After this chapter you will be able to derive the śaiṣika words, the taddhita forms for every sense left over once the senses from "offspring" up to the end of the four place-senses are done. The chapter has two halves. In the first half (SK 1312–1392) rules simply join a special affix to a special base. So rāṣṭra gives rāṣṭriyaḥ, grāma gives grāmīṇaḥ, dakṣiṇā gives dākṣiṇātyaḥ "southern", and iha gives ihatyaḥ "being here". You will learn the name vṛddha for a word whose first vowel is ā, ai or au, and why such a word takes cha: śālīyaḥ, tadīyaḥ, bhavadīyaḥ, tvadīyaḥ. You will sort place-names by region and shape, as in āṅgakaḥ and vṛkagartīyam, and time-words, as in māsikam, sāyantanam and śauvastikam. In the second half (SK 1393–1513) each rule names a sense and the case of the base. The senses are "born there" (sraughnaḥ), "made, bought or skilled there", "usually found there", "being there" (dantyam), "its explanation" (saupaḥ), and "come from there" (paitṛkam). Then come "goes to", "a text about" (śārīrakīyaḥ), and "his dwelling, ancestral home or object of devotion" (āpūpikaḥ, vāsudevakaḥ). Last come "promulgated by" (pāṇinīyam, taittirīyāḥ), "made by" (vārarucaḥ granthaḥ), and "this is his" (aupagavam, chāndogyam). Along the way you will learn when vṛddhi falls on the second member of a compound (supāñcālakaḥ, sauhmanāgaraḥ, ādhidaivikam), and why śraviṣṭhaḥ shows no affix at all. There are 202 sūtras, and nearly every one is worked on a concrete word.
rāṣṭre jātaḥ → rāṣṭriyaḥ, avārapāre jātaḥ → avārapārīṇaḥThe chapter opens with a heading, śeṣe "in the remaining senses". It covers every sense not yet taught. Then come short rules that each join one affix to one base. They name no sense and no case; those come later, from SK 1393. So each form is glossed "born, etc., there". On the running example, one born in the kingdom (rāṣṭra) is rāṣṭriyaḥ. One born on the near and far banks (avārapāra) is avārapārīṇaḥ.
Rule. A sense other than those taught from "offspring" (apatya, chapter 27) to the end of the four place-senses (chapter 28) is śeṣa, "the remainder". In it the general affixes aṇ etc. come. A derivative in such a sense is called śaiṣika.
Example.
cakṣuṣā gṛhyate "it is grasped by the eye" → cakṣus + aṇ
→ aṇ is ṇit, so first-vowel vṛddhi (SK 1075): a → ā; the s appears as ṣ → cākṣuṣaṃ rūpam "visible form".
Bhaṭṭoji gives more forms of the same kind:
śrāvaṇaḥ śabdaḥ "a sound grasped by the ear";aupaniṣadaḥ puruṣaḥ "the Person known from the Upaniṣads";dṛṣadi piṣṭāḥ → dārṣadāḥ saktavaḥ "barley meal ground on a millstone";ulūkhale kṣuṇṇaḥ → aulūkhalo yāvakaḥ "barley gruel pounded in a mortar";aśvair uhyate → āśvo rathaḥ "a horse-drawn chariot";caturbhir uhyate → cāturaṃ śakaṭam "a cart drawn by four";caturdaśyāṃ dṛśyate → cāturdaśaṃ rakṣaḥ "a rākṣasa seen on the fourteenth night".Applies when / blocked by. The rule is two things at once. It is a lakṣaṇa, a rule that makes forms by itself. No later rule names senses like "grasped by the eye", so this rule itself gives aṇ there. It is also an adhikāra, a heading, running up to tasya vikāraḥ (SK 1514) but not including it.
Rule. After rāṣṭra "kingdom" comes gha, and after avārapāra "the near and far banks" comes kha, respectively.
Example.
rāṣṭre jātaḥ "born in the kingdom" → rāṣṭra + gha → gh → iy → rāṣṭra + iya
→ the final a is deleted (SK 311) → rāṣṭriyaḥ.
avārapāre jātaḥ → avārapāra + kha → kh → īn → avārapāra + īna
→ the final a is deleted → n → ṇ after r → avārapārīṇaḥ.
Neither gha nor kha has a vṛddhi marker, so the first vowel does not change.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika (avārapārād vigṛhītād api viparītāc ca) adds kha after the two members taken separately, and after the reversed compound pārāvāra. So avāra → avārīṇaḥ, and pāra → pārīṇaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji marks a turn here. From this rule up to the ṭyu/ṭyul rule (SK 1391–1392), only the base and the affix are stated. The senses, "born" and the rest, and the case of the base come later (from SK 1393). Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the two sets of rules are read together as one statement.
Rule. After grāma "village" come ya and khañ.
Example.
grāma + ya → the final a is deleted (SK 311) → grāmyaḥ "born, etc., in a village".
grāma + khañ → kh → īn; khañ is ñit, so vṛddhi, but ā stays ā → the final a is deleted → n → ṇ after r → grāmīṇaḥ.
Rule. After katri and the other words of its list, ḍhakañ comes. It is heard as eyaka and, being ñit, brings first-vowel vṛddhi.
Example.
kattrayaḥ are "three contemptible things". What is born there, etc.:
kattri + ḍhakañ → ḍh → ey → kattri + eyaka
→ vṛddhi a → ā; the final i is deleted (SK 311) → kāttreyakaḥ.
The printed text also gives nākareyakaḥ. Since the list contains nagara, nāgareyakaḥ is probably meant.
Applies when / blocked by. The word grāmāt of SK 1314 is carried forward (anuvṛtti). So ḍhakañ also comes after grāma: grāmeyakaḥ.
Rule. Ḍhakañ comes after kula "family", kukṣi "belly" and grīvā "neck", respectively, when a dog, a sword and an ornament are meant.
