स्वार्थिकाः प्रत्यया नित्यमिष्यते । तमबादयः प्राक्कनः । ञ्यादयः प्राग्वुनः । आमादयः प्राङ्मयटः । बृहतीजात्यन्ताः समासान्ताश्चेति भाष्यम् ॥

In the base's own sense (svārthe). aṣaḍakṣīṇo mantraḥ — an aṣaḍakṣīṇa consultation (mantra) [— one at which there are not six akṣi, i.e. organs of hearing: BM, TB]: the meaning is, one held by two [persons] only. āśitaṅgavīnam araṇyam — 'a forest in which cows have been fed (āśita)'; the augment mum on the prior [member] is by nipātana (the form as stated in the sūtra). alaṃ karmaṇe — 'equal to work': alaṃkarmīṇaḥ. alampuruṣīṇaḥ. īśvarādhīnaḥ. This kha is obligatory (nitya), because 'vibhāṣā' is mentioned in the next sūtra (SK 2080). 'Some other svārthika affixes too are held (iṣyante) to be obligatory: tamap and the rest, before kan; ñya and the rest, before vun; ām and the rest, before mayaṭ; [those of] bṛhatī and jātyanta; and the samāsānta [affixes]' — [so] the Bhāṣya.

Bālamanoramā

अषडक्षाशितङ्ग्वलंकर्मालम्पुरुषाध्युत्तरपदात् खः - अषडक्षीणो मन्त्र इति । मन्त्रणं मन्त्रः । रहसि राजतदमात्यादिभिर्युक्तिभिः क्रियमाणं निर्धारणम् । अविद्यमानानि षट् अक्षीणि श्रोत्रेन्द्रियाणि यस्मिन्निति बहुव्रीहिः ।बहुव्रीहौ सक्थ्यक्ष्णो॑रिति षच् । तदन्तादनेन स्वार्थे खः । द्वाभ्या मेवेति ।पुरुषाभ्या॑मिति शेषः । आशिता इति । 'अश भोजने' इत्यस्मादाशितः कर्तेति ज्ञापकात्कर्तरि क्तः । पूर्वस्य मुमिति । आशितशब्दस्येत्यर्थः । अलङ्कर्मीण इति ।पर्यादयो ग्लानाद्यर्थे॑ इति चतुर्थीसमासात्खः, टिलोपः अलम्पुरुषीण इति । अलं पुरुषायेति विग्रहः । 'मातृभोगीण' इत्यादाविव अषडक्षीणादौ णत्वम् ।पदव्यवायेऽपी॑ति निषेधस्तु न, पदे परतो यत्पदं तेन व्यवाये इत्याश्रयणात् । ईश्वराधीन इति ।यस्मादधिक॑मिति ईश्वरशब्दात्सप्तमी । शौण्डादित्वादधिशब्देन समासः । ततः स्वार्थे खः ।समर्थाना॑मित्यतो वाग्रहणानुवृत्त्या अस्य वैकल्पिकत्वभ्रमं वारयति — नित्योऽयं ख इति । उत्तरेति ।विभाषाऽञ्चे॑रित्युत्तरसूत्रेसमर्थाना॑मित्यतो वाग्रहणानुवृत्त्यैव सिद्धे विभाषाग्रहणादिह पूर्वसूत्रे वाग्रहणानुवृत्त्यभावो ज्ञाप्यत इत्यर्थः । नचैवं सति आशिता गावोऽस्मिन्निति, अलं कर्मणे इति च विग्रहप्रदर्शनमनुपपन्नमिति वाच्यम्, तस्य खप्रत्ययप्रकृतिकथनार्थत्वेन अलौकिकविग्रहवाक्यप्रायत्वात् । प्रसङ्गादाह — अन्येऽपीति । इष्यन्त इति ।भाष्यकृते॑ति शेषः । तमबादयः प्राक्कन इति ।अतिशायने तम॑वित्यारभ्यअवक्षेपणे क॑न्नित्यतः प्राग्विहिताः प्रत्यया इत्यर्थः । ञ्यादयः प्राग्वुन इति ।पूगाञ्ञ्योऽग्रामणीपूर्वा॑दित्यारभ्य पादशतस्य सङ्ख्यादेर्वीप्सायां वु॑न्नित्यतः प्राग्विहिताः प्रत्यया इत्यर्थः । आमादयः प्राङ्मयट इति ।किमेत्तिङव्ययघादा॑मित्यारभ्यतत्प्रकृतवचने मयट् इत्यतः प्राग्विहिता इत्यर्थः । बृहतीजात्यन्ता इति । बृहतीशब्देन 'बृहत्या आच्छादने' इति कन् लक्ष्यते । जात्यन्तशब्देन तुजात्यन्ताच्छ बन्धुनी॑ति छो लक्ष्यते । बहुवचननिर्देशात्पाशबादयोऽपिषष्ठ्या रूप्य चे॑त्यन्ता गृह्यन्त इति कैयटः । वस्तुतस्तु परिगणिता एव नित्या, नतु पाशबादयोऽपि । 'बृहतीजात्यन्ताः' इति बहुवचनं तु 'बृहत्या आच्छादने' इतिजात्यन्ताच्छ बन्धुनी॑ति च सूत्रयोर्मध्यगतेनअषडक्षे॑ति सूत्रेण विहितं खप्रत्ययमभिप्रेत्येति न दोषः ।विभाषाऽञ्चे॑रिति उत्तरसूत्रे खविधौ विभाषाग्रहणं तु तस्यापि बृहतीजात्यन्तरालवर्तित्वाऽविशेषान्नित्यत्वे प्राप्ते विकल्पार्थम् ।अनित्योऽयं खः, उत्तरसूत्रेषु विभाषाग्रहणा॑दिति मूलं तु अभ्युच्चययुक्तिरिति शब्देन्दुशेखरे स्थितम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM (under SK 2078, sk.2078.b1): 'svārthe' [in the kaumudī] completes what is to be supplied (śeṣapūraṇa): after aṣaḍakṣa, āśitaṅgu, alaṅkarman and alampuruṣa, and after [a word] whose final member is adhi, kha comes in its own sense. Followed for the bracketed 'svārthe' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: mantra = mantraṇa, a decision reached in private by the king and his minister through deliberation. aṣaḍakṣa is a bahuvrīhi, 'in which six akṣi, organs of hearing, are not present', with ṣac by 'bahuvrīhau sakthyakṣṇoḥ svāṅgāt ṣac', and kha after it by this rule; 'puruṣābhyām' is supplied with 'dvābhyām eva'. āśita is a kta in the agent sense from 'aśa bhojane', on the jñāpaka 'āśitaḥ kartā'; 'pūrvasya' = of the word āśita. alaṃkarmīṇa has kha after the compound made with the fourth case by 'paryādayo glānādyarthe caturthyā', with ṭi-elision; alampuruṣīṇa is analysed 'alaṃ puruṣāya'. In īśvarādhīna the seventh case after īśvara is by 'yasmād adhikam', adhi is compounded as belonging to śauṇḍādi, then kha in its own sense. The vigrahas shown ('āśitā gāvo 'smin', 'alaṃ karmaṇe') are not inconsistent with the kha being nitya: they only state the base of kha, like a non-current (alaukika) analysis. Followed for the bracketed vigraha of aṣaḍakṣīṇa and 'organs of hearing', for 'two [persons]' and for 'the prior [member]' as āśita.
commentary BM on 'nityo 'yaṃ khaḥ': it wards off the mistaken view that the kha is optional through the anuvṛtti of 'vā' from 'samarthānāṃ prathamād vā' (A 4.1.82). In the next sūtra, 'vibhāṣā añceḥ…', 'vā' would already be obtained by that anuvṛtti, so the mention of 'vibhāṣā' there indicates (jñāpyate) that 'vā' does not run on into this preceding sūtra. On the Bhāṣya list, 'bhāṣyakṛtā' ('by the author of the Bhāṣya') is supplied with 'iṣyante'. tamap and the rest = those taught from 'atiśāyane tamap' (SK 2001) up to 'avakṣepaṇe kan' (SK 2050); ām and the rest = those from 'kimettiṅavyayaghād ām…' (SK 2004) up to 'tatprakṛtavacane mayaṭ' (SK 2089). bṛhatī indicates the kan of 'bṛhatyā ācchādane' (SK 2078), jātyanta the cha of 'jātyantāc cha bandhuni' (SK 2081). Kaiyaṭa: by the plural, pāśap and the others up to 'ṣaṣṭhyā rūpya ca' are included. BM: in fact only the enumerated affixes are nitya, not pāśap and the rest; the plural 'bṛhatījātyantāḥ' is meant to take in the kha of this sūtra, which lies between the two; the 'vibhāṣā' in the next sūtra is for optionality where nityatva would follow because that sūtra too lies between them; and the mūla's reason 'uttarasūtre vibhāṣāgrahaṇāt' is only a supplementary argument (abhyuccayayukti) — so the Śabdenduśekhara. Followed for the anuvṛtti logic of 'because vibhāṣā is mentioned', for '[so] the Bhāṣya' and for the ranges; for 'ñyādayaḥ prāg vunaḥ' BM gives 'pādaśatasya saṃkhyāder vīpsāyāṃ vun' (SK 2073) as the terminus (Wikisource BM, purva-3-2 p. 0102; our BM copy corruptly repeats 'avakṣepaṇe kan' there), agreeing with TB. The dispute over the plural is Recorded; the English keeps 'bṛhatī and jātyanta' neutral.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2077.t1: in aṣaḍakṣīṇa, akṣi denotes the organ of hearing; ṣac by 'bahuvrīhau sakthyakṣṇoḥ', then kha by this rule; mantra = mantraṇa. āśitaṅgavīna: kta in the agent sense from āṅ + aś on the jñāpaka 'āśitaḥ kartā', or in the object sense from the ṇic-form; either way the resultant sense is 'with abundant pasture'. alaṃkarma, alampuruṣa are compounds by 'paryādayo glānādyarthe caturthyā'; alampuruṣīṇa = a match for a man (pratimalla). In īśvarādhīna adhi belongs to śauṇḍādi. tamabādayaḥ = 'atiśāyane tamap' and the rest; prāk kanaḥ = before the kan of 'avakṣepaṇe kan'; ñyādayaḥ = 'pūgāñ ñyo 'grāmaṇīpūrvāt' and the rest; prāg vunaḥ = before the vun of 'pādaśatasya saṃkhyādeḥ…' (SK 2073); āmādayaḥ = 'kimettiṅavyayaghād ām…' and the rest; prāṅ mayaṭaḥ = before 'tatprakṛtavacane mayaṭ'. bṛhatī indicates the kan of 'bṛhatyā ācchādane', jātyanta the cha of 'jātyantāc ca'; by the plural pāśap and the rest are taken, since the sense conveyed by vaiyākaraṇapāśa and the like is not conveyed by the base alone, so they too are nitya like tamap and the rest — so it stands in the ākara. The mūla's use of bare 'bṛhatī' and bare 'jātyanta', though they do not themselves denote the affixes, is no fault, since it reproduces the ārṣa text. Followed for 'before vun'; TB takes the plural to include pāśap etc., against BM (Recorded, English neutral).
textual Our source reads 'svārthikāḥ pratyayā nityam iṣyate' (singular); NSP p. 330 (scan, per the p29–42 collation) reads 'iṣyante', as the plural subject requires and as BM's pratīka 'iṣyanta iti' confirms. Rendered from the plural.
translator akṣi ordinarily means 'eye'; both BM and TB take the six akṣi here as organs of hearing, i.e. the ears of three persons, and the bracket follows them. alaṃkarmīṇa and alampuruṣīṇa are left unglossed beyond the kaumudī's own 'alaṃ karmaṇe'.

SK 2080 · A 5.4.8V

विभाषा अञ्चेरदिक्स्त्रियाम् ॥ २०८० ॥

vibhāṣā añceradikstriyām

vibhāṣā añcer adikstriyām — Optionally, after [a word ending in] añc, when it does not denote a feminine [referent] that is a direction (adikstriyām), [kha (SK 2079) comes in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. Kha comes optionally, in its own sense, after a stem ending in añc. It does not come when the stem refers to a feminine that is a direction.

Example.

prāk "in the east": its stem is pra + ac, from añc with its n lost → pra + ac + kha

→ kh → īn (SK 475) → pra + ac + īna

→ the a of ac deleted before the bha ending (SK 416) → pra + c + īna

→ the vowel before c lengthened (SK 417) → prācīnam.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names these two steps.

Likewise pratyak → pratīcīnam; avāk → avācīnam.

Bhaṭṭoji quotes a line of synonyms, among them arva. One of his commentators says it is Amara's list of words for "low".

arvantam añcati "it goes toward the low" → arvāk → arvācīnam.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read adikstriyām as "not a feminine that is a direction". Bhaṭṭoji tests each part with a counter-example.

Why the whole condition? prācī dik "the eastern quarter", udīcī dik "the northern quarter". These are feminine directions, so kha does not come.
Why "direction"? prācīnā brāhmaṇī. The brāhmaṇī is feminine but not a direction, so kha comes.
Why "feminine"? prācīnaṃ grāmād āmrāḥ "the mango trees are east of the village". The base names a direction but is not feminine, so kha comes.

Watch out. Do not take prāk as the form without kha. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say prāk has its own affix, astāti (SK 1974), an affix for a direction, place or time. That affix is deleted by luk (SK 1980). It means "in the eastern place". prācīnam, one of them says, refers by nature to the thing located there.

In the last example the base is that indeclinable prāk. Both commentators say so. An indeclinable is not feminine.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अदिक्स्त्रीवृत्तेरञ्चत्यन्तात्प्रातिपदिकात्खः स्याद्वा स्वार्थे । प्राक्, प्राचीनम् । प्रत्यक्, प्रतीचीनम् । अवाक्, अवाचीनम् । निकृष्टप्रतिकृष्टार्वरेफयाप्यावमाधमाः । अर्वन्तमञ्चतीति अर्वाक् अर्वाचीनम् । अदिक्स्त्रियां किम् । प्राची दिक् । उदीची दिक् । दिग्ग्रहणं किम् । प्राचीना ब्राह्मणी । स्त्रीग्रहणं किम् । प्राचीनं ग्रामादाम्राः ॥

After a nominal stem (prātipadika) ending in añc (añcatyanta) which does not apply to a feminine [referent] that is a direction (adikstrīvṛtti), kha optionally comes in its own sense (svārthe): prāk, prācīnam; pratyak, pratīcīnam; avāk, avācīnam.

'nikṛṣṭa, pratikṛṣṭa, arva, repha, yāpya, avama, adhama' [are synonyms meaning 'low']. That which goes toward the low (arvantam añcati): arvāk, arvācīnam.

Why 'adikstriyām'? prācī dik 'the eastern quarter'; udīcī dik 'the northern quarter' [where kha does not come].

Why the word 'dik'? prācīnā brāhmaṇī 'a prācīnā brāhmaṇa woman' [the word prācīnā applying to her, whether from going forward or from place or time — TB; kha does come, the feminine referent not being a direction].

Why the word 'strī'? prācīnaṃ grāmād āmrāḥ 'the mango trees are east of the village' [where kha does come, the base denoting a direction but not being feminine].

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 330

—प्राचीना ब्राह्मणीति । प्रकर्षेणाञ्चतीति प्राचीनेत्येवं क्रि-यानिमित्तको वा देशकालनिमित्तको वा अयं शब्दो ब्राह्मण्यां वर्तते, न तु दिशीति प्रतिषेधाभावः ॥—प्राचीनमिति । प्राच्यां दिशीत्यर्थे ‘दिक्शब्देभ्यः—’ इत्यस्तातिः ‘अञ्चेर्लुक्’ इति लुक् । ‘लुक्तद्धितलुकि’ इति ङीपो लुक् । ‘तद्धितश्चासर्व-विभक्तिः’ इत्यव्ययत्वात् स्त्रीत्वाभावः । खे तु कृते स्वभावान्नपुंसकत्वम्

Bālamanoramā

विभाषा अञ्चेरदिक्स्त्रियाम् - विभाषाञ्चेरदिक्स्त्रियाम् । अदिक्स्त्रियामिति कर्मधारयगर्भो नञ्तत्पुरुषः । तदाह — अदिक्स्त्रीवृत्तेरिति । प्रागिति ।अञ्चेर्लु॑गिति लुप्ताऽस्तात्यन्तमिदम् प्राचि देशे इत्यर्थे । प्राचीनमिति । खान्तमिदं स्वभावादाधेयपरम् । स्वभावादेव सामान्ये नपुंसकमेकवचनान्तत्वं च । इदं तु पदसंस्कारपक्षे । वाक्यसंस्कारपक्षे तु प्रागादिशब्देभ्यः समभिव्याहृतदेशकालस्थवृक्षादिबोधकेभ्यः खः । तत्र उपस्थितविशेष्यलिङ्गत्यागे मानाऽभावात्प्राचीना आम्रा॑, 'प्राचीना वाटी'प्राचीनं वन॑मिति भवतीत्याहुः । अर्वन्तमञ्चतीति वक्ष्यन्नर्वच्छब्दं विवृणोति — निकृष्टेति । अमरवाक्यमिदम् । प्राची दिगिति । लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषया प्राप्तिः । दिग्ग्रहणं किमिति ।अस्त्रिया॑मित्ये तावतैव प्राची दिगित्यत्रातिप्रसङ्गनिरासात्किं तेनेति प्रश्नः । अव्याप्तिपरिहारार्थमित्याह — प्राचीना ब्राह्मणीति । नेयं दिग्रूपा स्त्री, किंतु तद्भिन्ना स्त्रीति खो भवत्येवेति भावः । स्त्रीग्रहणं किमिति ।अदिशी॑त्येतावतैव प्राचीना ब्राह्मणीत्यत्राऽव्याप्तिनिरासात्प्रश्नः । इदमप्यव्याप्तिपरिहारार्थमित्याह — प्राचीनं ग्रामादाम्रा इति । स्थानिवत्सूत्रभाष्येऽयं प्रयोगः स्थितः । अत्र प्राच्यां दिशीत्यर्थे लुप्ताऽस्तात्यन्ता प्रागिति प्रकृतिः । स च अव्ययत्वादस्त्रीति खो भवत्येवेति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'adikstriyām' is a nañ-tatpuruṣa containing a karmadhāraya (a-[dik-strī]), which is why the kaumudī glosses it 'adikstrīvṛtteḥ'. Followed for 'a feminine [referent] that is a direction'. On SK 2079 (sk.2079.b1), BM explains that the word vibhāṣā here is what makes this kha optional, the kha of SK 2079 being invariable.
commentary BM: prāk is a form ending in astāti with the astāti elided by 'añcer luk' (SK 1980), in the sense 'in the eastern place'; prācīnam is kha-final and by nature refers to the located thing (ādheyapara), and by nature too is neuter singular in the general sense; that holds on the view that derivation is of the word (padasaṃskāra), while on the view that derivation is of the sentence (vākyasaṃskāra) kha comes after prāk etc. denoting the trees etc. in the place or time mentioned, so that prācīnā āmrāḥ, prācīnā vāṭī, prācīnaṃ vanam [take the gender of the qualified word]. 'nikṛṣṭa…' is a line of Amara, cited to explain arvan before 'arvantam añcati'. prācī dik [would have got kha] through the paribhāṣā that a stem includes its gender-marked form (liṅgaviśiṣṭaparibhāṣā). 'Why dik?' asks, since 'astriyām' alone would exclude prācī dik; the answer, prācīnā brāhmaṇī, prevents under-application: this woman is not a direction, so kha does come. 'Why strī?' asks, since 'adiśi' alone would allow prācīnā brāhmaṇī; the answer, prācīnaṃ grāmād āmrāḥ (a usage found in the Bhāṣya on the sthānivat sūtra), again prevents under-application: its base is prāk, astāti-final with the affix elided, in the sense 'in the eastern direction', which, being an indeclinable, is not feminine, so kha comes. Followed for the bracketed completions of the three counter-examples and for the Amara gloss.
commentary TB: in prācīnā brāhmaṇī the word ('what goes forward', prakarṣeṇa añcati), whether conditioned by an action or by place and time, applies to the brāhmaṇī and not to a direction, so the prohibition does not apply. In prācīnam [grāmād āmrāḥ], in the sense 'in the eastern direction', astāti comes by 'dikśabdebhyaḥ…' (SK 1974) and luk by 'añcer luk' (SK 1980); the ṅīp is elided by 'luk taddhitaluki'; being an indeclinable by 'taddhitaś cāsarvavibhaktiḥ' (SK 448) it is not feminine; once kha is added, it is neuter by nature. Followed, including for leaving the basis of prācīnā open (the English does not render it 'eastern'); agrees with BM.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2077.t1 ('vibhāṣāñcer…'): dikstrī is a karmadhāraya, 'that which is a direction and a feminine', and the prohibition is for that, not for 'in a direction and in the feminine', because of the singular feminine form of the mention. prācīnam: after the a is elided by 'acaḥ', lengthening by 'cau'. Followed, agreeing with BM, for 'a feminine [referent] that is a direction'.
textual The .work collation (batch17) finds SK 2080 clean against NSP p. 330 (scan); the sūtra's sandhi (print 'vibhāṣāñcer…', ours 'vibhāṣā añcer…') is a difference of presentation only.
translator The bracketed kha in sutra_en is supplied from the kaumudī's own gloss ('khaḥ syād vā svārthe'); no commentator states the anuvṛtti in words. The Amara line is left unglossed in the source; the bracketed 'synonyms meaning low' follows BM's identification of it.

SK 2081 · A 5.4.9V

जात्यन्ताच्छ बन्धुनि ॥ २०८१ ॥

jātyantāccha bandhuni

jātyantāc cha bandhuni — After [a nominal stem] ending in [the word] jāti ('genus'), [when it] denotes a bandhu (a substance that manifests a genus), cha [comes, in the base's own sense (svārthe) — supplied, BM].

Rule. After a stem ending in jāti "genus", cha comes in its own sense when the stem denotes a bandhu. Bhaṭṭoji defines a bandhu: a substance (dravya) that makes a genus manifest.

Example.

brāhmaṇajāti → brāhmaṇajāti + cha → brāhmaṇajāti + īya

→ the final i deleted (SK 311) → brāhmaṇajātīyaḥ, a person of the brāhmaṇa genus.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "a bandhu"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is brāhmaṇajātiḥ śobhanā "the brāhmaṇa genus is excellent". There the word names the genus itself, not a substance.

Watch out. Bandhu here does not mean "kinsman". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say so. The sūtra's bandhuni is neuter, and the word for "kinsman" is masculine.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

ब्राह्मणजातीयः । बन्धुनि किम् । ब्राह्मणजातिः शोभना । जातेर्व्यञ्जकं द्रव्यं बन्धु ॥

brāhmaṇajātīyaḥ ('one of the brāhmaṇa genus'). Why 'bandhuni'? brāhmaṇajātiḥ śobhanā ('the brāhmaṇa genus is excellent'). A bandhu is a substance (dravya) that manifests a genus (jāti).

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 330–331

—ब्राह्मणजातीय इति । द्व्येकयोरितिवद्भावप्रधानो ब्राह्मणशब्दः, तस्य जातिशब्देन सह बहुव्रीहिः । ब्राह्मणत्वजात्याधारभूतः पिण्ड इत्यर्थः ॥—ब्राह्मणजाति-रिति । षष्ठीतत्पुरुषः । भावप्रधानेन सह कर्मधारयो वा ॥—जातेर्व्यञ्जकमिति । बध्यते जातिरस्मिन्निति बन्धुः ‘शॄस्वृस्निहि—’ इत्यादिना अधिकरण उप्रत्ययः । रूढोऽपि वन्धुशब्द आप्तपर्यायः पुंलिङ्गोऽस्ति, तथापि स नेह गृह्यते । ‘वन्धुनि’ इति नपुंसकनिर्देशादिति भावः ॥ सस्थानेनेत्यस्यैव व्याख्यानं—तुल्येनेति

Bālamanoramā

जात्यन्ताच्छ बन्धुनि - जात्यन्ताच्छ बन्धुनि । छेति लुप्तप्रथमाकम् । जातिशब्दान्तात्प्रातिपदिकाद्बन्धुनि वर्तमानात्स्वार्थे छप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । बन्धुशब्दो द्रव्यवाचीति वक्ष्यति । तथाच बन्धुनि वर्तमानादित्यनेन जात्याश्रयद्रव्यलक्षकादिति फलितम् । ब्राह्मणजातीय इति । ब्राह्मणत्वजात्याश्रयो व्यक्तिविशेष इत्यर्थः । ब्राह्मणजातिः शोभनेति । ब्राह्मणत्वजातिरित्यर्थः । बध्यते ब्राह्मणत्वादिजातिर्व्यज्यतेऽस्मिन्निति बन्धु=द्रव्यम् ।शृस्वृस्निही॑त्यादिनाऽधिकरणे उप्रत्ययः । तदाह — जातेर्व्यञ्जकं द्रव्यं बन्ध्विति । आप्तपर्यायस्तु बन्धुशब्दो नेह गृह्यते,बन्धुनी॑ति नपुंसकनिर्देशादिति भावः ।

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 331 १ संख्यायाः किमिति । गणने वृत्तिः संख्याशब्दानामेवेति प्रश्नः । २ तत्प्रकृतेति—तद्ग्रहणं वाक्यभेदेन प्राचुर्याभावेऽपि अत्यन्तस्वार्थिकमयडर्थम् । तेन चिन्मयं ब्रह्मेत्यादि सिद्धम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'cha' in the sūtra is a word whose first-case ending has been elided (luptaprathamāka). The sense: after a nominal stem (prātipadika) ending in the word jāti and occurring in [the sense of] a bandhu, the affix cha comes in its own sense (svārthe); since bandhu will be said to denote a substance, 'occurring in [the sense of] a bandhu' amounts to 'indicating a substance that is the locus of a genus'. Followed for the bracketed stem and 'svārthe' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: brāhmaṇajātīya = a particular individual that is the locus of the genus brāhmaṇa-hood (brāhmaṇatva); brāhmaṇajāti = the genus brāhmaṇa-hood. bandhu = substance, 'that in which the genus brāhmaṇa-hood etc. is bound (badhyate), i.e. manifested', with the affix u in the sense of the locus by 'śṝsvṛsnihi…'; bandhu in the sense of 'kinsman' (āpta) is not taken here, because 'bandhuni' is neuter. Followed for 'substance' and for taking bandhu in the sense stated by the kaumudī, not 'kinsman'.
commentary TB: in brāhmaṇajātīya the word brāhmaṇa is abstract in force (bhāvapradhāna), as in 'dvyekayoḥ' (the OCR reads 'dyokayor itiva'), and forms a bahuvrīhi with jāti: the body that is the locus of the genus brāhmaṇa-hood. brāhmaṇajāti is a ṣaṣṭhī-tatpuruṣa, or a karmadhāraya with the abstract-force word. bandhu = that in which the genus is bound, with u in the sense of the locus by 'śṝsvṛsnihi…'; the conventional bandhu, masculine, meaning 'kinsman', is not taken, because of the neuter 'bandhuni'. Followed, agreeing with BM.
textual The NSP footnotes filed under sk.2081.n1 (p. 331) concern 'saṃkhyāyāḥ kim' and 'tatprakṛta…' of later sūtras and do not bear on this unit. The last sentence of sk.2081.t1 ('sasthānenety asyaiva vyākhyānaṃ tulyeneti') is TB on SK 2082.

SK 2082 · A 5.4.10V

स्थानान्ताद्विभाषा सस्थानेनेति चेत् ॥ २०८२ ॥

sthānāntādvibhāṣā sasthāneneti cet

sthānāntād vibhāṣā sasthāneneti cet — After [a word] ending in sthāna, optionally [cha — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2081], if [the word is meaningful] with [a sense] having the same sthāna (sasthāna).

Rule. After a word ending in sthāna, cha comes optionally. It comes if the word is meaningful as sasthāna, which Bhaṭṭoji glosses "equal" (tulya).

Example.

pitṛsthāna "whose standing is like a father's" → pitṛsthāna + cha → pitṛsthāna + īya

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → pitṛsthānīyaḥ.

In the other option: pitṛsthānaḥ.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gloss this "like a father".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "equal"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is goḥ sthānam "the place of a cow", a cow-stall. No equality is meant, so cha does not come.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies cha; tracing it to SK 2081 is this book's inference.

The next two sūtras of Pāṇini's order are not taught here. A 5.4.11 is SK 2004, in chapter 41. A 5.4.12 is Vedic (SK 3503).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सस्थानेन तुल्येन चेत् स्थानान्तमर्थवदित्यर्थः । पितृस्थानीयः । पितृस्थानः । सस्थानेन किम् । गोः स्थानम् ॥

The meaning is: if what ends in sthāna is meaningful (arthavat) with [a sense that is] sasthāna, i.e. equal (tulya). pitṛsthānīyaḥ, pitṛsthānaḥ ("one whose standing is like a father's"). Why "with sasthāna"? goḥ sthānam ("the place of a cow").

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 331

—पितृस्थानीय इति । स्थानमत्र संबन्धविशेषः पदमिति यस्य प्रसिद्धिः । पितुरिव स्थानमस्य पितृस्थानः । पितृतुल्य इत्यर्थः ॥—गोः स्थानमिति । तिष्ठन्त्यस्मिन्निति स्थानं देशः ॥ इतिकरणं विवक्षार्थम् । तेन तत्पुरुषो बहुव्रीहिर्वा यस्तुल्यस्थानशब्दस्तस्माच्छो न भवति

Bālamanoramā

स्थानान्ताद्विभाषा सस्थानेनेति चेत् - स्थानान्तात् ।सस्थानेने॑त्यस्य विवरणंतुल्येनेति । इतिशब्दादर्थवदिति लभ्यते । तुल्यरूपेणाऽर्थेन यदि स्थानान्तं शब्दस्वरूपमर्थवद्भवति, तदा स्थानान्ताच्छो वा स्यादित्यर्थः । तुल्यरूपार्थे वर्तमानात्स्थानान्ताच्छोवा स्यादिति यावत् । पितृस्थानीय इति । स्थानं-पूज्यत्वादिपदम् । पितृस्थानमिव स्थानं यस्येति बहुव्रीहिः । पितृनिष्ठपूज्यत्वादितुल्यपूज्यत्वादिमानित्यर्थः । गोस्थानमिति । गवां निवास इत्यर्थः । अत्र तुल्यत्वाऽप्रतीतेर्न च्छः ।किमेत्तिङव्यये॑त्युत्तरसूत्रं प्रसङ्गात्पूर्वमेव व्याख्यातम् ।अमु च च्छन्दसी॑ति तु वैदिकप्रक्रियायां व्याख्यास्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tulyena' explains 'sasthānena' (so Wikisource BM, purva-3-2 p. 0103, agreeing with TB; our BM copy's 'saṃsthānena' has an intrusive anusvāra, a transmission slip); from the word 'iti' 'arthavat' is obtained. If the word-form ending in sthāna is meaningful with a sense of equal form, cha optionally comes after the sthāna-final word; that is, after a sthāna-final word occurring in the sense of an equal. Followed for the bracketed cha (anuvṛtti from SK 2081) and '[the word is meaningful]' in sutra_en, and for 'meaningful (arthavat)' in k1.
commentary BM: in pitṛsthānīyaḥ, sthāna is a standing such as venerability; pitṛsthānam iva sthānaṃ yasya is a bahuvrīhi — one possessed of venerability etc. equal to that found in a father. goḥ sthānam is 'the dwelling of cows'; equality is not understood, so no cha. Followed for the glosses of pitṛsthānaḥ and goḥ sthānam.
commentary TB (its own t1, and printed under sk.2081.t1: 'tulyena' explains 'sasthānena'): sthāna here is a particular relation known as 'pada' (standing); pitur iva sthānam asya pitṛsthānaḥ, 'like a father'. In goḥ sthānam, sthāna is a place, 'where they stand'. The 'iti' is for intention (vivakṣā): hence cha does not come after a tatpuruṣa or bahuvrīhi word 'tulyasthāna'. Agrees with BM on the glosses (followed); the remark on 'iti' is Recorded.
textual Our text reads 'sasthānena tulyena cet'; NSP p. 331 (scan, per the p42 collation) prints 'saṃsthānena' here only, while the sūtra and 'sasthānena kim' lack the anusvāra, and Wikisource agrees with ours. BM's pratīka reads 'saṃsthānena' in our copy but 'sasthānena' in Wikisource BM (p. 0103), and TB's reads 'sasthānena'; the NSP kaumudī gloss is thus the only witness with the anusvāra. The collation judges the print a probable misprint; the English follows our text (sasthānena), which both readings gloss by 'tulya'.

SK 2083 · A 5.4.13V

अनुगादिनष्ठक् ॥ २०८३ ॥

anugādinaṣṭhak

anugādinaṣ ṭhak — ṭhak [comes] after anugādin [in its own sense (svārthe) — supplied (śeṣa) by BM].

Rule. After anugādin, ṭhak comes in its own sense.

Example.

anugadati "he speaks after [another]" → anugādin, the base

→ anugādin + ṭhak

→ the k is an it → anugādin + ṭha

→ ṭha → ika (SK 1170) → anugādin + ika

→ the ṭi in deleted (SK 679) → anugād + ika

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1076) → ānugādikaḥ, that very person.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names SK 679.

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say this ṭhak is obligatory. One of them places it in the Bhāṣya's list, among "ām and the rest, before mayaṭ" (SK 2079). So the word anugādin only displays the base. The other adds that the bare word is not fit for use.

The next two sūtras of Pāṇini's order, A 5.4.14–15, are taught in the section on kṛt affixes (SK 3216, 3219).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अनुगदतीत्यनुगादी । स एव आनुगादिकः ॥

'He speaks after [another]' (anugadati): anugādin ['one who repeats', the base]. That very [person] is ānugādikaḥ [ṭhak in its own sense (svārthe)].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 331

—अनुगादिनः—। प्रकृतिस्वरूपप्रदर्शनपरं चैतत् न त्वयं केवलः प्रयोगार्हः, ठको नित्यत्वादिति हरदत्तः । ‘सुप्यजातौ’—इति णिनिः

Bālamanoramā

अनुगादिनष्ठक् - अनुगादिनष्ठक् । 'स्वार्थे' इति शेषः । 'आमादयः प्राङ्मयटः' इत्युक्तेष्ठगादयो नित्या एव प्रत्ययाः । अनुगादीति । 'सुप्यजातौ' इति णिनिः । प्रकृतिप्रदर्शनमिदम् । ठको नित्यत्वात्स एवेत्यस्वपदविग्रहप्रदर्शनम् । आनुगादिक इति । 'नस्तद्धिते' इति टिलोपः । इह क्रमेणचः स्त्रिया॑मिति 'अणिनुणः' इति च सूत्रद्वयं पठितं कृदधिकारे व्याख्यास्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'svārthe' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). By the statement 'āmādayaḥ prāṅ mayaṭaḥ' (the kaumudī at SK 2079; our BM copy's 'bhayaṭaḥ' is an OCR slip, Wikisource BM p. 0104 reads 'mayaṭaḥ'), ṭhak and the like are obligatory (nitya) affixes. anugādī: ṇini by 'supy ajātau' (SK 2988); this merely displays the base (prakṛti). Because ṭhak is obligatory, 'sa eva' shows an analysis not in the form's own words (asvapadavigraha). ānugādikaḥ: ṭi-deletion by 'nas taddhite' (SK 679). BM adds that the two sūtras read next in order, ṇacaḥ striyām (SK 3216) and aṇinuṇaḥ (SK 3219), are explained in the kṛt section. Followed for '[the base]' and for the bracketed svārthe.
commentary TB: 'anugādinaḥ' serves only to display the form of the base; the bare [anugādin] is not fit for use, because ṭhak is obligatory — so Haradatta. ṇini by 'supy ajātau'. Agrees with BM; followed.
translator In line with BM and TB, the English presents 'anugādī' as the base displayed for the derivation, not as an independently current word; the kaumudī gives no derivational steps beyond the analysis 'anugadati' and the result ānugādikaḥ.

SK 2084 · A 5.4.16V

विसारिणो मत्स्ये ॥ २०८४ ॥

visāriṇo matsye

visāriṇo matsye — After visārin [aṇ comes — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'aṇinuṇaḥ', SK 3219 — in its own sense (svārthe),] when a fish (matsya) [is denoted].

Rule. After visārin, aṇ comes in its own sense when a fish (matsya) is meant. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say aṇ is carried forward from aṇinuṇaḥ (SK 3219), the sūtra before it in Pāṇini's order.

