After this chapter you will be able to derive two families of taddhita words. The first is vati, heard as -vat, "like". One who studies like a brāhmaṇa: brāhmaṇavad adhīte. A rampart in Srughna is like Mathurā's: mathurāvat. He is worshipped according to the rule: vidhivat pūjyate. The second family names the bhāva, the state or nature of a thing, and later also its karman, its characteristic action. The general affixes are tva and tal: cowhood is gotvam or gotā. Beside them stand special affixes for particular words. Breadth is prathimā, dullness jāḍyam, theft steyam, friendship sakhyam. Kingship is rājyam, boyhood kaumāram, youth yauvanam, purity śaucam. Charm is rāmaṇīyakam, and the office of the acchāvāka priest is acchāvākīyam. You will learn why tva and tal still come beside nearly all of these. You will learn why the special affixes do not come after a negative tatpuruṣa such as apaṭu "not skilful". Three rules from Pāṇini's sixth and seventh books are read in, for prathimā and for āyathātathyam. The chapter is named after the affixes nañ and snañ, which also stand beside tva and tal: straiṇam, strītvam, strītā. There are 24 sūtras, and every one is worked on a concrete word.
straiṇaḥ, pauṃsnaḥ.na brāhmaṇaḥ → abrāhmaṇaḥ (SK 757). You know pūrvapada, the first member of a compound, and uttarapada, its last member.āśaucam or aśaucam.sarvavedaḥ.brāhmaṇena tulyam adhīte → brāhmaṇavad adhīteThe ṭhañ heading has just closed. The first three rules give the affix vati, heard as -vat, meaning "like". It carries no ñ, ṇ or k, so it brings no vṛddhi. The three rules differ in the case of the base: third, then seventh or sixth, then second. On the running example, "he studies equally with a brāhmaṇa" becomes brāhmaṇavad adhīte "he studies like a brāhmaṇa".
Rule. After a word in the third case (tena "with that"), vati comes in the sense "equal to that". The condition is that what is equal must be a kriyā, an action.
Example.
brāhmaṇena tulyam adhīte "he studies equally with a brāhmaṇa" → brāhmaṇa + vati
→ no marker for vṛddhi, so the base is unchanged
→ brāhmaṇavat → brāhmaṇavad adhīte "he studies like a brāhmaṇa".
The action compared is the studying.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the sense. A brāhmaṇa is not an act of study. So the word brāhmaṇa stands, by lakṣaṇā (secondary meaning), for study done by a brāhmaṇa. The sentence means "a kṣatriya's study is equal to a brāhmaṇa's study".
Applies when / blocked by. Why "if it is an action"? Let vati not come where the likeness is in a guṇa, a quality. So "stout, equal to his son" stays a phrase: putreṇa tulyaḥ sthūlaḥ. The stoutness is a quality, not an action.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators adds likeness in a dravya, a substance. So vati does not come in caitreṇa tulyo dhanī devadattaḥ "Devadatta, rich like Caitra". The other takes "quality" as standing for anything that is not an action.
Watch out. The word kriyā describes what the affix means, the thing that is equal. It does not describe what the base means. The editor of the printed edition says so in a footnote.
Rule. After a word in the seventh case (tatra) or in the sixth case (tasya), vati comes in the sense "like [what belongs to] that" (iva "like"). The seventh case here has the sense of the sixth, not the sense of location.
Example.
mathurāyām iva "like [what belongs to] Mathurā" → mathurā + vati → mathurāvat
→ mathurāvat srughne prākāraḥ "in Srughna, a rampart like Mathurā's" (the print has prakāraḥ "manner"; both commentators read prākāraḥ).
caitrasyeva "like Caitra's" → caitra + vati → caitravat
→ caitravan maitrasya gāvaḥ "Maitra's cows are like Caitra's".
Applies when / blocked by. The condition "if it is an action" of SK 1778 is not carried into this rule. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators agree on this. So the likeness may be in a thing, such as a rampart or cows. One of them says the rule is begun for bases that are not in the third case.
Watch out. Mathurāyām is not a seventh case of location, "in Mathurā". One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the reason. A locative of place would need a verb such as vidyamāna "being", and so would lack sāmarthya, the capacity of the word to combine in meaning with the affix. The editor of the printed edition agrees, and says the Bhāṣya, Patañjali's great commentary, makes this clear. So the sense is "Srughna's rampart is like the rampart belonging to Mathurā". Scholars discuss this, since the other commentator paraphrases it as a rampart "that is in Mathurā".
Rule. After a word in the second case (tad "that"), vati comes in the sense "deserves that". Vati is carried forward from SK 1778. The condition "if it is an action" also comes forward.