Example.
kula + ḍhakañ → vṛddhi u → au, the final a deleted → kauleyakaḥ "a dog".
kukṣi + ḍhakañ → kaukṣeyakaḥ "a sword". grīvā + ḍhakañ → vṛddhi ī → ai → graiveyakaḥ "an ornament".
Applies when / blocked by. For anything else there is no ḍhakañ: kaulaḥ, kaukṣaḥ, graivaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji does not name their affix.
Rule. After nadī "river" and the other words of its list, ḍhak comes, heard as eya.
Example.
nadī + ḍhak → ḍh → ey; k brings vṛddhi a → ā → the final ī is deleted (SK 311) → nādeyam "born, etc., in a river".
Likewise mahī "the earth" → māheyam, and vārāṇasī → vārāṇaseyam.
Rule. After the indeclinables dakṣiṇā "in the south", paścāt "behind, in the west" and puras "in front, in the east", tyak comes. Here dakṣiṇā is the indeclinable made with the affix āc.
Example.
dakṣiṇā + tyak → k brings vṛddhi a → ā → dākṣiṇātyaḥ "southern".
paścāt + tyak → pāścāttyaḥ "western". puras + tyak → paurastyaḥ "eastern".
Rule. After kāpiśī, the name of a region, ṣphak comes, heard as āyana.
Example.
kāpiśyāṃ jātādi "born, etc., in Kāpiśī" → kāpiśī + ṣphak → ph → āyan
→ the final ī is deleted (SK 311) → kāpiśāyanaṃ madhu "the madhu of Kāpiśī".
The affix is marked with ṣ, so the feminine takes ṅīṣ (SK 498) → kāpiśāyanī drākṣā "the grape of Kāpiśī".
Rule. After raṅku, a region, aṇ comes when the thing meant is not a human being. By the ca "and", ṣphak of SK 1319 comes as well.
Example.
raṅku + aṇ → vṛddhi a → ā; the final u takes guṇa (SK 847) → o → av → rāṅkavo gauḥ "an ox of Raṅku".
raṅku + ṣphak → rāṅkavāyaṇaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A human takes neither affix: rāṅkavako manuṣyaḥ "a man of Raṅku". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give it vuñ by SK 1358. Scholars discuss exactly what "not a human" covers.
Rule. After div "heaven" (cited in its form dyu, SK 337), prāñc "east", apāñc "south", udañc "north" and pratyañc "west", yat comes. Yat is heard as ya and brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
div + yat → divyam "born, etc., in heaven".
prāñc + yat → Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the steps: the n is deleted (SK 415), then the a (SK 416), and the vowel is lengthened (SK 417) → prācyam "eastern".
Likewise apācyam, pratīcyam, and udīcyam, where u → ī (SK 420).
Rule. After kanthā, ṭhak comes.
Example.
kanthā + ṭhak → ṭh → ik (SK 1170); k brings vṛddhi a → ā → the final ā is deleted (SK 311) → kānthikaḥ.
Scholars discuss whether kanthā here means a patched quilt or a region.
Rule. After kanthā, when the thing is in Varṇu, vuk comes. Varṇu is a river, and the region near it is also called Varṇu.
Example.
kanthā + vuk → vu → aka (SK 1247); k brings vṛddhi → the final ā is deleted → kānthakam.
Bhaṭṭoji quotes a usage: yathā hi jātaṃ himavatsu kānthakam "just as the kānthaka produced in the Himavat ranges".
iha bhavaḥ → ihatyaḥ; nis + tya → niṣṭyaḥIndeclinables take their own affix, tyap. On the running example, one who is here (iha) is ihatyaḥ. A sandhi rule of the eighth book is read here too, because one tyap form needs it. So nis + tya becomes niṣṭyaḥ "an outcaste". The group ends with the words for "this year", "yesterday" and "tomorrow".
Rule. After an indeclinable (avyaya), tyap comes, heard as tya. It is marked with p, not with ñ, ṇ or k, so it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
iha bhavaḥ "being here" → iha + tyap → ihatyaḥ.
Likewise amātyaḥ (from amā "near, together with"), kvatyaḥ (from kva "where"), tatastyaḥ, tatratyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika (amehakvatasitrebhya eva) limits the rule. Tyap comes only after amā, iha, kva, and indeclinables ending in the affixes tasi and tra. Other indeclinables take aṇ:
upariṣṭād bhavaḥ "being above" → upariṣṭāt + aṇ → vṛddhi → the ṭi deleted → aupariṣṭaḥ.
The ṭi is the last vowel of a word with any consonant after it; here it is āt. Its deletion is by the vārttika avyayānāṃ bhamātre ṭilopaḥ: an indeclinable that is bha loses its ṭi, with no further condition.
Watch out. That ṭi-deletion is anitya, not obligatory. The proof is that a separate vārttika (under SK 1077) prescribes ṭi-deletion for bahis, which would be needless if it always applied. So ārāt + cha keeps its ṭi → ārātīyaḥ.
Two more vārttikas add tyap:
nityaḥ "constant";Rule. After a short iṇ vowel, s is replaced by ṣ when a taddhita beginning with t follows. Iṇ is a pratyāhāra; its short vowels are i, u, ṛ, ḷ.
Example.
varṇāśramebhyo nirgataḥ "one gone out of the classes and stages of life" → nis + tyap (vārttika niso gate)
→ short i before s, and tya begins with t → s → ṣ → the t beside ṣ → ṭ (SK 113) → niṣṭyaḥ "an outcaste".
Applies when / blocked by. The rule is needed because the s of nis ends a pada. The ordinary rule turning s into ṣ does not reach such an s.
Three more vārttikas are read here:
āraṇyāḥ sumanasaḥ "forest flowers";dūretyaḥ "come from afar";auttarāhaḥ.Rule. After aiṣamas "this year", hyas "yesterday" and śvas "tomorrow", tyap comes optionally. In the other option come ṭyu and ṭyul, which are taught at SK 1391.