Example.

visārin → visārin + aṇ

→ the ṇ is an it → visārin + a

→ vṛddhi of the first vowel (SK 1075) → vaisārin + a

→ the n after r becomes ṇ (SK 235, SK 197) → vaisāriṇaḥ, a fish.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "a fish"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is visārī devadattaḥ. Devadatta is not a fish, so no aṇ comes.

Watch out. The ṭi in is not deleted here, though SK 679 would delete it. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the reason: by SK 1245 the stem keeps its form before an aṇ that does not mean "descendant".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अण् स्यात् । वैसारिणः । मत्स्ये इति किम् । विसारी देवदत्तः ॥

aṇ comes [— carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'aṇinuṇaḥ' (SK 3219) — after visārin, in its own sense (svārthe), when it denotes a fish]. vaisāriṇaḥ. Why 'when a fish'? visārī devadattaḥ [no aṇ].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 331

—विसारिणो—। पूर्ववदिहापि णिनिः । हरदत्तस्तु ‘सुप्यजातौ’—इति णिनिरुपसर्गभिन्न एव सुप्युपपदे भवतीत्याशयेन पूर्वसूत्रेऽस्मिंश्च अतएव निपातनात् णिनिरित्याह । तदयुक्तम् । ‘स बभूवोपजीविनाम्,’ ‘अनुयायिवर्गः’, ‘न वञ्चनीयाः प्रभवोऽनुजीविभिः’ इत्यादिप्रयोगानुरोधेन उपसर्गे सुप्युपपदेऽपि णिनेरवश्यस्वीकर्तव्यतया निपातनाश्रयणस्य व्यर्थत्वात् ॥ ‘अणिनुणः’ इत्यतोऽनुवर्तनादाह—अण् स्यादिति ॥—वैसारिण इति । ‘इनण्यनपत्ये’ इति प्रकृतिभावः

Bālamanoramā

विसारिणो मत्स्ये - विसारिणो मत्स्ये । 'अणिनुणः' इति पूर्वसूत्रादण्णित्यनुवर्तते । तदाह — अण् स्यादिति । मत्स्ये विद्यमानाद्विसारिन्शब्दात्स्वार्थे अण् स्यादित्यर्थः । वैसारिण इति । इनण्यनपत्ये॑ इति प्रकृतिभावाट्टिलोपो न ।

translator notes

commentary BM: aṇ is carried forward (anuvartate) from the preceding sūtra 'aṇinuṇaḥ'; hence 'aṇ syāt'. The meaning: after the word visārin occurring [in the sense of] a fish, aṇ comes in its own sense. vaisāriṇaḥ: because of prakṛtibhāva by 'inaṇy anapatye', there is no deletion of the ṭi. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and 'svārthe'; the prakṛtibhāva by 'inaṇy anapatye' (SK 1245), which keeps the ṭi of visārin in vaisāriṇaḥ, is Recorded here and not added to the kaumudī block.
commentary TB: here too, as before, [visārin has] ṇini [by 'supyajātau…', SK 2988]. Haradatta holds that ṇini by 'supyajātau' comes only with a sup-upapada other than an upasarga, and so here and in the preceding sūtra ṇini is by nipātana; this is wrong, since usages such as 'sa babhūvopajīvinām', 'anuyāyivargaḥ', 'na vañcanīyāḥ prabhavo 'nujīvibhiḥ' require ṇini with an upasarga upapada too, making recourse to nipātana pointless. 'aṇ syāt' because of anuvṛtti from 'aṇinuṇaḥ'. vaisāriṇaḥ: prakṛtibhāva by 'inaṇy anapatye'. Followed for the anuvṛtti and prakṛtibhāva (agreeing with BM); the ṇini dispute is Recorded.
translator 'aṇinuṇaḥ' (A 5.4.15) is not treated at its place here; BM on SK 2083 says it is explained in the kṛt section, where it is SK 3219. The kaumudī gives no gloss of visārī devadattaḥ; the bracket '[no aṇ]' states only what the counter-example shows.

SK 2085 · A 5.4.17V

संख्यायाः क्रियाभ्यावृत्तिगणने कृत्वसुच् ॥ २०८५ ॥

saṃkhyāyāḥ kriyābhyāvṛttigaṇane kṛtvasuc

saṃkhyāyāḥ kriyābhyāvṛttigaṇane kṛtvasuc — After a number-word (saṃkhyā), in the counting of the abhyāvṛtti ('recurrence') of an action (kriyā), kṛtvasuc [comes in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After a number-word (saṃkhyā), kṛtvasuc comes in its own sense. The number-word must count the occurrences (abhyāvṛtti) of an action (kriyā). Bhaṭṭoji glosses abhyāvṛtti as "coming into being" (janma).

Example.

pañca "five", counting eatings → pañca + kṛtvasuc

→ the c is an it, and the u is only for pronunciation → pañca + kṛtvas

→ pañcakṛtvo bhuṅkte "he eats five times".

Applies when / blocked by. Every occurrence counts, the first included. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the gloss "coming into being". Suppose only the repeats were counted. Then, one of them says, cooking done four times would be triḥ pacati "he cooks three times".

Why "after a number-word"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is bhūrivārān bhuṅkte "he eats many times". Bhūri "many" is not a saṃkhyā. Both of his commentators give the reason. The word bahu in SK 258 restricts the name saṃkhyā. So synonyms of bahu, such as bhūri, are not number-words.

Watch out. A word in -kṛtvas is an avyaya. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says so, by SK 448.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अभ्यावृत्तिर्जन्म । क्रियाजन्मगणनवृत्तेः संख्याशब्दात्स्वार्थे कृत्वसुच् स्यात् । पञ्चकृत्वो भुङ्क्ते । संख्यायाः किम् । भूरिवारान्भुङ्क्ते ॥

abhyāvṛtti [here means] coming into being (janma). After a number-word (saṃkhyāśabda) that is used in counting the comings-into-being (janma) of an action, kṛtvasuc comes in its own sense (svārthe): pañcakṛtvo bhuṅkte 'he eats five times'.

Why 'saṃkhyāyāḥ'? bhūrivārān bhuṅkte 'he eats many times' [where kṛtvasuc does not come].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 331

—संख्यायाः—। अभ्यावृत्तिशब्देन यदि द्वितीयादिप्रवृत्तिर्गृह्यते, तदा षट्कृत्वः प्रवृत्तौ पञ्चकृत्व इति स्यात् । अतोऽत्र विवक्षितमर्थमाह—अभ्यावृत्तिर्जन्मेति ॥—भूरिवारानिति । भूरिशब्दस्य लौकिकसंख्यावाचित्वेऽपि नेह ग्रहणम् । ‘बहुगण’—इति सूत्रे बहुग्रहणस्य नियमार्थत्वात् ‘अनियतसंख्यावाचिनां चेद्भवति बहोरेव’ इति नियमशरीरमिति मनोरमा ॥ बहुगणयोरेवेति नियमशरीरमित्यन्ये ॥ वारशब्दस्य क्रियोत्पत्त्याधारकालवाचित्वात् ‘कालाध्वनोः’—इति द्वितीयेति हरदत्तः । ननु वारशब्दस्य कालवाचित्वे भूरिशब्दोऽपि तत्समानाधिकरणत्वात्काल एव वर्तते इति कथमत्र प्रसङ्ग इति चेत् । अत्राहुः । कालवाचित्वेऽपि क्रियाभ्यावृत्तेरपि गम्यमानत्वात्प्रसङ्ग इति ॥ अभ्यावृत्तिगणने किम् । पञ्चपाकाः दश पाकाः इत्यत्र क्रियामात्रगणने माभूत् ॥ क्रियाग्रहणं किमर्थम् । यावताभ्यावृत्तिः क्रियाया एव भवति, साध्यार्थविषयत्वात्तस्याः, न द्रव्यगुणयोः । तयोस्तु सिद्धस्वभावतया शब्दाभिधानात् ॥ पुनःपुनर्दण्डः पुनःपुनः स्थूल इत्यत्रापि गम्यमानाया भवतिक्रियाया एवाभ्यावृत्तिर्न तु द्रव्यगुणयोरिति चेत् । मैवम् । उत्तरार्थं क्रियाग्रहणस्यावश्यकत्वात्

Bālamanoramā

संख्यायाः क्रियाऽभ्यावृत्तिगणने कृत्वसुच् - सङ्ख्यायाः । अभ्यावृत्तिशब्देन यदि द्वितीयादिप्रवृत्तिर्गृह्येत, तदा चतुर्वारं पाकप्रवृत्तौ त्रिः पचतीति स्यादित्यत आह — अभ्यावृत्तिर्जन्मेति । उपसर्गवशात् 'वृतु वर्तने' इति धातोरुत्पत्तौ वृत्तिरिति भावः । कृत्वसुचि चकार इत् । उकार उच्चारणार्थः ।तद्धितश्चाऽसर्वविभक्ति॑रित्यत्र तसिलादिषु परिगणनात्कृत्वोऽर्थानामव्ययत्वम् । पञ्चकृत्वो भुङ्क्त इति । पञ्चत्वसङ्ख्याकोत्पत्तिविशिष्टा भोजनक्रियेत्यर्थः । सङ्ख्यायाः किमिति । गणने वृत्तिः सङ्ख्याशब्दानामेवेति प्रश्नः । भूरिवारान्भुङ्क्ते इति । भूरिशब्दो बहुशब्दपर्यायः । वारशब्दस्तु समभिव्याहृतक्रियापर्याप्ते काले वर्तते ।कालाध्वनोरत्यन्तसंयोगे॑ इति द्वितीया । बहुकालेषु कात्स्न्येन व्याप्ता भोजनक्रियेत्यर्थः । भोजनबहुत्वं त्वर्थाद्गम्यते । तथा च वारशब्दोऽयं न गणनवाची । भूरिशब्दोऽपि न सङ्ख्याशब्देन गृह्रते,बहुगणवतुडति सङ्ख्ये॑त्यत्र बहुग्रहणेन तत्पर्यायस्य असङ्ख्यात्वबोधनात्, अतोऽत्र न कृत्वसुच् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: if abhyāvṛtti were taken as the second and later occurrences, then when cooking has taken place four times one would have to say 'triḥ pacati' ('he cooks three times'); hence the kaumudī says 'abhyāvṛttir janma'; through the prefixes, vṛtti from 'vṛtu vartane' means coming into existence (utpatti). Followed for rendering abhyāvṛtti as 'coming into being', counting every occurrence including the first.
commentary TB: if abhyāvṛtti meant the second and later occurrences, then with six occurrences one would say 'pañcakṛtvaḥ'; so the kaumudī states the intended sense, 'abhyāvṛtti = janma'. Followed; agrees with BM.
commentary BM: in kṛtvasuc the c is an it and the u is for pronunciation; forms in the sense of kṛtvas are indeclinables (avyaya) because they are enumerated among tasil etc. under 'taddhitaś cāsarvavibhaktiḥ' (SK 448). pañcakṛtvo bhuṅkte means 'an eating action qualified by comings-into-being numbering five'. 'Why saṃkhyāyāḥ?' asks, since only number-words function in counting. In bhūrivārān bhuṅkte, bhūri is a synonym of bahu, and vāra denotes the time exactly occupied by the action named with it, taking the second case (dvitīyā) by 'kālādhvanor atyantasaṃyoge' (SK 558): 'an eating that fully occupies many times', the plurality of eatings being understood by implication; so vāra is not a counting word, and bhūri is not included under saṃkhyā, since the word bahu in 'bahugaṇavatuḍati saṃkhyā' (SK 258) shows that its synonyms are not saṃkhyā; hence no kṛtvasuc. Followed for the bracketed completion of the counter-example.
commentary TB: although bhūri denotes a number in ordinary usage, it is not taken here, because the word bahu in 'bahugaṇa…' (SK 258) is restrictive (niyama), the restriction being 'if [the saṃjñā] applies to words of indefinite number, then only to bahu' according to the Manoramā, or 'only to bahu and gaṇa' according to others. Haradatta: vāra takes the second case by 'kālādhvanoḥ…', since it denotes the time that is the locus of the action's occurring. Objection: if vāra denotes time, bhūri, co-referential with it, also denotes time, so how could the rule even arise? Reply: though they denote time, the recurrence of the action is also understood, so the question arises. TB adds that 'abhyāvṛttigaṇane' excludes pañca pākāḥ, daśa pākāḥ (counting of actions merely), and defends 'kriyā' as needed for the following rule. Recorded; agrees with BM on the counter-example.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.2081.n1 (p. 331): on 'saṃkhyāyāḥ kim', the question arises because only number-words function in counting (the same wording as BM). The .work collation (batch17) finds SK 2085 clean against NSP p. 331 (scan).

SK 2086 · A 5.4.18V

द्वित्रिचतुर्भ्यः सुच् ॥ २०८६ ॥

dvitricaturbhyaḥ suc

dvitricaturbhyaḥ suc — After dvi, tri and catur, suc [when counting the occurrences of an action — 'kriyābhyāvṛttigaṇane' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2085].

Rule. After dvi "two", tri "three" and catur "four", suc comes in counting the occurrences of an action. Bhaṭṭoji calls it an apavāda of kṛtvasuc.

Example.

dvi + suc

→ the c is an it, and the u is only for pronunciation → dvi + s

→ dvir bhuṅkte "he eats twice".

Likewise triḥ "three times".

catur + s → the s after r is dropped by rāt sasya (SK 280) → catur → catuḥ "four times".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "counting the occurrences of an action" continues from SK 2085. He also says these words are avyayas, like the kṛtvas words.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कृत्वसुचोऽपवादः । द्विर्भुङ्क्ते । त्रिः । रात्सस्य SK 280 । चतुः ॥

[This is] an exception (apavāda) to kṛtvasuc. dvir bhuṅkte ('he eats twice'). triḥ [bhuṅkte]. [For catur: catur + s(uc) → catur, the s after r being deleted] by 'rāt sasya' (SK 280): catuḥ [bhuṅkte].

Bālamanoramā

द्वित्रिचतुर्भ्यः सुच् - द्वित्रिचतुर्भ्यः । क्रियाभ्यावृत्तिगणने इत्येव । सुचि चकार इत्, उकार उच्चारणार्थः । पूर्ववदव्ययत्वम् । त्रिरिति । भुङ्क्ते॑ इत्यनुषज्यते । रादिति । चतुर्शब्दात्सुचि चतुर्स् इति स्थितेरात्सस्ये॑ति सकारस्य लोपे चतुरिति रूपमित्यर्थः । अत्र 'भुङ्क्ते' इत्यनुषज्यते ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'kriyābhyāvṛttigaṇane' continues (ity eva). In suc the c is an it and the u is for pronunciation; the form is indeclinable (avyaya) as before. After 'triḥ', 'bhuṅkte' is to be supplied. 'rāt': from catur with suc the form stands as catur-s, and when the s is deleted by 'rāt sasya' the form is catuḥ; here too 'bhuṅkte' is supplied. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en, for the bracketed 'bhuṅkte', and for the intermediate form catur + s → catur in k1; the indeclinability is Recorded.
textual No TB is printed on this sūtra: sk.2085.t1 ends with SK 2085 and sk.2087.t1 begins with SK 2087 (checked against the NSP OCR of p. 331).

SK 2087 · A 5.4.19V

एकस्य सकृच्च ॥ २०८७ ॥

ekasya sakṛcca

ekasya sakṛc ca — For eka [qualifying an action — 'kriyā' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2085, without 'abhyāvṛtti'], sakṛt [is substituted], and [suc (SK 2086) comes].

Rule. For eka "one", sakṛt is the substitute (ādeśa). By ca "and", suc comes as well.

Example.

eka + suc → sakṛt replaces eka → sakṛt + s

→ the s dropped by saṃyogāntasya lopaḥ (SK 54) → sakṛt

→ sakṛd bhuṅkte "he eats once".

Applies when / blocked by. Only "action" (kriyā) continues from SK 2085, not "occurrences". One action done once does not recur. So eka must qualify the action. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites Kaiyaṭa, an earlier commentator on the Bhāṣya: the rule does not apply in eko bhuṅkte "one person eats".

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji says the s of suc goes by SK 54, not by SK 252. SK 252 drops the endings su, ti and si. Its si does not take in sic, the affix of the verb form abhaitsīt. In the same way, its su does not take in suc. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain it so. One says the three words, taken together, name only endings.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सकृदित्यादेशः स्याच्चात्सुच् । सकृद्भुङ्क्ते । संयोगान्तस्य SK 54 इति सुचो लोपः न तु हल्ङ्याप् - SK 252 इति । अभैत्सीदित्यत्र सिच इव सुचोऽपि तदयोगात् ॥

sakṛt is the substitute (ādeśa) [for eka], and, by 'ca', suc [comes]: sakṛd bhuṅkte 'he eats once'. [In sakṛt + s,] the suc is elided by 'saṃyogāntasya lopaḥ' (SK 54), not by 'halṅyāp…' (SK 252); for, just as with sic in abhaitsīt, suc too has no connection with that [rule].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 331

—एकस्य सकृच्च । अभ्यावृत्तिरिति न संबध्यते । एकशब्देन ह्येकैव क्रियाव्यक्तिराख्यायते, तस्यास्त्वावृत्तेरसंभवात् । क्रियाग्रहणमिहार्थमावश्यकम् ॥ अन्यथा ‘आ दशतः संख्याः संख्येये वर्तन्ते’ इत्येको भुङ्क्ते इत्यत्रापि स्यादिति । इह साधु पचतीत्यादिवदेकं भुङ्क्ते इति प्रयोगे प्राप्ते सकृच्छब्दप्रयोगार्थमिदं सूत्रमिति कैयटः । एकः पाक इत्यत्र तु अनभिधानान्नेति काशिका ॥—संयोगान्तस्येति । हल्ङ्यादिना सुलोप इति प्राचो ग्रन्थोऽयुक्त इत्याह—न त्विति । सुतिसीति साहचर्याद्विभक्तय एव तत्र गृह्यन्त इत्यभिप्रेत्याह—सिच इवेति

Bālamanoramā

एकस्य सकृच्च - एकस्य सकृच्च । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — सकृदित्यादेशः स्यादिति । सकृद्भुङ्क्ते इति । एकशब्दात्सुच्, प्रकृतेः सकृदित्यादेशश्च । अत्र एकशब्दः क्रियाविशेषणम् ।एकत्वविशिष्टा भुजिक्रियेत्यर्थः ।स्वादु पचती॑त्यादिवदेकं भुङ्क्ते इति प्रयोगे प्राप्ते इदं सूत्रमिति कैयटः । 'एको भुङ्क्ते' इत्यत्र तु नायं विधिः प्रवर्तते, क्रियाग्रहणमनुवर्त्त्य क्रियाविशेषणस्यैव एकशब्दस्य ग्रहणादित्यास्तां तावत् । ननुसंयोगान्तस्ये॑ति सुचो लोप इत्यनुपपन्नम् । 'हल्ङ्याब्भ्यः' इत्येव हि सुलोपोऽत्र युक्तः तस्मिन्कर्तव्ये संयोगान्तस्ये॑ति सुचो लोप इत्यनुपपन्नम् । 'हल्ङ्याब्भ्यः' इत्येव हि सुलोपोऽत्र युक्तः, तस्मिन्कर्तव्ये संयोगान्तलोपस्य त्रैपादिकस्याऽसिद्धत्वादित्यत आह — नतु हल्ङ्याबितीति । सिच इवेति ।अभैत्सी॑त्यत्र सिचो लोपनिवृत्तयेहल्ङ्या॑वित्यत्र सिग्रहणेन सिचो न ग्रहणं, तत्साहचर्यात्सुग्रहणेनापि सुजयं न गृह्यत इति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the kaumudī explains the sūtra by supplying what is left unsaid ('sakṛt is the substitute'). In sakṛd bhuṅkte, suc comes after eka and sakṛt replaces the base; eka here qualifies the action (kriyāviśeṣaṇa): 'an eating action qualified by oneness'. Kaiyaṭa: the sūtra applies where, as with 'svādu pacati', the usage 'ekaṃ bhuṅkte' would arise; it does not apply in 'eko bhuṅkte', because 'kriyā' is carried forward (anuvartya) and only eka as a qualifier of the action is taken. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti of 'kriyā' in sutra_en.
commentary TB: abhyāvṛtti is not construed here, since eka names a single instance of the action, which cannot recur; but 'kriyā' is needed here, for otherwise [the rule] would apply also in eko bhuṅkte, [eka there denoting] the counted thing by 'ā daśataḥ saṃkhyāḥ saṃkhyeye vartante'. Kaiyaṭa: where ekaṃ bhuṅkte would be used, like sādhu pacati, this sūtra is for the use of sakṛt; Kāśikā: not in ekaḥ pākaḥ, for want of [conventional] expression (anabhidhāna). Followed for 'without abhyāvṛtti' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: objection: elision of suc by 'saṃyogāntasya' is untenable; elision of su by 'halṅyābbhyaḥ' is the right one here, since, when that is to be applied, the elision of a conjunct-final, being in the Tripādī, is treated as not having taken effect (asiddha). The kaumudī answers with 'na tu halṅyāb…'. On 'sica iva': to prevent elision of sic in abhaitsīt, the word si in 'halṅyāb…' does not include sic; by association (sāhacarya) with it, the word su does not include this suc either. Followed for reading 'tadayogāt' as 'no connection with that rule'.
commentary TB: the older work's (prācaḥ) statement that su is elided by 'hal-ṅy-…' is wrong, as the kaumudī says with 'na tu'; by association of su, ti and si, only case- and verb-endings (vibhakti) are taken there, which is what 'sica iva' intends. Followed; agrees with BM.
textual The .work collation (batch17) finds SK 2087 clean against NSP p. 331 (scan). The kaumudī cites SK 252 by its opening words 'halṅyāp…'; the full sūtra is 'halṅyābbhyo dīrghāt sutisyapṛktaṃ hal' (SK 252).
translator The bracketed '[In sakṛt + s,]' is the translator's minimal supplement to make the elision statement intelligible; the kaumudī gives no fuller derivation.

SK 2088 · A 5.4.20V

विभाषा बहोर्धाविप्रकृष्टकाले ॥ २०८८ ॥

vibhāṣā bahordhāviprakṛṣṭakāle

vibhāṣā bahor dhā 'viprakṛṣṭakāle — After bahu, optionally dhā [when the counting of the occurrences of an action (kriyābhyāvṛttigaṇana) is meant — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2085; in the other alternative, kṛtvasuc], when the time is not distant (aviprakṛṣṭa).

Rule. After bahu "many", dhā comes optionally in counting the occurrences of an action. The occurrences must fall at a time not far apart (aviprakṛṣṭa). Bhaṭṭoji glosses aviprakṛṣṭa as "near".

Example.

bahu + dhā → bahudhā divasasya bhuṅkte "he eats many times in the day".

In the other option, kṛtvasuc: bahukṛtvo divasasya bhuṅkte.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this other option.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "at a near time"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is bahukṛtvo māsasya bhuṅkte "he eats many times in the month". A month is not a near time, so only kṛtvasuc comes.

Watch out. Which rule gives the sixth case in divasasya is disputed; scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अविप्रकृष्ट आसन्नः । बहुधा दिवसस्य भुङ्क्ते । आसन्नकाले किम् । बहुकृत्वो मासस्य भुङ्क्ते ॥

aviprakṛṣṭa [means] near (āsanna). bahudhā divasasya bhuṅkte, 'he eats many times in the day'. Why 'at a near time'? bahukṛtvo māsasya bhuṅkte, 'he eats many times in the month'.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 331

—बहुधा दिवसस्य भुङ्क्ते इति । शेषत्वविवक्षायां षष्ठी । ‘कृत्वोऽर्थप्रयोगे कालेऽधिकरणे’ इत्यनेन षष्ठीति हरदत्तोक्तिस्तु नादर्तव्या । शेषाधिकारबलेनाष्टसूत्र्याः समासनिवृत्तिफलकतया तिङन्तेनोदाहरणमिति प्रागुक्तनिष्कर्षविरोधादित्याहुः

Bālamanoramā

विभाषा बहोर्धाऽविप्रकृष्टकाले - विभाषा बहोर्धा । अविप्रकृष्टकालिकक्रियाजन्मगणनवृत्तेर्बहुशब्दाद्धाप्रत्ययो वा स्यात् । पक्षे कृत्वसुच् । बहुधा बहुकृत्वो वा दिवसस्य भुङ्क्ते इति । दिवसे प्रातःसङ्गवाद्यव्यवहितकालिकोत्पत्तिविशिष्टा भोजनक्रियेत्यर्थः ।कृत्वोऽर्थप्रयोगे कालेऽधिकरणे॑ इति दिवसात्षष्ठीति हरदत्तः । शेषत्वविवक्षायां षष्ठी इति तु नवीनाः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after the word bahu, occurring in the counting of the occurrences of an action at a time not distant, the affix dhā comes optionally; in the other alternative (pakṣe), kṛtvasuc. 'bahudhā bahukṛtvo vā divasasya bhuṅkte': the act of eating qualified by occurrences at times close together within the day, such as morning and forenoon (prātaḥ, saṃgava). Haradatta says the sixth case in divasasya is by 'kṛtvo'rthaprayoge kāle 'dhikaraṇe' (SK 622); the Navīnas say it is a sixth case when [the relation] is intended as śeṣa. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti and the kṛtvasuc alternative in sutra_en; the two views on divasasya are Recorded.
commentary TB: in 'bahudhā divasasya bhuṅkte' the sixth case is by intending śeṣa. Haradatta's statement that it is by 'kṛtvo'rthaprayoge kāle 'dhikaraṇe' is not to be respected, because it conflicts with the conclusion stated earlier that, by force of the śeṣa-adhikāra, the aṣṭasūtrī has as its purpose the cessation of compounding, which is why its examples are given with a verb (tiṅanta). Recorded; the English 'in the day' does not decide between the views.
textual Our text 'bahudhā divasasya bhuṅkte' agrees with NSP p. 331 (printed 321; scan collation, batch 17). The Wikisource SK+BM text reads 'bahudhā bahukṛtvo vā divasasya', which is also the wording of BM's gloss; no change.

SK 2089 · A 5.4.21V

तत्प्रकृतवचने मयट् ॥ २०८९ ॥

tatprakṛtavacane mayaṭ

tatprakṛtavacane mayaṭ — mayaṭ [comes after a first-case word (prathamānta)] in [the sense of] tatprakṛtavacana, the stating (vacana) of that [thing] as prakṛta ('presented in abundance').

Rule. Mayaṭ comes after a first-case word. Its sense is tatprakṛtavacana, "the stating of that as prakṛta". Bhaṭṭoji explains prakṛta as "presented in abundance".

The word vacana "stating" can be read in two ways, Bhaṭṭoji says. It is made with the affix lyuṭ. That lyuṭ may denote the action itself (bhāva) or its locus (adhikaraṇa). So the rule has two senses.

Example. First sense, the action:

prakṛtam annam "food presented in abundance" → anna + mayaṭ

→ annamayam.

Likewise apūpamayam "cakes in abundance" and yavāgūmayī "gruel in abundance".

yavāgū + maya → mayaṭ is marked with ṭ, so the feminine takes ṅīp (SK 470) → yavāgūmayī.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives this reason.

Second sense, the locus:

annamayo yajñaḥ "a sacrifice in which food is stated to be abundant".

apūpamayaṃ parva "a festival in which cakes are stated [to be made] in abundance".

Applies when / blocked by. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take tat "that" as marking the first case. In the first sense the affix only makes the abundance explicit. Being svārthika, it keeps the base's gender and number. In the second sense the affix names the place where the thing is stated. So the word takes the gender of the thing it describes: annamayo yajñaḥ is masculine, like yajña. Both commentators say this.

Watch out. The editor of the printed edition adds a note. The word tat, read as a separate statement, gives a wholly svārthika mayaṭ too. That mayaṭ adds no meaning at all and needs no abundance. So a form like cinmayaṃ brahma is correct.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्राचुर्येण प्रस्तुतं प्रकृतं तस्य वचनं प्रतिपादनम् । भावेऽधिकरणे वा ल्युट् । आद्ये प्रकृतमन्नमन्नमयम् । अपूपमयम् । यवागूमयी । द्वितीये अन्नमयो यज्ञः । अपूपमयं पर्व ॥

prakṛta is what is presented in abundance (prācuryeṇa prastutam); its vacana is the stating (pratipādana) [of it]. [In vacana] lyuṭ is [added] either in the sense of the action itself (bhāva) or in the sense of the locus (adhikaraṇa). On the first [construal]: prakṛtam annam, 'food presented in abundance': annamayam. apūpamayam [cakes in abundance]. yavāgūmayī [gruel in abundance]. On the second: annamayo yajñaḥ, '[a sacrifice in which] food is stated to be abundant'; apūpamayaṃ parva, '[a festival in which] cakes are stated [to be made] in abundance'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 331–332

—तत्प्रकृत—। प्राचुर्येण प्रस्तुतमिति । यद्यपि प्रकृतशब्दः प्रस्तुतमात्रे रूढः, तथापि वचनग्रहणादयं विशेषो लभ्यते । वचनग्रहणं हि यादृशस्य प्रकृतस्य लोके मयटा वचनं प्रत्यायनं तत्र यथा स्यादित्येवमर्थम् ॥—आद्ये इति । प्रथमान्तात्प्रकृते द्योत्ये प्रत्ययः ॥ स्वार्थिकत्वात्प्रकृतितो लिङ्गवचनम् । अपूपमयमित्यपि क्वचित्पठ्यते । प्रस्तुतोऽपूपोऽपूपमयम् ॥ क्वचित् स्वार्थिकाः प्रकृतितो लिङ्गवचनान्यतिवर्तन्ते । अस्मिन्पक्षे तद्ग्रहणं व्यर्थम् । द्वितीये त्वावश्यकं प्रथमान्तादेव प्रत्ययलाभार्थम् ॥—द्वितीये इति । अस्मिन्पक्षे उच्यमानता प्रकृतता च प्रकृत्यर्थविशेषणम् । ल्युटोक्तमधिकरणं तु मयडर्थः । अतएव विशेष्यनिघ्नता तदाह—अन्नमयो यज्ञ इति । अन्नं प्रकृतमुच्यते अस्मिन्नित्यर्थः

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 332 देवतान्तादिति—वैधे कर्मणि त्यज्यमानद्रव्योद्देश्यत्वं, मन्त्रस्तुत्यत्वं च देवतात्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary TB: 'prācuryeṇa prastutam': although the word prakṛta is conventional for 'presented' merely, this specific sense is obtained from the mention of 'vacana', which is there so that [the affix comes] where the stating, in common usage, of such a prakṛta [thing] by mayaṭ is found. On the first construal the affix comes after a first-case word (prathamānta) when prakṛta is to be made manifest; being svārthika, it takes gender and number from the base; 'apūpamayam' is read in some [copies] too (prastuto 'pūpo 'pūpamayam). In the view that svārthika affixes sometimes overstep the gender and number of the base, 'tat' is pointless for the first construal, but on the second it is needed to obtain the affix after a first-case word only. On the second, being stated and being prakṛta qualify the sense of the base, and the locus expressed by lyuṭ is the sense of mayaṭ; hence it follows the qualified (viśeṣyanighna): annamayo yajñaḥ = 'in which food is stated as prakṛta'. Followed for the bracketed first-case word in sutra_en and for the glosses of the second construal in k1.
commentary BM (Wikisource print, purva-3-2 pp. 0105–0106; absent from our source): 'tat' is a mention of a first-case word (prathamāntanirdeśa). On the bhāva construal, mayaṭ comes in its own sense after a first-case word denoting a thing qualified by abundance, the affix only making it manifest; on the adhikaraṇa construal, mayaṭ comes, when the locus in which such a thing is stated is to be denoted, after the word for that thing: the stated thing is the base's sense, its locus the affix's. The sūtra intends both senses at once (tantreṇa), by the exposition. annamayo yajñaḥ: the foods, qualified by abundance, stated in the iṣṭis by sentences such as 'daśaudanāḥ…'; apūpamayaṃ parva: the festival that is the locus of cakes stated by 'on the festival cakes are to be made'; hence both follow the qualified (viśeṣyanighna). yavāgūmayī: ṅīp because of the ṭ-it. Some hold that on the second construal only 'the locus of abundant food' is understood, not its being stated. Followed for the bracketed first-case word in sutra_en and for 'stated' in the glosses of the second construal in k1; the 'some' view is Recorded.
textual Our source transmits no BM for this sūtra: sk.2089 has an empty balamanorama, and the neighbours sk.2088.b1 and sk.2090.b1 are on their own sūtras (BM on SK 2090 does say 'tatprakṛtavacane ity eva'). The Wikisource BM print has it (purva-3-2 pp. 0105–0106, from 'tatprakṛtavacane — tad iti prathamāntanirdeśaḥ'); see the BM note.
textual NSP footnote 2, printed under sk.2081.n1 (p. 331), belongs to this sūtra: 'tatprakṛteti — the mention of tat, by splitting the sentence (vākyabheda), is for a wholly svārthika mayaṭ even where there is no abundance; hence cinmayaṃ brahma and the like are established' (OCR 'tadvarṇaṃ vākyamedena … mayadyartham' read as tadgrahaṇaṃ vākyabhedena … mayaḍartham). It bears on TB's remark that 'tat' is pointless on the first construal.
textual The NSP footnote filed under sk.2089.n1 (NSP p. 332), on 'devatāntāt', concerns SK 2092 and does not bear on this unit.
translator The kaumudī gives two construals of 'vacana' (bhāva and adhikaraṇa), so sutra_en keeps the compound and renders it with the bhāva sense only as a gloss; on the adhikaraṇa construal the affix denotes the locus in which the thing is stated as abundant (annamayo yajñaḥ). The glosses of apūpamayam and yavāgūmayī are the translator's, on the pattern of the kaumudī's own 'prakṛtam annam'.

SK 2090 · A 5.4.22समूहातिदेशः

समूहवच्च बहुषु ॥ २०९० ॥

samūhavacca bahuṣu

samūhavac ca bahuṣu — And [after a word denoting] many [things], [when what is presented in abundance is expressed (tatprakṛtavacane) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2089], [the affixes come] as for a collection (samūha), [and mayaṭ].

Rule. When the thing presented in abundance is many things, the collective affixes come, "as for a collection" (samūhavat). By ca "and", mayaṭ comes too. The collective (sāmūhika) affixes are those taught under tasya samūhaḥ "a collection of that" (SK 1243).

Bhaṭṭoji calls this an atideśa, an extension. Affixes taught for one sense are made to hold in another.

Example.

modakāḥ prakṛtāḥ "sweets (modaka) presented in abundance" → modaka + ṭhak (the collective affix of SK 1256)

→ ṭha → ika (SK 1170); first-vowel vṛddhi o → au; the final a deleted (SK 311)

→ maudakikam.

With mayaṭ: modakamayam.

Likewise from śaṣkulī: śāṣkulikam and śaṣkulīmayam.

In the second sense, the locus:

maudakiko yajñaḥ or modakamayaḥ "a sacrifice at which sweets are presented in abundance".

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says tatprakṛtavacane is carried forward from SK 2089. So both of that rule's senses hold here. The base must stand for many things (bahuṣu). Both commentators name the ṭhak of maudakikam as the collective affix of SK 1256.