Example.
vidhim arhati "[it] deserves the rule" → vidhi + vati → vidhivat
→ vidhivat pūjyate "he is worshipped according to the rule".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies the subject hariḥ, "Hari". Hari's worship does not stray from the prescribed manner.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says the word kriyā "action" is carried forward by a frog's leap (maṇḍūkapluti). It skips SK 1779, where it was not wanted. Therefore vati does not come here: rājānam arhati chattram "a parasol befits a king". Being a parasol is not an action.
Watch out. Arham "deserving" is formed with a kṛt, an affix added directly to a root. A word in a kṛt would normally take its object in the sixth case. Here the object is in the second case. Scholars discuss this. One commentator calls it a usage of the sage (ārṣa), accepted as it stands. The other reports that some call it a special exchange of case-endings. His own view is that it is a jñāpaka: it proves that the sixth case with such nouns is not obligatory.
Pāṇini's next sūtra, A 5.1.118, is a Vedic rule and does not appear here. Bhaṭṭoji places it in his Vedic section (SK 3496).
gor bhāvaḥ → gotvam, gotāThis group gives the two general affixes of state: tva and tal. A word in tva ends in -tvam and is neuter; a word in tal ends in -tā and is feminine. Neither brings vṛddhi. Then tva and tal are made a heading, so that they stand beside every special affix to come. A last rule keeps the special affixes away from negative tatpuruṣas. On the running example, the state of a cow is gotvam or gotā, "cowhood".
Rule. After a word in the sixth case (tasya "of that"), tva and tal come in the sense "the bhāva of that".
Bhaṭṭoji defines bhāva. It is the prakāra, the mode, that appears in the cognition produced by the base. One of his commentators explains. When the word go makes us think of a cow, the thought comes qualified by a universal (jāti), cowness, or something like it. That universal is the ground on which the word is used. It is the bhāva.
Example.
gor bhāvaḥ "the bhāva of a cow" → go + tva → gotvam.
go + tal → gotā.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives the genders by two quotations from the Liṅgānuśāsana, the treatise on grammatical gender. Tvāntaṃ klībam: a word ending in tva is neuter. Talantaṃ striyām: a word ending in tal is feminine.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators discusses what go stands for here: the thing or the word. He shows how Bhaṭṭoji's definition fits each view, and on the second analyses forms like pācakatva "being a cook".
Rule. Tva and tal are made an adhikāra, a heading. It runs up to, but not including, the sūtra brahmaṇas tvaḥ (SK 1801). One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ā here marks a limit (maryādā), "up to".
Example.
striyo bhāvaḥ "the state of a woman" → strītvam, strītā, and also straiṇam.
Of a man: puṃstvam, puṃstā, and also pauṃsnam.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji gives two purposes of the heading.
First, samāveśa: co-occurrence of tva and tal with the exceptions. An exception like SK 1784 names its own affix, imanic (heard as -iman). Without the heading, that rule would be satisfied by its own affix and would leave tva and tal out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators and the editor of the printed edition give this reasoning. So a word that takes imanic can take tva and tal as well.
Second, the heading lets tva and tal come in the sense of karman, action, after quality-words and the like. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains. Otherwise the ṣyañ of SK 1788, an affix heard as -ya, would block them in the sense of karman.
The word ca "and" has a third purpose. It lets tva and tal co-occur also with nañ and snañ, the affixes that SK 1079 gives after strī and puṃs. Hence straiṇam beside strītvam. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say that without ca, tva and tal would not come after strī and puṃs, since they have scope elsewhere.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators derive pauṃsnam step by step, with the help of SK 139, the rule for the final of puṃs.
Watch out. This chapter is named after nañ and snañ: the section "headed by nañ and snañ". This nañ is the affix of SK 1079, heard as -na. It is not the negative particle nañ of SK 1783.
Rule. The bhāva affixes taught from here on do not come after a nañ-tatpuruṣa: a tatpuruṣa whose first member is the negative nañ (a-, an-). The exceptions are compounds with catura, saṃgata, lavaṇa, vaṭa, yudha, kata, rasa and lasa. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "from here on" means after the rule for tva and tal.
Example.
apati "not a master", a nañ-tatpuruṣa → the special yak of SK 1793 (heard as -ya) is barred
→ the general tva comes → apatitvam.
apaṭu "not skilful", a nañ-tatpuruṣa → the aṇ of SK 1796 (heard as -a) is barred → apaṭutvam.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name the barred affixes.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "with nañ as first member"? Bṛhaspati has no nañ, so yak comes: bārhaspatyam, with vṛddhi ṛ → ār and i deleted.
Why "tatpuruṣa"? "He who has no skilful ones" is apaṭuḥ, a bahuvrīhi. So aṇ comes:
apaṭu + aṇ → vṛddhi a → ā → final u → o → av (SK 847, 61) → āpaṭavam.