Example.
aiṣamas + tyap → aiṣamastyam; or with ṭyu/ṭyul → aiṣamastanam.
Likewise hyastyam / hyastanam, and śvastyam / śvastanam.
Applies when / blocked by. For śvas there is a third form, śauvastikam, taught at SK 1385–1386.
pūrvasyāṃ śālāyāṃ bhavaḥ → paurvaśālaḥThese rules look at one member of a compound: its last member (uttarapada) or its first (pūrvapada). Then they turn to bases that end in a gotra affix. On the running example, what is found in the eastern hall (pūrvā śālā) is paurvaśālaḥ.
Rule. After a compound whose uttarapada is tīra "bank", añ comes. After one whose uttarapada is rūpya, ña comes. Both are ñit and bring vṛddhi.
Example.
kākatīra + añ → vṛddhi (ā stays ā) → the final a is deleted → kākatīram.
palvalatīra + añ → vṛddhi a → ā → pālvalatīram.
śivarūpya + ña → vṛddhi i → ai → śaivarūpyam.
Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra says "whose uttarapada is", not "ending in". So a word with bahu- before it, by the affix bahuc, is left out: bāhurūpyam. Bahuc is an affix placed before its base, so rūpya there is not an uttarapada. Scholars discuss the reading: Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read rūpa with the affix ñya.
Rule. After a compound whose pūrvapada is a direction-word, ña comes, provided the base is not a name (saṃjñā). Ña is an apavāda of aṇ.
Example.
pūrvasyāṃ śālāyāṃ bhavaḥ "found in the eastern hall" → a compound made in the sense of the taddhita (SK 728) → pūrvaśālā + ña
→ ña is ñit, so vṛddhi ū → au → the final ā is deleted → paurvaśālaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A base that is a name takes aṇ instead. pūrveṣukāmaśamyāṃ bhavaḥ "found in Pūrveṣukāmaśamī" → aṇ → pūrvaiṣukāmaśamaḥ. Here the vṛddhi falls on the uttarapada, by SK 1400.
Rule. After a direction-word compound ending in madra, the name of the Madra country, añ comes. "Having a direction-word as pūrvapada" is carried on from SK 1328.
Example.
pūrveṣu madreṣu bhavaḥ "found among the eastern Madras" → pūrvamadra + añ
→ madra is excluded from vṛddhi of the uttarapada by SK 1399 → so the first vowel of the whole takes it: ū → au → paurvamadraḥ.
Likewise āparamadraḥ.
Rule. Añ also comes after the name of a northern village that has many vowels (bahvac) and is end-acute (antodātta: its last vowel carries the high pitch). The direction-word condition does not continue here.
Example.
śivapura, a village in the north → śivapura + añ → vṛddhi i → ai → śaivapuram "what is in Śivapura".
Rule. Aṇ comes after three kinds of base: a compound ending in prastha, the words paladi etc., and a word with k as its penultimate sound (kopadha). It is an apavāda of the northern-village añ of SK 1330.
Example.
mahikiprastha + aṇ → vṛddhi → māhikiprasthaḥ.
paladi + aṇ → vṛddhi, the final i deleted → pāladaḥ.
nilīnaka + aṇ → vṛddhi i → ai → nailīnakaḥ.
Rule. After kaṇva etc., when they end in a gotra affix, aṇ comes. It sets aside the cha that SK 1337 would give.
Example.
Kaṇva belongs to the garga list, so its gotra descendant is kaṇva + yañ (SK 1107) → kāṇvya.
kāṇvyasya chātrāḥ "the pupils of Kāṇvya" → kāṇvya + aṇ
→ the final a is deleted (SK 311) → the y of the offspring affix is deleted (SK 1082) → kāṇvāḥ.
The printed text reads kāṇvasya, where kāṇvyasya is expected.
Rule. Aṇ also comes after a stem ending in iñ, when that iñ is the gotra affix. Here gotra is the technical (śāstrīya) gotra of chapter 27, not the everyday (laukika) sense of "family".
Example.
dakṣa + iñ (SK 1095) → dākṣi, a gotra descendant.
dākṣeḥ chātrāḥ "the pupils of Dākṣi" → dākṣi + aṇ → the final i is deleted → dākṣāḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
sautaṅgamer idam "this belongs to Sautaṅgami" → sautaṅgamīyam.pāṇinīyam.Rule. The aṇ of SK 1333 does not come after a two-vowelled (dvyac) iñ-stem that is a gotra name among the Prācyas (the easterners) or the Bharatas. Then cha comes by SK 1337.
Example.
prāṣṭhi, the gotra descendant of prāṣṭha → its pupils → prāṣṭhi + cha → prāṣṭhīyāḥ.
Likewise kāśi → kāśīyāḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji calls this rule an apavāda of SK 1333. His commentators explain that it is really a prohibition: it blocks aṇ and puts no new affix in its place.
The Bharatas are themselves Prācyas, yet they are named separately. That shows that where "prācya" is said elsewhere, the Bharatas are not included.
śālā → śālīyaḥ; kāśi → kāśikī / kāśikāHere Bhaṭṭoji brings in three naming rules from the first book. They define vṛddha, a word whose first vowel is a vṛddhi. A vṛddha word takes cha, heard as īya. On the running example, śālā "hall" gives śālīyaḥ. Then come exceptions with ṭhañ and ñiṭha: kāśi gives kāśikī or kāśikā.
Rule. A word whose first vowel is a vṛddhi vowel (ā, ai or au) is called vṛddha.
Example.
śālā → the first vowel is ā, a vṛddhi → śālā is vṛddha.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the plural acām "of the vowels" just means "among its vowels". So a word with two vowels, like śālā, counts.
Rule. The words of the list beginning with tyad "that" are also called vṛddha. The rule is needed because their first vowel is not a vṛddhi.
Example.
tad "that" → first vowel a, not a vṛddhi → still vṛddha by this rule.