Watch out. maudakikam is neuter, though modaka is masculine. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that this svārthika affix departs from its base's gender.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सामूहिकाः प्रत्यया अतिदिश्यन्ते चान्मयट् । मोदकाः प्रकृताः मौदकिकम् । मोदकमयम् । शाष्कुलिकम् । शष्कुलीमयम् । द्वितीयेऽर्थे । मौदकिको यज्ञः । मोदकमयः ॥

The affixes [taught in the sense] of a collection (sāmūhika) are extended [here] (atideśa); by "ca", mayaṭ [too]. modakāḥ prakṛtāḥ ("modakas presented in abundance"): maudakikam, modakamayam. śāṣkulikam, śaṣkulīmayam. In the second sense: maudakiko yajñaḥ ("a sacrifice [at which modakas are presented in abundance]"), modakamayaḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 332

—मौदकिकम् ।—शाष्कुलिकमिति । ‘अचित्तहस्तिधेनोष्ठक्’ ॥—आवसथ इति । ‘उपसर्गे वसेः’ इत्यथप्रत्ययः

Bālamanoramā

समूहवच्च बहुषु - समूहवच्च । बहुषु । तत्प्रकृतवचने इत्येव । सामूहिका इति । 'तस्य समूहः' इत्यधिकारविहिताः प्रत्यया इत्यर्थः । बहुषु प्राचुर्यविशिष्टेषु वर्तमानाच्छब्दात्स्वार्थे समूहवत्प्रत्ययाः स्युरित्यर्थः । यद्वा बहुत्वविशिष्टानि प्राचुर्यविशिष्टानि वस्तूनि यस्मिन्नधिकरणे उच्यन्ते, तदधिकरणे वाच्ये तद्वस्तुवृत्तेः शब्दात्समूहवत्प्रत्ययाः स्युरित्यर्थः । आद्ये उदाहरति — मोदकाः प्रकृता मौदकिकमिति ।अचित्तहस्तिधेनो॑रिति सामूहिकष्ठक् । स्वार्थिकत्वेऽपि प्रकृतिलिङ्गातिक्रमः कुटीरवत् । शाष्कुलिकमिति । शष्कुलयः प्रचुरा इत्यर्थः । पूर्ववट्ठक्, प्रकृतिलिङ्गातिकमश्च । द्वितीयेऽर्ते मौदिकको यज्ञ इति । मोदका अस्मिन्यज्ञे उच्यन्त इति विग्रहः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tatprakṛtavacane' continues (ity eva). The sāmūhika affixes are those taught under the heading 'tasya samūhaḥ' (SK 1243). The sense: after a word occurring for many things characterized by abundance, the collection affixes come in its own sense; or else, when the locus in which many abundant things are spoken of is to be expressed, [they come] after the word denoting those things. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti from SK 2089 in sutra_en; the two senses correspond to the kaumudī's first and 'second sense'.
commentary BM: maudakikam has the collective ṭhak by 'acittahastidhenoṣ ṭhak' (SK 1256); though it is svārthika, it departs from the base's gender, as kuṭīra does; so also śāṣkulikam, 'śaṣkulīs in abundance'. maudakiko yajñaḥ: analysis 'modakā asmin yajñe ucyante'. Followed for the bracketed gloss of maudakiko yajñaḥ; the rest Recorded.
commentary TB: maudakikam, śāṣkulikam (OCR 'śāṇḍulikam') — ṭhak by 'acittahastidhenoṣ ṭhak'. Agrees with BM. Recorded.
translator 'The second sense' refers to SK 2089, where vacana in 'tatprakṛtavacane' is taken either as the action (bhāve lyuṭ, first sense) or as the locus (adhikaraṇe lyuṭ, second sense). The cross-reference is the translator's; BM's two readings of the sūtra correspond to these.

SK 2091 · A 5.4.23V

अनन्तावसथेतिहभेषजाञ्ञ्यः ॥ २०९१ ॥

anantāvasathetihabheṣajāññyaḥ

anantāvasathetihabheṣajāñ ñyaḥ — After ananta, āvasatha, itiha and bheṣaja, ñya [comes, in their own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After ananta, āvasatha, itiha and bheṣaja, ñya comes in the base's own sense.

Example.

ananta eva "ananta itself" → ananta + ñya

→ vṛddhi a → ā; the final a deleted (SK 311) → ānantyam.

āvasatha eva "the dwelling itself" → āvasathyam.

itiha + ñya → vṛddhi i → ai → aitihyam.

bheṣajam eva "medicine itself" → vṛddhi e → ai → bhaiṣajyam.

Applies when / blocked by. Itiha is not one word. Bhaṭṭoji calls it a nipātasamudāya, a group of particles. A nipāta is a particle, one of the indeclinable words (SK 447). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the group is used for a tradition of instruction. The other adds that the affix comes after it only because the rule names it: the group is not a nominal stem.

One commentator explains ananta: anta is destruction, and ananta is its absence.

Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that ānantyam, though svārthika, oversteps its base's gender.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अनन्त एवानन्त्यम् । आवसथ एवावसथ्यम् । इतिहेति निपातसमुदायः । ऐतिह्यम् । भेषजमेव भैषज्यम् ॥

ananta ('absence of end') itself: ānantyam. āvasatha ('dwelling') itself: āvasathyam. itiha is a group of indeclinables (nipātasamudāya) [used for a tradition of instruction]: aitihyam. bheṣaja ('medicine') itself: bhaiṣajyam.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 332

—निपातसमुदाय इति । उपदेशपारंपर्ये वर्तते वचनाच्चाप्रातिपदिकादेव प्रत्ययः ॥—ऐतिह्यमिति । ‘इतिहाव्ययम्’ इति कोशः ॥—भेषजमिति । भिषज्यतेः कण्ड्वादियगन्तात्क्विप् । भिषजामिदं भेषजम् । अस्मादेव निपातनादेकारः

Bālamanoramā

अनन्तावसथेतिहभेषजाञ्ञ्यः - अनन्तावथेतिह । अनन्त, आवसथ, इतिह, भेषज एभ्यः स्वार्थे ञ्यप्रत्ययः स्यादित्यर्थः । अनन्त एवेति । अन्तोनाशः । तस्याऽभावः अनन्तः । अर्थाऽभावे अव्ययीभावेन तद्विकल्पस्योक्तत्वात् । आनन्त्यमिति । स्वार्थिकत्वेऽपि प्रकृतिलिङ्गव्यतिक्रम । आवसथो-गृहम् । निपातसमुदाय इति । स च उपदेश परम्पर्ये वर्तते । तस्मात्स्वार्थे ञ्यः ।पारम्पर्योपदेशे स्यादैतिह्रमितिहाव्यय॑मित्यमरः । भैषज्यमिति । भैषजम्ौषधम्, तदेव भैषज्यम् ।भेषजौषधभैषज्यानी॑त्यमरः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: after ananta, āvasatha, itiha and bheṣaja, the affix ñya comes in its own sense. anta = destruction; its absence is ananta, [a tatpuruṣa,] since in the sense of absence the avyayībhāva has been stated to be optional. ānantyam: though svārthika, it oversteps the gender of the base. āvasatha = house. The group of indeclinables is used for the tradition of instruction (upadeśapāramparya); hence ñya in its own sense (Amara: 'pāramparyopadeśe syād aitihyam itihāvyayam'). bhaiṣajyam: bheṣaja is medicine, and that itself is bhaiṣajya (Amara: 'bheṣajauṣadhabhaiṣajyāni'). Followed for 'svārthe' in sutra_en and for the glosses of ananta, āvasatha, itiha and bheṣaja.
commentary TB: the group of indeclinables is used for the tradition of instruction, and by the explicit mention (vacanāt) the affix comes even after what is not a prātipadika; aitihyam: the lexicon has 'itihāvyayam'. bhiṣaj is from bhiṣajyati (ending in the kaṇḍvādi yak) with kvip; bheṣaja = bhiṣajām idam ('this is of the physicians'), the e being by this very nipātana. TB, printed under sk.2090.t1, adds on āvasatha: formed with the affix atha by 'upasarge vaseḥ'. Followed for the gloss of itiha (agreeing with BM); the remainder is Recorded.

SK 2092 · A 5.4.24V

देवतान्तात्तादर्थ्ये यत् ॥ २०९२ ॥

devatāntāttādarthye yat

devatāntāt tādarthye yat — After [a word] ending in devatā, yat, in the sense of being for that (tādarthya).

Rule. After a word ending in devatā "deity", yat comes. The sense is tādarthya, "being for that".

Bhaṭṭoji explains tādarthya. It is just tadartha "what is for that", with the affix ṣyañ in its own sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ṣyañ comes because the word belongs to the list headed by caturvarṇa.

Example.

agnidevatāyai idam "this is for the deity Agni" → agnidevatā + yat

→ the final ā deleted (SK 311) → agnidevatyam.

Likewise pitṛdevatyam "for the ancestors as deities".

Applies when / blocked by. What is a devatā here? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. It is the one to whom an offered substance is addressed, and who is praised by the mantra. So pitṛdevatyam is covered. If devatā meant one class of beings known from scripture, the gods as distinct from ancestors and others, it would not be. The editor of the printed edition gives the same definition.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तदर्थ एव तादर्थ्यम् । स्वार्थे ष्यञ् । अग्निदेवतायै इदमग्निदेवत्यम् । पितृदेवत्यम् ॥

tādarthya is just tadartha ("[what is] for that"), with ṣyañ in its own sense (svārthe). agnidevatāyai idam ("this is for the deity Agni"): agnidevatyam. pitṛdevatyam.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 332

—पितृदेवत्यमिति । पितरश्च ता देवताश्च पितृदेवताः । पितृदेवताभ्य इदमिति विग्रहः ॥—अर्घ्यमिति । ‘मूल्ये पूजाविधावर्घः’ इत्यमरः

Bālamanoramā

देवतान्तात्तादर्थ्ये यत् - देवतान्तात्तादर्थ्ये यत् । तदर्थ एवेति । तच्छब्देन देवतान्तस्यार्थ उच्यते, तस्मै अयं तदर्थः, ततः स्वार्थे चतुर्वर्णादित्वात् ष्यञित्यर्थः । देवतान्तात्प्रातिपदिकाद्यत्स्यात्प्रकृत्यार्थे वस्तुनि वाच्य इत्यर्थः ।त्यज्यमानद्रव्ये उद्देश्यविशेषो देवता मन्त्रस्तुत्या चे॑त्युक्तंसास्य देवते॑त्यत्र अतः पितृदेवत्यं रक्षोदेवत्यमित्यादौ नाव्याप्तिः । तदाह — पितृदेवत्यमिति । देवताशब्दस्य देवा भावः । भाष्ये तु॒पितृदेवत्यमिति न सिध्यती॑त्याक्षिप्यदिवैरेआर्यकर्मणो देवः, तस्मात्स्वार्थे त॑लिति समाहितम् । हविः प्रति पित्रादीनामीआरत्वं स्वामित्यम् । हविस्तु यजमानस्य स्वम् । तच्च यजमानेन अग्न्याद्युद्देशेन त्यक्तं चेत्तदाग्न्यादिस्वामिकं भवितुमर्हति । अतो देवतात्वं त्यज्यमानद्रव्योद्देश्यत्वविसेषात्मकमेव भाष्यरीत्याऽपि पर्यवस्य तीत्यलम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in 'tadartha' the word tat denotes the sense of the devatā-final word; tasmai ayam, 'this is for that', is tadartha, and from it ṣyañ in its own sense because it belongs to the caturvarṇādi group. So: after a devatā-final prātipadika, yat, when a thing meant for what the base denotes is to be expressed. Followed for 'with ṣyañ in its own sense' and for 'in the sense of being for that' in sutra_en.
commentary BM on pitṛdevatyam: deity (devatā) is the particular addressee of the substance being offered, and one praised by the mantra (said under 'sāsya devatā'), so pitṛdevatyam, rakṣodevatyam and the like are not left out; if, however, the word devatā meant particular classes of beings known from śruti, purāṇa and the like (devas, humans, pitṛs, asuras, rākṣasas, piśācas…), [the rule] would not cover this [form] (Wikisource BM, purva-3-2 p. 0107; our BM copy's 'devatāśabdasya devā bhāvaḥ' is an eye-skip over these words). The Bhāṣya objects that pitṛdevatyam is not established and answers that deva, from div 'to be lord', takes tal in its own sense; the lordship of the pitṛs etc. over the oblation is ownership, and the oblation, given up by the sacrificer for Agni etc., becomes theirs, so deity-hood amounts to being the addressee of the offered substance on the Bhāṣya's account too. Recorded.
commentary TB: pitṛdevatyam — pitaraś ca tā devatāś ca pitṛdevatāḥ; the analysis is 'pitṛdevatābhya idam'. Recorded; the English does not gloss pitṛdevatyam.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.2089.n1 (p. 332), on 'devatāntāt': in a Vedic rite, being a deity (devatātva) is being the addressee of the substance given up and being praised by the mantra (OCR 'tyajyamāna' as 'lajyamāna' and 'mantrastutyatva' as 'madhustalatva'). Recorded. The p42 collation confirms by zoom that the print reads 'tadartha eva', as ours does (the OCR's 'tadarthe' is wrong).
translator The caturvarṇādi ṣyañ is the vārttika given in our text under SK 1789 ('caturvarṇādīnāṃ svārtha upasaṃkhyānam'); the identification is the translator's.

SK 2093 · A 5.4.25V

पादार्घाभ्यां च ॥ २०९३ ॥

pādārghābhyāṃ ca

pādārghābhyāṃ ca — And after pāda 'foot' and argha 'respectful offering' [yat comes in the sense 'for the purpose of that' (tādarthya) — 'tādarthye yat' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2092].

Rule. After pāda "foot" and argha "respectful offering", yat comes in the sense "for that". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies "tādarthye yat" from SK 2092.

Example.

pādārtham udakam "water for the feet" → pāda + yat

→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → pādyam.

Likewise arghyam "water for the offering".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji adds four vārttikas, each with new affixes.

First: nū replaces nava "new", and the affixes tnap, tanap and kha come. So nūtnam, nūtanam and navīnam, all "new". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says these affixes add no meaning at all. He gives the steps of the third:

nava + kha → kha → īna (SK 475); nū for nava → nū + īna

→ guṇa of the ū (SK 847), then av → navīnam.

Second: naś ca purāṇe prāt, "and na after pra in the sense 'old'". By ca, the affixes just named come too. So praṇam, pratnam, pratanam and prīṇam, all "old". One commentator says prīṇam is the form with kha.

Third: after bhāga "share", rūpa "form" and nāman "name", dheya comes. So bhāgadheyam, rūpadheyam, nāmadheyam.

Fourth: after āgnīdhra and sādhāraṇa, añ comes. The words look the same: āgnīdhram, sādhāraṇam. Bhaṭṭoji gives the point: in the feminine, ṅīp (SK 470). So āgnīdhrī and sādhāraṇī. The other commentator adds a second purpose, the accent. Without añ, he says, the feminine would be āgnīdhrā śālā.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī prints a whole sentence as the second vārttika: naś ca purāṇe prāt purāṇārthe vartamānāt praśabdān no vaktavyaḥ. The 1915 printed edition sets only naś ca purāṇe prāt as the vārttika. The rest is Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "na is to be stated after the word pra used in the sense 'old'". We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

पादार्थमुदकं पाद्यम् । अर्घ्यम् ।

Water for the feet (pādārtham udakam): pādyam. [Likewise] arghyam.

vārttika

नवस्य नू आदेशः त्नप्तनप् खाश्च प्रत्यया वक्तव्याः

(vārttika) It should be stated that nū is substituted for nava 'new', and that the affixes tnap, tanap and kha [come].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नूत्नम् । नूतनम् । नवीनम् ।

nūtnam; nūtanam; navīnam.

vārttika

नश्च पुराणे प्रात् पुराणार्थे वर्तमानात्प्रशब्दान्नो वक्तव्यः

(vārttika) naś ca purāṇe prāt — 'And na after pra in [the sense of] purāṇa.' [That is,] na is to be stated after the word pra when it is used in the sense of purāṇa 'old'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ चात्पूर्वोक्ताः । प्रणम् । प्रत्नम् । प्रतनम् । प्रीणम् ।

By 'ca', the previously mentioned [affixes, tnap, tanap and kha, also come]: praṇam; pratnam; pratanam; prīṇam.

vārttika

भागरूपनामभ्यो धेयः

(vārttika) After bhāga, rūpa and nāman, dheya [comes].

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ भागधेयम् । रूपधेयम् । नामधेयम् ।

bhāgadheyam; rūpadheyam; nāmadheyam.

vārttika

आग्नीध्रसाधारणादञ्

(vārttika) After āgnīdhra and sādhāraṇa, añ [comes].

(वार्तिकम्) । आग्नीध्रम् । साधारणम् । स्त्रियां ङीप् । आग्नीध्री । साधारणी ॥

āgnīdhram; sādhāraṇam. In the feminine, ṅīp: āgnīdhrī; sādhāraṇī.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 332

—पूर्वोक्ता इति । त्नप्तनप्खप्रत्यया इत्यर्थः ॥—आग्नीध्रमिति । ‘अग्नीधः शरणे रण् भं च’ इति शैषिकेषु व्युत्पादितं, तच्चान्तोदात्तम्, ततः स्वार्थेऽनेनाञ् । आद्युदात्तत्वं फलम् । फलान्तरमप्याह—स्त्रियामिति ॥—आग्नीध्रीति । शालेति विशेष्यम् ॥ समानं धारणमस्याः साधारणी । अनेकं प्रत्यविशिष्टसंबन्धो भूम्यादिः । पृषोदरादित्वात्समानस्य सभावः । विभाषाप्रकरणादञभावे टाप् । आग्नीध्रा शाला । साधारणा भूमिः । नन्वञभावपक्षे समानस्य सभावेऽपि साधारण इत्येव स्यान्न त्वादिवृद्धिरिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । ‘साधारणादञ्’ इत्यत एव निपातनात्समानस्य सभावविधानाद्वा इष्टसिद्धिरिति ॥—देवतेति । तलन्तं स्त्रियाम्

Bālamanoramā

पादार्घाभ्यां च - पादार्धाभ्यां च ।तादर्थ्ये य॑दिति शेषः । अध्र्यमिति । अर्धार्थमुदकमिति विग्रहः । अर्ध — पूजा ।मूल्ये पूजाविधावर्धः॑ इत्यमरः । नवस्येति । वार्तिकमिदम् । एते प्रत्यया अत्यन्तस्वार्थिकाः । नवीनमिति । नवशब्दात्खप्रत्यये, तस्य ईनादेशे प्रकृतेर्नूभावे, ओर्गुणः, अवादेशः । नश्च पुराणे प्रादिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । चात्पूर्वोक्ता इति । त्नप्, तनप्, ख इत्यर्थः । प्रीणमिति । खे रूपम् । भागरूपेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । आग्नीध्रेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । आग्नीध्रमिति । अग्नीधः शरणम् — आग्नीध्रम् । ततः स्वार्थे अञि आग्नीध्रमेव । अनेकं प्रत्यविशिष्टसम्बन्धं साधारणमुच्यते । ततः स्वार्थे अञि साधारणमित्येव । अञ्विधेः प्रयोजनमाह — स्त्रिया ङीबिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tādarthye yat' is to be supplied (śeṣa) [from SK 2092]; arghya is analysed 'water for the argha', argha meaning worship (pūjā), citing Amara 'mūlye pūjāvidhāv arghaḥ'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for the gloss of argha.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2092.t1: on arghyam, 'mūlye pūjāvidhāv arghaḥ' (Amara). Followed, with BM, for glossing argha as 'respectful offering'.
commentary BM: 'navasya…' is a vārttika; these affixes are purely pleonastic (atyantasvārthika). navīnam: kha after nava, īna substituted for it, nū substituted for the base, then guṇa [of the u] by 'or guṇaḥ' (SK 847) and the substitute av. Recorded; the kaumudī gives the forms only.
commentary BM: 'naś ca purāṇe prāt' is a vārttika; 'cāt pūrvoktāḥ' means tnap, tanap and kha; prīṇam is the form with kha. Followed for the bracketed list in k5.
commentary TB: 'pūrvoktāḥ' means the affixes tnap, tanap and kha (OCR 'lap…' for tnap). Followed; agrees with BM.
commentary BM: āgnīdhram is 'the shelter of the agnīdh [priest]' and, with añ in its own sense, is still āgnīdhram; what is shared in the same way by many (anekaṃ prati aviśiṣṭasaṃbandham) is sādhāraṇa, and with añ it is still sādhāraṇam. The kaumudī states the purpose of the añ rule with 'striyāṃ ṅīp'. Followed: the English keeps 'In the feminine, ṅīp' as the point of the vārttika.
commentary TB: āgnīdhra was derived among the śaiṣika affixes by 'agnīdhaḥ śaraṇe raṇ bhaṃ ca' and is end-acute; añ comes after it in its own sense by this [vārttika], the result being initial acute accent; the kaumudī adds a further result with 'striyām'. With āgnīdhrī the qualified word is śālā. sādhāraṇī is 'she whose holding is common' (samānaṃ dhāraṇam asyāḥ), such as land, sa replacing samāna by the pṛṣodarādi class; where añ does not apply (the rule being in an optional section), ṭāp gives āgnīdhrā śālā, sādhāraṇā bhūmiḥ. Objection: in that case sādhāraṇa would lack the initial vṛddhi of a taddhita; reply: the result is secured by the nipātana in 'sādhāraṇād añ' itself, or by the direct prescription of sa for samāna. Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the feminine as the purpose, while TB adds the accent.
textual The digital source puts the whole of 'naś ca purāṇe prāt purāṇārthe vartamānāt praśabdān no vaktavyaḥ' in one vārttika block. The .work collation (batch18) and NSP p. 332 (scan) show the vārttika as 'naś ca purāṇe prāt' only (bold type, with no vārttika sign before it), followed by the gloss 'purāṇārthe vartamānāt praśabdān no vaktavyaḥ' in plain type as Bhaṭṭoji's prose; Wikisource agrees. The English marks the gloss off with '[That is,]'.
textual The source prefixes k3, k5, k7 and k9 with an editorial '(vārttikam)' tag, dropped in the English. NSP p. 332 (scan) marks 'navasya nū ādeśaḥ…', 'bhāgarūpanāmabhyo dheyaḥ' and 'āgnīdhrasādhāraṇād añ' with the vārttika sign before them; 'naś ca purāṇe prāt' is in vārttika type without the sign. The forms after each vārttika are Bhaṭṭoji's examples.
translator The bracketed '[Likewise]' before arghyam supplies the parallel analysis (arghārtham udakam) that BM spells out.

SK 2094 · A 5.4.26V

अतिथेर्ञ्यः ॥ २०९४ ॥

atitherñyaḥ

atither ñyaḥ — After atithi ('guest'), ñya comes [in the sense 'for the sake of that' (tādarthya) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'devatāntāt tādarthye yat' (SK 2092)].

Rule. After atithi "guest", ñya comes in the sense "for that". Bhaṭṭoji says "tādarthye still holds".

Example.

atithaye idam "this is for the guest" → atithi + ñya

→ vṛddhi a → ā; the final i deleted (SK 311) → ātithyam.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the base is the fourth-case word, atithaye "for the guest". This is the last rule on which the sense "for that" runs.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तादर्थ्ये इत्येव । अतिथय इदमातिथ्यम् ॥

'In the sense of tādarthya' (tādarthye) still holds. 'This is for the guest (atithaye idam)': ātithyam.

Bālamanoramā

अतिथेर्ञ्यः - अतिथेर्ञ्यः । तादर्थ्ये इत्येवेति । अतिथये इदमित्यर्थे अतिथिशब्दाच्चतुथ्र्यन्ताण्ण्यः लिङ्गातिक्रमात्स्त्रीत्वम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'tādarthye ity eva': in the sense 'this is for the guest', ñya comes after the word atithi ending in the fourth case (caturthyanta). Followed for reading 'atithaya idam' as atithaye + idam and for the anuvṛtti of 'tādarthye' in sutra_en.
textual Our BM (sk.2094.b1) ends '…caturthyantāṇ ṇyaḥ liṅgātikramāt strītvam', attaching 'feminine by transgression of gender' to ātithyam, which is neuter. The Wikisource BM (purva-3-2 p. 107) reads '…caturthyantāt ṇyaḥ syād ity arthaḥ. devāt tal. tādarthye iti nivṛttam. atyantasvārthiko 'yaṃ tal. devateti. svārthikatvena prakṛtiliṅgātikramāt strītvam': the gender remark belongs to devatā (SK 2095), and our BM has lost the words between by eye-skip. No TB on this sūtra (NSP p. 332 passes from SK 2093 to 'devatā', SK 2095). The scan collation (batch18) lists 2094 as clean.
textual The OCR of NSP p. 332 drops the sūtra header of SK 2094 and the words 'tādarthye ity eva', running 'atithaya idam ātithyam' onto SK 2093; the scan collation reports the print as agreeing with ours.

SK 2095 · A 5.4.27V

देवात्तल् ॥ २०९५ ॥

devāttal

devāt tal — After deva, tal [comes, wholly in the base's own sense (atyantasvārthika); 'tādarthye' (SK 2092) no longer runs on — BM].

Rule. After deva, tal comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it wholly svārthika. He says the sense "for that" has ceased here.

Example.

deva eva "the deva itself" → deva + tal → devatā.

Watch out. devatā is feminine, though deva is masculine. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note it. One says the svārthika affix oversteps its base's gender. This is the same word devatā that ended the base of SK 2092.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

देव एव देवता ॥

The deva itself: devatā.

translator notes

commentary BM on this sūtra, missing from our source, as printed in the Wikisource SK+BM edition (p. 933, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0107.txt): 'tādarthye' has ceased (nivṛtta); this tal is wholly svārthika (atyantasvārthika). On 'devatā': it is feminine because, being svārthika, it departs from the gender of its base. Followed for the bracketed sense and the cessation of 'tādarthye' in sutra_en.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2093.t1: on 'devatā': the tal-ending [word] is in the feminine. Recorded; it agrees with BM and is consistent with the English.
textual Our source has no Bālamanoramā block for this sūtra (the neighbouring sk.2094.b1 and sk.2096.b1 comment only on their own sūtras); BM is cited above from Wikisource. BM under SK 2092 (sk.2092.b1) also reports the Bhāṣya's derivation of deva from div 'in the sense of lordship', with tal after it in its own sense. The p29–42 collation finds the kaumudī clean against NSP p. 332.

SK 2096 · A 5.4.28V

अवेः कः ॥ २०९६ ॥

aveḥ kaḥ

aveḥ kaḥ — After avi, ka comes [in its own sense only (kevala-svārthika), as BM states].

Rule. After avi, ka comes. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says it is purely svārthika. Ka is heard as -ka and brings no vṛddhi.

Example.

avir eva "just avi" → avi + ka → avikaḥ.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji does not say which avi is meant. One of his commentators quotes a lexicon line that gives three senses: mountain, ram and sun.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अविरेवाविकः ॥

Just avi: avikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

अवेः कः - अवेः कः । अयमपि केवलस्वार्थिकः ।अवयः शैलमेषाऽर्काः॑ इत्यमरः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: this too is purely svārthika (kevalasvārthika); Amara has 'avayaḥ śailameṣārkāḥ' (avi = mountain, ram, sun). Followed for the bracket in sutra_en; the lexical citation is Recorded (the kaumudī does not say which sense of avi is meant, and the English leaves it open).
textual No TB on this sūtra (NSP p. 332: TB passes from 'devatā' of SK 2095 to 'varṇe cānitye', SK 2099). The scan collation (batch18) lists 2096 as clean.

SK 2097 · A 5.4.29V

यावादिभ्यः कन् ॥ २०९७ ॥

yāvādibhyaḥ kan

yāvādibhyaḥ kan — After yāva and the rest, kan comes [in their own sense].

Rule. After yāva and the words of its list, kan comes in their own sense.

Example.

yāva eva "just yāva" → yāva + kan → yāvakaḥ.

Likewise maṇikaḥ, from maṇi.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives two senses of yāva. It is either a dish made of barley, such as boiled grain, or lac. The next four rules also give kan, with lohita and kāla.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

याव एव यावकः । मणिकः ॥

Just yāva: yāvakaḥ. [Likewise] maṇikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

यावादिभ्यः कन् - यावादिभ्यः कन् । यावक इति । यवानामयं यावः=ओदनादिः, स एव यावकः । अलक्तकवृक्षो वा यावः, स एव यावकः ।यवोऽलक्तो द्रुमामयः॑ इत्यमरः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on yāvakaḥ: yāva is 'this [made] of barley grains' (yavānām ayam), boiled grain and the like, and that itself is yāvaka; or yāva is the lac-tree (alakta), and that itself is yāvaka; Amara (as our BM transmits it): 'yavo 'lakto drumāmayaḥ'. Recorded: the English leaves yāva unglossed, since BM offers two senses.
textual No TB on this sūtra (NSP p. 332: TB passes from SK 2095 to SK 2099). The scan collation (batch18) lists 2097 as clean.
translator The bracket '[in their own sense]' rests on the kaumudī's paraphrase 'yāva eva yāvakaḥ' ('just yāva'); no commentator states it for this sūtra.

SK 2098 · A 5.4.30V

लोहितान्मणौ ॥ २०९८ ॥

lohitānmaṇau

lohitān maṇau — After lohita ('red'), when [it refers to] a jewel (maṇi), [the affix kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2097 — comes, in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After lohita "red", when it refers to a jewel, kan comes in its own sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the affix kan.

Example.

lohita eva maṇiḥ "the red one itself, [being] a jewel" → lohita + kan → lohitakaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says only a ruby is meant. A crystal made red by a japā flower beside it is another matter. That falls under SK 2100.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लोहित एव मणिर्लोहितकः ॥

lohita ('red') itself, [being] a jewel (lohita eva maṇiḥ): lohitakaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

लोहितान्मणौ - लोहितान्मणौ । मणौ वर्तमानाल्लोहितशब्दात्स्वार्थे कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । माणिक्य मयो मणिरेवेह मणिर्विवक्षितः । यस्तु जपाकुसुमादिनिमित्तलौहित्यवान्स्फटिकमणिस्तस्य तु 'रक्ते' इत्युत्तरसूत्रेण सिद्धम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: kan comes in its own sense (svārthe) after the word lohita when it refers to a jewel. The jewel meant here is only one made of ruby (māṇikyamaya). A crystal (sphaṭika) that is red through a cause such as the japā flower is covered by the following rule 'rakte' (SK 2100). Followed for the bracketed kan and svārthe in sutra_en. The restriction to ruby is recorded, and the English keeps the kaumudī's plain 'jewel'.
translator BM names kan but not its source; identifying it as the kan of 'yāvādibhyaḥ kan' (SK 2097), carried forward, is the translator's inference.
textual The 1915 print agrees with our text, 'lohita eva maṇir lohitakaḥ' (NSP p. 332 scan, printed p. 322). Wikisource reads 'lohita eva lohitakaḥ maṇiḥ'. Our source carries no Tattvabodhinī for SK 2098: the TB under sk.2093.t1 ends at SK 2095, and the next TB, under sk.2099.t1, begins at SK 2099.

SK 2099 · A 5.4.31V

वर्णे चानित्ये ॥ २०९९ ॥

varṇe cānitye

varṇe cānitye — And [after lohita — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2098 — kan (SK 2097) comes, in the base's own sense (svārthe)] when [lohita denotes] a colour (varṇa) that is impermanent (anitya) [i.e. one that ceases while its bearer remains — BM, TB].

Rule. After lohita, kan comes when the word names an impermanent colour. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain "impermanent": the colour ends while its bearer lasts.

Example.

lohitakaḥ kopena "[Devadatta is] red with anger".

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika follows: lohitāl liṅgabādhanaṃ vā. After lohita, kan's blocking of the feminine affix is optional. So the feminine has two forms: lohitikā kopena and lohinikā kopena, "[she is] red with anger". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the steps.

Where kan blocks the feminine affix: lohita + kan → lohitaka

→ the feminine ṭāp, and i for the a before k (SK 463) → lohitikā.

Where it does not: the feminine of lohita is lohinī, with n for t (A 4.1.39) → lohinī + kan

→ the ī shortened before ka (SK 834) → lohinika → ṭāp → lohinikā.

Without the vārttika, he says, only lohitikā would result.

Watch out. Is a ruby's redness not also impermanent? It perishes with the ruby. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. A colour that lasts in its bearer from its origin to its end counts as permanent.

The same commentator defends the vārttika as a pointer to a wider principle. The other calls it unnecessary. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लोहितकः कोपेन । लोहिताल्लिङ्गबाधनं वा ॥ लोहितिका लोहिनिका कोपेन ॥

lohitakaḥ kopena — '[Devadatta or another is] red (lohitaka) with anger'. (vārttika) lohitāl liṅgabādhanaṃ vā — 'After lohita, the blocking of the gender [affix, by kan,] is optional.' lohitikā, lohinikā kopena — '[she is] red with anger'.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 332

—वर्णे चानित्ये । अनित्ये किम् । लोहितं रुधिरम् । लोहिता लाक्षा ॥ अनित्यत्वमिह समानाधिकरणध्वंसप्रतियोगित्वम् । अतएव ‘रक्ते’ इत्युत्तरसूत्रं सार्थकम् । लाक्षादिना रक्ते लौहित्यस्य यावदाश्रयमवस्थानेन नित्यतया पूर्वेणासिद्धेः ॥—लोहितक इति । कोपेन लोहितो यः पुरुषस्तस्मिन्नेव क्षणादूर्ध्वं कोपशान्तौ लोहितो नश्यतीति भवत्यत्रानित्यो वर्णः । ‘प्रातिपदिकात्तद्धितः’ इति पक्षस्य प्रतिपदविधानमात्रेणापवादत्वमिति पक्षस्य चाश्रयणे ‘वर्णादनुदात्तात्’ इत्यतः प्रागेव कनि कृते लोहितिकेति रूपं न स्यादित्याशङ्कायामाह—लिङ्गबाधनं वेति । लोहितादित्युपलक्षणम् । एतिका एनिकेत्यादेरपि संग्राह्यत्वात् । ‘सुबन्तात्तद्धिताः’ इति पक्षस्य ‘निरवकाशत्वमपवादत्वम्’ इति पक्षस्य च मुख्यत्वात्तदाश्रयणे तु ‘वर्णादनुदात्तात्’ इत्यस्यानन्तरमेव कनः प्रवृत्तेः कन्प्रत्ययस्य पुंलिङ्गे सावकाशतया निरवकाशत्वाभावाच्च वार्तिकमिदं न कर्तव्यम् । अत एव ङ्याब्ग्रहणं व्यर्थमिति स्वाम्पीति रूपं प्रबलमिति च मनोरमादावुक्तमिति दिक् ॥—उपाय इति । उपायशब्दष्ठकं लभते ह्रस्वत्वं चेत्यर्थः ॥ अकस्माच्छब्दोऽत्र पठ्यते स तु दान्तो न तु तान्तः । तेन कादेशो न ‘अव्ययानां भमात्रे टिलोपः’ आकस्मिकम्

Bālamanoramā

वर्णे चानित्ये - वर्णे चाऽनित्ये । अनित्ये वर्णे विद्यमानाल्लोहितशब्दात्स्वार्थे कन्स्यादित्यर्थः । अमण्यर्थमिदम् । लोहितकः कोपेनेति ।देवदत्तादि॑रिति शेषः । कोपनिमित्तकं देवदत्तादेर्लौहित्यमनित्यमेव, कोपाऽभावे तदभावात् । यद्यपि माणिक्यमणिलौहित्यमपि अनित्यमेव, माणिक्ये नष्टे तन्नाशात्, तथापि आश्रयद्रव्यस्य उत्पत्तिप्रभृति नाशपर्यन्तं यो वर्णो वर्तते, स वर्णो नित्य इत्यभिमतमिति न दोषः । स्यादेतत् ।लोहिनिका लोहितिका वा कोपेन॑ति स्त्रियां रूपद्वयमिध्यते । तत्र लोहितशब्दात्वर्णादनुदात्ता॑दिति नत्वसन्नियोगशिष्टं ङीपं परत्वात्स्वार्थिकतया अन्तरङ्गत्वाच्च बाधित्वा कनि कृते सति नत्वसन्नियोगशिष्टङीपो न प्रसक्तिः, कोपधत्वेन तोपधत्वाऽभावात् । ततश्च लोहितकशब्दात् 'अजाद्यतः' इति टापिप्रत्ययस्था॑दिति इत्त्वे लोहितिकेत्येव स्यान्नतु तत्र लोहिनिकेति । अत आह — लोहिताल्लिङ्गबाधनं वेति । वार्तिकमिदम् । लोहितशब्दात्परस्य स्त्रीलिङ्गबोधकप्रत्ययस्य कना बाधो वा स्यादित्यर्थः । असति तु कना ङीपो बाधे लोहिनीशब्दात्परस्य स्त्रीलिङ्गबोधकप्रत्ययस्य कना बाधो वा स्यादित्यर्थः । असति तु कना ङीपो बाधे लोहिताशब्दात्कनि 'केऽणः' इति ह्रस्वे कन्नन्ताट्टपि लोहिनिकेति सिध्यति । सति तु कना ङीपो बाधे लोहिताशब्दात्कनि 'केऽणः' इत#इ ह्रस्वे टापि लोहितिकेति भवति । ननुङ्याप् प्रातिपदिका॑दित्यत्र लिङ्गविशिष्टपरिभाषयैव सिद्धे ङ्याब्ग्रहणं ङ्याबन्तादेव तद्धिता भवन्ति, नतु ङ्याब्भ्यां प्रागित्येवमर्थमित्युक्तम् । एवंच ङीपः प्राक् कनः प्रसक्तेरेवाऽभावादिदं वार्तिकं व्यर्थमिति चेत्, अत एव वार्तिकाल्लिङ्गात्स्वार्थिकतद्धितेषु ङ्याब्ग्रहणं न संबध्यते । न चसुबन्तात्तद्धितोत्पत्ति॑रिति सिद्धान्तात् 'कुत्सिते' इति सूत्रस्थभाष्यरीत्या स्वार्थद्रव्यलिङ्गसङ्ख्याकारककुत्सादिप्रयुक्तकार्याणां क्रमिकतया ङ्याबन्तादेव सुपि ततः कनि रूपसिद्धेर्वचमिदं व्यर्थमिति वाच्यम्, कारककुत्सादिप्रयुक्तकार्याणां क्रमिकतया ङ्याबन्तादेव सुपि ततः कनि रूपसिद्धेर्वचनमिदं व्यर्थमिति वाच्यम्, अत एव स्वार्थिकतद्धितानां प्रातिपदिकादेव प्रवृत्तिविज्ञानादित्यन्यत्र विस्तरः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sense is that kan comes in its own sense after the word lohita occurring in [the sense of] an impermanent colour; this rule is for what is not a jewel (amaṇyartham). The redness of Devadatta and the like caused by anger is impermanent, since it is absent when the anger is absent. Although a ruby's redness is also impermanent, perishing with the ruby, a colour that lasts in its substrate from its origin to its destruction is intended as permanent, so there is no fault. Followed for the bracketed lohita, kan and 'svārthe' and for the gloss of 'impermanent' in sutra_en; 'devadattādiḥ' is supplied (śeṣa) with 'lohitakaḥ kopena', followed in k1.
commentary TB: why 'anitye'? lohitaṃ rudhiram ('red blood'), lohitā lākṣā ('red lac'). Impermanence here is being the counterpositive of a destruction occurring in the same substrate; that is why the next sūtra 'rakte' (SK 2100) has a purpose, since redness in what is dyed with lac etc. lasts as long as its substrate and so, being permanent, is not covered by this rule. In lohitaka, the redness of a man red with anger perishes a moment later when the anger subsides. Followed, agreeing with BM, for the gloss of 'impermanent' in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'lohitāl liṅgabādhanaṃ vā' is a vārttika: the blocking (bādha), by kan, of the affix that marks the feminine gender after the word lohita is optional. Without it only lohitikā would result: kan, being later (paratva) and, as svārthika, antaraṅga, would block the ṅīp (with n) of 'varṇād anudāttāt topadhāt to naḥ' (A 4.1.39); lohitaka then has k, not t, before its final, so that ṅīp cannot come, and ṭāp by 'ajādyataṣ ṭāp' with i by 'pratyayasthāt kāt…' gives lohitikā only. Where kan does not block ṅīp, kan after lohinī with shortening by 'ke 'ṇaḥ' and ṭāp gives lohinikā. BM then argues that, though the mention of ṅyāp in 'ṅyāp prātipadikāt' would make this vārttika useless, the vārttika itself is an indicator (liṅga) that the mention of ṅyāp is not connected with svārthika taddhitas, and that svārthika taddhitas are understood to apply from the prātipadika itself. Followed for 'the blocking of the gender [affix, by kan,]' and for labelling the sentence a vārttika; the derivation, which the kaumudī does not give, is Recorded only.
commentary TB: 'lohitāt' is an indication (upalakṣaṇa), since etikā, enikā and the like are also to be covered. The vārttika is prompted by the doubt that, on the view 'prātipadikāt taddhitaḥ' together with the view that an apavāda is such merely by specific prescription, kan would apply before 'varṇād anudāttāt', so that the [other] form would not result (NSP prints 'lohitiketi rūpaṃ na syāt', scan p. 332; the sense requires lohinikā, the form kan's blocking of ṅīp would prevent). But on the principal views, 'subantāt taddhitāḥ' and 'an apavāda is what has no other scope', kan applies only after 'varṇād anudāttāt' and, having scope in the masculine, is not without scope; so this vārttika need not be made; and for this very reason the Manoramā and other [works] state that the mention of ṅyāp is useless, and that [a certain] form is the stronger (the intervening words are garbled in the OCR). Recorded: TB holds the vārttika unnecessary, whereas BM defends it as an indicator; the English translates the vārttika without taking sides (§16).
translator BM names kan but not its source; identifying it as the kan of 'yāvādibhyaḥ kan' (SK 2097), and lohita as carried forward from SK 2098, is the translator's inference.
textual Our source runs 'lohitāl liṅgabādhanaṃ vā' into the kaumudī prose without a vārttika tag; NSP p. 332 (scan, per the p29–42 collation) marks it as a vārttika with its vārttika sign, and Wikisource numbers it as a vārttika. It is labelled (vārttika) in the English, as BM also calls it one.