Why "except catura etc."? These take ṣyañ (SK 1788), heard as ya, with vṛddhi of the a- of the compound:
acatura + ṣyañ → ācaturyam. Likewise āsaṅgatyam, ālavaṇyam, āvaṭyam, āyudhyam, ākatyam, ārasyam, ālasyam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says acatura takes ṣyañ because it is in the brāhmaṇādi list, the list headed by brāhmaṇa (SK 1788). The other extends this ground to the whole list.
Watch out. The prohibition touches only the special affixes. Tva and tal still come, as apatitvam shows.
pṛthor bhāvaḥ → prathimā (or pārthavam)This group gives a special affix of state, imanic. Its c is a marker, so it is heard as -iman. It brings no vṛddhi. A word in iman is masculine: its nominative singular ends in -imā. Imanic needs two rules from Pāṇini's sixth book, which Bhaṭṭoji reads in here. One replaces the ṛ of pṛthu by ra. The other deletes the stem's last vowel. On the running example, breadth, the state of the broad (pṛthu), is prathimā. The other affixes stay open, so it is also pārthavam.
Rule. After pṛthu "broad" and the other words of its list, in the sixth case, imanic comes optionally. The sense is "the bhāva of that", carried forward from SK 1781.
Example.
pṛthor bhāvaḥ "the state of the broad" → pṛthu + imanic → pṛthu + iman
→ ṛ → ra (SK 1785) → prathu + iman
→ the ṭi u deleted (SK 1786) → prathiman → prathimā.
The other option: pṛthu + aṇ (SK 1796) → pārthavam.
Applies when / blocked by. Why say "optionally" (vā)? Bhaṭṭoji answers: so that aṇ and the other affixes can co-occur with imanic. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name them:
pārthavam;Tva and tal need no vā. The heading of SK 1782 already brings them.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why the option is needed. The vā of SK 1072 already makes every taddhita optional; he calls it the "great option" (mahāvibhāṣā). But under that option, a general affix set aside by an exception does not come back. Without this vā, those affixes could not come where imanic does not.
Rule. The substitute ra replaces a light ṛ of an aṅga, the stem before the affix, that begins with a consonant (hal). This happens when iṣṭha, iman or īyas follows. Iṣṭha and īyas are affixes of a later chapter.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says the condition iṣṭhemeyassu "before iṣṭha, iman, īyas" is carried forward from tur iṣṭhemeyassu (SK 2008). The heading "of the aṅga" governs the rule. The substitute ra is the pair r + a, not a bare r.
Example.
pṛthu + iman → the ṛ of pṛthu is light (a short vowel, before the single consonant th)
→ the aṅga begins with the consonant p
→ ṛ → ra → prathu + iman.
Likewise mṛdu + iman → mradu + iman.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives the counter-examples.
Why "beginning with a consonant"? Ṛjiṣṭhaḥ begins with the vowel ṛ, so it keeps it.
Why "light"? In kṛṣṇimā the ṛ stands before the cluster ṣṇ, so it is heavy and stays.
Watch out. A vārttika under SK 1787 limits this rule to six words: pṛthu, mṛdu, bhṛśa, kṛśa, dṛḍha and parivṛḍha. The same commentator notes that, given the vārttika, the words "beginning with a consonant" and "light" could be dropped.
Rule. The ṭi of a bha stem is deleted when iṣṭha, iman or īyas follows. The ṭi is the last vowel with whatever follows it.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators supplies the missing words. Lopa "deletion" is carried forward from allopo 'naḥ (SK 234). The condition "before iṣṭha, iman, īyas" comes from SK 2008.
Example.
prathu + iman → prathu is bha, since iman begins with a vowel
→ its ṭi is the final u → deleted → prath + iman → prathimā.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that this deletion sets aside the guṇa of u (SK 847).
mradu + iman → the ṭi u deleted → mradimā "softness".
Without imanic, mṛdu + aṇ (SK 1796) → vṛddhi ṛ → ār, u → o → av → mārdavam.
Watch out. Do not confuse this ṭeḥ with the ṭeḥ of chapter 10 (SK 316, A 6.4.143). That rule deletes the ṭi before an affix marked with ḍ. This one deletes it before iṣṭha, iman and īyas.
jaḍasya bhāvaḥ karma vā → jāḍyamThis group gives ṣyañ. Its ṣ and ñ are markers, so it is heard as -ya. The ñ brings first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1075). The ṣ makes the feminine in ṅīṣ (SK 498). Ṣyañ is the widest special affix of the chapter. It comes after quality-words and after the open list headed by brāhmaṇa. From SK 1788 the senses are both bhāva and karman. On the running example, the state or the action of a dullard (jaḍa) is jāḍyam, "dullness".
Rule. After sixth-case words for a varṇa, a colour, and after dṛḍha "firm" and its list, ṣyañ comes in the sense of bhāva. By ca "and", imanic comes too.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the point of the rule. These words are quality-words, so ṣyañ would come anyway by SK 1788. The rule is stated to add imanic.
Example.