Rule. After a vṛddha word, cha comes, heard as īya. It has no vṛddhi marker.
Example.
śālā + cha → ch → īy → śālā + īya → the final ā is deleted (SK 311) → śālīyaḥ "found in the hall".
Likewise mālā → mālīyaḥ, and tad → tadīyaḥ "his, of that".
Rule. When a region is named, a word whose first vowel is eṅ (e or o) is optionally called vṛddha. The word prācām "in the view of the eastern grammarians" marks the option.
Example.
As vṛddha, with cha (SK 1337): eṇīpacana → eṇīpacanīyaḥ; gonarda → gonardīyaḥ; bhojakaṭa → bhojakaṭīyaḥ.
In the other option, with aṇ and vṛddhi e → ai, o → au: aiṇīpacanaḥ, gaunardaḥ, bhaujakaṭaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "eṅ"? The region names ahicchatra and kanyakubja take only aṇ: āhicchatraḥ, kānyakubjaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read the rule as a restriction (niyama): a region name is vṛddha only if it begins with e or o.
A vārttika (vā nāmadheyasya vṛddhasaṃjñā vaktavyā) makes a name (nāmadheya) optionally vṛddha: devadatta → devadattīyaḥ (with cha) or daivadattaḥ (with aṇ).
Rule. After bhavat "your honour", when it is vṛddha, ṭhak and chas come. Chas is cha with the marker s.
Example.
bhavat + ṭhak → after t the ṭh is heard as k (SK 1221); k brings vṛddhi a → ā → bhāvatkaḥ "yours".
bhavat + chas → chas is marked with s, so bhavat counts as a pada before it (SK 1252)
→ the final t of a pada becomes voiced, t → d (SK 84) → bhavadīyaḥ "yours".
Applies when / blocked by. The word vṛddhāt "after a vṛddha" is carried on from SK 1337. Only the bhavat made with the affix ḍavatu is in the tyad list, so only it is vṛddha. The present participle bhavat "being" (made with śatṛ) is not vṛddha. It takes only aṇ: bhāvataḥ.
Rule. After kāśi and the other words of its list, ṭhañ and ñiṭha come. The i in ñiṭha is only for pronunciation (uccāraṇārtha): the affix is ṭha with the marker ñ. Both are heard as ika.
Example.
kāśi + ṭhañ → ṭh → ik; vṛddhi (ā stays ā); the final i deleted → kāśika → a ṭhañ-stem takes ṅīp in the feminine → kāśikī.
kāśi + ñiṭha → kāśika → a ñiṭha-stem takes ṭāp → kāśikā.
Likewise from vedi, a region: vaidikī, vaidikā.
Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra, a rule written inside a word-list, adds: āpadādipūrvapadāt kālāntāt. After a word ending in kāla "time" whose first member is āpad etc., the same two affixes come. The list āpadādi is an ākṛtigaṇa, an open list known from usage. So āpatkāla → āpatkālikī, āpatkālikā.
Rule. Ṭhañ and ñiṭha also come after vṛddha words naming villages of the Vāhīka country. This is an apavāda of cha.
Example.
kāstīra, a Vāhīka village → with ṭhañ and ṅīp → kāstīrikī; with ñiṭha and ṭāp → kāstīrikā.
Rule. After vṛddha words naming villages among the Uśīnaras, ṭhañ and ñiṭha come optionally. In the other option, cha comes by SK 1337.
Example.
saudarśana, a village there → saudarśanikī (ṭhañ), saudarśanikā (ñiṭha), or saudarśanīyā (cha).
Rule. After a word ending in u or ū that names a region, ṭhañ comes. Ṭhañ is named again here to leave out ñiṭha.
Example.
niṣādakarṣū, a village → niṣādakarṣū + ṭhañ → after u the ṭh is heard as k → the ū is shortened before ka by ke 'ṇaḥ (SK 834)
→ vṛddhi i → ai → naiṣādakarṣukaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
dākṣikārṣukaḥ.paṭoḥ chātrāḥ "Paṭu's pupils" → pāṭavāḥ.Rule. This is a restriction (niyama). A u-final word naming an eastern region takes the ṭhañ of SK 1343 only if it is vṛddha.
Example.
āḍhakajambū, an eastern village, vṛddha → āḍhakajambukaḥ. Likewise śākajambukaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. mallavāstu, an eastern village, is not vṛddha. So it does not take ṭhañ: māllavāstavaḥ.
airāvataṃ dhanva → airāvatakaḥ; aṅgeṣu bhavaḥ → āṅgakaḥThe affix vuñ, heard as aka, is the main affix for region words and for words naming a janapada, a country with its people. It sets aside cha and aṇ in many places. Then smaller rules set vuñ aside in turn. On the running example, what is in the desert tract called Airāvata is airāvatakaḥ. What is among the Aṅgas is āṅgakaḥ.
Rule. Vuñ comes after a vṛddha word that names a particular dhanva, a desert tract. It also comes after a vṛddha region word with y as its penultimate sound.
Example.
airāvataṃ dhanva "the desert tract Airāvata" → airāvata + vuñ → vu → aka (SK 1247)
→ ñit, so vṛddhi (ai stays ai) → the final a is deleted → airāvatakaḥ.
Sāṅkāśya and kāmpilya end in the affix ṇya by SK 1292, so y is their penultimate → sāṅkāśyakaḥ, kāmpilyakaḥ. The printed text reads sāṅkāśyakā.
Rule. Vuñ also comes after a vṛddha region word ending in prastha, pura or vaha. It is an apavāda of cha.
Example.
mālāprastha + vuñ → mālāprasthakaḥ. Likewise nāndīpurakaḥ, pailuvahakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Pura is named here for regions that are not eastern. For an eastern region, the next rule already gives vuñ, since pura has r as its penultimate.
Rule. Vuñ comes after a vṛddha word naming an eastern region that has r as its penultimate or ends in ī.