SK 2100 · A 5.4.32V

रक्ते ॥ २१०० ॥

rakte

rakte — [kan (SK 2097) comes after lohita (SK 2098) when it is used of something] dyed (rakta).

Rule. After lohita, kan comes when the word is used of something dyed (rakta) with lac or the like.

Example.

lohitikā śāṭī or lohinikā śāṭī "a red-dyed sari".

Bhaṭṭoji says the vārttika liṅgabādhanaṃ vā of SK 2099 holds here too. So the feminine again has two forms.

Applies when / blocked by. Why a separate rule? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. A dyed cloth keeps its redness as long as the cloth lasts. So that colour is permanent, and SK 2099 would not reach it.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

लाक्षादिना रक्ते यो लोहितशब्दस्तस्मात्कन्स्यात् ॥

kan comes after the word lohita ('red') used of something dyed (rakta) with lac or the like.

vārttika

लिङ्गबाधनं वा इत्येव

[The vārttika] 'liṅgabādhanaṃ vā' ('optionally, the blocking of the gender [affix]', given under SK 2099) holds here too.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ लोहितिका लोहिनिका शाटी ॥

lohitikā, lohinikā śāṭī ('a red-dyed sari').

Bālamanoramā

रक्ते - रक्ते । लाक्षादिना रक्ते पटादौ लौहित्यस्य यावद्द्रव्यमवस्थानेन नित्यतया पूर्वेणाऽप्राप्तौ वचनम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: in a cloth or the like dyed with lac etc., the redness (lauhitya) remains as long as the substance lasts and is therefore permanent (nitya); so [kan] would not be obtained by the preceding [rule, 'varṇe cānitye', SK 2099], and this statement is made. Followed for 'used of something dyed' as a sense distinct from the impermanent colour of SK 2099.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2099.t1: for that very reason the following sūtra 'rakte' is purposeful, since in what is dyed with lac etc. the redness stays as long as its substrate and is permanent, so [kan] is not established by the preceding [rule]. Followed, agreeing with BM.
textual Our digital source files 'liṅgabādhanaṃ vā ity eva' as a vārttika block (k2) and opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)'. NSP p. 332 (scan collation, batch18, class M) prints 'liṅgabādhanaṃ vā ity eva' (after a double daṇḍa) without the vārttika sign, the quoted words 'liṅgabādhanaṃ vā' in bold vārttika type and 'ity eva' in plain type (scan p. 332): it is Bhaṭṭoji's anuvṛtti remark quoting the vārttika of SK 2099 (which the print marks with the sign there). The English therefore labels only the quoted words as the vārttika and leaves the '(vārttikam)' tag of k3 untranslated. The Wikisource SK has the same words with the reference 'vā 3322'.
translator The two feminines repeat those given under SK 2099, where the vārttika is introduced: lohitikā when kan blocks the feminine affix of lohita, lohinikā when it does not. The kaumudī gives no derivation here; the sources of kan (SK 2097) and lohita (SK 2098) in sutra_en are supplied from the kaumudī's own gloss in k1.

SK 2101 · A 5.4.33V

कालाच्च ॥ २१०१ ॥

kālācca

kālāc ca — And after kāla ('black'), [kan — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2097 — in its own sense (svārthe), when a non-permanent colour (varṇe cānitye, SK 2099) or [something] dyed (rakte, SK 2100) is meant, both carried forward (anuvṛtti)].

Rule. After kāla "black", kan comes. Bhaṭṭoji says the two rules before are both carried forward: varṇe cānitye (SK 2099) and rakte (SK 2100). So the black must be a passing colour or a dye.

Example.

A passing colour: kālakaṃ mukhaṃ vailakṣyeṇa "a face darkened by embarrassment".

A dye: kālakaḥ paṭaḥ "a cloth dyed black"; kālikā śāṭī "a sari dyed black".

kāla + kan → kālaka → in the feminine, i for the a before k (SK 463) → kālikā.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators pairs the examples with the two rules. He adds the causes: shame, jealousy and the like for the face, and indigo for the cloth.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

वर्णे चानित्ये SK 2099 रक्ते SK 2100 इति द्वयमनुवर्तते । कालकं मुखं वैलक्ष्येण । कालकः पटः । कालिका शाटी ॥

The two [rules] 'varṇe cānitye' (SK 2099) and 'rakte' (SK 2100) are carried forward (anuvṛtti) [into this rule]. kālakaṃ mukhaṃ vailakṣyeṇa ('a face darkened by embarrassment'). kālakaḥ paṭaḥ ('a cloth [dyed] black'). kālikā śāṭī ('a sari [dyed] black').

Bālamanoramā

कालाच्च - कालाच्च । द्व्यमनुवर्तत इति । अनित्ये वर्णे रक्ते च वर्तमानात्स्वार्थे कन्निति फलितम् । अनित्ये वर्णे उदाहरति — कालकं मुखं वैलक्ष्येणेति । लज्जाऽसूयादिनेत्यर्थः । रक्ते उदाहरति — कालकः पट इति ।नील्यादिने॑ति शेषः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: on 'the two are carried forward': the upshot is kan in the word's own sense (svārthe) after [kāla] standing for a non-permanent colour or for [something] dyed. He illustrates the non-permanent colour with 'kālakaṃ mukhaṃ vailakṣyeṇa', i.e. through shame, jealousy and the like; and [something] dyed with 'kālakaḥ paṭaḥ', supplying 'with indigo and the like' (nīlyādinā). Followed for the bracketed kan, 'svārthe' and the two senses in sutra_en, and for 'dyed' in k1; the glosses of the causes are Recorded.
textual No TB on this sūtra: sk.2099.t1 runs from SK 2099 straight on to 'upāya iti' (SK 2102).
translator BM names kan but not its source; identifying it as 'yāvādibhyaḥ kan' (SK 2097), continued through SK 2098–2100, is the translator's inference. The first example illustrates 'varṇe cānitye', the second and third 'rakte' (so BM for the first two).

SK 2102 · A 5.4.34V

विनयादिभ्यष्ठक् ॥ २१०२ ॥

vinayādibhyaṣṭhak

vinayādibhyaṣ ṭhak — After vinaya etc., ṭhak [in the base's own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After vinaya and the words of its list, ṭhak comes in their own sense.

Example.

vinaya eva "vinaya itself" → vinaya + ṭhak

→ ṭha → ika; vṛddhi i → ai; the final a deleted (SK 311) → vainayikaḥ.

Likewise sāmayikaḥ, from samaya.

Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra in the list adds one word: upāyo hrasvatvaṃ ca. Upāya takes ṭhak, and its long vowel is shortened.

upāya → upaya → upaya + ṭhak → vṛddhi u → au → aupayikaḥ.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the long vowel must be meant. Shortening a short vowel would be pointless.

Watch out. The other commentator adds a word from the list: ākasmikam, from akasmāt. Its ṭi goes by avyayānāṃ bhamātre ṭilopaḥ: an indeclinable loses its ṭi before a taddhita that makes it a bha stem.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

विनय एव वैनयिकः । सामयिकः ॥ (गणसूत्रम् -) उपायो ह्रस्वत्वं च ॥ औपयिकः ॥

vinaya itself: vainayikaḥ. sāmayikaḥ. (gaṇasūtra) 'upāya [takes ṭhak], and [its long vowel is] shortened (hrasvatva)': aupayikaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

विनयादिभ्यष्ठक् - विनयादिभ्यः । उपायाद्ध्रस्वत्वं चेति । गणसूत्रमिदम् । उपायशब्दात्स्वार्थे । ठक्, प्रकृतेदर्दीर्घस्य ह्रस्वत्वं चेत्यर्थः । ह्रस्वस्य ह्रस्वविधौ वैयथ्र्याद्दीर्घस्येति गम्यते । वाचो व्याहृतार्थायाम् ।इदमस्य वक्तव्य॑मिति दूतं प्रति योऽर्थ उच्यते स व्याहृतः,व्याहृतोऽर्थो यस्या इति विग्रहः । तदाह — संदिष्टार्थायामिति ।

translator notes

commentary BM cites the gaṇasūtra as 'upāyād dhrasvatvaṃ ca' and says it is a gaṇasūtra: after upāya, ṭhak in its own sense (svārthe), and shortening of the base's long vowel; that the long vowel is meant follows because prescribing a short vowel for a short one would be pointless. Followed for 'in the base's own sense (svārthe)' in sutra_en and for '[its long vowel is]' in k1. BM's wording of the gaṇasūtra, with 'upāyād' as a fifth-case word (pañcamyanta), differs from the kaumudī's 'upāyo', a first-case word (prathamānta); Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2099.t1 ('upāya iti'): the word upāya receives ṭhak and shortening. It adds that the word akasmāt read in this gaṇa ends in d, not t, so that [the ṭh of ṭhak] is not replaced by k; by 'avyayānāṃ bhamātre ṭilopaḥ' [the ṭi is deleted]: ākasmikam. Followed for the bracketed 'takes ṭhak'; the note on akasmāt is Recorded (the kaumudī does not cite the form).
textual The '(gaṇasūtram -)' tag is editorial; NSP p. 332 (printed 322) marks the line '(ga)' and reads 'upāyo hrasvatvaṃ ca' as ours does (collation batch18: markup only).

SK 2103 · A 5.4.35V

वाचो व्याहृतार्थायाम् ॥ २१०३ ॥

vāco vyāhṛtārthāyām

vāco vyāhṛtārthāyām — [ṭhak — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'vinayādibhyaṣ ṭhak' (SK 2102), as the kaumudī's gloss shows — comes in its own sense (svārthe)] after vāc ('speech') when [the speech] is one whose content has been dictated [for delivery] (vyāhṛtārthā).

Rule. After vāc "speech", ṭhak comes in its own sense. The speech must be vyāhṛtārthā: one whose content has been given as a message. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss names the affix ṭhak.

Example.

vāc + ṭhak → ṭha → ika; the first vowel is already ā → vācikam.

Bhaṭṭoji quotes a line: "A message-speech is [called] vācikam."

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains vyāhṛta. It is what is told to a messenger in the form "this is to be said to him". The other gives a counter-example: madhurā vāg devadattasya "Devadatta's speech is sweet". That speech carries no message, so no ṭhak comes.

Watch out. vācikam is neuter, though vāc is feminine. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites the principle that svārthika affixes sometimes go beyond their base's gender.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

संदिष्टार्थायां वाचि विद्यमानाद्वाक्शब्दात्स्वार्थे ठक् स्यात् । संदेशवाग् वाचिकं स्यात् ॥

After the word vāc, when it denotes speech whose content has been given as a message (saṃdiṣṭa), ṭhak comes in its own sense (svārthe). 'A message-speech (saṃdeśavāc) is [called] vācikam.'

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 332–333

—वाचो व्याहृता—। व्याहृतार्थायां किम् । मधुरा वा- ग्देवदत्तस्य ॥—वाचिकमिति । ‘अतिवर्तन्ते स्वार्थिकाः क्वचिल्लिङ्गम्’ इति नपुंसकत्वम् ॥—प्रज्ञ एवेति । प्रजानातीति प्रज्ञः । ‘इगुपधज्ञा’ इति कः । ततः स्वार्थेऽण् । प्राज्ञः ॥—प्राज्ञीति । ‘टिड्ढा—’ इति ङीप् । प्रज्ञानं प्राज्ञा । ‘आतश्चोपसर्गे’ इत्यङि टाप् । प्रज्ञा विद्यते यस्याः सा तु प्राज्ञा भवति । ‘प्रज्ञाश्रद्धार्चाभ्यः’ इति णः

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 333 १ बह्वल्पार्थादिति—अत्राल्पशब्देन स्तोकादीनामेव ग्रहणं न तदर्थैकशब्दस्य । तत्सत्त्वे मानाभावात् । सत्त्वेऽपि तत्रार्थे तस्याप्रसिद्धत्वेनाल्पार्थशब्देन न ग्रहणम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM, printed at the tail of sk.2102.b1: what is told to a messenger in the form 'this is to be said to him' is vyāhṛta; the compound is a bahuvrīhi, 'that whose content is vyāhṛta'; hence the kaumudī says 'saṃdiṣṭārthāyām'. Followed for 'speech whose content has been dictated / given as a message'.
commentary TB: why 'vyāhṛtārthāyām'? [Otherwise no ṭhak in] madhurā vāg devadattasya ('Devadatta's speech is sweet'). vācikam: neuter by the maxim 'svārthika affixes sometimes go beyond (the gender of the base)' (atīvartante svārthikāḥ kvacil liṅgam). Followed for keeping vācikam neuter against the feminine vāc.
translator The kaumudī's gloss shows that ṭhak applies but does not name its source, and neither BM nor TB states the anuvṛtti; tracing the ṭhak to 'vinayādibhyaṣ ṭhak' (SK 2102) is the translator's inference.
textual Our source has no BM block for this unit; BM on it is printed at the end of sk.2102.b1 ('vāco vyāhṛtārthāyām … tad āha — saṃdiṣṭārthāyām iti'). sk.2103.t1 runs on past this sūtra into TB on SK 2106 (from 'prajña eveti' onward).
textual The NSP editorial footnote filed under sk.2103.n1 (NSP p. 333), on 'bahvalpārthāt', belongs to SK 2109 and does not bear on this unit.
textual Our text and NSP p. 332 (OCR; batch18 collation: clean) read 'ṭhak syāt … saṃdeśavāg vācikaṃ syāt' without attribution. The Wikisource text of the kaumudī reads 'ṭhak ca syāt' and adds 'ity amaraḥ' after the half-line, identifying it as a quotation of the Amarakośa. Not adopted; the English leaves the line unattributed and marks it only as a quoted statement.

SK 2104 · A 5.4.36V

तद्युक्तात् कर्मणोऽण् ॥ २१०४ ॥

tadyuktāt karmaṇo'ṇ

tadyuktāt karmaṇo 'ṇ — After karman ('action') connected with that [i.e. with the message (vācika) of SK 2103], aṇ comes [in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After karman "action", aṇ comes in its own sense. The action must be connected with that message (vācika).

Example.

karmaiva "just the action" → karman + aṇ

→ vṛddhi a → ā; the ṭi an kept by an (SK 1155) → kārmaṇam.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: an action performed after hearing a message.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason the ṭi stays. The base "stays as it is" (prakṛtibhāva) by an (SK 1155), so its ṭi is not deleted. He adds that the action is done exactly so, after hearing the envoy's words.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कर्मैव कार्मणम् । वाचिकं श्रुत्वा क्रियमाणं कर्मेत्यर्थः ॥

Just karman: kārmaṇam. The meaning is: an action performed after hearing a message (vācika).

Bālamanoramā

तद्युक्तात् । संदिष्टार्थया दूतवाचा यत्प्रयुक्तं कर्म तदभिधायिनः कर्मन्शब्दात्स्वार्थे अण्णित्यर्थः । कर्मैव कार्मणमिति ।अ॑न्निति प्रकृतिभावान्न टिलोपः । दूतवाक्यं श्रुत्वा तथैव यत्क्रियते कर्म तत्कार्मणमुच्यते । तदाह — वाचिकं श्रुत्वेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM on this sūtra, formerly filed under sk.1985.b1 (p41), is now filed here as sk.2104.b1 (re-filed 2026-10-05); it has not yet been collated with this note, which follows the Wikisource BM (purva-3-2 p. 109): after the word karman denoting an action prompted by an envoy's speech with an entrusted message (saṃdiṣṭārthā), aṇ comes in its own sense (svārthe); in kārmaṇam there is no deletion of the ṭi because of the retention of the base form (prakṛtibhāva) by 'an' [A 6.4.167]; the action done exactly so after hearing the envoy's words is called kārmaṇa. Followed for the brackets in sutra_en.
textual No TB on this sūtra (NSP p. 333: TB passes from 'vācikam' of SK 2103 to 'prajña eva', SK 2106). The scan collation (batch18) lists 2104 as clean.

SK 2105 · A 5.4.37V

ओषधेरजातौ ॥ २१०५ ॥

oṣadherajātau

oṣadher ajātau — After oṣadhi, when it does not denote a species (jāti), [the affix aṇ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2104 — comes, in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After oṣadhi "plant", aṇ comes in its own sense. The word must not name a species (jāti).

Example.

oṣadhi + aṇ → vṛddhi o → au; the final i deleted (SK 311) → auṣadham.

auṣadhaṃ pibati "he drinks medicine".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "not naming a species"? Bhaṭṭoji's counter-example is oṣadhayaḥ kṣetre rūḍhāḥ "the plants have sprung up in the field". There oṣadhi names a kind of plant, so no aṇ comes.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains both. The medicine drunk is a powder of dry ginger, pepper and the like, mixed with water. That is not a species. The plants in the field are grain crops such as rice.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

स्वार्थेऽण् । औषधं पिबति । अजातौ किम् । ओषधयः क्षेत्रे रूढाः ॥

aṇ [comes] in its own sense (svārthe): auṣadhaṃ pibati — 'he drinks medicine (auṣadha)'. Why 'when it does not denote a species'? oṣadhayaḥ kṣetre rūḍhāḥ — 'the plants (oṣadhi) have sprung up in the field'.

Bālamanoramā

ओषधेरजातौ - ओषधेरजातौ । औषधं पिबतीति । शुण्ठीमरीचादिचूर्णमबादिद्रव्यसंसृष्टं विवक्षितम् । तस्य न जातिवचनत्वमिति भावः । क्षेत्रे रूढा इति । उत्पन्ना इत्यर्थः । शाल्यादिसस्यात्मका इति फलितम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM on 'auṣadhaṃ pibati': what is meant is a powder of dry ginger, pepper and the like mixed with water or some other substance, and that is not a word for a species (jātivacana). On 'kṣetre rūḍhāḥ': rūḍhāḥ means 'sprung up' (utpannāḥ), and the plants are grain crops such as rice. Followed for 'sprung up'. The 'medicine' of k1 is consistent with BM's gloss.
translator The kaumudī's 'svārthe 'ṇ' shows the affix but not its source, and BM does not name one; tracing the aṇ to SK 2104 as anuvṛtti is the translator's inference.
textual Our source carries no Tattvabodhinī for SK 2105: the TB under sk.2103.t1 runs on to SK 2106 ('prajña eva', 'prājñī') with no comment on SK 2105.

SK 2106 · A 5.4.38V

प्रज्ञादिभ्यश्च ॥ २१०६ ॥

prajñādibhyaśca

prajñādibhyaś ca — And after prajña etc., [aṇ in the base's own sense (svārthe) is to be supplied (śeṣa), BM].

Rule. After prajña "knowing" and the words of its list, aṇ comes in its own sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies "svārthe 'ṇ".

Example.

prajña eva "the knowing one himself" → prajña + aṇ

→ vṛddhi a → ā; the final a deleted (SK 311) → prājñaḥ.

In the feminine, ṅīp, since the stem ends in aṇ (SK 470): prājñī strī "a knowing woman".

Bhaṭṭoji also gives daivataḥ and bāndhavaḥ, without naming their bases.

Watch out. Do not confuse prājñī with prājñā. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the second. "She who has wisdom (prajñā)" takes a different affix, ṇa. It is heard as -a, and its ṇ is a marker that brings vṛddhi (SK 1075). Then ṭāp follows. So she is prājñā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रज्ञ एव प्राज्ञः । प्राज्ञी स्त्री । दैवतः । बान्धवः ॥

prajña ('knowing') itself: prājñaḥ. prājñī strī ('a knowing woman'). daivataḥ. bāndhavaḥ.

Bālamanoramā

प्रज्ञादिभ्यश्च - प्रज्ञादिभ्यश्च ।स्वार्थे॑ऽणिति शेषः । प्राज्ञ इति । प्रजानातीति प्रज्ञः ।इगुपधज्ञे॑ति कः । प्रज्ञशब्दात्स्वार्थे अण् । प्राज्ञीति । अण्णन्तत्वान्ङीप् । प्रज्ञाअस्यास्तीति विग्रहे तुप्रज्ञाश्रद्धार्चाभ्यः॑ इति णाऽन्ताट्टापि प्राज्ञेति रूपम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'svārthe 'ṇ' is to be supplied (iti śeṣaḥ). prājñaḥ: prajña is 'one who knows' (prajānāti), with ka by 'igupadhajñā…'; from prajña, aṇ in its own sense. prājñī: ṅīp, because the stem ends in aṇ. But in the analysis 'she has wisdom (prajñā)', ṇa by 'prajñāśraddhārcābhyaḥ' followed by ṭāp gives prājñā. Followed for the bracketed supplement in sutra_en and for the gloss 'knowing' in k1; the contrast prājñī / prājñā is Recorded.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2103.t1: prajña from prajānāti with ka by 'igupadhajñā…', then aṇ svārthe: prājñaḥ. prājñī: ṅīp by 'ṭiḍḍhā…'. The noun prajñā is from pra + jñā with aṅ by 'ātaś copasarge' and ṭāp; one who has prajñā is prājñā, by ṇa under 'prajñāśraddhārcābhyaḥ'. Agrees with BM; Recorded.
translator BM says only that 'svārthe 'ṇ' is to be supplied; that this is the aṇ of SK 2104 (continued through SK 2105) is the translator's inference and is not added to sutra_en.
translator The kaumudī does not name the bases of daivataḥ and bāndhavaḥ; they are presumably devatā and bandhu of the prajñādi list (translator's inference, not added to the English).

SK 2107 · A 5.4.39V

मृदस्तिकन् ॥ २१०७ ॥

mṛdastikan

mṛdas tikan — tikan [comes] after mṛd ('earth') [in its own sense (svārthe)].

Rule. After mṛd "earth", tikan comes in its own sense. Tikan is heard as -tika.

Example.

mṛd eva "just earth" → mṛd + tikan

→ the n is an it → mṛd + tika

→ d before t becomes t (SK 121) → mṛttika

→ the feminine ṭāp → mṛttikā.

Bhaṭṭoji gives only the result; the d → t change and the ṭāp are left implicit.

Watch out. The i is written into the affix itself. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators asks why, since SK 463 would supply it before ṭāp anyway. He gives two reasons. It is simpler, and the i is then heard even when ṭāp is deleted by luk. His example is pañcamṛttikaḥ paṭaḥ "a cloth bought for five mṛttikās".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मृदेव मृत्तिका ॥

Just mṛd ('earth') is mṛttikā.

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 333

—मृदस्तिकन् । ‘प्रत्ययस्थात्’ इत्येव सिद्धे इकारोच्चारणं प्रक्रियालाघवार्थं, टापो लुक्यपि श्रवणार्थं च । पञ्चभिर्मृत्तिकाभिः क्रीतः पञ्चमृत्तिकः पटः ॥—सस्नौ—। इह ‘प्रशंसायां रूपप्’ इत्यस्यानन्तरं ‘वृकज्येष्ठाभ्यां तिल्तातिलौ च छन्दसि’ । ‘मृदः सस्नौ’ ‘तिकंश्च’ इति वक्तुमुचितम् ॥ न चैवं सस्नाविव तिकन् प्रत्ययोऽपि प्रशंसायामेवेत्यतिप्रसङ्गः । ‘तिकंश्च’ इत्यत्र ‘प्रशंसायाम्’ इति निवृत्तमिति कल्पनायां मानाभावादिति वाच्यम् । ‘मृदः सस्नतिकनः’ इति वक्तव्ये तिकनः पृथक्करणस्यैव तत्र मानत्वात् ॥—प्रशस्ता मृदिति । ‘मृन्मृत्तिका प्रशस्ता तु मृत्सा मृत्स्ना च मृत्तिका’ इत्यमरः

translator notes

commentary TB: although [the i] would be obtained by 'pratyayasthāt…' (SK 463) alone, the i is pronounced [in tikan] for economy in the derivation, and so that it is heard even when ṭāp is deleted by luk: pañcabhir mṛttikābhiḥ krītaḥ pañcamṛttikaḥ paṭaḥ ('a cloth bought for five mṛttikās'). Recorded; the kaumudī gives only the result. The rest of sk.2107.t1 (from 'sasnau' onward) is TB on SK 2108.
textual Our source has no BM block for this unit, and none is misfiled under the neighbouring units. The Wikisource BM (purva-3-2, p. 110) has a one-line gloss here, 'mṛdaśabdāt svārthe tikan ity arthaḥ' ('tikan in its own sense after the word mṛd'). The bracketed svārthe in sutra_en rests on the kaumudī's 'mṛd eva' and agrees with that gloss.

SK 2108 · A 5.4.40V

सस्नौ प्रशंसायाम् ॥ २१०८ ॥

sasnau praśaṃsāyām

sasnau praśaṃsāyām — sa and sna [come in their own sense (svārthe) after mṛd ('earth') — supplied, BM —] when praise (praśaṃsā) is meant.

Rule. When praise (praśaṃsā) is meant, sa and sna come in their own sense. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies the base mṛd "earth". Bhaṭṭoji calls them an apavāda of rūpap (SK 2021), the general affix of praise.

Example.

praśastā mṛd "praised earth" → mṛd + sa

→ d before s becomes t (SK 121) → mṛtsa

→ the feminine ṭāp → mṛtsā.

mṛd + sna → likewise → mṛtsnā.

Bhaṭṭoji gives only the results; these steps are left implicit.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says this injunction is nitya, obligatory. The reason is the next sūtra, which says anyatarasyām "optionally". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators agrees. He adds that mere mṛd does not convey praise.

Watch out. The other commentator reports a contrary view. Sa and sna are not in the Bhāṣya's list of obligatory svārthika affixes. So, "they say", they should be optional. Scholars discuss this. The next sūtra in Pāṇini's order is a Vedic rule, taught in the Vedic section (SK 3504).

Siddhānta-kaumudī

रूपपोऽपवादः । प्रशस्ता मृत् मृत्सा । मृत्स्ना । उत्तरसूत्रेऽन्यतरस्यांग्रहणान्नित्योऽयम् ॥

[This is] an apavāda of rūpap [taught by 'praśaṃsāyāṃ rūpap' (SK 2021)]. Praised earth (praśastā mṛd): mṛtsā; mṛtsnā. Because 'anyatarasyām' ('optionally') is stated in the next sūtra, this [injunction] is obligatory (nitya).

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 333

— नित्योऽयमिति । मृदित्येतावदुक्ते प्रशस्तत्वानवगमाद्विभाषात्र नानुवर्तते इति सस्नावित्ययं विधिर्नित्य एव । उत्तरसूत्रस्थान्यतरस्यांग्रहणात्तु सुतरामिति भावः

Bālamanoramā

सस्नौ प्रशंसायाम् - सस्नौ । प्रशस्तायां मृदि वर्तमानान्मृच्छब्दात्स्वार्थे स स्न एतौ प्रत्ययौ स्त इत्यर्थः । रूपप इति ।प्रशंसायां रूपबि॑ति विहितस्येत्यर्थः । नित्योऽयमिति । सस्नविधिरित्यर्थः । वस्तुतस्तुञ्यादयः प्राग्वुनः॑ इत्यादिपरिगणितेष्वनयोः प्रत्ययोरनन्तर्भावादनित्यत्वमेवाऽनयोरुचितमित्याहुः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: the sense is that the two affixes sa and sna come in their own sense (svārthe) after the word mṛd when it denotes praised earth. Followed for the bracketed mṛd and svārthe.
translator BM supplies mṛd but does not state an anuvṛtti; that mṛd continues from 'mṛdas tikan' (SK 2107) is the translator's inference.
commentary BM: 'rūpapaḥ' means [the rūpap] prescribed by 'praśaṃsāyāṃ rūpap'; 'nityo 'yam' means the injunction of sa and sna. BM then adds a contrary view: 'In fact, since these two affixes are not included among those enumerated in "ñyādayaḥ prāg vunaḥ" etc., their being non-obligatory (anitya) is proper, they say (āhuḥ).' Followed for 'this [injunction]' and for '[taught by …]'; the dissenting view is recorded (§16) and not reflected in the English, which renders the kaumudī's nitya.
commentary TB: 'nityo 'yam': since praise is not understood when merely 'mṛd' is said, vibhāṣā is not carried forward here, and so this injunction of sa and sna is obligatory; and all the more so because of 'anyatarasyām' in the next sūtra. TB supports the kaumudī's nitya and does not mention BM's dissent. Recorded (BM and TB differ on the final view; the English renders the kaumudī neutrally).
commentary TB on this sūtra, printed under sk.2107.t1: after 'praśaṃsāyāṃ rūpap' it would have been proper to state 'vṛkajyeṣṭhābhyāṃ tiltātilau ca chandasi' (SK 3504; NSP p. 333 scan; our OCR has 'vṛkṣa-'), 'mṛdaḥ sasnau', 'tikaṃś ca'. Nor should it be objected that tikan too would then be restricted, like sa and sna, to praise, there being no proof that 'praśaṃsāyām' ceases in 'tikaṃś ca'; for the very stating of tikan separately, when 'mṛdaḥ sasnatikanaḥ' could have been said, is that proof. On 'praśastā mṛd': Amara, 'mṛn mṛttikā praśastā tu mṛtsā mṛtsnā ca mṛttikā'. Recorded; does not affect the English.

SK 2109 · A 5.4.42V

बह्वल्पार्थाच्छस् कारकादन्यतरस्याम् ॥ २१०९ ॥

bahvalpārthācchas kārakādanyatarasyām

bahvalpārthāc chas kārakād anyatarasyām — After [a word] meaning bahu 'much, many' or alpa 'little, few', when it denotes a kāraka, śas [comes] optionally [in its own sense (svārthe), BM].

Rule. After a word meaning "much, many" (bahu) or "little, few" (alpa), śas optionally comes. The word must denote a kāraka. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds "in its own sense".

Example.

bahūni dadāti "he gives many [things]" → bahu + śas → bahuśaḥ [dadāti].

alpāni "few [things]" → alpaśaḥ.

Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra says "meaning" (artha). So words of the same meaning count too: bhūriśaḥ. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say this. One of them adds that any kāraka will do: bahubhyo dadāti "he gives to many" → bahuśaḥ too. He also gives two counter-examples. gāṃ dadāti "he gives a cow" has no word for much or few. bahūnāṃ svāmī "owner of many" is a sixth case, not a kāraka.

A vārttika narrows the rule. Śas comes only where the auspicious or the inauspicious is expressed. So it does not come in bahūni dadāty aniṣṭeṣu "he gives much on unwelcome occasions". Nor in alpaṃ dadāty ābhyudayikeṣu "he gives little on occasions for prosperity".

Watch out. How these counter-examples fit the vārttika's wording is a point scholars discuss. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators would read the vārttika as "auspicious" alone.

Our text of the Kaumudī reads bahvalpārthan at the start of the vārttika. The 1915 printed edition reads bahvalpārthān, "after [a word] meaning much or few". We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

बहूनि ददाति बहुशः । अल्पानि अल्पशः ।

bahūni dadāti 'he gives many [things]': bahuśaḥ [dadāti]. alpāni 'few [things]': alpaśaḥ.

vārttika

बह्वल्पार्थन्मङ्गलामङ्गलवचनम्

(vārttika) [śas] after [a word] meaning bahu or alpa [comes only] where the auspicious or the inauspicious is expressed (maṅgalāmaṅgalavacanam).