śukla "white" → śukla + ṣyañ
→ vṛddhi u → au → the final a deleted (SK 311) → śauklyam.
śukla + imanic → the ṭi a deleted (SK 1786) → śuklimā.
dṛḍha + ṣyañ → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → dārḍhyam.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika follows: pṛthumṛdubhṛśakṛśadṛḍhaparivṛḍhānām eva ratvam. The ra of SK 1785 is only for pṛthu, mṛdu, bhṛśa, kṛśa, dṛḍha and parivṛḍha.
dṛḍha + iman → ṛ → ra (SK 1785) → the ṭi a deleted (SK 1786) → draḍhimā.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators quotes a verse listing the six words. He adds bhraśimā, kraśimā and paribraḍhimā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note one result of the limit. The verb kṛtayati "he calls it done" gets no ra, though its affix is treated like iṣṭha.
Bhaṭṭoji then explains the marker ṣ: it is for ṅīṣ. So the feminine of a ṣyañ word ends in -ī:
ucita + ṣyañ → vṛddhi u → au → aucitya
→ feminine by usage → ṅīṣ (SK 498) → the a deleted before ī (SK 311)
→ the y, penultimate after the consonant t, deleted before ī (SK 472) → aucitī.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say ucita takes ṣyañ because it is in the brāhmaṇādi list; one of them adds that the list is open.
Likewise yāthākāmī. One commentator gets its ṣyañ from the caturvarṇādi list of the vārttika under SK 1789, in the word's own sense. The other only says "likewise". Scholars discuss this.
Watch out. Why is the ṣ explained here and not at SK 1788? One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answers. The ṣyañ words of colour and of dṛḍha are neuter by usage, so they never need ṅīṣ. But this same ṣyañ runs on into SK 1788, where feminines like aucitī occur.
Rule. After a guṇavacana and after brāhmaṇa and its list, in the sixth case, ṣyañ comes in the sense of karman, action. By ca, it comes in the sense of bhāva as well. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says ṣyañ is carried forward from SK 1787.
A guṇavacana is a quality-word. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators describes it as a word for a substance in which a quality is subordinate: jaḍa "dull", mūḍha "foolish".
Example.
jaḍasya karma bhāvo vā "the action or state of a dullard" → jaḍa + ṣyañ
→ vṛddhi of the first vowel: a → ā → jāḍa + ya
→ the final a deleted (SK 311) → jāḍyam.
mūḍhasya bhāvaḥ karma vā → vṛddhi ū → au → mauḍhyam.
brāhmaṇa + ṣyañ → ā stays ā → brāhmaṇyam.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds arhat: arhato num ca. After arhat, ṣyañ comes, and the augment num (n) is added to the base. An augment is a sound added without replacing anything.
arhato bhāvaḥ karma vā → arhat + num + ṣyañ → arhant + ya
→ vṛddhi a → ā → ārhantyam; feminine ārhantī.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cite Kaiyaṭa, an earlier commentator: arhat, formed with the affix śatṛ, means one worthy of honour. One of them adds how num is placed. Being marked with m, it goes after the last vowel: arha-n-t.
Bhaṭṭoji ends: the brāhmaṇādi list is an ākṛtigaṇa, an open list. One of his commentators adds that some words sit in it for other purposes. Arhat, for instance, is there for its num.
Watch out. Karman in this chapter means an action, what a dullard does. It is not the object of a verb, the karman of chapter 16. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says it covers both bodily action, such as purification, and a rite enjoined by scripture, such as sacrifice.
Rule. This rule comes from Pāṇini's seventh book. Take yathātatha "as it is" or yathāpura "as before", after the negative nañ. Before a ñ-marked or similar taddhita, vṛddhi replaces the first vowel by turns. Either the prior member (pūrvapada) takes it, or the last member (uttarapada) does.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says "after nañ" is carried forward from SK 1460. The rule stands in Pāṇini's section on first-vowel vṛddhi. He also says these two negative compounds are in the brāhmaṇādi list, so they take ṣyañ.
Example.
ayathātathābhāvaḥ "being not as it is" → ayathātatha + ṣyañ
→ vṛddhi on the prior member a-: āyathātathyam
→ or vṛddhi on the last member yathā-: ayāthātathyam.
Likewise from ayathāpura: āyathāpuryam or ayāthāpuryam.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji now states a heading. Up to the end of the pāda, the quarter of Pāṇini's book in which these rules stand, the senses are bhāva and karman. One of his commentators says only the received interpretation (vyākhyāna) establishes this. The pāda ends with SK 1801 (A 5.1.136), the last rule of this chapter.
A vārttika adds more ṣyañ words by upasaṃkhyāna, an addition to a rule: caturvarṇādīnāṃ svārtha upasaṃkhyānam. After caturvarṇa and its list, ṣyañ comes svārthe, in the word's own sense, adding no meaning.
catvāro varṇāḥ "the four classes" → caturvarṇa + ṣyañ → vṛddhi a → ā → cāturvarṇyam "the four classes".