Example.
pāṭaliputra → r is penultimate → pāṭaliputrakaḥ. The printed text reads pāṭaliputraḥ, but the vuñ form is expected.
Ending in ī: kākandī → the final ī is deleted → kākandakaḥ.
Rule. Vuñ also comes after a vṛddha word naming a janapada. It also comes after one naming a janapada that is the boundary (avadhi) of another.
Example.
ādarśa, a janapada → ādarśakaḥ "being in Ādarśa".
trigarta, a boundary janapada → vṛddhi i → ai → traigartakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that trigarta takes vuñ, not the cha of SK 1361, which would otherwise suit a garta-final word. Scholars discuss whether this vuñ comes by this rule or by the next.
Rule. Vuñ comes after a word naming a janapada or its boundary, even when it is not vṛddha, if the word is always used in the plural. For a non-vṛddha word it is an apavāda of aṇ; for a vṛddha one, of cha.
Example.
Non-vṛddha janapada: aṅgeṣu bhavaḥ "being among the Aṅgas" → aṅga + vuñ → vṛddhi a → ā → āṅgakaḥ.
Non-vṛddha boundary: ājamīḍhakaḥ "being among the Ajamīḍhas".
Vṛddha janapada: dārvakaḥ "being among the Dārvas".
Vṛddha boundary: kālañjarakaḥ "being among the Kalañjaras".
Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra says viṣaya "confined to" the plural. So a plural made by ekaśeṣa does not count. Ekaśeṣa is the device by which one word stands for several of the same form (SK 188, chapter 8). vartanī ca vartanī ca vartanī ca → vartanyaḥ "the Vartanīs"; what is in them → vārtanaḥ, with no vuñ.
Rule. Vuñ comes after a region word whose uttarapada is kaccha, agni, vaktra or varta. It does not matter whether the word is vṛddha or not.
Example.
dārukaccha + vuñ → dārukacchakaḥ "found in Dārukaccha".
kāṇḍāgni + vuñ → the final i is deleted (SK 311) → kāṇḍāgnakaḥ.
Likewise saindhuvaktrakaḥ, bāhuvartakaḥ.
Watch out. The text here reads varta. The standard reading of this sūtra has garta, which would give bāhugartakaḥ. Scholars discuss this reading.
Rule. Vuñ also comes after dhūma and the other words of its list, when they name regions.
Example.
dhūma + vuñ → vṛddhi ū → au → dhaumakaḥ. tīrtha + vuñ → vṛddhi ī → ai → tairthakaḥ.
Rule. After nagara "town", vuñ comes when contempt (kutsana) or skill (prāvīṇya) is understood.
Example.
nagara + vuñ → vṛddhi → nāgarakaḥ: a thief (contempt) or a craftsman (skill).
Applies when / blocked by. With neither sense there is no vuñ: nāgarāḥ brāhmaṇāḥ "brāhmaṇas of the town".
Rule. After araṇya "forest", vuñ comes when a human being is meant. It is an apavāda of the vārttika araṇyāṇ ṇaḥ read under SK 1325.
Example.
araṇya + vuñ → vṛddhi a → ā → āraṇyakaḥ "a man of the forest".
Applies when / blocked by. Two vārttikas follow.
āraṇyakaḥ panthāḥ, and so on.āraṇyakāḥ or āraṇyāḥ gomayāḥ "forest cow-dung cakes".Rule. After kuru and yugandhara, names of janapadas, vuñ comes optionally. SK 1349 would make it obligatory.
Example.
kuru + vuñ → vṛddhi u → au; the final u takes guṇa (SK 847) → av → kauravakaḥ; or kauravaḥ.
yaugandharakaḥ or yaugandharaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Scholars discuss whether the option really works for kuru, since kuru is also in the kaccha list (SK 1357).
Rule. After madra and vṛji, names of janapadas, kan comes, heard as ka. It replaces the janapada vuñ. Kan is marked with n, so it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
madreṣu jātaḥ "born among the Madras" → madra + kan → madrakaḥ.
Likewise vṛji → vṛjikaḥ.
Rule. After a janapada name with k as its penultimate sound, aṇ comes. It replaces the janapada vuñ.
Example.
mahiṣika, a janapada → mahiṣika + aṇ → vṛddhi a → ā → māhiṣikaḥ "being there".
Applies when / blocked by. SK 1331 already gives aṇ to a kopadha word. This rule is still made, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain, to set aside the janapada vuñ.
Rule. After kaccha and the other words of its list, when they name regions, aṇ comes. It is an apavāda of vuñ and the rest.
Example.
kaccha + aṇ → vṛddhi → kācchaḥ. Here aṇ sets aside vuñ.
sindhu + aṇ → vṛddhi i → ai; guṇa of the final u (SK 847) → saindhavaḥ. Here aṇ sets aside the ṭhañ of SK 1343.
Rule. After kaccha etc., vuñ comes when a human being, or something in a human, is meant. It is an apavāda of the aṇ of SK 1357.
Example.
kacche jātādiḥ "a man born, etc., in Kaccha" → kaccha + vuñ → kācchako manuṣyaḥ.
His laughter → kācchakaṃ hasitam. The printed text reads kacchakam, without the vṛddhi.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "a human"? A cow takes aṇ: kācchaḥ gauḥ.
Rule. Sālva is in the kaccha list, so SK 1358 already gives it vuñ. This rule is a restriction: after sālva, vuñ comes only when the man is not a foot-soldier (padāti).
Example.
sālva + vuñ → sālvako brāhmaṇaḥ "a brāhmaṇa from Sālva".
Applies when / blocked by. A foot-soldier takes no vuñ: sālvaḥ padātir vrajati "a Sālva foot-soldier goes".
Rule. After sālva, vuñ also comes when a cow or rice gruel (yavāgū) is meant. It is an apavāda of the aṇ of SK 1357.