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ नेह । बहूनि ददात्यनिष्टेषु । अल्पं ददात्याभ्युदयिकेषु ॥

Not here: bahūni dadāty aniṣṭeṣu 'he gives much on unwelcome occasions'; alpaṃ dadāty ābhyudayikeṣu 'he gives little on occasions for prosperity'.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 333

—बह्वल्पार्थात्—॥—बहूनीति । बहुभ्यो ददाति बहुशः, अल्पेभ्य अल्पश इत्याद्यपि बोध्यम् ॥ बह्वल्पार्थात्किम् । गां ददाति । अश्वं ददाति ॥ अर्थग्रहणात्पर्यायेभ्यो विशेषेभ्यश्च । भूरिशो ददाति । त्रिशः ॥ कारकात्किम् । बहूनां स्वामी, अल्पानां स्वामी ॥—मङ्गलवचनमिति । ‘बहुशो ददात्याभ्युदयिकेषु कर्मसु । अल्पशो ददात्यनिष्टेषु’ । आभ्युदयिकेषु बहुदानम् अनिष्टेष्वल्पदानं च मङ्गलम् । तद्वैपरीत्येन दानं तु मङ्गलं न भवतीत्याशयेनाह—नेहेति ॥—अनिष्टेष्विति । भयादिनिमित्तेषु दानेषु ॥—आभ्युदयिकेष्विति । आभ्युदयप्रयोजनेष्वभ्याधेयादिषु । मूलपुस्तके तु ‘मङ्गलामङ्गलवचनम्’ इति प्रायेण पठ्यते । तत्रामङ्गलग्रहणं वृथेत्याहुः । प्रायिकं चैतन्मङ्गलवचनमन्यत्रापि हि दृश्यते ‘अपेतापोढमुक्तपतितापत्रस्तैरल्पशः’ इति । कारकत्वं तु समसनक्रियां प्रति पञ्चम्याः कर्मत्वात्तदभिधायकत्वाच्चाल्पशब्दस्य । तथा च व्याचक्षते । अल्पा पञ्चमी समस्यत इति । आचार्येणेति शेषः

Bālamanoramā

बह्वल्पार्थाच्छस् कारकादन्यतरस्याम् - बह्वल्पार्थादिति । वार्तिकमिदम् । मङ्गलाऽमङ्गले गम्ये एवायं शसित्यर्थः । बहूनि ददात्यनिष्टेष्विति । भयादिनिमित्तेष्वित्यर्थः । अल्पं ददात्याभ्युदयिकेष्विति । अभ्युदयः=श्रेयः, तत्प्रयोजनकेष्विष्टापूर्तेष्वित्यर्थः । आभ्युदयिकेषु बहुदानम्, अनिष्टेषु अल्पदानं च मङ्गलम् । तद्विपरीतदानं त्वमङ्गलमिति भावः । अर्थग्रहणाद्भूरिशो ददाति, स्तोकशो ददाति इत्याद्यप्युदाहार्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM (Wikisource print, purva-3-2 p. 0110; our sk.2109.b1 begins only at the vārttika): 'and after a word meaning bahu or alpa that denotes a kāraka, the affix śas optionally comes in its own sense (svārthe)'. Followed for the bracketed svārthe in sutra_en.
commentary TB: bahubhyo dadāti bahuśaḥ, alpebhya alpaśaḥ and the like are also to be understood (i.e. any kāraka). Why 'bahvalpārthāt'? gāṃ dadāti, aśvaṃ dadāti. Because of the word artha, synonyms and particular [words] are also taken: bhūriśo dadāti, triśaḥ. Why 'kārakāt'? bahūnāṃ svāmī, alpānāṃ svāmī. Followed for 'when it denotes a kāraka' and for 'meaning' (artha) in sutra_en.
commentary BM: this is a vārttika; the śas comes only when the auspicious or the inauspicious is to be understood. aniṣṭeṣu means 'on occasions caused by fear and the like'; ābhyudayikeṣu means 'on sacrificial and charitable works (iṣṭāpūrta) whose purpose is welfare (abhyudaya)'. Giving much on occasions for welfare and little on unwelcome occasions is auspicious; the reverse giving is inauspicious. Because of 'artha', bhūriśo dadāti, stokaśo dadāti etc. are also to be cited. Followed for the restrictive '[comes only]' in k2, on which the kaumudī's 'neha' depends; the English keeps the vārttika's reading as transmitted.
commentary TB reads the vārttika as 'maṅgalavacanam': 'bahuśo dadāty ābhyudayikeṣu karmasu, alpaśo dadāty aniṣṭeṣu'; giving much on occasions for welfare and little on unwelcome occasions is auspicious, giving the reverse way is not, which is why the kaumudī says 'neha'. In the mūla copies 'maṅgalāmaṅgalavacanam' is mostly read, and there the word amaṅgala is useless (vṛthā), they say. The restriction to the auspicious is only general (prāyika), for alpaśaḥ is found elsewhere too, as in 'apetāpoḍhamuktapatitāpatrastair alpaśaḥ'. TB adds that alpaśaḥ there is a kāraka because the fifth case is the object of the compounding action. Recorded; the English renders the transmitted reading without deciding (§16).
textual The source reads 'bahvalpārthan…' (short a); the .work collation (batch18) and NSP p. 333 (scan) read 'bahvalpārthān…', with the vārttika sign before it, and Wikisource agrees. The English renders -ārthāt. The source's '(vārttikam)' tag at the head of k3 is editorial and is dropped. The print reads 'maṅgalāmaṅgalavacanam' like ours.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.2103.n1 (p. 333, scan): on 'bahvalpārthāt', the word alpa here takes in only stoka and the like, not the word eka in that sense, since there is no evidence for [such a usage]; and even if there were, since it is not well known in that sense, it is not taken by 'alpārtha'. The TB at sk.2109.t1 reads 'vṛddhety āhuḥ' in the OCR where the scan has 'vṛthety āhuḥ'.
translator The counter-examples in k3 pair bahu with an unwelcome occasion and alpa with one for prosperity, so the vārttika could also be read respectively (bahu with reference to an auspicious occasion, alpa with reference to an inauspicious one). Neither commentator reads it that way, and the English does not adopt it. The two commentators differ over the reading itself: BM glosses both terms, TB would drop amaṅgala; the English stays neutral between them.

SK 2110 · A 5.4.43V

संख्यैकवचनाच्च वीप्सायाम् ॥ २११० ॥

saṃkhyaikavacanācca vīpsāyām

saṃkhyaikavacanāc ca vīpsāyām — And after a number word (saṃkhyā) or [a word] expressing a single [thing] (ekavacana), [when it denotes a kāraka — 'kārakāt' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2109, as the kaumudī's 'kārakād ity eva' states —] śas [(SK 2109) comes, optionally (vā) — supplied, BM] when distribution (vīpsā) [is meant].

Rule. Śas optionally comes in a distributive sense (vīpsā). It comes after a number-word, or after an ekavacana, a word expressing a single thing. Bhaṭṭoji says "kārakāt still holds": the word must denote a kāraka.

Example.

dvau dvau dadāti "he gives two at a time" → dvi + śas → dviśaḥ.

māṣaṃ māṣaṃ [dadāti] "[he gives] a māṣa at a time" → māṣaśaḥ.

Likewise prasthaśaḥ, a prastha at a time.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji explains ekavacana. Words of quantity (parimāṇa), such as māṣa and prastha, are always single in sense inside the derived word. Those are the words meant.

He then gives three counter-examples.

ghaṭaṃ ghaṭaṃ dadāti "he gives pot after pot": ghaṭa is neither a number nor a quantity-word.
dvau dadāti "he gives two": no distribution.
dvayor dvayoḥ svāmī "owner of every two": no kāraka.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains the doubling. In dvau dvau dadāti the word is doubled for distribution. In dviśaḥ there is no doubling, since śas itself expresses the distribution.

Watch out. The restriction to quantity-words is the view of Jayāditya, both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report. Vāmana found no authority for it. He lets śas come after a genus-word too, when it is single in sense: kuṇḍaśo dadāti. For him, ekavacana only shuts out ghaṭau ghaṭau dadāti "he gives two pots at a time".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्वौ द्वौ ददाति द्विशः । माषं माषं माषशः । प्रस्थशः । परिमाणशब्दा वृत्तावेकार्था एव । संख्यैकवचनात्किम् । घटं घटं ददाति । वीप्सायां किम् । द्वौ ददाति । कारकादित्येव । द्वयोर्द्वयोः स्वामी ॥

dvau dvau dadāti — 'he gives two at a time': dviśaḥ. māṣaṃ māṣam [dadāti] — '[he gives] a māṣa at a time': māṣaśaḥ. prasthaśaḥ. Words of quantity (parimāṇa) are invariably single in sense (ekārtha) in the derivative (vṛtti). Why 'after a number word or [a word] expressing a single [thing]'? ghaṭaṃ ghaṭaṃ dadāti ('he gives pot after pot'). Why 'when distribution [is meant]'? dvau dadāti ('he gives two'). 'kārakāt' still applies (ity eva): dvayor dvayoḥ svāmī ('owner of every two').

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 333–334

—परिमाणशब्दा इति । तथा चैकवचनग्रहणेन एकोऽर्थं उच्यते येनेत्यर्थकेन वृत्तावेकार्थतानियताः परिमाणशब्दा एव गृह्यन्त इति भावः ॥—मात्रं माषमिति । माषदातेत्युक्ते माषमाषमात्रस्य हिरण्यादेर्दातेति प्रतीयते, न तु माषाणामिति प्रतीतिरिति भवत्ययं वृत्तावेकार्थतानियमः ॥ एवं प्रस्थादिरपि ॥ घटादयस्तु नैवम् । घटदातेत्युक्ते तु घटानां दातेत्यर्थस्यापि प्रतीयमानलात् । अत एव च प्रत्युदाहरति—घटं घटमिति । घटादयो हि जातिशब्दा नैकार्था भवन्ति जातियोगस्यैकानेकसाधारणलात्, किं लभेदैकलसंख्यामुपाददते । एतच्च सर्वं जयादित्यमतानुसारेणोक्तम् ॥ वामनमते जातिशब्देभ्योऽपि भवत्येव । तथा च ‘जश्शसोः’ इति सूत्रे तेनोक्तम् ‘जसा सह चरितस्य शसो ग्रहणादिह न भवति । ‘कुण्डशो ददाति वनशः प्रविशति’ इति, तस्यायमाशयः—जातिशब्दोऽपि यद्यर्थप्रकरणादिना वृत्तावेकार्थो भवति, तदा भवत्येव ततोऽपि शसिति ॥ अथ कथम् ‘एकैकशः पितृसंयुक्तान्’ इति द्विर्वचनशसोः सह प्रयोग इति चेत् । छन्दोवद्दृषयः कुर्वन्तीति हरदत्तः । अतएव ‘सुपः’ इति सूत्रे एकैकश इति प्राचो ग्रन्थः प्रामादिक इत्यवोचामेति मनोरमायां स्थितम् ॥ वस्तुतस्तु एकैकमेव एकैकशः । स्वार्थे शस्, न तु वीप्सायां ‘एकां कपिलामेकैकशः सहस्रकृत्वो दत्त्वा’ इति भाष्यादिति ‘तान्येकवचन’ इत्यादिसूत्रे वक्ष्यामः ॥—द्वौ ददातीति । कथं तर्हि—‘अत्रतानाममन्त्राणां जातिमात्रोपजीविनाम् । सहस्रशः समेतानां परिषत्त्वं न विद्यते’ इति । न ह्यत्र वीप्सास्ति, नापि कारकलमिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । सहस्रं सहस्रं ये समेतास्तेषामपि परिषत्त्वं नेत्यर्थः ॥ तथा च समवायक्रियां प्रति कर्तृत्वं वीप्सा चास्त्येवेति ॥ एतेन ‘एकश एकवचनादिसंज्ञानि स्युः इति व्याख्यातम् । एकशब्दार्थस्यास्तिक्रियां प्रति कर्तृत्वात्

Footnotes (NSP 1915 ed.)

NSP p. 334 १ अभूततद्भाव इति—गम्यमाने इति शेषः । अभूतत्वं च प्रत्यासत्त्या तद्भावशब्दघटकतच्छब्दार्थकरणकत्वेनैव ग्राह्यम् । एवं च येन रूपेण प्रागभूतं तेन रूपेण तस्य भावे इति फलितोऽर्थः । एवं च यत्र प्रकृतिस्वरूपमेव विकाररूपतामापद्यमानं विवक्ष्यते तत्रायं प्रत्ययः ।

translator notes

commentary BM on this sūtra, missing from our source, as printed in the Wikisource SK+BM edition (pp. 936–937, sources/wikisource-bm/raw/purva-3-2/0110.txt and 0111.txt): the fifth case follows a samāhāra-dvandva of saṃkhyā and ekavacana; ekavacana = that by which a meaning qualified by singularity is expressed. The sense: after a nominal stem (prātipadika) denoting a number, or another denoting [a thing] qualified by singularity, and expressing a kāraka, śas comes optionally (vā) in distribution. Followed for the bracketed kāraka condition and the option in sutra_en.
commentary BM (Wikisource, as above): in 'dvau dvau dadāti' the doubling is by 'nityavīpsayoḥ', but not in dviśaḥ, since the distribution is expressed by śas itself; śas and the following affixes up to ḍāc are avyayas by the enumeration 'śasprabhṛtayaḥ prāk samāsāntebhyaḥ'. After 'māṣaṃ māṣam', 'dadāti' is supplied (śeṣa); māṣa names a particular quantity; prasthaśaḥ = 'prasthaṃ prasthaṃ dadāti'. Objection: ghaṭa also expresses [a thing] qualified by singularity, so 'ghaṭaśaḥ' should result; and if ekavacana meant only words that express nothing but singularity, māṣaśaḥ too would be excluded. Hence 'parimāṇaśabdāḥ…': in a derivative, only words denoting a meaning qualified by singularity are meant by 'ekavacana', and such are quantity words only, not genus-words like ghaṭa; 'māṣadātā' conveys 'giver of gold etc. measured by a māṣa', not 'of māṣas', whereas 'ghaṭadātā' also conveys 'giver of pots' — hence the counter-example. All this is Jayāditya's view; Vāmana, finding no authority for the restriction, lets śas come after genus-words too, 'ekavacana' serving only to exclude 'ghaṭau ghaṭau dadāti'. Followed for the bracketed 'dadāti' in k1 and for construing the parimāṇa sentence as explaining 'ekavacana'; Vāmana's view and the remarks on 'ekaikaśaḥ' are Recorded.
commentary TB on 'parimāṇaśabdāḥ': by 'ekavacana', taken as 'that by which one thing is expressed', only quantity words, which in the derivative are restricted to being single in sense, are taken; 'māṣadātā' conveys 'giver of gold etc. to the amount of a māṣa', not 'of māṣas'; likewise prastha. Words like ghaṭa are genus-words, not single in sense, since connection with a genus is common to one and many — hence 'ghaṭaṃ ghaṭam'. This follows Jayāditya; in Vāmana's view śas comes after genus-words too, when they are single in sense in the derivative ('kuṇḍaśo dadāti', 'vanaśaḥ praviśati'). Followed, agreeing with BM.
textual The block formerly filed as sk.2110.b1 was not Bālamanoramā on this sūtra: its digital-source label named SK 2110, but its content was BM on SK 2111 ff. ('pratiyoge…', 'ādyādibhyaḥ…', 'apādāne cāhīyaruhoḥ', 'atigrahāvyathana…', 'hīyamānapāpayogāc ca', 'ṣaṣṭhyā vyāśraye', 'rogāc ca…'); on 2026-10-05 the label was dropped and the content re-filed to sk.2111.b1–sk.2116.b1. BM on SK 2110 itself is absent from our source; it is cited above from Wikisource. The NSP footnote filed under sk.2110.n1 (p. 334), on 'abhūtatadbhāva', concerns a later sūtra (cvi) and does not bear on this unit. The p29–42 collation finds the kaumudī clean against NSP p. 333.

SK 2111 · A 5.4.44V

प्रतियोगे पञ्चम्यास्तसिः ॥ २१११ ॥

pratiyoge pañcamyāstasiḥ

pratiyoge pañcamyās tasiḥ — tasi [comes] after [a word ending in] the fifth case (pañcamī) [prescribed] in connection with prati.

Rule. Tasi comes after a fifth-case word, when that fifth case is prescribed in connection with prati as a karmapravacanīya. Prati takes that name in the sense "representative" or "exchange" (SK 599). The fifth case is prescribed with it by SK 600. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names both rules.

Example.

kṛṣṇāt (fifth case) → kṛṣṇa + tasi → kṛṣṇataḥ.

pradyumnaḥ kṛṣṇataḥ prati "Pradyumna is Kṛṣṇa's counterpart".

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds more bases: tasi comes after ādi "beginning" and the words like it. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this tasi comes after any case.

ādau "at the beginning" → āditaḥ.

Likewise madhyataḥ, pṛṣṭhataḥ, pārśvataḥ.

svareṇa "by the accent" → svarataḥ; likewise varṇataḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji calls this list an ākṛtigaṇa.

Watch out. The other commentator points to evidence for the vārttika inside Pāṇini. SK 8, tasyādita udāttam ardhahrasvam, itself uses the form āditaḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

प्रतिना कर्मप्रवचनीयेन योगे या पञ्चमी विहिता तदन्तात्तसिः स्यात् । प्रद्युम्नः कृष्णतः प्रति ।

After [a word] ending in the fifth case (pañcamī) which is prescribed in connection with prati as a karmapravacanīya, tasi comes. pradyumnaḥ kṛṣṇataḥ prati, 'Pradyumna is the counterpart (pratinidhi) of Kṛṣṇa'.

vārttika

आद्यादिभ्य उपसंख्यानम्

(vārttika) [tasi] should be additionally stated (upasaṃkhyāna) after ādi etc.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ आदौ आदितः । मध्यतः । पृष्ठतः । पार्श्वतः । आकृतिगणोऽयम् । स्वरेण स्वरतः । वर्णतः ॥

ādau: āditaḥ. madhyataḥ, pṛṣṭhataḥ, pārśvataḥ. This is an open class (ākṛtigaṇa). svareṇa: svarataḥ. varṇataḥ.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 334

—कृष्णतः प्रतीति । ‘प्रतिः प्रतिनिधिप्रतिदानयोः’ इति कर्मप्रवचनीयसंज्ञायां ‘प्रतिनिधिप्रतिदाने च यस्मात्’ इति पञ्चमी ॥—आद्यादिभ्य इति । ‘तस्यादित उदात्तमर्धह्रस्वम्’ इत्येतदत्र लिङ्गम् ॥ —ग्रामत इति । एवमध्ययनात्पराजयते अध्ययनत इत्याद्यपि बोध्यम् ॥—अतिगृह्यत इति । अन्यातिक्रमेण लोकैर्गृह्यत इत्यर्थः । फलितमाह—अन्यानतिक्रम्य वर्तत इति ॥—प्रवाहिकात इति । प्रच्छर्दिकातः कुर्वित्याद्यप्युदाहरणम् । प्रवाहिका विषूचिका । प्रच्छर्दिका तु वमनव्याधिः

Bālamanoramā

प्रतियोगे । विहितेति ।प्रतिः प्रतिनिधिप्रतिदानयो॑रिति प्रते कर्मप्रवचनीयत्वे तद्योगेप्रतिनिधिप्रतिदाने च यस्मा॑दिति पञ्चमी विहितेत्यर्थः । प्रद्युम्नः कृष्णतः प्रतीति । कृष्णस्य प्रतिनिधिरित्यर्थः । आद्यादिभ्य इति । अयं सार्वविभक्तिकस्तसिः ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.2111.b1): 'vihitā' means that, prati being karmapravacanīya by 'pratiḥ pratinidhipratidānayoḥ' (SK 599), the fifth case is prescribed in connection with it by 'pratinidhipratidāne ca yasmāt' (SK 600). 'pradyumnaḥ kṛṣṇataḥ prati' = Pradyumna is the counterpart (pratinidhi) of Kṛṣṇa. On the vārttika: this tasi [after ādi etc.] comes in all cases (sārvavibhaktika). Followed for the gloss of the example; the sārvavibhaktika remark is Recorded (it accounts for ādau and svareṇa as analyses in k3).
commentary TB: kṛṣṇataḥ prati: the fifth case is by 'pratinidhipratidāne ca yasmāt', prati having the karmapravacanīya designation by 'pratiḥ pratinidhipratidānayoḥ'. On 'ādyādibhyaḥ': 'tasyādita udāttam ardhahrasvam' (SK 8) is the indication (liṅga) [of tasi after ādi]. Followed for the gloss of the example (agreeing with BM); the liṅga is Recorded.
textual BM on this sūtra (pratīka-word 'pratiyoge'), formerly filed under sk.2110.b1 together with BM on SK 2112–2116, was re-filed here as sk.2111.b1 (2026-10-05); sk.2111.t1 likewise runs on into TB on SK 2112 ff. ('grāmata iti' onward).
textual The digital source opens k3 with the editorial tag '(vārttikam)' and a double daṇḍa, closing the vārttika in k2. The tag is left untranslated, and k3 is Bhaṭṭoji's own examples. The scan collation (batch 18) reports SK 2111 clean against the print (NSP pp. 333–334, printed 323–324).

SK 2112 · A 5.4.45V

अपादाने चाहीयरुहोः ॥ २११२ ॥

apādāne cāhīyaruhoḥ

apādāne cāhīyaruhoḥ — And [tasi comes after a word ending in the fifth case (pañcamī) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'pratiyoge pañcamyās tasiḥ' (SK 2111)] that stands in the sense of apādāna, [the apādāna] not being connected with hīya and ruh.

Rule. Tasi comes after a fifth-case word that stands for an apādāna. The apādāna must not be connected with hīya or ruh.

Example.

grāmād āgacchati "he comes from the village" → grāma + tasi → grāmataḥ [āgacchati].

Applies when / blocked by. Why "not with hīya or ruh"? Bhaṭṭoji gives two counter-examples. svargād dhīyate "he falls from heaven". parvatād avarohati "he climbs down from the mountain". Neither takes tasi.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators divides the word as a-hīya-ruhoḥ. Hīya imitates the passive stem, as in hīyate. The other adds a further example: adhyayanāt parājayate "he recoils from study" → adhyayanataḥ.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अपादाने या पञ्चमी तदन्तात्तसिः स्यात् । ग्रामादागच्छति । ग्रामतः । अहीयरुहोः किम् । स्वर्गाद्धीयते । पर्वतादवरोहति ॥

tasi comes after [a word] ending in the fifth case (pañcamī) that [stands] in the sense of apādāna (the fixed point of departure). grāmād āgacchati ('he comes from the village'): grāmataḥ. Why 'not with hīya and ruh' (ahīyaruhoḥ)? svargād dhīyate ('he falls from heaven'); parvatād avarohati ('he climbs down from the mountain').

Bālamanoramā

अपादाने चाऽहीयरुहोः ।अहीयरुहो॑रिति छेदः । 'हीयते' इत्यादौ कर्मणि लकारे यगन्तस्य एकदेशस्यहीये॑त्यनुकरणम् । हीयरुहोः संबन्धि यन्न भवति तन्मिन्नपादाने इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.2112.b1): the word-division is 'a-hīya-ruhoḥ'; 'hīya' is an imitation (anukaraṇa) of the part of the ya-final [stem] in passive (karmaṇi) forms such as 'hīyate'; the meaning is 'in an apādāna that is not connected with hīya and ruh'. Followed for the construal of 'ahīyaruhoḥ' in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2111.t1, on grāmataḥ: in the same way, adhyayanāt parājayate ('he recoils from study') → adhyayanataḥ, and the like, are to be understood. Recorded: a further example, not in the kaumudī.
translator Neither the kaumudī nor BM/TB states the anuvṛtti; carrying tasi and the fifth-case word forward from 'pratiyoge pañcamyās tasiḥ' (SK 2111) is the translator's inference from the kaumudī's gloss.
textual BM on this sūtra, formerly filed in sk.2110.b1 (with BM on SK 2111–2116), was re-filed here as sk.2112.b1 (2026-10-05). BM's pratīka reads 'apādāne cāhoyaruhoḥ' and 'ahīyarūhoḥ', slips for 'ahīyaruhoḥ'. The scan collation (batch18) lists 2112 as clean.

SK 2113 · A 5.4.46V

अतिग्रहाव्यथनक्षेपेष्वकर्तरि तृतीयायाः ॥ २११३ ॥

atigrahāvyathanakṣepeṣvakartari tṛtīyāyāḥ

atigrahāvyathanakṣepeṣv akartari tṛtīyāyāḥ — After a third-case word (tṛtīyānta) not [denoting] the agent (kartṛ), [tasi — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2111 — optionally,] when atigraha ('being taken as surpassing'), avyathana ('not wavering') or kṣepa ('censure') [is meant].

Rule. After a third-case word that does not denote the agent, tasi optionally comes. The sense must be one of three: atigraha "being taken as surpassing", avyathana "not wavering", or kṣepa "censure". Bhaṭṭoji's gloss says "optionally" (vā).

Example. Each sense, with both forms:

cāritreṇa atigṛhyate or cāritrato 'tigṛhyate "by his conduct he is regarded as surpassing [others]".

vṛttena na vyathate or vṛttato na vyathate "by [reason of] his conduct he does not waver".

vṛttena kṣiptaḥ or vṛttataḥ kṣiptaḥ "he is reproached for his conduct".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "not the agent"? devadattena kṣiptaḥ "reproached by Devadatta". Devadatta is the agent, so no tasi.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the third case here expresses a cause. He derives vyathana from vyath in the sense "to move", so avyathana is "not moving".

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads cāritreṇānyanatikramya in Bhaṭṭoji's gloss of the first example. The 1915 printed edition reads cāritreṇānyān atikramya, "by his conduct surpassing others". Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators quote anyān atikramya. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अकर्तरि तृतीयान्ताद्वा तसिः स्यात् । अतिक्रम्य ग्रहोऽतिग्रहः । चारित्रेणातिगृह्यते । चारित्रतोऽतिगृह्यते । चारित्रेणान्यनतिक्रम्य वर्तत इत्यर्थः । अव्यथनमचलनम् । वृत्तेन न व्यथते । वृत्ततो न व्यथते । वृत्तेन न चलतीत्यर्थः । क्षेपे । वृत्तेन क्षिप्तः । वृत्ततः क्षिप्तः । वृत्तेन निन्दित इत्यर्थः । अकर्तरीति किम् । देवदत्तेन क्षिप्तः ॥

After a third-case word (tṛtīyānta) that does not [denote] the agent (akartari), tasi optionally comes. atigraha is 'taking [someone] as surpassing [others]' (atikramya grahaḥ): cāritreṇa atigṛhyate or cāritrato 'tigṛhyate ('by his conduct he is regarded as surpassing [others]'). The meaning is: by his conduct he stands surpassing others. avyathana is not moving (acalana): vṛttena na vyathate or vṛttato na vyathate. The meaning is: by [reason of] his conduct he does not waver. In [the sense of] censure (kṣepa): vṛttena kṣiptaḥ or vṛttataḥ kṣiptaḥ. The meaning is: he is reproached for his conduct. Why 'not [denoting] the agent'? devadattena kṣiptaḥ ('reproached by Devadatta') [— no tasi].

Bālamanoramā

अतिग्रहाव्यथन । अतिक्रम्य ग्रह इति । लोकवृत्तमतिक्रम्य तद्विलक्षणतया प्रतीयमानत्वमित्यर्थः । चारित्रेणेति । चरित्रमेव चारित्रम्, तेन हेतुना इतरविलक्षणत्वेन दृश्यते इत्यर्थः । फलितमाह — अन्यानतिक्रम्य वर्तत इति ।व्यथ भयसंचलनयो॑रिति चलनार्थाल्ल्युटि व्यथनशब्दः । तदाह — अव्यथनमचलनमिति । क्षेपे इति । 'उदाह्रियते' इति शेषः । क्षेपो निन्दा ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.2113.b1, from 'atigrahā vyathane'): atigraha is being perceived as distinct from ordinary behaviour, surpassing it. cāritreṇa: cāritra is caritra itself; 'by that as the cause (hetu) he is seen as distinct from others'; the upshot: 'he stands surpassing others'. vyathana is from 'vyatha bhayasaṃcalanayoḥ' in the sense of moving, with lyuṭ; hence 'avyathana is not moving'. Followed for rendering the third case as a cause ('by his conduct', 'by [reason of] his conduct', 'for his conduct').
commentary TB, printed under sk.2111.t1: 'atigṛhyate' means he is grasped by people as surpassing others; he then quotes the upshot 'anyān atikramya vartate'. Followed for 'regarded as surpassing [others]'.
textual Our kaumudī reads 'cāritreṇānyanatikramya vartata ity arthaḥ'. NSP p. 334 (printed 324) (scan) reads 'cāritreṇānyān atikramya' (collation batch18, class A); BM (sk.2113.b1) and TB (sk.2111.t1) both quote 'anyān atikramya'. The English follows the print.
translator The kaumudī states 'vā tasiḥ' but neither commentator says where 'vā' and 'tasi' come from; that tasi continues from 'pratiyoge pañcamyās tasiḥ' (SK 2111) and the option from 'anyatarasyām' of SK 2109 is the translator's inference.

SK 2114 · A 5.4.47V

हीयमानपापयोगाच्च ॥ २११४ ॥

hīyamānapāpayogācca

hīyamānapāpayogāc ca — And [tasi optionally comes after a word ending in the third case (tṛtīyā), in a sense other than the agent (akartari) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'atigrahāvyathanakṣepeṣv akartari tṛtīyāyāḥ' (SK 2113)] when it is connected with hīyamāna ('falling short') or pāpa ('bad').

Rule. Tasi optionally comes after a third-case word, not denoting the agent, that is connected with hīyamāna "falling short" or pāpa "bad".

Example.

vṛttena hīyate "he falls short in conduct" → vṛttato hīyate.

vṛttena pāpaḥ "he is bad in conduct" → vṛttataḥ pāpaḥ.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the single form vṛttataḥ for both.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says this rule is for when censure is not intended. Where there is censure, SK 2113 already gives the form. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds: here the fact is merely stated.

Why "not the agent"? devadattena hīyate "he is abandoned by Devadatta". Devadatta is the agent of the passive verb, so no tasi.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हीयमानपापयुक्तादकर्तरि तृतीयान्ताद्वा तसिः । वृत्तेन हीयते । वृत्तेन पापः । वृत्ततः । क्षेपस्याविवक्षायामिदम् । क्षेपे तु पूर्वेण सिद्धम् । अकर्तरि किम् । देवदत्तेन हीयते ॥

tasi optionally [comes] after a third-case word (tṛtīyānta) not [denoting] the agent (akartari) that is connected with hīyamāna or pāpa. vṛttena hīyate ('he falls short in conduct'); vṛttena pāpaḥ ('he is bad in conduct'): vṛttataḥ [in both]. This [rule] is for when censure (kṣepa) is not intended; where there is censure, [the form] is already established by the preceding [rule, SK 2113]. Why 'not the agent' (akartari)? devadattena hīyate ('he is abandoned by Devadatta').

Bālamanoramā

हीयमानपापयोगाच्च । हीयमानेति । हीयमानयुक्तात् पापयुक्ताच्चेत्यर्थः । ननु पूर्वसूत्रे क्षेपग्रहणादेव सिद्धे किमर्थमिदमित्यत आह — क्षेपस्याऽविवक्षायामिति । तत्त्वकथने इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.2114.b1): 'hīyamāna…' means 'after [a word] connected with hīyamāna and after one connected with pāpa'. Objection: since [the form] is established by the mention of kṣepa in the preceding sūtra, what is this for? Hence he says 'kṣepasyāvivakṣāyām', i.e. when the fact is merely being stated (tattvakathana). Followed for 'connected with hīyamāna or pāpa' and for the scope of the rule relative to SK 2113.
textual No TB on this sūtra: TB printed under sk.2111.t1 passes from SK 2113 ('atigṛhyate') to SK 2116 ('pravāhikātaḥ'). The scan collation (batch18) lists 2114 as clean; the NSP OCR's 'akartare' is an OCR slip.
translator The kaumudī's gloss ('… akartari tṛtīyāntād vā tasiḥ') makes the bracketed content explicit, but no commentator states the anuvṛtti; attributing it to SK 2113 is the translator's inference.
translator The kaumudī gives the single tasi form 'vṛttataḥ' after the two sentences; '[in both]' reflects that it stands for both vṛttato hīyate and vṛttataḥ pāpaḥ. In 'devadattena hīyate' Devadatta is the agent of the passive hīyate, so tasi is excluded.

SK 2115 · A 5.4.48V

षष्ठ्या व्याश्रये ॥ २११५ ॥

ṣaṣṭhyā vyāśraye

ṣaṣṭhyā vyāśraye — [tasi optionally comes] after a word ending in the sixth case (ṣaṣṭhī) when [one] side is taken (vyāśraya) among several.

Rule. Tasi optionally comes after a sixth-case word. The sense is vyāśraya: one side is taken among several. Bhaṭṭoji glosses it as "resorting to one of several sides".

Example.

arjunasya (sixth case) → arjuna + tasi → arjunataḥ.

devā arjunato 'bhavan "the gods were on Arjuna's side".

ādityāḥ karṇato 'bhavan "the Ādityas were on Karṇa's side".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "when a side is taken"? vṛkṣasya śākhā "the branch of the tree" takes no tasi. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains taking a side. One gives up what is common to all and adopts one side as one's own.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads ṣaṣṭhyāntād vā in Bhaṭṭoji's gloss. The 1915 printed edition reads ṣaṣṭhyantād vā, "optionally after a sixth-case word". We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

षष्ठ्यान्ताद्वा तसिः स्यान्नानापक्षसमाश्रये । देवा अर्जुनतोऽभवन् । आदित्याः कर्णतोऽभवन् । अर्जुनस्य पक्षे इत्यर्थः । व्याश्रये किम् । वृक्षस्य शाखा ॥

tasi optionally comes after a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta) when one of several sides is resorted to (nānāpakṣasamāśraya). devā arjunato 'bhavan ('the gods were on Arjuna's side'); ādityāḥ karṇato 'bhavan ('the Ādityas were on Karṇa's side'). The meaning is 'on the side of Arjuna'. Why 'vyāśraye'? vṛkṣasya śākhā ('the branch of the tree').

Bālamanoramā

षष्ठ्या व्याश्रये । नानापक्षसमाश्रयणे इति । सर्वसाधारण्यं विहाय एकपक्षाश्रय इति यावत् । पक्षः — स्वीयत्वेन परिग्रहः । देवा अर्जुनतोऽभवन्निति । अर्जुनस्य पक्षे आसन्नित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.2115.b1) on 'nānāpakṣasamāśrayaṇe': resorting to one side, abandoning what is common to all (sarvasādhāraṇya); pakṣa = adoption as one's own. 'devā arjunato 'bhavan' means 'they were on Arjuna's side'. Followed for 'one of several sides is resorted to'.
textual Our kaumudī reads 'ṣaṣṭhyāntād vā'; NSP p. 334 reads 'ṣaṣṭhyantād vā' (scan collation, batch18, class A; the Wikisource SK agrees with the print). The spurious ā is a slip; the English renders 'ṣaṣṭhyanta' ('ending in the sixth case').
textual No TB on this sūtra: TB printed under sk.2111.t1 passes from SK 2113 to SK 2116. BM on this sūtra is sk.2115.b1, re-filed 2026-10-05 from sk.2110.b1.
translator 'optionally' in sutra_en is supplied from the kaumudī's own gloss ('vā'); no commentator states its source here.

SK 2116 · A 5.4.49V

रोगाच्चापनयने ॥ २११६ ॥

rogāccāpanayane

rogāc cāpanayane — And after [a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ṣaṣṭhyā vyāśraye' (SK 2115) —] denoting a disease (roga), [tasi optionally comes] in [the sense of] removal (apanayana).

Rule. Tasi optionally comes after a sixth-case word naming a disease (roga). The sense is its removal (apanayana). Bhaṭṭoji glosses the sense as cikitsā "treatment".

Example.

pravāhikāyāḥ (sixth case) → pravāhikā + tasi → pravāhikātaḥ.

pravāhikātaḥ kuru "make a remedy for the pravāhikā".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "removal"? pravāhikāyāḥ prakopanaṃ karoti "he aggravates the pravāhikā" takes no tasi. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators identify pravāhikā with viṣūcikā. One adds pracchardikātaḥ kuru, for the disease of vomiting.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads pravāhikātaḥ kuruḥ. The 1915 printed edition reads pravāhikātaḥ kuru, with the imperative "make". Bhaṭṭoji's own gloss, kuru, agrees. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

रोगवाचिनः षष्ठ्यन्ताद्वा तसिश्चिकित्सायाम् । प्रवाहिकातः कुरुः । प्रतीकारमस्याः कुर्वित्यर्थः । अपनयने किम् । प्रवाहिकायाः प्रकोपनं करोति ॥

tasi optionally [comes] after a sixth-case word (ṣaṣṭhyanta) denoting a disease, in [the sense of] treatment (cikitsā). pravāhikātaḥ kuru: the meaning is 'make a remedy (pratīkāra) for it (the pravāhikā)'. Why 'apanayane' ('in removal')? pravāhikāyāḥ prakopanaṃ karoti ('he causes an aggravation of the pravāhikā').