Likewise cāturāśramyam, traisvaryam, ṣāḍguṇyam, sainyam, sāṃnidhyam, sāmīpyam, aupamyam, trailokyam.
One who studies all the Vedas is sarvavedaḥ, with luk, complete deletion, of the affix "studies that" (the vārttika under SK 1270). He himself is sārvavaidyaḥ. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says this is ṣyañ in the word's own sense.
A gaṇasūtra, a rule written inside a word-list, follows: caturvedasyobhayapadavṛddhiś ca. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls it a vārttika. After caturveda, ṣyañ comes, and both members take vṛddhi.
caturo vedān adhīte "he studies the four Vedas" → caturvedaḥ
→ caturveda + ṣyañ → vṛddhi in both members → cāturvaidyaḥ, the same man.
Some read caturvidyasya instead. From caturvidya the form is again cāturvaidyaḥ.
Watch out. Compare SK 1460. There the last member always takes vṛddhi and the prior member only optionally, so both may take it. Here exactly one member takes it, by turns.
stenasya bhāvaḥ karma vā → steyamThis group gives four special affixes, each for a few named words. Yat and ya are heard as -ya and bring no vṛddhi. Ḍhak is heard as -eya (SK 475), and yak as -ya. Their k brings first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1076). On the running example, the state or action of a thief (stena) is steyam, "theft".
Rule. After stena "thief", in the sixth case, yat comes in the senses of bhāva and karman. With it, na is deleted from the base.
Bhaṭṭoji says na names the cluster n + a (saṃghātagrahaṇa, "taking the cluster"), not the single n. Stena comes from the root stena "to steal", with the kṛt affix ac of the pacādi list, the roots headed by pac.
Example.
stenasya bhāvaḥ karma vā "the state or action of a thief" → stena + yat
→ the cluster na of ste-na deleted → ste + ya → steyam.
Applies when / blocked by. Why must na be the cluster? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer. Suppose only n were deleted. The a would then go by SK 311. But that deletion would count as the original vowel (SK 50). The e would then become ay before it (SK 61), and the desired form would fail.
Some split the rule in two (yogavibhāga). They read stenāt as a rule by itself, with ṣyañ carried into it. That gives stainyam too. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this unauthoritative, since the Bhāṣya does not have it. The editor of the printed edition notes that Bhaṭṭoji himself is not satisfied with it, for the same reason.
Rule. After sakhi "friend", ya comes in the senses of bhāva and karman.
Example.
sakhyur bhāvaḥ karma vā "the state or action of a friend" → sakhi + ya
→ no vṛddhi → the final i deleted (SK 311) → sakhyam "friendship".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji quotes a vārttika: dūtavaṇigbhyāṃ ca, "and after dūta and vaṇij".
dūtasya bhāvaḥ karma vā "of a messenger" → dūta + ya → dūtyam.
From vaṇij "merchant", the Kāśikā, a work Bhaṭṭoji cites, gives vaṇijyam.
Bhaṭṭoji then weighs this vārttika. Mādhava says vaṇijyā is feminine by nature, and its affix has the sense of bhāva only, not karman. And the vārttika is not found in the Bhāṣya at all. So Bhaṭṭoji gives another form. Vaṇij is in the brāhmaṇādi list, so ṣyañ comes: vāṇijyam.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators holds that, since the vārttika is not in the Bhāṣya, ya does not come after dūta and vaṇij at all. Only ṣyañ comes. He takes Bhaṭṭoji's "too" (api) to include dautyam beside vāṇijyam.
Rule. After kapi "monkey" and jñāti "kinsman", ḍhak comes in the senses of bhāva and karman.
Example.
kapi + ḍhak → ḍh → ey (SK 475) → kapi + eya
→ vṛddhi a → ā (SK 1076) → the final i deleted (SK 311) → kāpeyam.
jñāti + ḍhak → ā stays ā → jñāteyam.
Watch out. Two bases and two senses do not pair off in order (yathāsaṃkhya). Kāpeyam is not only the state, and jñāteyam not only the action. Each form carries both senses. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators agree, on different grounds. One rests it on the received interpretation. The other says the rule lacks the svarita marking that would signal pairing. He says the same holds for SK 1793 and SK 1798.
Rule. After words ending in pati "lord", and after purohita "family priest" and its list, yak comes in the senses of bhāva and karman.
Example.
senāpati + yak → vṛddhi e → ai (SK 1076) → the final i deleted (SK 311) → saināpatyam "generalship".
purohita + yak → vṛddhi u → au → the final a deleted → paurohityam.
Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra reads rājā 'se; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators places it in the purohita list. The word rājan "king" takes yak when not in a compound. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains se: sa is the older grammarians' name for a compound.
rājño bhāvaḥ karma vā "the state or action of a king" → rājan + yak
→ the ṭi an deleted (SK 679) → rājyam "kingship".