Example.
sālvakaḥ gauḥ "a Sālva cow". The printed text reads sālvākaḥ.
sālvikā yavāgūḥ "Sālva rice gruel".
Applies when / blocked by. Anything else takes aṇ: sālvam.
vṛkagarte bhavam → vṛkagartīyam; rājan → rājakīyamCha returns as the affix for several kinds of region word. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take the cha of SK 1361 as a heading, so that later rules can take it for granted. On the running example, what is in the region Vṛkagarta is vṛkagartīyam. And rājan "king" takes cha with a small change to its final: rājakīyam "royal".
Rule. After a region word whose uttarapada is garta, cha comes. It is an apavāda of aṇ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take this cha as a heading for the rules that follow.
Example.
vṛkagarte bhavam "found in Vṛkagarta" → vṛkagarta + cha → ch → īy → the final a is deleted (SK 311) → vṛkagartīyam.
Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra says "uttarapada". That leaves out a word where garta has bahu- before it by the affix bahuc, since then garta is not an uttarapada.
Rule. After gaha and the other words of its list, cha comes.
Example.
gaha, a place → gaha + cha → gahīyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. The list contains several gaṇasūtras:
mukhatīyam, pārśvatīyam. Bhaṭṭoji says this gaṇasūtra shows that the ṭi-deletion of indeclinables (SK 1324) is not obligatory.janakīyam, parakīyam.devakīyam.svakīyam.vaiṇukīyam, vaitrakīyam, auttarapadakīyam.Rule. After a word naming an eastern region and beginning with kaṭa, cha comes. It is an apavāda of aṇ.
Example.
kaṭanagara + cha → kaṭanagarīyam. Likewise kaṭaghoṣīyam, kaṭapalvalīyam.
Rule. Rājan "king" is vṛddha, so cha already comes by SK 1337. This rule adds only one thing: together with that cha, ka replaces the final of rājan.
Example.
rājan + cha → ka in place of the final → ch → īy → rājakīyam "royal".
Rule. Cha comes after a vṛddha word naming a country that ends in aka or ika, or has kh as its penultimate.
Example.
Brāhmaṇaka is a janapada where brāhmaṇas live by arms. tatra jātaḥ "born there" → brāhmaṇaka + cha → brāhmaṇakīyaḥ.
Likewise śālmalika → śālmalikīyaḥ, and āyomukha → āyomukhīyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name what this rule overrides. For brāhmaṇaka and śālmalika it is the aṇ of SK 1356. For āyomukha it is the ṭhañ and ñiṭha of SK 1341.
Rule. Cha comes after a vṛddha region word whose uttarapada is kanthā, palada, nagara, grāma or hrada. It is an apavāda of ṭhañ, ñiṭha and the rest.
Example.
dākṣikanthā + cha → the final ā is deleted → dākṣikanthīyam.
Likewise dākṣipaladīyam, dākṣinagarīyam, dākṣigrāmīyam, and dākṣihradīyam. The printed text reads dākṣihṛdīyam for the last.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain "and the rest". For the nagara-final word, cha sets aside the vuñ of SK 1347. For the others, it sets aside the ṭhañ and ñiṭha of SK 1341.
Rule. Cha also comes after parvata "mountain". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take the cha from the heading of SK 1361.
Example.
parvata + cha → parvatīyaḥ "of the mountain".
Rule. When the thing meant is not a human being, the cha after parvata is optional. In the other option, aṇ comes.
Example.
parvatīyāni phalāni or, with aṇ and vṛddhi, pārvatāni phalāni "fruits from the mountain". The printed text reads pārvatīni.
Applies when / blocked by. A human takes cha only: parvatīyo manuṣyaḥ "a mountain man".
Rule. After kṛkaṇa and parṇa, cha comes when they name places in the Bhāradvāja country.
Example.
kṛkaṇa + cha → kṛkaṇīyam. parṇa + cha → parṇīyam.
Applies when / blocked by. Elsewhere they take aṇ, with vṛddhi: kārkaṇam, pārṇam.
yuṣmad → yuṣmadīyaḥ / yauṣmākīṇaḥ / yauṣmākaḥ; singular tāvakīnaḥ / tāvakaḥ / tvadīyaḥYuṣmad "you" and asmad "I, we" are in the tyad list, so they are vṛddha and would take cha alone. This group gives them two more affixes and changes the stem to suit. On the running example, "yours" (of two or more) is yuṣmadīyaḥ, yauṣmākīṇaḥ or yauṣmākaḥ. "Yours" (of one) is tāvakīnaḥ, tāvakaḥ or tvadīyaḥ.
Rule. After yuṣmad and asmad, khañ comes optionally. By the ca, cha comes too. In the remaining option, aṇ comes.
Example.
yuvayor yuṣmākaṃ vā ayam "this belongs to you two, or to you all" → yuṣmad + cha → yuṣmadīyaḥ.
Likewise asmadīyaḥ "ours".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the cha brought by ca is the one standing as a heading from SK 1361. The analysis uses the dual and plural, because the singular gets its own forms (SK 1372).
Rule. Before that khañ, and before aṇ, yuṣmāka replaces yuṣmad, and asmāka replaces asmad.
Example.
yuṣmad + khañ → yuṣmāka + īna → ñit, so vṛddhi u → au → the final a is deleted → n → ṇ after ṣ → yauṣmākīṇaḥ.
asmad + khañ → asmāka + īna → vṛddhi → āsmākīnaḥ. The printed text reads āsmakīnaḥ.
With aṇ: yauṣmākaḥ, āsmākaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. "That" means the khañ named in SK 1370, not the cha drawn in by its ca. The two substitutes pair with the two bases in order. They do not pair with the two affixes: each substitute comes before both khañ and aṇ.
Rule. When yuṣmad and asmad refer to one person, tavaka and mamaka replace them before khañ or aṇ.
Example.
tavaka + khañ → vṛddhi → tāvakīnaḥ "yours". tavaka + aṇ → tāvakaḥ.