Bālamanoramā

रोगाच्चा । रोगस्य प्रतीकारः — चिकित्सा । प्रवाहिकात इति । विषूचिकाप्रतीकारमित्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM (sk.2116.b1): the remedy (pratīkāra) of a disease is cikitsā; 'pravāhikātaḥ' means 'the remedy of viṣūcikā'. Followed for rendering cikitsā as 'treatment' in the sense of a remedy.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2111.t1: 'pracchardikātaḥ kuru' and the like are also examples; pravāhikā is viṣūcikā, while pracchardikā is the disease of vomiting. Recorded (the English leaves pravāhikā untranslated; both commentators identify it as viṣūcikā).
translator The bracketed sixth-case word and 'tasi optionally' are inferred from the kaumudī's gloss ('ṣaṣṭhyantād vā tasiḥ'); no commentator states the anuvṛtti, and attributing it to 'ṣaṣṭhyā vyāśraye' (SK 2115) is the translator's inference.
textual Our kaumudī reads 'pravāhikātaḥ kuruḥ'; NSP p. 334 reads 'pravāhikātaḥ kuru' (scan collation, batch18, class A; the Wikisource SK agrees with the print). The visarga on the imperative is a slip, and the kaumudī's own gloss 'kurv ity arthaḥ' has the imperative; the English renders 'kuru'.

SK 2117 · A 5.4.50V

कृभ्वस्तियोगे संपद्यकर्तरि च्विः ॥ २११७ ॥

kṛbhvastiyoge saṃpadyakartari cviḥ

kṛbhvastiyoge saṃpadyakartari cviḥ — In connection with kṛ, bhū or as, cvi [comes after a word applied] to the agent of becoming (saṃpadyakartṛ).

Rule. In connection with kṛ, bhū or as, cvi comes. It comes after a word applied to the saṃpadyakartṛ, "the agent of becoming": the thing that is becoming something.

A vārttika adds a condition: abhūtatadbhāve, "when [something] comes to be what it was not". Bhaṭṭoji then glosses the whole. There is a source (prakṛti) that is taking on the nature of a product (vikāra). The word for the product is applied to the source. After that word, cvi optionally comes in its own sense, with karoti "makes" and the others.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives the forms under the next rule. The frame is this:

akṛṣṇaḥ kṛṣṇaḥ saṃpadyate "one who is not black becomes black".

The one becoming is the source. "Black" is the product. The word kṛṣṇa is applied to him, so cvi comes after kṛṣṇa.

Applies when / blocked by. The option is the great option, Bhaṭṭoji says at SK 2120. One of his commentators says that option is still running here.

The verb must be kṛ, bhū or as. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives a counter-example with another verb: aśuklaḥ śuklo jāyate "one not white is born white". No cvi comes.

Saṃpadya is a noun, "becoming", made from sam + pad by this very rule. One commentator reads the compound as "the agent of becoming"; the other as "the agent that is the one becoming". Scholars discuss this.

Watch out. The source itself must be meant as having become the product. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says cvi comes only where the source is taken as not different from the product. The editor of the printed edition says the same of abhūtatadbhāve.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

।

—

vārttika

अभूततद्भाव इति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated: 'when [something] comes to be that which it was not (abhūtatadbhāve)'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ विकारात्मतां प्राप्नुवत्यां प्रकृतौ वर्तमानाद्विकारशब्दात्स्वार्थे च्विर्वा स्यात्करोत्यादिभिर्योगे ॥

After a word denoting a modification (vikāra), used of the source (prakṛti) that is attaining the nature of that modification, cvi optionally comes in its own sense (svārthe), in connection with karoti 'makes' and the others [bhavati and asti].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 334

—कृभ्वस्तियोगे—। योग इति किम् । अशुक्लः शुक्लो जायते ॥—संपद्यकर्तरीति । संपद्यश्वासौ कर्ता चेति विग्रहः । ‘पाघ्राध्माधेट्दृशः’ इति विहितः शप्रत्ययोऽस्मादेव निपातनात्संपदोऽपि भवति । दिवादित्वात् श्यनिति हरदत्तः ॥—वक्तव्यमिति । वृत्तिकारस्तु ‘अभूततद्भावे’ इति सूत्रमध्ये प्रचिक्षेप ॥—च्व्यन्तत्वादिति । तस्य निपातत्वात् ‘स्वरादिनिपातमव्ययम्’ इत्यनेनेत्यर्थः ॥ —गार्गीभवतीति । इह यञन्तात् सुपि ततः च्विप्रत्यये कृते ‘आपत्यस्य च तद्धितेऽनाति’ इति यलोपो न भवति, ईकारेण व्यवधानादिति बोध्यम् ॥—अरुर्मनः—॥—च्विश्चेति । पूर्वेण सिद्धस्यापि च्वेरयमनुवादः । लोपस्तु तत्संनियोगशिष्टत्वार्थः

Bālamanoramā

अभूततद्भावे कृभ्वस्तियोगे सम्पद्यकर्तरि च्विः - कृभ्वस्तियोगे । अभूतेति । येन रूपेण प्रागभूतं यद्वस्तु तस्य तद्रूपप्राप्तावित्यर्थः । एवंच यत्र प्रकृतिस्वरूपमेव विकाररूपमापद्यमानं विकाराऽभेदेन विवक्ष्यते, तत्रैवायं प्रत्यय इति लभ्यते । संपद्यकर्तरीत्येकं पदम् । संपदनं — सम्पद्यः । संपूर्वकात्पदधातोरत एव निपातनादेव भावे कृत्संज्ञः शः, दिवादित्वाच्छ्यन् । संपद्यस्य कर्तेति षष्ठीसमासः । संपद्यमाने वर्तमानादिति यावत् । केन रूपेण कस्य संपत्तिरित्याकाङ्क्षायाम्, 'अभूततद्भावे' इति वार्तिकात्प्रकृतेर्विकाररूपेण संपत्तिरिति लभ्यते । तत्र विकारवाचकादेव प्रत्ययः, अस भुवी॑ति धातुभिर्योगे सतीत्यर्थः ।च्विप्रत्यये चकार इत्, इकार उच्चारणार्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM gives the sūtra with the vārttika prefixed ('abhūtatadbhāve kṛbhvastiyoge…'). saṃpadyakartari is one word: saṃpadya is 'becoming' (saṃpadana), with the kṛt affix śa in the sense of the action itself (bhāva) from sam + pad by this very nipātana, and śyan because pad is of the divādi class; it is a ṣaṣṭhī-tatpuruṣa, 'the agent of becoming', i.e. 'after [a word] applying to what is becoming'. To the question 'becoming what, in what form?', the vārttika 'abhūtatadbhāve' supplies 'the prakṛti's becoming in the form of the vikāra'; so the affix comes only after the word for the vikāra, when connected with the roots kṛ, bhū and as. In cvi the c is an it and the i is for pronunciation. Followed for 'agent of becoming' and for the reading of k3.
commentary TB: the analysis is 'saṃpadyaś cāsau kartā ca' ('the agent that is the becomer', a karmadhāraya); the affix śa prescribed by 'pāghrādhmādheṭdṛśaḥ śaḥ' comes after sam-pad too by this very nipātana, with śyan because it is divādi (Haradatta). Why 'yoge'? aśuklaḥ śuklo jāyate [no cvi with jan]. On 'vaktavyam': the Vṛttikāra inserted 'abhūtatadbhāve' into the sūtra itself. Recorded; sutra_en's 'agent of becoming' is compatible with this analysis.
commentary BM: 'abhūta…' means 'when a thing reaches a form in which it previously was not'; so this affix comes only where the prakṛti itself, taking on the form of the vikāra, is meant as non-different from the vikāra. Followed for 'comes to be that which it was not' and for 'source … attaining the nature of that modification' in k3.
textual NSP footnote, printed under sk.2110.n1 (p. 334, scan), on 'abhūtatadbhāva iti': 'when it is understood (gamyamāne)' is to be supplied; the not-having-been is to be taken, by proximity, only with reference to the thing denoted by the 'tat' inside the word tadbhāva; so the resulting sense is 'the coming-to-be of that thing in the form in which it previously was not', and the affix is used where the prakṛti itself is intended as taking on the form of the vikāra.
textual The source's k1 is only a daṇḍa, rendered '—'; the source's k3 begins with an editorial '(vārttikam)' tag, dropped in the English. NSP p. 334 (scan) prints the vārttika sign before 'abhūtatadbhāva iti vaktavyam' and sets the gloss 'vikārātmatāṃ … yoge' in plain type as Bhaṭṭoji's prose. The .work collation (batch18) finds SK 2117 clean.
translator The kaumudī's 'vā' ('optionally') is not stated in the sūtra. The kaumudī itself (SK 2120: 'svasti syād iti tu mahāvibhāṣayā cver abhāvāt siddham') attributes the absence of cvi to the great option (mahāvibhāṣā), and BM on SK 2123 (Wikisource print, purva-3-2 p. 0115) explains mahāvibhāṣā as the anuvṛtti of 'vā' from 'samarthānām…' (SK 1072). The bracketed 'bhavati and asti' expands 'karotyādibhiḥ' from the sūtra's kṛ, bhū, as. The kaumudī's examples of cvi follow under SK 2118. The commentators analyse saṃpadyakartari differently (TB a karmadhāraya, BM a ṣaṣṭhī-tatpuruṣa); sutra_en is worded to fit both.

SK 2118 · A 7.4.32V

अस्य च्वौ ॥ २११८ ॥

asya cvau

asya cvau — In place of a (avarṇa), [ī — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ī ghrādhmoḥ' (SK 2648)] is substituted when cvi follows.

Rule. Before cvi, ī replaces a or ā. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ī is carried forward from ī ghrādhmoḥ (SK 2648). Bhaṭṭoji adds two things. The v of cvi is deleted. And a word ending in cvi is an indeclinable (avyaya).

This rule is from Pāṇini's seventh book. Bhaṭṭoji inserts it here to build the forms of SK 2117.

Example.

akṛṣṇaḥ kṛṣṇaḥ saṃpadyate, taṃ karoti "one not black becomes black; [someone] makes him [so]" → kṛṣṇa + cvi

→ ī for the final a → kṛṣṇī + v

→ the v deleted (SK 375) → kṛṣṇī

→ kṛṣṇīkaroti.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators pictures an actor who is not black but is made up as black.

brahmībhavati "[he] becomes brahman". The same commentator gives the steps. Brahman counts as a pada, so its n is deleted; then ī replaces the a.

gaṅgī syāt "[it] would become the Gaṅgā": gaṅgā → gaṅgī.

Applies when / blocked by. Why is a cvi-word indeclinable? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. It is a nipāta by SK 762, and nipātas are indeclinable by SK 447. The other commentator agrees. So kṛṣṇī never takes case-endings.

A vārttika says there is no ī for an indeclinable before cvi:

doṣābhūtam ahaḥ "a day become night".

divābhūtā rātriḥ "a night become day".

Doṣā "at night" and divā "by day" are indeclinables, so their ā stays. Bhaṭṭoji says the Bhāṣya states this vārttika under avyayībhāvaś ca (SK 451). One commentator explains the scenes. The day turns dark under heavy cloud; the night turns bright with moonlight.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads cvyantātvād avyayatvam, with a stray long ā. The 1915 printed edition reads cvyantatvād avyayatvam, "because it ends in cvi, it is an indeclinable". We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

अवर्णस्य ईत्स्यात् च्वौ । वेर्लोपः । च्व्यन्तात्वादव्ययत्वम् । अकृष्णः कृष्णः संपद्यते तं करोति कृष्णीकरोति । ब्रह्मीभवति । गङ्गीस्यात् ।

In place of a (avarṇa), ī is substituted when cvi follows. The v [of cvi] is elided. Because [the word] ends in cvi (cvyanta), it is an indeclinable (avyaya).

One who is not black (akṛṣṇaḥ) becomes black (kṛṣṇaḥ saṃpadyate); [someone] makes him [so] (taṃ karoti): kṛṣṇīkaroti. brahmībhavati '[he] becomes brahman'. gaṅgī syāt '[it] would become the Gaṅgā'.

vārttika

अव्ययस्य च्वावीत्वं नेति वाच्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated that the substitution of ī does not take place for an indeclinable (avyaya) when cvi follows.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ दोषाभूतमहः । दिवाभूता रात्रिः । एतच्च अव्ययीभावश्च SK 451 इति सूत्रे भाष्ये उक्तम् ॥

doṣābhūtam ahaḥ 'a day become night'; divābhūtā rātriḥ 'a night become day'. And this is stated in the Bhāṣya on the sūtra 'avyayībhāvaś ca' (SK 451).

Bālamanoramā

अस्य च्वौ - अस्य च्वौ । ईत्स्यादिति ।ई ध्राध्मो॑रित्यतस्तनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । वेर्लोप इति ।वैरपृक्तस्ये॑त्यनेन॑ति शेषः । च्व्यन्तत्वादव्ययत्वमिति ।ऊर्यादिच्विडाचश्चेति॑निपातत्वात्स्वरादिनिपातमित्यव्ययत्वमित्यर्थः ।तद्धितश्चासर्वविभक्ति॑रित्यत्रशस्प्रभृतयः प्राक्समासान्तेभ्यः॑ इति परिगणितेष्वन्तर्भावादव्ययत्वमिति केचित् । कृञ्योगे उदाहरति — कृष्ण इति । वस्तुतोऽकृष्णः सन्वेषादिना कृष्णभावे प्राप्नोतीत्यर्थः । तं करोतीति । अकृष्णं कृष्णरूपेण संपद्यमानं करोतीत्यर्थः । कृष्णीकरोतीति । अत्र वस्तुतोऽकृष्णो नटः प्रकृतिभूतः । स तावत्कृष्णभावं विकारं प्राप्नुवन्सम्पद्यमानत्वात्सम्पद्यकर्ता भवतीति तत्राऽभेदारोपमवलम्ब्य वर्तमानो विकारभूतकृष्णवाचकः शब्दः । तस्माच्च्विप्रत्ययः । चकार इत्, इकार उच्चारणार्थः । तस्मिन्परे अकारस्य ईत्त्वम् ।वेरपृक्तस्ये॑ति वकारलोपः ।कृष्णी॑ति ईकारान्तमव्ययम् । ब्रह्मीभवतीति । अब्रह्म ब्रह्म संपद्यमानं भवतीत्यर्थः । ब्रह्मन्शब्दाच्च्विः । अन्तर्वर्तिनीं विभक्तिमाश्रित्य पदत्वान्न लोपः । ईत्वमिति भावः । अत्यन्तस्वार्थिकानामेव प्रातिपदिकादुत्पत्तिर्नतु सुबन्तादिति नियमः । अतो न च्वेः प्रातिपदिकादुत्पत्तिः,किंतु सुबन्तादेवेति बोध्यम् । अत एव अगौर्गोः समपद्यत गोऽभवदित्यत्र च्व्यन्तस्य गोशब्दस्यएङः पदान्ता॑दिति पररूपमुदाहृतं भाष्ये सङ्गच्छत इत्यलम् । गङ्गी स्यादिति । अगङ्गा गङ्गात्वेन संपद्यमाना स्यादित्यर्थः । 'अस्य च्वौ' इति ईत्त्वम् । दोषाभूतमहरिति । दोषेत्याकारान्तमव्ययं रात्रावित्यर्थे वर्तते । इह तु रात्रिरित्यर्थः वर्तते । अदोषाभूतमहो बहुलमेघावरणान्धकाराद्दोषाभूतमित्यर्थः । दिवाभूतारात्रिरिति । दिवेत्याकारान्तमव्ययमहनीत्यर्थे इह तु अहरित्यर्थे वर्तते । चन्द्रिकातिशयवशादहर्भूतेत्यर्थः । ननुअव्ययस्य च्वावीत्त्वं ने॑ति वार्तिकम् 'अस्य च्वौ' इति सूत्रभाष्ये न दृश्यत इत्यत आह — एतच्चेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'īt syāt' because ī is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'ī ghrādhmoḥ' [SK 2648]. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'ver lopaḥ' is by 'ver apṛktasya' (SK 375). 'cvyantatvād avyayatvam': the cvi-final is a nipāta by 'ūryādicviḍācaś ca' (SK 762) and so an avyaya by 'svarādinipātam avyayam' (SK 447); some say it is an avyaya through inclusion in the enumeration 'śasprabhṛtayaḥ prāk samāsāntebhyaḥ' under 'taddhitaś cāsarvavibhaktiḥ' (SK 448). kṛṣṇa: one really not black who, by costume etc., reaches the state of blackness; 'taṃ karoti' means 'makes the not-black [one] becoming [so] in the form of black'. In kṛṣṇīkaroti the prakṛti is an actor (naṭa) who is really not black; attaining the modification 'blackness', he is the agent of becoming, and the word for the modification 'black', applied to him by superimposed non-difference, takes cvi; c is an it, and the vowel is for pronunciation (BM's text has 'u' here, where the i of cvi is expected); ī for a when it follows; v elided by 'ver apṛktasya'; kṛṣṇī is an ī-final indeclinable. brahmībhavati: 'the non-brahman, becoming brahman, is'; cvi after brahman; being a pada on account of the internal case-ending, n is elided, then ī. Only purely pleonastic affixes arise after a prātipadika; cvi arises after a form ending in a sup case-ending (subanta), as the Bhāṣya's pararūpa in 'agaur goḥ samapadyata, go 'bhavat' shows. gaṅgī syāt: 'what is not the Gaṅgā would be becoming the Gaṅgā'. Recorded: the English gives only the forms and analysis the kaumudī gives.
commentary BM: doṣā is an ā-final indeclinable meaning 'at night', here used in the sense 'night': a day become night through darkness from heavy cloud cover; divā, an ā-final indeclinable meaning 'by day', here means 'day': a night become day through abundant moonlight. The kaumudī adds 'etac ca…' because the vārttika is not found in the Bhāṣya on 'asya cvau' itself. Followed for the glosses of the two examples.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2117.t1: on 'cvyantatvāt', [the word is an avyaya] because it is a nipāta, by 'svarādinipātam avyayam' (SK 447). Recorded; the kaumudī does not name the rule.
textual The source reads 'cvyantātvād avyayatvam' (with a spurious ā); the .work collation (batch18) and NSP p. 334 (scan) read 'cvyantatvād avyayatvam', and Wikisource agrees. The English renders the print's reading.
textual The source's k3 begins with an editorial '(vārttikam)' tag, dropped in the English; NSP p. 334 (scan) prints the vārttika sign before 'avyayasya cvāv ītvaṃ neti vācyam'.

SK 2119 · A 6.4.152V

क्यच्व्योश्च ॥ २११९ ॥

kyacvyośca

kyacvyoś ca — And when kya (kyac, kyaṅ, kyaṣ) or cvi follows, [there is deletion (lopa) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'al lopo 'naḥ' (SK 234) — of the y ('ya', from 'sūryatiṣya…' SK 499) of an āpatya affix ('āpatyasya', from 'āpatyasya ca taddhite 'nāti' SK 1082) that comes after a consonant ('halaḥ', from 'halas taddhitasya' SK 472)].

Rule. When kya or cvi follows, the y of a descendant (āpatya) affix is deleted. The y must come after a consonant. Bhaṭṭoji analyses the sūtra word as "before kya and before cvi" (kye cvau ca). Kya covers three affixes: kyac, kyaṅ and kyaṣ.

This rule is from Pāṇini's sixth book, inserted here for the forms of cvi.

Example.

agārgyo gārgyaḥ saṃpadyate "one not a Gārgya becomes a Gārgya" → gārgya + cvi

→ ī for the final a (SK 2118) → gārgyī + v

→ the y of the descendant affix yañ deleted → gārgī + v

→ the v deleted (SK 375) → gārgībhavati.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names the words carried forward. "Deletion" comes from SK 234, "after a consonant" from SK 472, "y" from SK 499, and "descendant" from SK 1082.

Why is the rule needed? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. SK 1082 deletes the y of a descendant affix before a taddhita. Here ī stands in between, so SK 1082 cannot act. One adds that SK 472 needs an ī that carries meaning (arthavat). The ī here carries none.

Watch out. Do not read the sūtra as "before kyac and cvi". Its first member is kya, and it takes in kyac, kyaṅ and kyaṣ alike.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

हलः परस्यापत्ययकारस्य लोपः स्यात् क्ये च्वौ च परतः । गार्गीभवति ॥

There is deletion (lopa) of the y of an āpatya [affix] that comes after a hal, when kya or cvi follows: gārgībhavati ['one who is not a Gārgya becomes a Gārgya'].

Bālamanoramā

क्यच्व्योश्च - गार्गीभवतीति वक्ष्यन्नाह — क्यच्व्योश्च । 'अल्लोपोऽनः' इत्यस्माल्लोप इति,हलस्तद्धितस्ये॑त्यस्माद्धल इति , 'सूर्यतिष्ये' त्यतो य इति,आपत्यस्य चे॑त्यस्मादापत्यस्येति चानुवर्तते । तदाह — हलः परस्येति । गार्गीभवतीति । अगार्ग्यो गार्ग्यः संपद्यमानो भवतीत्यर्थः । यञन्ताच्च्वौ यकारस्य लोपः । वेर्लोपः । यकारस्य तुआपत्यस्य चे॑ति लोपो न सम्भवति, ईकारेण व्यवधानात् ।हलस्तद्धितस्ये॑त्यपि न सम्भवति, तस्य ईति अर्थवत्येव विधानात् । अतो वचनमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'lopa' is carried forward from 'al lopo 'naḥ', 'halaḥ' from 'halas taddhitasya', 'ya' from 'sūryatiṣya…', and 'āpatyasya' from 'āpatyasya ca'; hence the kaumudī says 'halaḥ parasya…'. gārgībhavati means one who is not Gārgya (agārgyaḥ), becoming Gārgya, is (bhavati). After the yañ-final [gārgya], when cvi follows, the y is deleted, and v is deleted (ver lopaḥ). The y could not be deleted by 'āpatyasya ca', because ī intervenes; nor by 'halas taddhitasya', since that is prescribed only for a meaningful (arthavat) ī; hence this statement. Followed for the four bracketed anuvṛttis in sutra_en (not repeated in k1, whose gloss already spells them out), for 'āpatya' (BM 'āpatyasya'; the kaumudī's 'parasyāpatya-' is sandhi for parasya āpatya-) and for the gloss of gārgībhavati.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2117.t1 ('gargībhavatīti', so the OCR): here, when cvi is added to the yañ-final after the sup [ending], the y-deletion by 'āpatyasya ca taddhite 'nāti' does not occur, because ī intervenes. Agrees with BM on why this sūtra is needed; followed.
textual Our source has no TB block under this unit; TB on it is printed within sk.2117.t1.
translator The sūtra's 'kyacvyoḥ' is kya + cvi (padaccheda kya-cvyoḥ), which the kaumudī analyses correctly as 'kye cvau ca'; kya covers kyac, kyaṅ and kyaṣ, and the bracketed list in sutra_en is the translator's. The kaumudī gives only the form gārgībhavati; the steps (gārgya + cvi, ī by 'asya cvau', deletion of v, deletion of y) are BM's and are recorded in the note, not supplied in the block (§9).

SK 2120 · A 7.4.26V

च्वौ च ॥ २१२० ॥

cvau ca

cvau ca — And when cvi follows, [lengthening (dīrgha) of the preceding vowel — 'dīrghaḥ' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2298].

Rule. Before cvi, the preceding vowel is lengthened (dīrgha). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "lengthened" is carried forward from SK 2298.

This rule is from Pāṇini's seventh book, inserted here for the forms of cvi.

Example.

śuci + cvi → i lengthened → śucībhavati.

paṭu + cvi → u lengthened → paṭūsyāt.

mātṛ + cvi → rīṅ ṛtaḥ (SK 1234): rī for the ṛ → mātrīkaroti.

Applies when / blocked by. Some say an indeclinable is not lengthened. Bhaṭṭoji calls this baseless. One of his commentators says it is not found in the Bhāṣya.

What then of svasti syāt, with short i? Bhaṭṭoji answers in steps.

There cvi is simply absent, by the great option.
In the other option, svastīsyāt would come too. Then let it come.
If the learned do not accept it, then cvi does not arise there at all, by anabhidhāna.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

च्वौ परे पूर्वस्य दीर्घः स्यात् । शुचीभवति । पटूस्यात् । अव्ययस्य दीर्घत्वं नेति केचित्तन्निर्मूलम् । स्वस्ति स्यादिति तु महाविभाषया च्वेरभावात्सिद्धम् । स्वस्तीस्यादित्यपि पक्षे स्यादिति चेदस्तु । यदि नेष्यते तर्ह्यनभिधानात् च्विरेव नोत्पद्यते इत्यस्तु । रीङृतः SK 1234 । मात्रीकरोति ॥

When cvi follows, the preceding [vowel] is lengthened (dīrgha): śucībhavati, paṭūsyāt. Some say that there is no lengthening of an indeclinable (avyaya); that is without foundation. As for svasti syāt, it is established because, by the great option (mahāvibhāṣā), cvi is absent. If [it is objected that] svastīsyāt too would then occur in the [other] option — let it. If it is not accepted, then let it be [said] that cvi simply does not arise, because [that sense] is not expressed [by it] (anabhidhāna). rīṅ ṛtaḥ (SK 1234): mātrīkaroti.

Bālamanoramā

च्वौ च - अथशुचीभवती॑तिवक्ष्यन्नाह — च्वौ च । दीर्घः स्यादिति ।अकृत्सार्वधातुकयो॑रित्यतस्तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । अव्ययस्येति । अव्ययस्यच्वौ चे॑ति दीर्घो नेत्यर्थः । तेन स्वस्तिस्यादित्यत्र च्वौ न दीर्घ इति भावः । तन्निर्मूलमिति । भाष्यादावदृष्टत्वादिति भावः । तर्हिस्वस्ति स्या॑दिति न स्यात्, दीर्घप्रसङ्गादित्यत आह — स्वस्ति स्यादिति त्विति । ननु महाविभाषया दीर्घाऽभावे स्वस्ति स्यादिति सिद्धावपि, कदाचित्स्वस्ती स्यादिति दीर्घो दुर्वार इति शङ्कते — स्वस्तीस्यादित्यपि पक्षे स्यादिति । इष्टापत्तिरित्याह — अस्त्विति ।दीर्घतदभावाभ्यां रूपद्वय॑मिति शेषः । प्रामाणिकत्वादुभयमप्यादर्तव्यमिति । भावः । ननु शिष्टानङ्गीकारात्कथं दीर्घपाठादर इत्यत आह-यदि नेष्यते इत्यादि । मातृशब्दाच्च्विप्रत्यये विशेषमाह — रीङृत #इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'dīrghaḥ syāt' — because it is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'akṛtsārvadhātukayoḥ' (SK 2298). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and 'is lengthened' in k1.
commentary BM: the 'some' hold that 'cvau ca' does not lengthen an avyaya, so that svasti syāt has no long vowel before cvi; Bhaṭṭoji calls this baseless because it is not seen in the Bhāṣya. To the objection that svasti syāt would then fail, he answers that it follows from the absence of cvi by the great option; to the further doubt that svastī syāt would then be unavoidable in the other option, he accepts it (iṣṭāpatti): two forms, with and without the long vowel, both authoritative. To 'how is the long form admitted if the learned do not accept it?' he answers 'yadi neṣyate…'. rīṅ ṛtaḥ states a special operation when cvi follows mātṛ. Followed for the objection/response structure in k1 and for 'the [other] option'.
textual No Tattvabodhinī on SK 2120 is printed: the TB passage under sk.2117.t1 covers SK 2117, 2118, 2119 and 2121, and sk.2122.t1 begins with SK 2122. The p42 collation reports the unit clean against NSP p. 334.

SK 2121 · A 5.4.51V

अरुर्मनश्चक्षुश्चेतोरहोरजसां लोपश्च ॥ २१२१ ॥

arurmanaścakṣuścetorahorajasāṃ lopaśca

arurmanaścakṣuścetorahorajasāṃ lopaś ca — Of arus, manas, cakṣus, cetas, rahas and rajas [the final] is deleted (lopa), and [cvi, already given by SK 2117, is restated here (anuvāda), so that the deletion is taught together with it (tatsaṃniyoga) — BM, TB].

Rule. The final sound of arus, manas, cakṣus, cetas, rahas and rajas is deleted, and cvi comes. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss: "these are deleted, and cvi [comes]". One of his commentators says "the final" is meant.

Example.

anaruḥ aruḥ saṃpadyate, tat karoti → arus + cvi

→ the final s deleted → aru

→ u lengthened (SK 2120) → arūkaroti.

unmanas + cvi → the final s deleted → unmana

→ ī for the a (SK 2118) → unmanīsyāt.

Likewise uccakṣūkaroti, vicetīkaroti, virahīkaroti and virajīkaroti.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.

Applies when / blocked by. Cvi is already given by SK 2117. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the word ca only restates it. This restatement is an anuvāda: repeating what another rule has already taught. It is done so that the deletion is taught together with cvi (saṃniyogaśiṣṭa).

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads virājīkaroti. The 1915 printed edition reads virajīkaroti, from rajas. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads it so too. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एषां लोपः स्यात् च्विश्च । अरूकरोति । उन्मनीस्यात् । उच्चक्षूकरोति । विचेतीकरोति । विरहीकरोति । विराजीकरोति ॥

[The final] of these is deleted (lopa), and cvi [comes]. arūkaroti, unmanīsyāt, uccakṣūkaroti, vicetīkaroti, virahīkaroti, virajīkaroti.

Bālamanoramā

अरुर्मनश्चक्षुश्चेतोरहोरजसां लोपश्च - अरुर्मनश्चक्षुः ।एषामिति । अरुस्, मनस्, चक्षुस्, चेतस्, रहस्, रजस् इत्येतेषामित्यर्थः । पूर्वेणैव प्रत्ययसिद्धेस्तत्संनियोगेन अन्त्यलोप इह विधीयते । अरूकरोतीति । अनरुः अरुः सम्पद्यते, तत्करोतीत्यर्थः । प्रकृतेरन्त्यलोपे उकारस्यच्वौ चे॑ति दीर्घः । उन्मनीकरोतीति । अनुन्मना उन्मनाः संपद्यते तं करोतीत्यर्थः । च्वौ अन्त्यलोपः, ईत्त्वं च । उच्चक्षूकरोतीति । अनुच्चक्षुरुच्चक्षुः सम्पद्यते, तं करोतीत्यर्थः । च्वौ अन्त्यलोपः, दीर्घश्च । उच्चेतीकरोतीति । अनुच्चेता उच्चेताः सम्पद्यते, तं करोतीत्यर्थः । च्वौ अन्त्यलोपः, ईत्त्वं च । विरहीकरोतीति । रहो विजनप्रदेशः, विशिष्टं रहो विरहः । अविरहो विरहः संपद्यते तत्करोतीत्यर्थः । च्वौ अन्त्यलोपः, ईत्त्वं च । विरजीकरोतीति । अविरजा विरजाः सम्पद्यते तं करोतीत्यर्थः । अन्त्यलोपे अस्य च्वौ ईत्त्वं च ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'eṣām' means of arus, manas, cakṣus, cetas, rahas and rajas. Since the affix is already established by the preceding [SK 2117], the deletion of the final (antyalopa) is prescribed here in conjunction with it. Followed for '[the final]', for the bracketed cvi (SK 2117) in k1 and for the anuvāda wording of sutra_en.
commentary BM: arūkaroti — anaruḥ aruḥ sampadyate, tat karoti; after deletion of the final of the base the u is lengthened by 'cvau ca' (SK 2120). uccakṣūkaroti — deletion of the final and lengthening. For the a-final remnants: deletion of the final and ī by 'asya cvau' (SK 2118): unmanīkaroti, uccetīkaroti, virahīkaroti (rahas 'a lonely place', viraha 'a special lonely place'), virajīkaroti (avirajā virajāḥ sampadyate). Recorded: BM illustrates with unmanīkaroti and uccetīkaroti where the kaumudī has unmanīsyāt and vicetīkaroti; the English follows the kaumudī's forms, which the print confirms.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2117.t1: 'cviś ca' is a restatement (anuvāda) of the cvi already established by the preceding [rule]; the lopa is [stated with it] so that it is taught in conjunction with it (tatsaṃniyogaśiṣṭa). Agrees with BM; followed for the bracketed cvi and the anuvāda wording of sutra_en.
textual The digital source reads 'virājīkaroti'; NSP p. 334 (scan, zoom confirmed in the p42 collation) prints 'virajīkaroti', from rajas, as BM's 'virajīkarotīti' and Wikisource also have. The English follows the print.

SK 2122 · A 5.4.52V

विभाषा साति कार्त्स्न्ये ॥ २१२२ ॥

vibhāṣā sāti kārtsnye

vibhāṣā sāti kārtsnye — Optionally, sāti [comes] when totality (kārtsnya) [is meant] [in the domain of cvi, i.e. under the conditions of SK 2117 — abhūtatadbhāve, saṃpadyakartari, kṛbhvastiyoge — carried forward (anuvṛtti)].

Rule. In the domain of cvi, sāti optionally comes when totality (kārtsnya) is meant. Bhaṭṭoji glosses totality as sākalya "wholeness". Sāti is heard as -sāt.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains "the domain of cvi". It means the conditions of SK 2117. Something comes to be what it was not. The word applies to the one becoming. The verb is kṛ, bhū or as.

Example. Bhaṭṭoji gives this rule's examples after the next sūtra, SK 2123:

kṛtsnaṃ śastram agniḥ saṃpadyate "the whole weapon becomes fire" → agni + sāti → agnisād bhavati.

Applies when / blocked by. The great option already makes the affix optional. So why does the sūtra say vibhāṣā "optionally"? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. It lets the general cvi still come where the special sāti could come. Both affixes then stand side by side (samāveśa). So agnībhavati stands beside agnisād bhavati.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

च्विविषये सातिर्वा स्यात्साकल्ये ॥

In the domain of cvi (cviviṣaye) [i.e. when something comes to be what it was not, after a word applied to the agent of becoming, in connection with kṛ, bhū or as], sāti optionally comes when totality (sākalya) [is meant].

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 334–335

—विभाषा साति—। विभाष्यते विकल्प्यते इति विभाषा । ‘गुरोश्च हलः’ इत्यकारप्रत्ययः । ततः टाप् । न त्विदमव्ययं ‘द्वयोर्विभाषयोर्मध्ये, पयसस्तु विभाषया’ इत्यादौ विभक्तेर्दर्शनात् ॥—कृत्स्नमिति । सर्वावयवोपेतमित्यर्थः ॥—अग्निसाद्भवति शस्त्रमिति । जातावेकवचनम् । सर्वाणि शस्त्राणीत्यर्थः ॥—वन्दे रमे वेति । देवान् वन्दे देवत्रा वन्दे । देवेषु रमे देवत्रारमे इत्यर्थोऽत्र पर्यवसन्नः । एवं मनुष्यान् गच्छति मनुष्यत्रा गच्छति । मनुष्येषु वसति मनुष्यत्रा वसति । पुरुषान् गच्छति पुरुषत्रा गच्छति । पुरुषेषु वसति पुरुषत्रा वसति । पुरुषशब्दो बहुपर्यायः । पुरून् गच्छति पुरुषु वसति वा पुरुत्रा । मर्त्यान्मर्त्येषु वा मर्त्यत्रा ॥—डाचि विवक्षित इति ॥ परसप्तम्यां त्वन्योन्याश्रयः स्यात् । डाचि कृते द्वित्वे सति द्व्यजवरार्धता, तस्यां च सत्यां डाजिति भावः ॥—खरटखरटाकरोतीति । द्वित्वपररूपादि प्राग्वत् । द्व्यजवरार्धादित्युक्ते तत्र डाच् न स्यात् । न ह्यत्रार्धं द्व्यच् किं तु त्र्यच् ॥—अनेकाच इत्येवेति । ‘द्व्यजवरार्धात्’ इत्यपनीयेत्यर्थः ॥—पटितीति । ‘अव्यक्तानुकरणस्यात इतौ’ इति पररूपम् ॥ नन्वत्र करोतिना योगो दुर्लभः । इतिशब्देन व्यवधानात् । तथा चानिताविति व्यर्थमिति चेत् । अत्राहुः । इतिशब्देन करोत्यर्थगतप्रकार एव परामृश्यते इत्येवंप्रकारेण करोतीति । तथा च पटच्छब्दस्यार्थद्वारा योगोऽस्त्येवेति ॥—बीजेन सहेति ॥ ननु बीजेन सह भूतलस्य कर्षणे बीजानामपि कर्षणप्रसङ्गाद्विवक्षितार्थो न सिध्यतीति चेत् । अत्राहुः । वृत्तिविषये बीजशब्दो बीजावापसहिते विलेखने वर्तते । तथा च बीजावापसहितं विलेखनं करोतीत्यर्थ इति

Bālamanoramā

विभाषा साति कार्त्स्न्ये - विभाषा साति ।साती॑ति लुप्तप्रथमाकम् । च्विविषये इति । अभूततद्भावे संपद्यकर्तरि कृभ्वस्तियोगे इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'sāti' in the sūtra is a word whose first-case ending has been elided (luptaprathamāka); 'cviviṣaye' means 'abhūtatadbhāve saṃpadyakartari kṛbhvastiyoge' [the conditions of SK 2117 with its vārttika]. Followed for the bracketed conditions in sutra_en and k1.
commentary TB: vibhāṣā is 'that which is made optional' (vibhāṣyate vikalpyate), with the affix a by 'guroś ca halaḥ' and then ṭāp; it is not an indeclinable, since case-endings are seen with it, as in 'dvayor vibhāṣayor madhye' and 'payasas tu vibhāṣayā'. Recorded; the English renders it adverbially ('optionally') as usual.
textual The .work collation (batch18) finds SK 2122 clean against NSP p. 334 (scan). The examples of sāti (agnisād bhavati etc.) are printed after the next sūtra, SK 2123, and TB on them ('kṛtsnam iti', 'agnisād bhavati śastram iti') is printed at sk.2122.t1.