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explains why an is not kept here. SK 1154 keeps an before a y-initial taddhita, but not in the senses of bhāva and karman.
In a compound, rājan takes ṣyañ instead, because it is in the brāhmaṇādi list:
adhirājaḥ "a superior king" → adhirāja + ṣyañ → ādhirājyam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that yak and ṣyañ differ in accent.
Watch out. Rājan is listed both here and in the brāhmaṇādi list. How do the two lists divide it? Scholars discuss this; one commentator reports two views. Bhaṭṭoji's own wording gives the simple result: yak alone, rājyam; in a compound, ṣyañ, ādhirājyam.
kumārasya bhāvaḥ karma vā → kaumāramThis group gives two affixes that sound the same. Añ and aṇ are both heard as -a. Their ñ and ṇ both bring first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1075). Añ comes after words for species of living beings, words for age, and a list headed by udgātṛ. Aṇ comes after words ending in hāyana "year", after yuvan and its list, and after stems ending in an ik vowel (i, u, ṛ, ḷ) with a light vowel before it. On the running example, boyhood, the state or action of a boy (kumāra), is kaumāram.
Rule. Añ comes after three kinds of word, in the senses of bhāva and karman:
Example.
Species: aśva "horse" → aśva + añ → vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted (SK 311) → āśvam. From uṣṭra "camel", auṣṭram.
Age: kumāra "boy" → kumāra + añ → vṛddhi u → au → the final a deleted → kaumāram. From kiśora "youth", kaiśoram.
The udgātṛ list: udgātṛ + añ → vṛddhi u → au → ṛ → r before a (SK 47) → audgātram. Likewise aunnetram from unnetṛ.
suṣṭhu + añ → vṛddhi u → au → the final u → o → av (SK 847, 61) → sauṣṭhavam. Likewise dauṣṭhavam from duṣṭhu.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators notes that Bhaṭṭoji's words "species of living being" and "denoting age" are headings for the examples that follow.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says what añ sets aside in the udgātṛ list:
He gives counter-examples. Why "living being"? Grass is not one: tṛṇatvam, tṛṇatā. Why "species"? Devadatta is a person's name, not a species: devadattatvam.
He also cites a gaṇasūtra of the list, subhagaṃ mantre. Subhaga "fortunate" takes añ when used in a mantra, a verse of the Veda: mahate saubhagāya.
Rule. After words ending in hāyana "year", and after yuvan "young" and its list, in the sixth case, aṇ comes in the senses of bhāva and karman.
Example.
dvihāyana "two years old" → dvihāyana + aṇ → vṛddhi i → ai → the final a deleted → dvaihāyanam. Likewise traihāyanam.
yuvan + aṇ → vṛddhi u → au → an keeps its form before aṇ (SK 1155) → yauvanam "youth".
sthavira "old" → vṛddhi a → ā → sthāviram "old age".
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds śrotriya, "one who studies the Veda": śrotriyasya yalopaś ca. After śrotriya, aṇ comes, and ya is deleted.
śrotriya + aṇ → the cluster ya deleted → śrotri + a
→ the i deleted (SK 311) → vṛddhi o → au → śrautram.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say ya is a cluster, as na was in SK 1790. If only y were deleted, the i would become y instead of dropping out. Some read the vārttika as ghalopaś ca; scholars discuss this.
Bhaṭṭoji ends with a list. Kuśala, capala, nipuṇa, piśuna, kutūhala and kṣetrajña are in both the yuvan list and the brāhmaṇādi list. So both affixes come: kauśalyam with ṣyañ, kauśalam with aṇ.
Watch out. What does this aṇ set aside? Scholars discuss this. One commentator says the añ of words of age (SK 1794). The other says tva and tal for the hāyana words, and añ only for yuvan and sthavira.
Rule. Aṇ comes in the senses of bhāva and karman after a stem ending in an ik vowel (i, u, ṛ, ḷ). The vowel before that ik must be light. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators calls this an exception to the ṣyañ of SK 1788.
Example.
śucer bhāvaḥ karma vā "the state or action of the pure" → śuci + aṇ
→ the final i is an ik; the vowel before it, u, is light
→ vṛddhi u → au → the final i deleted (SK 311) → śaucam "purity".
muni + aṇ → vṛddhi u → au → the i deleted → maunam.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji raises a problem: how then is kāvyam correct? Kavi "poet" ends in the ik i after the light a, so aṇ should come. His answer: kavi is in the brāhmaṇādi list, so ṣyañ comes. kavi + ṣyañ → vṛddhi a → ā → the i deleted → kāvyam.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives counter-examples. Why "ending in ik"? Ghaṭa ends in a: ghaṭatvam. Why "a light vowel before"? In pāṇḍu the vowel before the u is heavy: pāṇḍutvam.