Likewise māmakīnaḥ, māmakaḥ "mine".
Applies when / blocked by. Ekavacana here means "expressing one", not the singular case-ending. Before cha, a different change is made; it is taught next.
Rule. When yuṣmad and asmad refer to one person, their part up to the m is replaced by tva and ma. This happens before an affix (pratyaya) and before an uttarapada.
Example.
yuṣmad + cha (one person) → the part yuṣm → tva → tvad + īya → tvadīyaḥ "yours".
asmad + cha → asm → ma → madīyaḥ "mine".
Watch out. Why not tava and mama, the genitive forms of SK 398 (chapter 11)? Before cha the case-ending is elided. Those forms are taught only before the genitive singular ending, so they have nothing to stand on here. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that tva and ma are carried here from SK 389 of chapter 11.
ardhe bhavaḥ → ardhyaḥ; pūrvārdha → paurvārdhikam / pūrvārdhyamThree words with their own affixes: ardha "half", madhya "middle" and dvīpa "island". On the running example, what is in the half is ardhyaḥ. What is in the eastern half is paurvārdhikam or pūrvārdhyam.
Rule. After ardha "half", yat comes.
Example.
ardhe jātādiḥ "born, etc., in the half" → ardha + yat → the final a is deleted → ardhyaḥ.
Rule. Yat also comes after ardha preceded by para, avara, adhama or uttama.
Example.
parārdha + yat → parārdhyam. Likewise avarārdhyam, adhamārdhyam, uttamārdhyam. The printed text reads avarārtham for the second.
Applies when / blocked by. Para and avara can be direction-words. Then SK 1376 would give ṭhañ as well, but only yat comes. Scholars discuss the reason: one view rests it on the word pūrva in the sūtra, the other on yat being named for these words specifically.
Rule. After ardha with a direction-word as pūrvapada, ṭhañ comes. By the ca, yat comes too.
Example.
pūrvārdha + ṭhañ → ṭh → ik; vṛddhi ū → au → paurvārdhikam.
pūrvārdha + yat → pūrvārdhyam.
Rule. When a direction-word plus ardha names part of a village or of a janapada, añ and ṭhañ come.
Example.
grāmasya pūrvasminn ardhe bhavāḥ "those in the eastern half of the village" → a compound in the sense of the taddhita (SK 728) → pūrvārdha
→ with añ → paurvārdhāḥ; with ṭhañ → paurvārdhikāḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's sentence: ime 'smākaṃ grāmasya janapadasya vā paurvārdhāḥ "these are of the eastern half of our village or janapada".
Watch out. Ṭhañ is named for clarity. If the sūtra said only "añ ca", one might think the ca drew in yat as well.
Rule. After madhya "middle", ma comes.
Example.
madhya + ma → madhyamaḥ "middle, being in the middle".
Rule. After madhya, the affix a comes in the sense sāṃpratika, "just right, neither too much nor too little".
Example.
madhya + a → the final a of the base is deleted (SK 311) → madhyaḥ.
madhyo vaiyākaraṇaḥ "a middling grammarian", neither eminent nor poor.
madhyaṃ dāru "a middling piece of wood", neither too short nor too long.
Rule. After dvīpa "island", when the island lies near the sea (anusamudram), yañ comes.
Example.
dvīpa + yañ → ñit, so vṛddhi ī → ai → the final a is deleted → dvaipyam.
Feminine: dvaipyā.
Watch out. The feminine is not dvaipyī. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain: the feminine ṅīp after yañ is only for the yañ of the offspring section, and this yañ is not that one.
māse bhavam → māsikam; sāyam → sāyantanamA word naming a time (kāla) takes ṭhañ. This heading runs until SK 1393. Seasons, nakṣatras and certain times of day take other affixes. On the running example, what occurs in a month (māsa) is māsikam. What belongs to the evening (sāyam) is sāyantanam.
Rule. After a word denoting time, ṭhañ comes. The heading "after a time-word" runs up to tatra jātaḥ (SK 1393).
Example.
māse bhavam "occurring in a month" → māsa + ṭhañ → ṭh → ik; vṛddhi (ā stays ā) → the final a is deleted (SK 311) → māsikam "monthly".
Likewise sāṃvatsarikam "yearly", sāyaṃprātikaḥ "of evening and morning", paunaḥpunikaḥ "repeated".
Watch out. Poets use forms that break this rule. Kālidāsa has śārvara "of the night" and Bhāravi has auṣasa "of dawn". Common usage has samānakālīna and prākkālīna. The authorities say these are simply corrupt forms (apabhraṃśa). Scholars discuss whether some of them can be defended.
Rule. After śarad "autumn", ṭhañ comes when a śrāddha, the rite for the ancestors, is meant. It is an apavāda of the season aṇ (ṛtvaṇ) of SK 1387.
Example.
śarad + ṭhañ → vṛddhi a → ā → śāradikaṃ śrāddham "the autumn śrāddha".
Rule. After śarad, ṭhañ comes optionally when a disease or heat is meant.
Example.
śāradikaḥ or śāradaḥ — an autumn disease, or autumn heat.
Applies when / blocked by. Anything else takes the season aṇ: śāradaṃ dadhi "autumn curd".
Rule. After niśā "night" and pradoṣa "evening", ṭhañ comes optionally.
Example.
niśā + ṭhañ → vṛddhi i → ai → naiśikam; or naiśam.
prādoṣikam or prādoṣam.
Rule. After śvas "tomorrow", ṭhañ comes optionally, and the affix takes the augment tuṭ. An augment (āgama) is a sound added to a form without replacing anything. Tuṭ is heard as t and is placed at the start of the affix.
Example.
śvas + ṭhañ → śvas + ika → tuṭ → śvas + tika → the vowel change is taught next (SK 1386) → śauvastikam "of tomorrow".