SK 2123 · A 8.3.111V

सात्पदाद्योः ॥ २१२३ ॥

sātpadādyoḥ

sātpadādyoḥ — [A cerebral (mūrdhanya, i.e. ṣ) does] not [replace s — 'na' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'na rapara…' and 'mūrdhanyaḥ' from 'apadāntasya', as BM states] of sāt or at the beginning of a pada.

Rule. The s of sāt is not replaced by ṣ. Nor is an s at the beginning of a pada. The replacement of s by ṣ is called ṣatva. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "not" and "by ṣ" are carried forward from earlier rules.

This rule is from Pāṇini's eighth book. Bhaṭṭoji sets it between SK 2122 and that rule's examples. It explains why the s of agnisāt stays s.

Example.

dadhi siñcati "he sprinkles curd": the s begins the pada siñcati, so it stays.

agni + sāti → agnisāt, not agniṣāt.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains both. The s of siñcati is itself a substitute for the root's ṣ. The s of sāt belongs to an affix. So each would otherwise be replaced by ṣ. This rule forbids it.

Now SK 2122's examples:

kṛtsnaṃ śastram agniḥ saṃpadyate "the whole weapon becomes fire"

→ with sāti: agnisād bhavati

→ with cvi: agnībhavati, the i lengthened (SK 2120)

→ by the great option, the sentence itself too.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators glosses kṛtsna "whole" as "with all its parts".

Applies when / blocked by. Why "totality"? ekadeśena śuklībhavati paṭaḥ "the cloth becomes white in one part". The change is partial, so only cvi comes.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads kārtsye kim, "why totality?". The 1915 printed edition reads kārtsnye kim, matching the word of SK 2122. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सस्य षत्वं न स्यात् । दधि सिञ्चति । कृत्स्नं शस्त्रमग्निः संपद्यतेऽग्निसाद्भवति । अग्नीभवति । महाविभाषया वाक्यमपि । कार्त्स्ये किम् । एकदेशेन शुक्लीभवति पटः ॥

The replacement of s by ṣ (ṣatva) does not take place [for the s of sāt or the s at the beginning of a pada]. dadhi siñcati ('he sprinkles curd'). [Examples of 'vibhāṣā sāti kārtsnye', SK 2122:] kṛtsnaṃ śastram agniḥ saṃpadyate ('the whole weapon becomes fire'): agnisād bhavati; agnībhavati. By the great option (mahāvibhāṣā, SK 1072) the [analytic] sentence too. Why 'in [the sense of] completeness' (kārtsnye)? ekadeśena śuklībhavati paṭaḥ ('the cloth becomes white in one part').

Bālamanoramā

सात्पदाद्योः । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — सस्य षत्वं न स्यादिति । सातेरवयवस्य, पदादेश्च सस्य षत्वं न स्यादित्यर्थः ।न रपरसृपी॑त्यतो नेति,अपदान्तस्ये॑त्यतो 'मूर्धन्य' इति चानुवर्तत इति भावः । पदादेरुदाहरति — दधि सिञ्चतीति । षिचिधातोः 'धात्वादेः षः सः' इति षस्य सः । तस्यआदेशप्रत्यययो॑रिति षत्वे प्राप्ते ।ञनेन निषेधः । कृत्स्नमिति । सर्वावयवोपेतमित्यर्थः ।अग्निसा॑दित्यत्र प्रत्ययावयवसकारत्वात् षत्वे प्राप्तेऽनेन निषेधः । अग्नीभवतीति । च्विप्रत्ययेच्वौ चे ति दीर्घः । महाविभाषयेति ।समर्थाना॑मित्यतो वाग्रहणानुवृत्तेरित्यर्थः । माहाविभाषया सिद्धे इह विभाषाग्रहणं तु अपवादेन मुक्ते औत्सर्गिकच्वेः समावेशार्थम् ।

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.2122.t1, on 'kṛtsnam': 'endowed with all its parts' (sarvāvayavopeta). Followed for 'whole'.
commentary BM on this sūtra, formerly filed under sk.2278.b1 (p44, under the label 'sedhater gatau'), is now filed here as sk.2123.b1 (re-filed 2026-10-05); it has not yet been collated with this note, which follows the Wikisource BM (purva-3-2 p. 115): he explains the sūtra by supplying what remains (śeṣapūraṇa); the meaning is that ṣatva does not take place for an s that is part of sāti or at the beginning of a pada; 'na' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'na rapara-sṛpi…' and 'mūrdhanyaḥ' from 'apadāntasya'. In dadhi siñcati, the ṣ of the root ṣic has become s by 'dhātvādeḥ ṣaḥ saḥ', and ṣatva, due by 'ādeśapratyayayoḥ', is prohibited by this rule; in agnisāt, ṣatva is due because the s is part of an affix, and is prohibited by this rule; agnībhavati has lengthening by 'cvau ca' before cvi; 'mahāvibhāṣayā' means by the anuvṛtti of 'vā' from 'samarthānām…'. Since [the option] is already established by the mahāvibhāṣā, the mention of 'vibhāṣā' here [in 'vibhāṣā sāti kārtsnye', SK 2122] is for the co-occurrence (samāveśa) of the general (autsargika) cvi where the exception (sāti) has left it free, which is why agnībhavati stands beside agnisād bhavati. Followed for the brackets in sutra_en and k1; the step-by-step account and the samāveśa point are Recorded.
textual Our kaumudī reads 'kārtsye kim'; NSP p. 334 reads 'kārtsnye kim' (scan collation, batch18, class A; the Wikisource SK agrees with the print), matching the sūtra word of SK 2122. The dropped n is a slip; the English renders 'kārtsnye'.
translator Bhaṭṭoji inserts sūtra 8.3.111 between 'vibhāṣā sāti kārtsnye' (SK 2122) and that rule's examples: everything from 'kṛtsnaṃ śastram' onward illustrates SK 2122, and 'sātpadādyoḥ' is placed here because it accounts for the unchanged s of agnisāt. The bracketed heading in k1 marks this.

SK 2124 · A 5.4.53V

अभिविधौ सम्पदा च ॥ २१२४ ॥

abhividhau sampadā ca

abhividhau sampadā ca — In the sense of pervasion (abhividhi), [the affix sāti comes optionally (vibhāṣā) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2122 —] in connection with sampad and (ca) [with kṛ, bhū and as — 'ca' gathering them in (samuccaya), BM].

Rule. When pervasion (abhividhi) is meant, sāti optionally comes. It comes in connection with sampad "turn into", and also with kṛ, bhū and as. Bhaṭṭoji glosses abhividhi as vyāpti "pervading". One of his commentators says the ca "and" gathers in kṛ, bhū and as. This gathering-in is called samuccaya.

In the other option, cvi comes with kṛ, bhū and as. With sampad, the other option is only the plain sentence.

Example.

agnisāt saṃpadyate or agnisād bhavati śastram "the weapons turn into fire".

With cvi: agnībhavati.

jalasāt saṃpadyate "the salt turns into water"; with cvi: jalībhavati lavaṇam.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji contrasts this rule with SK 2122. Totality (kārtsnya) is one individual changed in all its parts. Pervasion (abhividhi) is many individuals changed in some part. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says śastram "weapon" here names the class: all the weapons.

Why no cvi with sampad? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. SK 2117 gives cvi only with kṛ, bhū and as.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads jalābhavati. The 1915 printed edition reads jalībhavati, with ī for a by SK 2118. We follow the print.

Our text also skips some words in the contrast. It reads "the change of one individual in all its parts is abhividhi". The 1915 printed edition has two sentences. The change of one individual in all its parts is totality; the change of many individuals in some part is pervasion. We follow the print. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators draws the same contrast.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

संपदाकृभ्वस्तिभिश्च योगे सातिर्वा स्याद्व्याप्तौ । पक्षे कृभ्वस्तियोगे च्विः । संपदा तु वाक्यमेव । अग्निसात्संपद्यते अग्निसाद्भवति शस्त्रम् । अग्नीभवति । जलसात्संपद्यते जलाभवति लवणम् । एकस्या व्यक्तेः सर्वावयवावच्छेदेनान्यथात्वं त्वभिविधिः ॥

In connection with sampad, and with kṛ, bhū and as, sāti optionally comes in the sense of pervasion (vyāpti). In the alternative, cvi [comes] in connection with kṛ, bhū and as; with sampad, however, [the alternative is] only the [uncompounded] phrase (vākya). agnisāt sampadyate, agnisād bhavati śastram — '[all] the weapons turn into fire'; [with cvi:] agnībhavati. jalasāt sampadyate, jalībhavati lavaṇam — 'the salt turns into water'. The becoming-otherwise of a single individual with respect to all its parts [is kārtsnya ('totality'); the becoming-otherwise of many individuals with respect to some part] is, by contrast, abhividhi.

translator notes

commentary TB, printed under sk.2122.t1 (NSP p. 335 scan, printed p. 325), on 'agnisād bhavati śastram': the singular refers to the class (jātāv ekavacanam), i.e. all weapons (sarvāṇi śastrāṇi). Followed for the bracketed '[all] the weapons', which fits the definition of abhividhi as concerning many individuals.
textual Our source reads 'jalābhavati'; the 1915 print reads 'jalībhavati' (NSP p. 335 scan, printed p. 325; confirmed on the scan; Wikisource 'jalī bhavati'), the cvi-form with ī for a by 'asya cvau' (SK 2118). The English renders jalībhavati.
textual Eye-skip in our source: it reads 'ekasyā vyakteḥ sarvāvayavāvacchedenānyathātvaṃ tv abhividhiḥ', which makes the one-individual, all-parts change the definition of abhividhi. The 1915 print (NSP p. 335 scan, printed p. 325; confirmed on the scan; Wikisource agrees) reads '…sarvāvayavāvacchedenānyathābhāvaḥ kārtsnyam. bahūnāṃ vyaktīnāṃ kiṃcidavayavāvacchedenānyathātvaṃ tv abhividhiḥ', contrasting kārtsnya (SK 2122) with abhividhi. The English follows the print and puts the words our text lacks in square brackets.
textual Our source carries no Bālamanoramā for SK 2124, neither in this unit nor under a neighbour (sk2123 has none; the BM under sk2125 is on SK 2125). The Wikisource BM print has it (purva-3-2 pp. 0115–0116); see the BM note.
commentary BM (Wikisource print, purva-3-2 pp. 0115–0116): the 'ca' is for gathering in (samuccaya) kṛ, bhū and as; 'sampadā kṛbhvastibhiś ca' explains it, and 'vyāptau' explains 'abhividhau'. 'pakṣe': in the alternative where sāti does not come, cvi [comes] by the preceding [rule] in connection with kṛ, bhū and as, but in connection with sampad, when sāti is absent, only the phrase, not cvi, because cvi is prescribed only in connection with kṛ, bhū and as. agnisāt sampadyate illustrates sampad, agnisād bhavati [śastram] kṛ-bhū-as; agnisāt karoti, agnisāt syāt are also to be cited. With 'ekasyā vyakteḥ…' he states the difference between kārtsnya and abhividhi. Followed for the 'ca' in sutra_en and for the reading of 'pakṣe' in k1; BM's kārtsnya/abhividhi contrast independently supports the eye-skip repair.
translator The kaumudī supplies 'sāti … vā' and the connection with kṛ, bhū and as. Identifying the source of 'sāti … vā' as SK 2122 (vibhāṣā sāti kārtsnye) is the translator's; kṛ, bhū and as are brought in by the sūtra's 'ca' (BM).

SK 2125 · A 5.4.54V

तदधीनवचने ॥ २१२५ ॥

tadadhīnavacane

tadadhīnavacane — [sāti (SK 2122) comes, in conjunction with kṛ, bhū, as and with sampad (SK 2124)] when 'dependent on that' is expressed ['abhūtatadbhāve' no longer applies, as BM states].

Rule. Sāti comes, with kṛ, bhū, as and sampad, when "dependent on that" (tadadhīna) is expressed.

Example.

rājasāt karoti "he makes [it] the king's".

rājasāt saṃpadyate "[it] becomes the king's".

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: "dependent on the king" (rājādhīnam).

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says abhūtatadbhāve has ceased here. The thing need not come to be what it was not. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss does not repeat "optionally". The next rule shows sāti alternating with trā.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सातिः स्यात्कृभ्वस्तिभिः संपदा च योगे । राजसात्करोति । राजसात्संपद्यते । राजाधीनमित्यर्थः ॥

sāti comes in conjunction with kṛ, bhū, as and with sampad. rājasāt karoti ('he makes [it] the king's'); rājasāt saṃpadyate ('[it] becomes the king's'). The meaning is 'dependent on the king'.

Bālamanoramā

तदधीनवचने - तदधीनवचने । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — सातिः स्यादित्यादिना । 'अभूततद्भावे' इति निवृत्तमिति भावः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: he explains the sūtra by supplying what remains (śeṣapūraṇa), with 'sātiḥ syāt' etc.; the idea is that 'abhūtatadbhāve' [the condition of cvi, SK 2117] has ceased (nivṛtta). Followed for the bracketed supplements in sutra_en.
textual No TB on this sūtra (NSP pp. 334–335: TB passes from 'agnisād bhavati śastram' of SK 2124 to 'vande rame vā' of SK 2127). The scan collation (batch18) lists 2125 as clean.
translator The kaumudī's gloss does not repeat the 'vā' of SK 2122, and the English adds no option; SK 2126 later shows sāti alternating with trā ('pakṣe viprasāt karoti').

SK 2126 · A 5.4.55V

देये त्रा च ॥ २१२६ ॥

deye trā ca

deye trā ca — [When something subject to someone (tadadhīna) is to be expressed — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2125 —] and it is a thing to be given (deya), the affix trā [comes], and [sāti] too, [in connection with kṛ, bhū, as and sampad].

Rule. When what is dependent on someone is a thing to be given (deya), trā comes, and sāti too. Both come with kṛ, bhū and the others. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says only tadadhīnavacane is carried forward. He takes "the others" as as and sampad.

Example.

viprādhīnaṃ deyaṃ karoti "he makes [a thing] to be given dependent on the brāhmaṇa" → vipra + trā → vipratrā karoti.

Likewise vipratrā saṃpadyate.

In the other option: viprasāt karoti.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "to be given"? rājasād bhavati rāṣṭram "the kingdom becomes the king's". A kingdom is not given here, so only sāti comes.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

तदधीने देये त्रा स्यात्सातिश्च कृभ्वादियोगे । विप्राधीनं देयं करोति विप्रत्रा करोति । विप्रत्रा संपद्यते । पक्षे विप्रसात्करोति । देये किम् । राजसाद्भवति राष्ट्रम् ॥

When what is subject to that [person] (tadadhīna) is a thing to be given (deya), trā comes, and sāti too, in connection with kṛ, bhū and the others (kṛbhvādi) [i.e. kṛ, bhū, as and sampad]. viprādhīnaṃ deyaṃ karoti — 'he makes [something] to be given subject to the brāhmaṇa (vipra)' — vipratrā karoti; vipratrā sampadyate. In the alternative: viprasāt karoti. Why 'to be given'? rājasād bhavati rāṣṭram — 'the kingdom becomes subject to the king'.

Bālamanoramā

देये त्रा च - देये त्रा च । तदधीनवचन इत्येवानुवर्तते । कृभ्वादियोगे इति । कृभ्वस्तिभिः संपदा च योगे इत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'tadadhīnavacane' alone is carried forward (tadadhīnavacana ity evānuvartate) [from SK 2125]; 'kṛbhvādiyoge' means in connection with kṛ, bhū and as, and with sampad. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and the bracketed expansion of kṛbhvādi in k1.
textual Our source carries no Tattvabodhinī for SK 2126: the TB under sk.2122.t1 passes from SK 2124 ('agnisād bhavati śastram') to SK 2127 ('vande rame vā').

SK 2127 · A 5.4.56V

देवमनुष्यपुरुषपुरुमर्त्येभ्यो द्वितीयासप्तम्योर्बहुलम् ॥ २१२७ ॥

devamanuṣyapuruṣapurumartyebhyo dvitīyāsaptamyorbahulam

devamanuṣyapuruṣapurumartyebhyo dvitīyāsaptamyor bahulam — [trā — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'deye trā ca' (SK 2126), as the kaumudī's gloss shows; 'sāti' and 'kṛbhvastiyoge' do not continue —] comes variously (bahulam) after deva, manuṣya, puruṣa, puru and martya [when they are] second-case words (dvitīyānta) or seventh-case words (saptamyanta).

Rule. After deva, manuṣya, puruṣa, puru and martya, trā comes variously (bahulam). The words must be in the second or the seventh case. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this trā wholly svārthika. He says sāti and "with kṛ, bhū, as" have ceased.

Example.

devān vande "I pay homage to the gods" → devatrā vande.

deveṣu rame "I delight among the gods" → devatrā rame.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add manuṣyatrā, puruṣatrā, purutrā and martyatrā. They say puru means "many".

Applies when / blocked by. Because the sūtra says bahulam, trā comes after other words too. Bhaṭṭoji's example is bahutrā jīvato manaḥ. One of his commentators explains it: the mind of a living being goes out to many objects.

Watch out. The trā is carried forward from SK 2126, but here it is wholly svārthika. It needs no verb kṛ, bhū or as, and there is nothing to be given.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

एभ्यो द्वितीयान्तेभ्यः सप्तम्यन्तेभ्यश्च त्रा स्यात् । देवत्रा वन्दे रमे वा । बहुलोक्तेरन्यत्रापि । बहुत्रा जीवतो मनः ॥

After these, when they are second-case words (dvitīyānta) and seventh-case words (saptamyanta), trā comes: devatrā vande ['I pay homage to the gods'], or rame ['I delight among the gods']. Because 'bahulam' is stated, [trā comes] elsewhere too: bahutrā jīvato manaḥ ['the mind of a living being ranges among many (bahutrā) objects'].

Bālamanoramā

देवमनुष्यपुरुषमर्त्येभ्यो द्वितीयासप्तम्योर्बहुलम् - देवमनुष्यपुरुष । एभ्य इति । देव, मनुष्य, पुरुष, पुरु, मर्त्य-इत्येतेभ्य इत्यर्थः । अत्यन्तस्वार्थिकोऽयम् ।साती॑ति 'कृभ्वस्तियोगे' इत्यपि निवृत्तम् । देवत्रा वन्दे रमे वेति । देवान् वन्दे, देवेषु रमे वेत्यर्थः । मनुष्यत्रा, पुरुषत्रा । पुरुशब्दो बहुलपर्यायः । पुरुत्रा । मर्त्यत्रा । अन्यत्रापीति । देवादिभ्योःऽन्यत्रापीत्यर्थः । बहुत्रा जीवतो मन इति । जीवतो जन्तोर्मनो बहुषु विषयेषु गच्छति । बहून् व्याप्नोतीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ebhyaḥ' means after deva, manuṣya, puruṣa, puru and martya. This [trā] is purely svārthika (atyantasvārthika); 'sāti' and 'kṛbhvastiyoge' too have ceased (nivṛttam). Followed for the bracketed nivṛtti in sutra_en.
commentary BM: 'devatrā vande rame vā' means devān vande ('I pay homage to the gods') or deveṣu rame ('I delight among the gods'). Also manuṣyatrā, puruṣatrā; puru is a synonym of bahu (so the digital source: 'bahula-paryāya'), purutrā; martyatrā. 'anyatrāpi' means elsewhere than deva etc. 'bahutrā jīvato manaḥ': the mind of a living creature goes to many objects, i.e. pervades many. Followed for pairing vande with the second case and rame with the seventh, and for the gloss of bahutrā jīvato manaḥ.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2122.t1: 'vande rame veti': devān vande = devatrā vande; deveṣu rame = devatrā rame; so also manuṣyān gacchati / manuṣyeṣu vasati = manuṣyatrā gacchati / vasati; likewise puruṣatrā; puru is a synonym of bahu (the print itself reads 'puruṣaśabdo bahuparyāyaḥ', NSP p. 335 scan, a slip for puruśabdo); purūn gacchati, puruṣu vasati vā = purutrā; martyān, martyeṣu vā = martyatrā. Agrees with BM; followed.
textual Our source has no TB block under this unit; TB on it is printed within sk.2122.t1 (from 'vande rame veti' to 'martyatrā').

SK 2128 · A 5.4.57V

अव्यक्तानुकरणाद्द्व्यजवरार्धादनितौ डाच् ॥ २१२८ ॥

avyaktānukaraṇāddvyajavarārdhādanitau ḍāc

avyaktānukaraṇād dvyajavarārdhād anitau ḍāc — After an imitation of an inarticulate sound (avyaktānukaraṇa) whose half has at least two vowels (dvyajavarārdha), ḍāc [comes, in connection with kṛ, bhū or as — 'kṛbhvastiyoge' carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2117 by a 'frog's leap' (maṇḍūkapluti)], provided iti does not follow (anitau).

Rule. Ḍāc comes after an avyaktānukaraṇa: an imitation of an inarticulate sound. The imitation's half must have at least two vowels. The verb is kṛ, bhū or as. And iti must not follow (anitau).

Bhaṭṭoji explains dvyajavara: two vowels as the lower limit, and not fewer. In short, more than one vowel (anekāc). One of his commentators defines an inarticulate sound: one in which sounds like a are not told apart.

Example. Two vārttikas are needed first.

ḍāci vivakṣite dve bahulam: when ḍāc is intended, the word is doubled, variously.
nityam āmreḍite ḍāci: before an āmreḍita followed by ḍāc, pararūpa replaces both sounds. This holds always (nityam).

paṭat → doubled, since ḍāc is intended → paṭat paṭat

→ t + p → p, by pararūpa → paṭapaṭat

→ + ḍāc → the ṭi at deleted (SK 316) → paṭapaṭā

→ paṭapaṭākaroti.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the whole sequence.

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji tests each word of the sūtra.

Why "imitation"? dṛṣat karoti: dṛṣat is not an imitation, so no ḍāc.
Why "a half of two vowels"? śrat karoti: śrat has one vowel.
Why "at least" (avara)? kharaṭakharaṭākaroti, trapaṭatrapaṭākaroti. Here each half has three vowels, and ḍāc still comes.
Why "not before iti"? paṭiti karoti. There pararūpa comes by SK 81 instead.

Why "when ḍāc is intended", and not "when ḍāc follows"? Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. Doubling would wait for ḍāc, and ḍāc would wait for the doubled half. Each would wait on the other. This fault is anyonyāśraya, mutual dependence.

Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji criticises the wording. The sūtra would be better as simply anekācaḥ "after [an imitation] of more than one vowel". Then the vārttika could read "when ḍāc follows", a parasaptamī. A parasaptamī is a seventh case that means "when X follows". One of his commentators gives the reason. Paṭat already has more than one vowel before doubling. So ḍāc could come first, and the doubling after it.

Our text of the Kaumudī reads pararupam, with a short u. The 1915 printed edition reads pararūpam. We follow the print. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads the counter-example as gharaṭagharaṭākaroti; the print has kharaṭa-, as we do.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्व्यच् अवरं न्यूनं न तु ततो न्यूनम् । अनेकाजिति यावत् । तादृशमर्धं यस्य तस्माड्डाच् स्यात्कृभ्वस्तिभिर्योगे ।

'dvyajavara' [means]: two vowels (dvyac) as the lower limit (avara, i.e. nyūna), and not less than that; in short, having more than one vowel (anekāc). After [an imitation of an inarticulate sound] whose half (ardha) is of that kind, ḍāc comes in connection with kṛ, bhū and as.

vārttika

डाचि विवक्षिते द्वे बहुलम्

(vārttika) When ḍāc is intended (ḍāci vivakṣite), [the word] is doubled (dve), variously (bahulam).

(वार्तिकम्) ।

—

vārttika

नित्यमाम्रेडिते डाचीति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) It should be stated: 'invariably (nityam), when an āmreḍita [followed by] ḍāc [follows]'.

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ डाच्परं यदाम्रेडितं तस्मिन्परे पूर्वपरयोर्वर्णयोः पररुपं स्यात् । इति तकारपकारयोः पकारः । पटपटाकरोति । अव्यक्तानुकरणात्किम् । दृषत्करोति । द्व्यजवरार्धात्किम् । श्रत्करोति । अवरेति किम् । खरटखरटाकरोति । त्रपटत्रपटाकरोति । अनेकाच इत्येव सूत्रयितुमुचितम् । एवं हि डाचीति परसप्तम्येव द्वित्वे सुवचेत्यवधेयम् । अनितौ किम् । पटिति करोति ॥

When there follows an āmreḍita (the repeated [second] member) that has ḍāc after it, the form of the following (pararūpa) is the [single] substitute for the preceding and the following sounds (varṇa). Thus for t and p [together] p [is substituted]: paṭapaṭākaroti.

Why 'avyaktānukaraṇāt'? dṛṣat karoti [where ḍāc does not come].

Why 'dvyajavarārdhāt'? śrat karoti [where ḍāc does not come].

Why 'avara'? kharaṭakharaṭākaroti; trapaṭatrapaṭākaroti [would not get ḍāc if the half were required to have exactly two vowels].

It would be proper to frame the sūtra simply as 'anekācaḥ' ('after [an imitation] having more than one vowel'). For in that way, it should be noted, the 'ḍāci' in [the vārttika on] doubling could well be stated as a parasaptamī, i.e. 'when ḍāc follows' [since with 'anekācaḥ' paṭat already qualifies for ḍāc before doubling — BM].

Why 'anitau'? paṭiti karoti.

Bālamanoramā

अव्यक्तानुकरणाद्द्व्यजवरार्धादनितौ डाच् - अव्यक्तानुकरणात् । यत्र ध्वनौ अकारादयो वर्णविशेषा न व्यज्यन्ते सोऽव्यक्तो ध्वनिः । तस्यानुकरणम् — अव्यक्तानुकरणम् ।द्व्यजवरार्ध॑शब्दं व्याचष्टे — द्व्यजिति । द्वावचौ यस्येति विग्रहः । अवरशब्दं व्याचष्टे — न्यूनमिति । द्व्यजेव अवरं=न्यूनसंख्याकमिति सामानाधिकरण्येनान्वयः । न तु ततो न्यूनमिति । एकाच्कमित्यर्थः । फलितमाह — अनेकाजिति यावदिति । तादृशमर्धमिति । अनेकाच्कमर्धं=भागो यस्य तत् — द्व्यजवरार्धम् । तस्मादित्यर्थः । कृभ्वस्तिभिर्योगे इति । मण्डूकप्लुत्या तदनुवृत्तेरिति भावः । तथा च अनेकाच्कभागयुक्तादव्यक्तानुकरणाच्छब्दात्कृभ्वस्तियोगे डाच् स्यादिति फलितम् । अथ पटच्छब्दादव्यक्तानुकरणाड्डाचमुदाहरिष्यन्पटच्छब्दस्य द्विर्वचनमाह — डाचि विवक्षिते द्वे बहुलमिति । यद्यपि 'सर्वस्य द्वे' इति प्रकरणेडाचि द्वे भवत इति वक्तव्य॑मित्येव भाष्ये वार्तिकं पठितम् । तत्र डाचि परत इति नाऽर्थः, तथा सति डाचि सतु पटच्छब्दस्य द्विर्वचनं, सति च द्विर्वचने अर्धस्याऽनेकाच्त्वाड्डाजित्यन्योन्याश्रयापत्तेः । अतो डाचि विवक्षिते इत्याश्रितम् । एवंच डाचि विवक्षिते पटच्छब्दस्य द्विर्वचने सति पटत् पटत् इत्यस्यानेकाच्कार्धभागयुक्तत्वाड्डाच् सूपपादः । पटत्, पटत् आ करोतीति स्थिते प्रक्रियां दर्शयति — नित्यमाम्रेडिते डाचीति ।एकः पूर्वपरयो॑रित्यधिकारे पररूपप्रकरणे नाम्रेडितस्यान्त्यस्य तु वे॑ति सूत्रभाष्ये इदं वार्तिकं पठितम् । डाच्परमिति । डाच् परं यस्मादिति विग्रहः । पकार इति । तथा च पटपटत् आ करोतीति स्थिते डित्त्वाट्टिलोपे पटपटाकरोतीति रूपमित्यर्थः । अवरेति किमिति । द्व्यजर्धादित्येवास्त्वित्यर्थः । घरटघरटाकरोतीति । घरटत् इत्यव्यक्तानुकरणाड्डाचि द्विर्वचने पररूपे टिलोपे रूपम् ।द्व्यजर्धा॑दित्युक्ते तु अर्धभागस्य घरटदित्यस्य बह्वच्कत्वाड्डाच् न स्यादित्यर्थः । अनेकाच इत्येवेति ।द्व्यजवरार्धा॑दित्यपनीयअव्यक्तानुकरणादनेकाचोऽनितौ डाजि॑त्येव सूत्रयितुमुचितमित्यर्थः । एवं हीति । 'अनेकाचोऽनितौ' इति पाठे सति पटच्छब्दस्य द्वित्वात्प्रागेव अनेकाच्कत्वाड्डाच् संभवतीतिडाचि परतो द्वित्व॑मिति वक्तुं शक्यमिति भावः । पटितीति ।अव्यक्तानुकरणस्ये॑ति पररूपम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: an inarticulate (avyakta) sound is one in which particular sounds such as a are not distinguished; its imitation is avyaktānukaraṇa. dvyac is analysed 'that which has two vowels'; avara means 'the smaller number', construed in apposition with dvyac; 'na tu tato nyūnam' means 'not single-voweled'; the upshot is 'anekāc'; dvyajavarārdha is 'that whose half (ardha = part) has more than one vowel'. On 'kṛbhvastibhir yoge': that is carried forward by a frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti) [over the intervening rules]; the upshot is 'ḍāc comes after an imitation of an inarticulate sound possessing a part with more than one vowel, in connection with kṛ, bhū, as'. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en and for k1. BM on SK 2127 notes that 'kṛbhvastiyoge' had lapsed there.
commentary BM: to exemplify ḍāc after the imitation paṭat, the kaumudī first states the doubling of paṭat. In the Bhāṣya, in the 'sarvasya dve' (SK 2139) section, the vārttika reads 'ḍāci dve bhavata iti vaktavyam'; there 'ḍāci' cannot mean 'when ḍāc follows', for then paṭat would be doubled only when ḍāc was present, and ḍāc would come only when, doubling done, the half had more than one vowel: mutual dependence (anyonyāśraya). So 'when ḍāc is intended' is adopted; with doubling done when ḍāc is intended, paṭat paṭat has a half with more than one vowel and ḍāc is easily explained. Followed for 'when ḍāc is intended'.
commentary BM: with paṭat paṭat ā karoti in place, the kaumudī shows the procedure with 'nityam āmreḍite ḍāci', a vārttika read in the Bhāṣya on 'nāmreḍitasyāntyasya tu vā' (SK 82), in the pararūpa section (our BM copy runs 'prakaraṇenāmreḍita…' together; Wikisource BM has 'prakaraṇe nāmreḍitasyāntyasya tu vā') under the heading 'ekaḥ pūrvaparayoḥ'. 'ḍācparam' is analysed 'from which ḍāc follows'. With paṭapaṭat ā karoti in place, the ṭi is elided because ḍāc has ḍ as it, giving paṭapaṭākaroti. 'Why avara?' means 'let it be dvyajardhāt'; BM reads the counter-example as gharaṭagharaṭākaroti, from the imitation gharaṭat with ḍāc, doubling, pararūpa and ṭi-elision; if 'dvyajardhāt' were said, the half gharaṭat, having many vowels, would not take ḍāc. 'anekācaḥ ity eva': removing 'dvyajavarārdhāt', the sūtra should be 'avyaktānukaraṇād anekāco 'nitau ḍāc'; with that reading, paṭat has more than one vowel even before doubling, so ḍāc is possible and 'doubling when ḍāc follows' could be stated. paṭiti: pararūpa by 'avyaktānukaraṇasyāta itau' (SK 81). Followed for the bracketed completion of 'avara' and for the parasaptamī sentence and its bracketed reason.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2122.t1: on 'ḍāci vivakṣite', with a seventh case of the following [element] (parasaptamī) there would be mutual dependence: once ḍāc is added and doubling done, the half has two vowels, and only then ḍāc. On kharaṭakharaṭākaroti: doubling, pararūpa etc. as before; 'if dvyajavarārdhāt were said, ḍāc would not come there, for the half here is not two-voweled but three-voweled' (so the print; the argument needs the form without avara). 'anekāca ity eva' means removing 'dvyajavarārdhāt'. paṭiti: pararūpa by 'avyaktānukaraṇasyāta itau'; objection: connection with karoti is hard to get here, iti intervening, so 'anitau' is useless; reply: iti refers to the manner inherent in the sense of karoti ('he acts in this way'), so paṭat is connected through the meaning. Followed for 'kharaṭa' and for the three-vowel reason in the bracket to 'Why avara?'.
textual The source reads 'pararupaṃ' (short u); the .work collation (batch18) and NSP p. 335 (scan) read 'pararūpaṃ'. The English renders pararūpa. The print agrees with ours on 'dṛṣat karoti' and 'kharaṭakharaṭākaroti'; Wikisource reads 'īṣat karoti' and 'gharaṭagharaṭā karoti', and BM's pratīka also has gharaṭa-; the English keeps the print's kharaṭa-.
textual The source's k3 is only an editorial '(vārttikam)' tag, rendered '—'; k5 also begins with that tag, dropped in the English. NSP p. 335 (scan) prints the vārttika sign before both 'ḍāci vivakṣite dve bahulam' and 'nityam āmreḍite ḍācīti vaktavyam'.
translator The bracketed '[where ḍāc does not come]' after dṛṣat karoti and śrat karoti only states the point of the counter-examples; no commentator here explains them. The kaumudī gives only the pararūpa step; the full sequence paṭat → paṭat paṭat → paṭat paṭat + ā → paṭapaṭat + ā (pararūpa) → paṭapaṭā (ṭi-elision) is BM's, recorded in the note above.

SK 2129 · A 5.4.58V

कृञो द्वितीयतृतीयशम्बबीजात् कृषौ ॥ २१२९ ॥

kṛño dvitīyatṛtīyaśambabījāt kṛṣau

kṛño dvitīyatṛtīyaśambabījāt kṛṣau — After dvitīya, tṛtīya, śamba and bīja, [ḍāc comes — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2128 —] in connection with kṛ (kṛñ) [only], in the sense of ploughing (kṛṣi).

Rule. After dvitīya "second", tṛtīya "third", śamba and bīja "seed", ḍāc comes with kṛ only. The sense is ploughing (kṛṣi). Bhaṭṭoji says "only in connection with kṛñ".

Example.

dvitīyaṃ karṣaṇaṃ karoti "he does a second ploughing" → dvitīya + ḍāc

→ the ṭi a deleted (SK 316) → dvitīyā → dvitīyākaroti.

Likewise tṛtīyākaroti "he does a third ploughing".

Śamba means "against the grain". anulomaṃ kṛṣṭaṃ kṣetraṃ punaḥ pratilomaṃ karṣati "he ploughs again, against the grain, a field ploughed with the grain" → śambākaroti.

bījena saha karṣati "he ploughs together with the seed" → bījākaroti.