Watch out. "Before it" means right before the final ik. The same commentator notes that the rule does not apply to atipāṇḍu: the vowel right before its final u is heavy.
ramaṇīyasya bhāvaḥ karma vā → rāmaṇīyakamThis group gives vuñ. Its vu is replaced by aka (SK 1247), so it is heard as -aka. Its ñ brings first-vowel vṛddhi. Vuñ comes after certain words in -ya, after a dvandva compound and a few listed words, and after words for a family or a Vedic school. On the running example, charm, the state of what is charming (ramaṇīya), is rāmaṇīyakam.
Rule. Vuñ comes in the senses of bhāva and karman after a stem with two features. Its upadhā, the penultimate sound, is y. Its upottama, the penultimate syllable, is heavy.
Example.
ramaṇīya → the penultimate sound is y; the penultimate syllable ṇī is heavy (long ī)
→ ramaṇīya + vuñ → vu → aka (SK 1247)
→ vṛddhi a → ā → the final a deleted (SK 311) → rāmaṇīyakam.
Likewise abhidhānīya "what is to be expressed" → ābhidhānīyakam.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives counter-examples. Why "penultimate y"? Vimāna ends in -na: vimānatvam. Why "a heavy penultimate syllable"? In kṣatriya the syllable tri is light: kṣatriyatvam.
A vārttika follows: sahāyād vā, "after sahāya 'companion', optionally".
sahāya + vuñ → sāhāyakam.
In the other option, ṣyañ comes, since sahāya is in the brāhmaṇādi list (one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators): sāhāyyam.
Rule. Vuñ also comes after a dvandva compound, and after manojña "pleasing" and its list, in the senses of bhāva and karman. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators names some of the list: manojña, priyarūpa, bahula, avaśya.
Example.
śiṣyaś copādhyāyaś ca "pupil and teacher" → the dvandva śiṣyopādhyāya
→ + vuñ → aka → vṛddhi i → ai → the final a deleted
→ feminine by usage → śaiṣyopādhyāyikā.
The -ikā comes as in gārgikā under SK 1799: ṭāp (SK 454), and i for the a before k (SK 463).
manojña + vuñ → vṛddhi a → ā → mānojñakam.
Watch out. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators points out a weakness of the first example. Śiṣyopādhyāya already qualifies under SK 1797: its penultimate sound is y, and its penultimate syllable dhyā is heavy. A form that truly needs this rule is gaupālapaśupālikā.
Rule. Vuñ comes after a word for a gotra (a family line) or a caraṇa (a Vedic school), in the senses of bhāva and karman. It comes only when one of three things is in question:
Example.
gārgya "a descendant of Garga" → gārgya + vuñ → vu → aka
→ the y of the apatya affix deleted (SK 1082) → the a deleted (SK 311) → gārg + aka
→ feminine by usage → ṭāp (SK 454) → i for the a before k (SK 463) → gārgikā.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gives these steps.
The three uses:
gārgikayā ślāghate "he boasts of his Gārgya-hood", that is, he brags of being a Gārgya.
gārgikayā 'tyākurute "he reviles by his Gārgya-hood".
gārgikām avetaḥ "one who has attained Gārgya-hood".
For a caraṇa, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give kāṭhikayā ślāghate.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says why the rule is needed. A gotra counts as a species (jāti), so the añ of SK 1794 would come. This rule sets it aside. Why "boasting" etc.? Without them, the general affix comes: gārgyatvam, kaṭhatvam.
Watch out. Does gotra here mean a word with an apatya affix, or a family name from the pravara lists, the lists of family lines? Scholars discuss this. Bhaṭṭoji does not decide.
acchāvākasya bhāvaḥ karma vā → acchāvākīyamThe last two rules concern the officiating priests of a Vedic sacrifice. After their titles, cha comes, heard as -īya (SK 475). Cha brings no vṛddhi. After brahman, as the title of a priest, only tva comes. With that rule the heading of tva and tal ends, and so does the section. On the running example, the office of the acchāvāka priest is acchāvākīyam.
Rule. After words for particular hotrās, officiating priests, cha comes in the senses of bhāva and karman.
Bhaṭṭoji explains the word. Hotrā is feminine and means a priest (ṛtvij). The plural hotrābhyaḥ shows that words for particular priests are meant, not the word hotrā itself. The print appears to read vahuvacanād; the sense requires bahuvacanād, "by the plural".
Example.
acchāvākasya bhāvaḥ karma vā "the state or action of the acchāvāka" → acchāvāka + cha
→ ch → īy (SK 475) → the final a deleted (SK 311) → acchāvākīyam.
From maitrāvaruṇa, another priest, maitrāvaruṇīyam.
Applies when / blocked by. One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators recalls the heading of SK 1782. Tva and tal co-occur with cha here too, as everywhere in the section.
Watch out. Cha carries no ñ, ṇ or k, so the first vowel stays as it is: acchāvākīyam. The kaumudī text as transmitted here, like the 1915 print, reads ācchāvākīyam; one of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators cites the form as acchāvākīyam, which is what the rule gives.
Rule. After brahman denoting a hotrā, the priest called the brahman, tva comes in the senses of bhāva and karman. It is an exception to the cha of SK 1800.
One of Bhaṭṭoji's commentators says hotrābhyaḥ is carried forward from SK 1800. It is changed to the singular on the way (vipariṇāma, adjusting a carried-forward word to its new rule).
Example.
brahman + tva → brahmatvam "the office of the brahman priest".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji asks a question. To block cha, a bare "not" would have been enough. One of his commentators gives the imagined wording, brahmaṇo na. Once cha was barred, the general affixes would have come. Why then state tva? Bhaṭṭoji answers: to block tal. So the priest's office is brahmatvam only.
But where brahman is a synonym of brāhmaṇa, both tva and tal come: brahmatvam, brahmatā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say this shows why "denoting a hotrā" was carried forward.
Watch out. This rule is the limit of the heading of SK 1782, "up to tva"; the heading stops just before it. Do not add brahmatā for the priest's office.
With this rule Bhaṭṭoji closes: nañsnañor adhikāraḥ samāptaḥ, "the section headed by nañ and snañ is ended". Both commentators close in the same way; one also calls these the affixes meaning bhāva and karman. The next chapter opens with Pāṇini's next pāda, at SK 1802.
straiṇam, pauṃsnam. They name this chapter (SK 1782).| SK | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|
| 1778 | vati after a 3rd-case word, "equal to that", if the likeness is an action | brāhmaṇavad adhīte |
| 1779 | vati after a 7th- or 6th-case word, "like [what belongs to] that"; no action needed | mathurāvat, caitravat |
| 1780 | vati after a 2nd-case word, "deserves that"; action needed (frog's leap) | vidhivat pūjyate; not in rājānam arhati chattram |
| 1781 | tva and tal after a 6th-case word, "the bhāva of that" | gotvam, gotā |
| 1782 | tva, tal made a heading up to, not including, SK 1801; they co-occur with the special affixes, and by ca with nañ, snañ | straiṇam, strītvam, strītā |
| 1783 | no special bhāva affix after a nañ-tatpuruṣa, except acatura etc. | apatitvam, apaṭutvam; āpaṭavam; ācaturyam |
| 1784 | imanic optionally after pṛthu etc.; vā keeps aṇ etc. open | prathimā, pārthavam |
| 1785 | ra for a light ṛ of a consonant-initial aṅga before iṣṭha, iman, īyas | pṛthu → prathu- |
| 1786 | the ṭi of a bha deleted before iṣṭha, iman, īyas | prathimā, mradimā |
| 1787 | ṣyañ and imanic after colour-words and dṛḍha etc.; ra only for six words; ṣ for ṅīṣ | śauklyam, śuklimā, draḍhimā, aucitī |
| 1788 | ṣyañ after quality-words and brāhmaṇādi, in karman and bhāva; num for arhat | jāḍyam, brāhmaṇyam, ārhantyam |
| 1789 | after nañ, yathātatha/yathāpura take vṛddhi in one member by turns; bhāva-karman heading; ṣyañ in own sense | āyathātathyam/ayāthātathyam; cāturvarṇyam; cāturvaidyaḥ |
| 1790 | yat after stena, deleting the cluster na | steyam |
| 1791 | ya after sakhi (vārttika: dūta, vaṇij) | sakhyam, dūtyam; vāṇijyam |
| 1792 | ḍhak after kapi, jñāti | kāpeyam, jñāteyam |
| 1793 | yak after words in pati and purohita etc.; rājan outside a compound | saināpatyam, rājyam; ādhirājyam |
| 1794 | añ after words for species, age, and udgātṛ etc. | āśvam, kaumāram, audgātram |
| 1795 | aṇ after words in hāyana and yuvan etc.; śrotriya loses ya | dvaihāyanam, yauvanam, śrautram |
| 1796 | aṇ after an ik-final stem with a light vowel before it | śaucam, maunam; but kāvyam |
| 1797 | vuñ after a stem with penultimate y and heavy penultimate syllable | rāmaṇīyakam; sāhāyakam |
| 1798 | vuñ after a dvandva and manojña etc. | śaiṣyopādhyāyikā, mānojñakam |
| 1799 | vuñ after a gotra or caraṇa word, in boasting, reviling or "attained that" | gārgikayā ślāghate |
| 1800 | cha after words for particular priests | acchāvākīyam, maitrāvaruṇīyam |
| 1801 | tva only after brahman the priest; the section ends | brahmatvam; of a brāhmaṇa, brahmatvam, brahmatā |