Applies when / blocked by. No doubling here. Bhaṭṭoji says the bahulam "variously" of SK 2128's vārttika limits doubling before ḍāc to imitations of sound. So dvitīyākaroti, not a doubled form.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why bhū and as drop out. The sūtra names kṛñ, so only kṛ remains. Kṛñ then runs to madrāt parivāpaṇe (SK 2138).

The other commentator asks how one can plough with the seed without ploughing the seed up. He answers that here bīja means a scratching of the soil together with sowing.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī reads dvitāyādibhyaḥ. The 1915 printed edition reads dvitīyādibhyaḥ, "after dvitīya etc.". We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

द्वितायादिभ्यो डाच् स्यात्कृञ एव योगे कर्षणेऽर्थे । बहुलोक्तेरव्यक्तानुकरणादन्यस्य डाचि न द्वित्वम् । द्वितीयं तृतीयं कर्षणं करोति द्वितीयाकरोति । तृतीयाकरोति । शम्बशब्दः प्रतिलोमे । अनुलोमं कृष्टं क्षेत्रं पुनः प्रतिलोमं कर्षति शम्बाकरोति । बीजेन सह कर्षति बीजाकरोति ॥

After dvitīya etc. [dvitīya, tṛtīya, śamba and bīja] ḍāc comes [carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2128], in connection with kṛ (kṛñ) only, in the sense of ploughing (karṣaṇa). Because 'bahulam' is stated [in the vārttika 'ḍāci vivakṣite dve bahulam' under SK 2128], there is no doubling (dvitva) before ḍāc for [a word] other than an imitation of an inarticulate sound (avyaktānukaraṇa). dvitīyaṃ tṛtīyaṃ karṣaṇaṃ karoti, 'he does a second [or] a third ploughing': dvitīyākaroti, tṛtīyākaroti. The word śamba [is used] in the sense of 'against the grain' (pratiloma): anulomaṃ kṛṣṭaṃ kṣetraṃ punaḥ pratilomaṃ karṣati, 'he ploughs again, against the grain, a field ploughed with the grain': śambākaroti. bījena saha karṣati, 'he ploughs together with seed': bījākaroti.

Bālamanoramā

कृञो द्वितीयतृतीयशम्बबीजात् कृषौ - कृञो द्वितीय । द्वितीयादिभ्य इति । द्वितीय, तृतीय, शम्ब, बीज इत्येतेभ्य इत्यर्थः । कृञ एव योगे इति । कृञ्ग्रहणात्कृभ्वस्तिर्नानुवर्तत इति भावः । 'मद्रात्परिवापणे' इति यावत्कृञ इत्यनुवर्तते । बहुलोक्तेरिति ।डाचि बहुलं द्वे भवतः॑ इति बहुलग्रहणादव्यक्तानुकरणस्यैव डाचि द्वित्वम् । नतु तदन्यस्येत्यर्थः । शम्बशब्दः प्रतिलोमे इति । 'वर्तते' इति शेषः । बीजेन सह कर्षतीति । आदौ कृष्टक्षेत्रे कुलत्थादिबीजानां वापे कृते पुनर्बीजैः सह कर्षणं प्रसिद्धम् । 'कर्षात्वत' इति सूत्रभाष्यप्रामाण्यात्कृषधातुः शब्विकरणोऽस्ति । तेन शविकरणत्वात्कृषतीत्येव युक्तमिति न शङ्क्यम् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'dvitīyādibhyaḥ' = after dvitīya, tṛtīya, śamba and bīja. 'kṛña eva yoge': because kṛñ is mentioned, [the kṛ, bhū, as of SK 2128] do not continue; 'kṛñaḥ' continues as far as 'madrāt parivāpaṇe'. 'bahuloktes': because of the word bahula in 'ḍāci bahulaṃ dve bhavataḥ', only an imitation of an inarticulate sound is doubled before ḍāc, not anything else. 'śambaśabdaḥ pratilome': supply 'vartate'. 'bījena saha karṣati': after the first ploughing, when seeds of kulattha etc. have been sown in the field, ploughing again together with the seeds is well known; kṛṣ is also a śap-class root on the authority of the Bhāṣya on 'karṣātvataḥ', so 'karṣati' is correct. Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti, 'only', the list of four bases and the identification of the bahula-vārttika.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2122.t1 ('bījena saheti'): Objection: if the ground is ploughed together with seed, the seeds too would be ploughed [up], and the intended sense fails. Answer: in the domain of the derivative (vṛttiviṣaya) the word bīja denotes scratching [the soil] together with sowing seed; the meaning is 'he does a scratching accompanied by sowing of seed'. Recorded; the English keeps the kaumudī's 'bījena saha karṣati'.
textual Our text reads 'dvitāyādibhyaḥ'; NSP p. 335 (printed 325) prints 'dvitīyādibhyaḥ' (scan collation, batch 18; Wikisource agrees with the print). The English follows the print.

SK 2130 · A 5.4.59V

संख्यायाश्च गुणान्तायाः ॥ २१३० ॥

saṃkhyāyāśca guṇāntāyāḥ

saṃkhyāyāś ca guṇāntāyāḥ — And [ḍāc (SK 2128) comes] after a numeral (saṃkhyā) ending in guṇa [in conjunction with kṛ, in the sense of ploughing (kṛṣau) — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2129].

Rule. After a numeral ending in guṇa "-fold", ḍāc comes, with kṛ, for ploughing. Bhaṭṭoji's gloss keeps "for ploughing" in force.

Example.

dviguṇa + ḍāc → the ṭi a deleted → dviguṇā.

dviguṇākaroti kṣetram. Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: "he does a double ploughing, with the field as its object".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कृञो योगे कृषौ डाच् स्यात् । द्विगुणाकरोति क्षेत्रम् । क्षेत्रकर्मकं द्विगुणं कर्षणं करोतीत्यर्थः ॥

ḍāc comes in conjunction with kṛ, in [the sense of] ploughing. dviguṇākaroti kṣetram: the meaning is 'he does a double ploughing of which the field is the object'.

Bālamanoramā

संख्यायाश्च गुणान्तायाः - सङ्ख्यायाश्च । शेषपूरणेन सूत्रं व्याचष्टे — कृञो योगे इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: he explains the sūtra by supplying what remains (śeṣapūraṇa), with 'kṛño yoge' etc. Under SK 2129 (sk.2129.b1) BM adds that 'kṛñaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) as far as 'madrāt parivāpaṇe' (SK 2138). Followed for the bracketed anuvṛtti in sutra_en.
textual No TB on this sūtra (NSP p. 335: TB passes from 'bījena saha' of SK 2129 to 'samayāc ca', SK 2131). The scan collation (batch18) lists 2130 as clean.
translator 'kṛṣau' is still in force here: the kaumudī's gloss includes it, and at SK 2131 it says 'kṛṣāv iti nivṛttam'. Neither the kaumudī nor BM names the source of the ḍāc; identifying it as the ḍāc of 'avyaktānukaraṇād … ḍāc' (SK 2128) is the translator's inference.

SK 2131 · A 5.4.60V

समयाच्च यापनायाम् ॥ २१३१ ॥

samayācca yāpanāyām

samayāc ca yāpanāyām — And after samaya ('the appointed time') [ḍāc — from SK 2128 — comes, in connection with kṛñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from 'kṛño dvitīya…' (SK 2129); 'kṛṣau' has ceased —] when letting [the time] pass (yāpanā) is meant.

Rule. After samaya "the appointed time", ḍāc comes with kṛ, for letting the time pass (yāpanā). Bhaṭṭoji says "for ploughing" has ceased here.

Example.

samaya + ḍāc → samayā → samayākaroti.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: "he lets the time pass" (kālaṃ yāpayati).

Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators pictures the scene. Told "this must be done today", a man raises some obstacle and causes delay. The other reports Haradatta, a commentator on the Vṛtti. Haradatta says the word is used of one who says, day after day, "not today; tomorrow or the day after".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

कृषाविति निवृत्तम् । कृञो योगे डाच् स्यात् । समयाकरोति । कालं यापयतीत्यर्थः ॥

'kṛṣau' ('in the sense of ploughing') has ceased. ḍāc comes [after samaya] in connection with kṛñ: samayākaroti. The meaning is 'he lets the time pass' (kālaṃ yāpayati).

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 335

—समयाच्च—। कालं यापयतीत्यर्थ इति । कर्तव्यस्यावसरप्राप्तिः समयस्तस्यातिक्रमणं यापना’ इति वृत्तिग्रन्थमुपादाय हरदत्त आह । ‘अद्य मे पारवश्यं, श्वः परश्वो वा अस्य समय इत्येवं बहुषु दिवसेषु य आह स एवमुच्यते’ इति

Bālamanoramā

समयाच्च यापनायाम् - समयाच्च । कृषाविति निवृत्तम् । समयशब्दाद्यापनायां गम्यमानायां डाजित्यर्थः । समयाकरोतीति । करोतिरिह यापनायामित्याह — यापयतीति.अतिक्रान्तं करोतीत्यर्थः ।अद्येदं कर्तव्य॑मित्युक्ते विघ्नं कञ्चिदापाद्य कालक्षेपं करोतीति यावत् ।

translator notes

translator Neither the kaumudī nor BM names the source of the ḍāc (BM at most says that ḍāc is to be supplied); identifying it as the ḍāc of 'avyaktānukaraṇād … ḍāc' (SK 2128) is the translator's inference.
commentary BM: 'kṛṣau' has ceased; the sense is ḍāc after the word samaya when yāpanā is understood. samayākaroti: karoti here is in the sense of yāpanā, so the kaumudī says 'yāpayati', i.e. he makes [the time] pass by: when told 'this must be done today', he raises some obstacle and causes delay. Followed for the bracketed ḍāc after samaya and for 'lets the time pass'.
commentary TB: on 'kālaṃ yāpayatīty arthaḥ', Haradatta, taking up the Vṛtti's words 'samaya is the arrival of the occasion for what is to be done; yāpanā is letting it pass', says: 'one who over many days says "today I am not free (pāravaśya); tomorrow or the day after is its time" is so described'. Agrees with BM; followed for 'the appointed time' in sutra_en.
commentary BM on SK 2129 (sk.2129.b1): 'kṛñaḥ' is carried forward as far as 'madrāt parivāpaṇe' (SK 2138). Followed for the bracketed kṛñ.

SK 2132 · A 5.4.61V

सपत्त्रनिष्पत्रादतिव्यथने ॥ २१३२ ॥

sapattraniṣpatrādativyathane

sapattraniṣpattrād ativyathane — [ḍāc — from SK 2128 — comes, in connection with kṛñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2129 —] after sapattra and niṣpattra when ativyathana ('severe wounding') is meant.

Rule. After sapattra "with feathers" and niṣpattra "feathers out", ḍāc comes with kṛ. The sense is ativyathana "severe wounding". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators reads the word as ativyadhana "piercing through".

Example.

sapattrākaroti mṛgam "he makes the deer sapattra". Bhaṭṭoji explains: he drives in the arrow together with its feathered end.

niṣpattrākaroti. The feathered end of the arrow passes out at the other side.

Applies when / blocked by. Why "severe wounding"? sapatraṃ niṣpatraṃ vā karoti bhūtalam "he makes the ground sapatra or niṣpatra". No ḍāc comes.

Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say patra is the feathering on the arrow, by which it flies to its target. For the counter-example, one keeps feathers and the other takes patra as leaves. Scholars discuss this.

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī has three slips here, and we follow the 1915 printed edition over each.

Our text reads sapatrtrākaroti and niṣpatrtrākaroti, a garbled cluster. The print reads sapattrākaroti and niṣpattrākaroti.
Our text lacks Bhaṭṭoji's gloss of the second form; the copyist's eye skipped it. The print has it: "by the feathered arrow passing out at the other side, he makes it niṣpattra". The Example above gives it.
Our text reads kareti bhūtalam. The print reads karoti bhūtalam.

The sūtra in the heading writes sapattra with tt but niṣpatra with one t. The print writes tt in both. The words are the same.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सपत्र्त्राकरोति मृगम् । सपुङ्खशरप्रवेशनेन सपत्रं करोतीत्यर्थः । निष्पत्र्त्राकरोति । अतिव्यथने किम् । सपत्रं निष्पत्रं वा करेति भूतलम् ॥

[ḍāc (SK 2128) comes after these in connection with kṛñ (anuvṛtti from SK 2129):] sapattrākaroti mṛgam ('he makes the deer sapattra'): the meaning is, by driving in the arrow together with its feathered end (puṅkha) he makes [the deer] 'with feathers' (sapatra). niṣpattrākaroti [: the meaning is, by the arrow with its feathered end passing out at the other side, he makes (the deer) 'with the feathers out' (niṣpattra)]. Why 'ativyathane'? sapatraṃ niṣpatraṃ vā karoti bhūtalam ('he makes the ground sapatra or niṣpatra').

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 335

—सपत्रनिष्पत्रात्—॥ लक्ष्ये शराः पतन्त्यनेनेति पत्रम् । शराणां पुङ्खगतो बर्हः ॥—सपत्रं निष्पत्रं वा करोतीति । पत्राणि पर्णानि तत्सहितं तद्रहितं वेति यथासंभव-मर्थः

Bālamanoramā

सपत्त्रनिष्पत्रादतिव्यथने - सपत्र । सपत्रशब्दान्निष्पत्रशब्दाच्च अतिव्यधने डाजित्यर्थः ।व्यध ताडने॑चतुर्थान्तः । अतिक्रम्य वेधः । अतिव्यधनम् । लक्ष्ये शराः पतन्त्यनेनेति पत्रं=शराणां पुङ्खगतो बर्हः । भूतलमिति ।पुङ्खपर्यन्तं पुङ्खवर्जं वा शरप्रवेशनेन सपत्र॑निष्पत्र॑वा भूतलं करोतीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

translator Neither the kaumudī nor BM names the source of the ḍāc; identifying it as the ḍāc of 'avyaktānukaraṇād … ḍāc' (SK 2128) is the translator's inference.
commentary BM: the sense is ḍāc after the words sapatra and niṣpatra in ativyadhana. BM reads the compound with vyadh ('vyadha tāḍane', a fourth-class root): ativyadhana is piercing that passes beyond (atikramya vedhaḥ). Recorded; the sūtra and the kaumudī read 'ativyathane' (vyath, 'to hurt'), and the sutra_en rendering 'severe wounding' is meant to leave room for BM's 'piercing through'. Followed for the bracketed ḍāc.
commentary BM: patra is that by which arrows fly (patanti) to the target: the feathering (barha) on the feathered end (puṅkha) of arrows. On the counter-example 'bhūtalam': he makes the ground sapatra or niṣpatra by driving the arrow in up to the puṅkha, or short of the puṅkha. Followed for 'feathers' in the examples; BM's reading of the counter-example is recorded, the English leaving patra there untranslated.
commentary TB: patra is that by which arrows fly to the target, the feathering on the arrow's puṅkha (agrees with BM). But on the counter-example 'sapatraṃ niṣpatraṃ vā karoti [bhūtalam]', TB takes patra as leaves (parṇa): 'with them or without them, as the case may be'. TB and BM differ on the counter-example; the English keeps sapatra / niṣpatra there untranslated (§16).
commentary BM on SK 2129 (sk.2129.b1): 'kṛñaḥ' is carried forward as far as 'madrāt parivāpaṇe' (SK 2138). Followed for the bracketed kṛñ.
textual Our text reads 'sapatrtrākaroti' and 'niṣpatrtrākaroti' (a garbled conjunct, t-r-virāma-t-r, where the print has tt-r); NSP p. 335 (scan, batch18 collation) reads 'sapattrākaroti' / 'niṣpattrākaroti'. The English renders the print's forms.
textual After 'niṣpattrākaroti' NSP p. 335 (scan, batch18 collation) has a gloss sentence our text lacks: 'sapuṅkhasya śarasyāparapārśvena nirgamanān niṣpattraṃ karotīty arthaḥ' (Wikisource also has it, reading 'aparapārśve'); an eye-skip in our source. It is supplied in the English in square brackets (the bracket beginning ': the meaning is, by the arrow…'); the translator's own glosses of the examples in k1 are in round brackets, so that this is the only square bracket in k1 other than the opening anuvṛtti bracket.
textual Our text reads 'kareti bhūtalam'; NSP p. 335 (scan) reads 'karoti'. Rendered as karoti.
textual Our sūtra reads 'sapattraniṣpatrād' (tt only in the first member); NSP p. 335 prints 'sapattraniṣpattrād', doubling t in both. The kaumudī's glosses and counter-example spell 'sapatra', 'niṣpatra'. Orthographic only; sutra_en follows the print's spelling for both members.

SK 2133 · A 5.4.62V

निष्कुलान्निष्कोषणे ॥ २१३३ ॥

niṣkulānniṣkoṣaṇe

niṣkulān niṣkoṣaṇe — [ḍāc — supplied (śeṣa) by BM, from SK 2128 — comes, in connection with kṛñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2129 —] after niṣkula when niṣkoṣaṇa ('taking out the inner parts') is meant.

Rule. After niṣkula, ḍāc comes with kṛ, for niṣkoṣaṇa: taking out the inner parts. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies ḍāc.

Example.

niṣkula + ḍāc → niṣkulā → niṣkulākaroti dāḍimam "he clears out the pomegranate".

Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says niṣkula is a bahuvrīhi. It means "that from which the kula has gone out". Here kula is the mass of inner parts.

One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds a counter-example: niṣkulaṃ karoti śatrum "he makes the enemy kinless". The sense is not taking out inner parts, so no ḍāc.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

निष्कुलाकरोति दाडिमम् । निर्गतं कुलमन्तरवयवानां समूहो यस्मादिति बहुव्रीहेर्डाच् ॥

niṣkulākaroti dāḍimam ['he clears out the pomegranate']. ḍāc [comes, in connection with kṛñ (anuvṛtti from SK 2129),] after the bahuvrīhi [niṣkula], [analysed] 'that from which the kula — the aggregate of the inner parts — has gone out'.

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 335–336

—निष्कुलात्—। निष्कोषणमन्तरवयवानां बहिर्निष्कासनम् ॥ निष्कोषणे किम् । निष्कुलं करोति शत्रुम्— शूलात्पाके । पाके किम् । शूलं करोति कदनं, शूलमुदररोगः

Bālamanoramā

निष्कुलान्निष्कोषणे - निष्कुलान्निष्कोषणे ।डा॑जिति शेषः । निष्कोषणम् — अन्तर्गतावयवानां बहिःकरणम् । निष्कुलाकरोति दाडिममिति । निर्गतं कुलं यस्मादिति बहुव्रीहिः । कुलशब्दश्च अन्तरवयवसमूहे वर्तते । तदाह — निर्गतमित्यादि ।

translator notes

translator Neither the kaumudī nor BM names the source of the ḍāc (BM at most says that ḍāc is to be supplied); identifying it as the ḍāc of 'avyaktānukaraṇād … ḍāc' (SK 2128) is the translator's inference.
commentary BM: 'ḍāc' is to be supplied (śeṣaḥ). niṣkoṣaṇa is bringing the inner parts outside. Followed for the bracketed ḍāc and for the gloss of niṣkoṣaṇa.
commentary BM: niṣkula is the bahuvrīhi 'that from which the kula has gone out'; kula here denotes the aggregate of inner parts, which the kaumudī states with 'nirgatam…'. Followed.
commentary TB: niṣkoṣaṇa is drawing the inner parts outside. Why 'niṣkoṣaṇe'? niṣkulaṃ karoti śatrum ('he makes the enemy kinless'), [where no ḍāc comes]. Agrees with BM; recorded (the kaumudī gives no counter-example).
commentary BM on SK 2129 (sk.2129.b1): 'kṛñaḥ' is carried forward as far as 'madrāt parivāpaṇe' (SK 2138). Followed for the bracketed kṛñ.
textual sk.2133.t1 runs on past this sūtra into TB on 'śūlāt pāke' (SK 2136), from 'śūlāt pāke' onward.

SK 2134 · A 5.4.63V

सुखप्रियादानुलोम्ये ॥ २१३४ ॥

sukhapriyādānulomye

sukhapriyād ānulomye — After sukha and priya, [ḍāc — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2128 — comes, in connection with kṛñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2129, BM —] when compliance (ānulomya) [is meant].

Rule. After sukha "happy" and priya "dear", ḍāc comes with kṛ, for compliance (ānulomya). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains compliance: following the wishes of one to be pleased, such as a teacher.

Example.

sukha + ḍāc → sukhākaroti.

priya + ḍāc → priyākaroti gurum.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: "by agreeable conduct he gladdens [his teacher]".

Applies when / blocked by. The verb is kṛ here too. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says kṛñ runs from SK 2129 through SK 2138, and this rule lies inside that range.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सुखाकरोति । प्रियाकरोति गुरुम् । अनुकूलाचरणेनानन्दयतीत्यर्थः ॥

sukhākaroti; priyākaroti gurum ('he pleases his teacher'). The meaning is: by agreeable conduct he gladdens [him].

Bālamanoramā

सुखप्रियादानुलोम्ये - सुखप्रियादानुलोम्ये । सुखशब्दात्प्रियशब्दाच्च आनुलोम्ये गम्ये डाच् स्यादित्यर्थः । आराध्यगुर्वादिचित्तानुवर्तमानुलोम्यम् । सुखाकरोति प्रियाकरोति गुरुमिति । चित्तानुवर्तनेन गुरु॑ सुखसंपन्नं प्रियसंपन्नं च करोतीत्यर्थः । तदाह — अनुकूलेति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: ḍāc comes after sukha and after priya when compliance (ānulomya) is understood; ānulomya is following the wishes of one to be propitiated, such as a teacher. 'sukhākaroti priyākaroti gurum': by following his wishes he makes the teacher possessed of happiness and of what is dear. Followed for the bracketed ḍāc in sutra_en and for 'compliance'.
commentary BM on SK 2129 (sk.2129.b1): 'kṛñaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) as far as 'madrāt parivāpaṇe' (SK 2138), a range that includes this sūtra; BM's own gloss here ('gurum … karoti') also construes the form with kṛ. Followed for the bracketed kṛñ in sutra_en.
textual No TB is printed on this sūtra: sk.2133.t1 passes from SK 2133 to 'śūlāt pāke' (SK 2136).
translator BM names ḍāc but not its source; identifying it as 'avyaktānukaraṇād … ḍāc' (SK 2128) is the translator's inference.

SK 2135 · A 5.4.64V

दुःखात् प्रातिलोम्ये ॥ २१३५ ॥

duḥkhāt prātilomye

duḥkhāt prātilomye — After duḥkha ('pain') [ḍāc comes, as BM supplies, in conjunction with kṛ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2129] when opposition (prātilomya) [is meant].

Rule. After duḥkha "pain", ḍāc comes with kṛ, for opposition (prātilomya). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies ḍāc. He says opposition is acting against one who is to be served.

Example.

duḥkha + ḍāc → duḥkhā → duḥkhākaroti svāminam.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: "he torments [his] master".

Siddhānta-kaumudī

दुःखाकरोति स्वामिनम् । पीडयतीत्यर्थः ॥

duḥkhākaroti svāminam: the meaning is 'he torments [his] master'.

Bālamanoramā

दुःखात् प्रातिलोम्ये - दुःखात् ।डा॑जिति शेषः । आराध्यप्रतिकूलाचरणं प्रातिलोम्यम् । अन्यत्पूर्ववत् ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ḍāc' is to be supplied (śeṣa); prātilomya is behaving contrary to one who is to be served (ārādhya); the rest is as before [SK 2134]. Under SK 2129 BM states that 'kṛñaḥ' runs as far as SK 2138. Followed for the bracketed supplements in sutra_en.
textual The scan collation (batch18, class V) records NSP p. 335 as agreeing with ours ('duḥkhākaroti svāminam. pīḍayatīty arthaḥ'); the Wikisource SK instead reads 'duḥkhā karoti. svāminaṃ pīḍayatīty arthaḥ'. Ours is translated. No TB on this sūtra (NSP p. 335: TB passes from SK 2133 to SK 2136).

SK 2136 · A 5.4.65V

शूलात् पाके ॥ २१३६ ॥

śūlāt pāke

śūlāt pāke — After śūla ('spit') [ḍāc comes, as BM supplies, in conjunction with kṛ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2129] in [the sense of] cooking (pāka).

Rule. After śūla "spit", ḍāc comes with kṛ, for cooking (pāka). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies ḍāc.

Example.

śūla + ḍāc → śūlā → śūlākaroti māṃsam.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: "he cooks the meat on a spit". One of his commentators says karoti here means "cooks".

Applies when / blocked by. The other commentator adds a counter-example. In śūlaṃ karoti the śūla is a disease of the belly, colic. There is no cooking, so no ḍāc.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

शूलाकरोति मांसम् । शूलेन पचतीत्यर्थः ॥

śūlākaroti māṃsam: the meaning is 'he cooks the meat on a spit (śūla)'.

Bālamanoramā

शूलात् पाके - शूलात्पाके ।डा॑जिति शेषः । शूलाकरोतीति । अत्र करोतिः पाके वर्तते । तदाह — शूलेन पचतीत्यर्थ इति ।

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ḍāc' is to be supplied (śeṣa); in śūlākaroti the verb karoti is used in the sense of cooking, hence the gloss 'śūlena pacati'. Followed for the bracketed ḍāc in sutra_en and for 'cooks' in k1.
commentary TB, printed under sk.2133.t1: 'śūlāt pāke. pāke kim? śūlaṃ karoti kadanam; śūla is a disease of the belly' — without the sense of cooking, [no ḍāc]: śūlaṃ karoti, [where śūla is] torment, colic. Recorded: a counter-example not given in the kaumudī.
textual The scan collation (batch18) lists 2136 as clean. TB on this sūtra is printed at the end of sk.2133.t1; our sk.2136 carries no TB of its own.

SK 2137 · A 5.4.66V

सत्यादशपथे ॥ २१३७ ॥

satyādaśapathe

satyād aśapathe — After satya, [ḍāc — supplied (śeṣa), carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2128 — in connection with kṛñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2129], when [the sense is] not an oath (śapatha).

Rule. After satya "true", ḍāc comes with kṛ, when no oath (śapatha) is meant. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies ḍāc.

Example.

satya + ḍāc → satyā → satyākaroti bhāṇḍaṃ vaṇik "the merchant satyākaroti the goods".

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: he makes it true that [the goods] are to be bought.

Applies when / blocked by. In the sense of an oath there is no ḍāc: satyaṃ karoti vipraḥ "the brāhmaṇa swears".

Watch out. What exactly does the merchant do? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says he states the true price, and no higher. The other says he binds the purchase with earnest-money. Scholars discuss this.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

सत्याकरोति भाण्डं वणिक् । क्रेतव्यमिति तथ्यं करोतीत्यर्थः । शपथे तु सत्यं करोति विप्रः ॥

satyākaroti bhāṇḍaṃ vaṇik ("the merchant satyākaroti the goods"): the meaning is, he makes it true (tathya) that [they] are to be bought. But in [the sense of] an oath: satyaṃ karoti vipraḥ ("the brāhmaṇa swears").

Tattvabodhinī

NSP p. 336

—सत्यादशपथे । सत्सु साधु सत्यम् । ‘तत्र साधुः’ इति प्राग्घितीयत्वाद्यति प्राप्ते अत एव निपातनाद् यः । अन्तोदात्तोऽयम् । ‘सत्येनोत्तमिता भूमिः’ । ‘ऋतं च सत्यं च’ इत्यत्र तथा दर्शनात् ॥—सत्याकरोतीति । भाण्डं रत्नादिव्यजातम् ॥—क्रेतव्यमिति । मयैवैतद् ग्राह्यमिति बुद्ध्या परीक्षादिना सत्यंकारद्रव्यप्रदानेन च दृढं करोतीत्यर्थः ॥—तथ्यमिति । तथैव तथ्यम् । ‘पादार्घाभ्यां च’ इति चकारस्यानुक्तसमुच्चयार्थत्वात्स्वार्थं यत् ॥—परिवापणमिति । कर्मव्यापारमात्रवाचिनो वपेर्हेतुमण्णिचि ल्युडिति हरदत्तः ॥ कर्मव्यापारः फलं तस्य कर्मनिष्ठत्वात् । यथा च फलमात्रवाचिन इत्यर्थः फलित इत्याहुः

Bālamanoramā

सत्यादशपथे - सत्यादशपथे ।डा॑जिति शेषः । सत्याकरोति भाण्डमिति । रत्नादिद्रव्यजातमित्यर्थः । सत्यशब्दोऽत्र तथ्ये वर्तते ।सत्यं तथ्यमृतं सम्य॑गित्यमरः । क्रेतव्यमितीति ।एतावतैव मूल्येनेदं क्रयणार्हं नातोऽधिकमूल्येने॑त्येवं यथाभूतार्थं वदतीत्यर्थः । सत्यंकरोति विप्र इति । शपथं करोतीत्यर्थः ।

translator notes

translator Neither the kaumudī nor BM names the source of the ḍāc (BM at most says that ḍāc is to be supplied); identifying it as the ḍāc of 'avyaktānukaraṇād … ḍāc' (SK 2128) is the translator's inference.
commentary BM: 'ḍāc' is to be supplied (ḍāj iti śeṣaḥ). BM on SK 2129: 'kṛñaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) as far as 'madrāt parivāpaṇe' (SK 2138). Followed for both bracketed anuvṛttis in sutra_en.
commentary BM: bhāṇḍa is a collection of goods such as gems; satya here means 'true' (tathya). 'kretavyam iti': [the merchant] states the matter as it truly is — 'this is fit to be bought at just this price, not at a higher one'. satyaṃ karoti vipraḥ: he takes an oath. Recorded: the English keeps 'he makes it true that [they] are to be bought' neutral between BM and TB.
commentary TB: satya is 'good among the good' (satsu sādhu), with ya by nipātana from this very sūtra (where yat would apply by 'tatra sādhuḥ', as a prāg-ghitīya affix), end-acute. bhāṇḍa is a collection of goods such as gems. 'kretavyam iti': with the thought 'this is to be taken by me alone', he makes [the purchase] firm by examination etc. and by giving earnest-money (satyaṃkāra). tathya: tathā eva tathyam, with yat in its own sense because the 'ca' of 'pādārghābhyāṃ ca' (SK 2093) gathers what is not stated. Recorded: TB takes the merchant as binding a purchase, BM as stating the true price; the English stays neutral (§16).

SK 2138 · A 5.4.67V

मद्रात् परिवापणे ॥ २१३८ ॥

madrāt parivāpaṇe

madrāt parivāpaṇe — After madra, [ḍāc (SK 2128) — supplied (śeṣa), BM — comes, in connection with kṛñ — carried forward (anuvṛtti) from SK 2129, as far as this sūtra (BM on SK 2129) —] when shaving (parivāpaṇa) [is meant].

Rule. After madra, ḍāc comes with kṛ, for parivāpaṇa. Bhaṭṭoji glosses both words. Madra means "auspicious", and parivāpaṇa is shaving. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies ḍāc.

Example.

madra + ḍāc → madrā → madrākaroti.

Bhaṭṭoji gives the meaning: "he consecrates [someone] by an auspicious shaving". Both of his commentators name the tonsure rite (caula).

Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds bhadra: bhadrākaroti. Bhaṭṭoji says the meaning is as before.

Why "shaving"? madraṃ karoti, bhadraṃ karoti "he does what is good". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says no shaving is meant there, so no ḍāc.

This is the last sūtra with kṛ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, at SK 2129, named this rule as the end of the run of kṛñ.

With this sūtra the taddhita section ends. Both of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators end their accounts of the taddhitas here. Pāṇini's next sūtra, samāsāntāḥ, heads the affixes added at the end of compounds. Bhaṭṭoji teaches it with the compounds (SK 676). The next chapter, 43, is on doubling (dvirukta). It opens with sarvasya dve (SK 2139).

Watch out. Our text of the Kaumudī lacks a closing line here. The 1915 printed edition reads iti taddhiteṣu tadrājaḥ, "thus, among the taddhitas, the tadrāja section". The print headed the section with nearly the same words at SK 2051. We follow the print.

Siddhānta-kaumudī

मद्रशब्दो मङ्गलार्थः । परिवापणं मुण्डनम् । मद्राकरोति । माङ्गल्यमुण्डनेन संस्करोतीत्यर्थः ॥

The word madra means 'auspicious' (maṅgala). parivāpaṇa is shaving (muṇḍana). madrākaroti — the meaning is: 'he consecrates (saṃskaroti) [someone] by an auspicious shaving'.

vārttika

भद्राच्चेति वक्तव्यम्

(vārttika) 'After bhadra too [ḍāc] is to be stated.'

(वार्तिकम्) ॥ भद्राकरोति । अर्थः प्राग्वत् । परिवापणे किम् । मद्रं करोति । भद्रं करोति ॥

bhadrākaroti; the meaning is as before. Why 'parivāpaṇe'? madraṃ karoti; bhadraṃ karoti. [Thus, among the taddhitas, the tadrāja section.]

Tattvabodhinī

alignment inferredNSP p. 336

—माङ्गल्यमुण्डनेनेति । चौलदीक्षादौ ॥—भद्राच्चेति । भद्रादित्यर्थग्रहणमिति व्याख्याने तु मङ्गलादिभ्योऽपि स्यादिति बोध्यम् ॥ इति तद्राजाः । इति तद्धितप्रक्रिया ॥

Bālamanoramā

मद्रात् परिवापणे - मद्रात्परिवापणे ।डा॑जिचि शेषः । मङ्गलार्थ इति । मङ्गलपर्याय इत्यर्थः । परिवापणंमुण्डनमिति । 'केशान्वपते' इत्यादौ तथा दर्शनादिति भावः । माङ्गल्यमुण्डनेनेति । चौलेनेत्यर्थः । मद्रं करोति भद्रं करोतीति । क्षेमं करोतीत्यर्थः । अत्र परिवापणाऽप्रतीतेर्न डाजिति भावः । **** इति बालमनोरमायाम् तद्धितप्रक्रिया । ****अथ तद्धितेषु रक्ताद्यर्थकाः । — — — — — — — — -

translator notes

commentary BM: 'ḍāc' is supplied (śeṣa; the text reads 'ḍājici śeṣaḥ', evidently for 'ḍāj iti śeṣaḥ', as in BM on SK 2136 and SK 2137). Followed for the bracketed ḍāc in sutra_en.
commentary BM on SK 2129 (sk.2129.b1): 'kṛñaḥ' is carried forward (anuvṛtti) as far as 'madrāt parivāpaṇe', i.e. up to and including this sūtra. Followed for the bracketed kṛñ in sutra_en.
translator BM names ḍāc but not its source; identifying it as the ḍāc of 'avyaktānukaraṇād … ḍāc' (SK 2128) is the translator's inference.
commentary BM: 'maṅgalārthaḥ' = a synonym of maṅgala. parivāpaṇa = shaving, since that use is seen in 'keśān vapate' and the like. māṅgalyamuṇḍana = the tonsure rite (caula). madraṃ karoti, bhadraṃ karoti = 'he does what is good (kṣema)'; no shaving is understood there, so there is no ḍāc. Followed for 'auspicious' in k1; the gloss of the counter-examples is Recorded.
commentary TB: māṅgalyamuṇḍana = in the tonsure rite (caula), initiation (dīkṣā) and the like. On 'bhadrāc ca': on the explanation that bhadra [in the vārttika] is taken in its meaning, [ḍāc] would come after maṅgala and the like as well. TB (printed under sk.2137.t1): on parivāpaṇa, Haradatta: lyuṭ after vap in the causative, [vap] denoting merely the operation on the object. Recorded; consistent with the English.
textual NSP p. 336 (scan) closes the section, after 'bhadraṃ karoti', with the colophon 'iti taddhiteṣu tadrājaḥ' (the section heading on NSP p. 327 is 'taddhiteṣu tadrājāḥ 39'); our digital kaumudī lacks it, as the p29–42 collation notes. It is supplied in the English in square brackets (the final bracket of k3, the only one in that block). TB (sk.2138.t1) likewise ends 'iti tadrājāḥ | iti taddhitaprakriyā', and BM (sk.2138.b1) 'iti bālamanoramāyāṃ taddhitaprakriyā'.
textual The tag '(vārttikam)' at the head of our k3 is editorial; NSP p. 336 (scan) marks the vārttika 'bhadrāc ceti vaktavyam' with its vārttika sign instead. The raw NSP OCR of this page reads 'bhadraṃ karoti' twice in the counter-examples; the scan reads 'madraṃ karoti | bhadraṃ karoti', as ours does.

तद्धिताधिकारे स्वार्थिकप्रकरणम्