Rule. This rule continues SK 1098. In the words dvāra, svar, vyalkaśa, svasti, svara, sphyakṛt, svādu, mṛdu, śvas, śvan and sva, the vowel after the y or v takes no vṛddhi. Instead the augment ai or au (aic) comes before the y or v.
Example.
śvas + tika → the vowel after v is not changed → au is added before the v → śauvas + tika → śauvastikam.
Rule. After sandhivelā etc., after names of seasons (ṛtu) and after names of nakṣatras (lunar mansions), used for time, aṇ comes. It is an apavāda of ṭhañ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that naming aṇ also shuts out cha.
The list is: sandhivelā "twilight", saṃdhyā, amāvāsyā "new-moon day", trayodaśī, caturdaśī, paurṇamāsī "full-moon day", pratipad "first day of the fortnight".
Example.
sandhivelāyāṃ bhavam "occurring at twilight" → sandhivelā + aṇ → vṛddhi → sāndhivelam.
Season: grīṣma "hot season" → vṛddhi ī → ai → graiṣmam.
Nakṣatra: tiṣya → vṛddhi i → ai, and its y is deleted → taiṣam.
Applies when / blocked by. A gaṇasūtra, saṃvatsarāt phalaparvaṇoḥ, gives aṇ after saṃvatsara "year" for a fruit or a festival: sāṃvatsaraṃ phalam, sāṃvatsaraṃ parva. Anything else: sāṃvatsarikam.
Rule. After prāvṛṣ "the rainy season", eṇya comes. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators call it an apavāda of the season aṇ.
Example.
prāvṛṣ + eṇya → prāvṛṣeṇyaḥ "occurring in the rainy season".
Applies when / blocked by. For the sense "born there", SK 1394 gives ṭhap instead.
Rule. After varṣāḥ "the rains", ṭhak comes.
Example.
varṣāsu sādhu "good for the rains" → varṣā + ṭhak → ṭh → ik; vṛddhi a → ā → the final ā is deleted → vārṣikaṃ vāsaḥ "a garment for the rains".
Applies when / blocked by. "Good for" is not one of the senses of this heading as such. It is added to them by SK 1418, so ṭhak also comes in that sense.
Rule. After hemanta "the cold season", aṇ comes, and the t is deleted. Sarvatra "everywhere" means in the Veda and in ordinary usage alike.
Example.
hemanta + aṇ → the t is deleted → vṛddhi e → ai → haimanam.
By the first ca, the season aṇ also comes, without the deletion → haimantam.
Watch out. Pāṇini's sūtras just before this one (A 4.3.19–21) are Vedic. Bhaṭṭoji reads them in the Vedic section (SK 3450–3452). The t is deleted only with the aṇ named in this sūtra, not with the season aṇ.
Rule. After sāyam "evening", ciram "long", prāhṇe "in the forenoon", prage "early", and after indeclinables denoting time, ṭyu and ṭyul come. The affix takes the augment tuṭ.
Example.
sāyam + ṭyu → yu → ana (SK 1247) → tuṭ → sāyam + tana → the m appears as n before t → sāyantanam "of the evening".
Likewise cirantanam "of long standing". The printed text reads cirantam.
Prāhṇe and prage keep their e by nipātana, being cited in that form in the sūtra: prāhṇetanam, pragetanam.
Indeclinables: doṣā "at night" → doṣātanam; divā "by day" → divātanam.
Applies when / blocked by. The change of yu to ana comes before tuṭ is added. Three vārttikas follow:
ciratnam, parutnam, parāritnam.agrimam, ādimam, paścimam. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the ḍ of ḍimac is only for clarity.antimam.Rule. After pūrvāhṇa "forenoon" and aparāhṇa "afternoon", ṭyu and ṭyul with tuṭ come optionally. In the other option, ṭhañ comes, with no tuṭ.
Example.
pūrvāhṇe + ṭyu with tuṭ → the locative ending is kept by SK 975 → pūrvāhṇetanam, aparāhṇetanam "of the forenoon / afternoon".
With ṭhañ: paurvāhṇikam, āparāhṇikam.
Applies when / blocked by. For the analysis pūrvāhṇaḥ soḍho 'sya "he has endured the forenoon" there is no locative to keep. So the forms are pūrvāhṇatanam, aparāhṇatanam.
srughne jātaḥ → sraughnaḥNow the senses begin. Tatra jātaḥ "born there" is the first. The base stands in the locative, and both the general aṇ etc. and the special affixes of SK 1313–1392 now find their sense. On the running example, one born in the town Srughna is sraughnaḥ.
Rule. After a word that is samartha in the locative, aṇ etc. and gha etc. come in the sense "born". A samartha word is one connected in sense, with its sandhi done. The locative case of the base is the rule's samartha-vibhakti.
Example.
srughne jātaḥ "born in Srughna" → srughna + aṇ → vṛddhi u → au → the final a is deleted → sraughnaḥ.
Likewise autsaḥ (from utsa), and with the special affixes of SK 1313, rāṣṭriyaḥ, avārapārīṇaḥ.
Rule. After prāvṛṣ, in the sense "born there", ṭhap comes. It is an apavāda of the eṇya of SK 1388. Ṭhap is marked with p, not k or ñ, so it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
prāvṛṣi jātaḥ "born in the rainy season" → prāvṛṣ + ṭhap → ṭh → ik → prāvṛṣikaḥ.
Rule. After śarad, in the sense "born there", vuñ comes when a name is meant. It is an apavāda of the season aṇ.
Example.
śarad + vuñ → vu → aka; vṛddhi a → ā → śāradakāḥ, the name of certain kinds of darbha grass and of mudga beans.
supañcāleṣu jātaḥ → supāñcālakaḥNormally a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita puts vṛddhi on the first vowel of the whole base. These rules of the seventh book move it to the first vowel of the uttarapada in certain compounds. Bhaṭṭoji reads them here, beside the forms they shape. On the running example, one born among the Supañcālas is supāñcālakaḥ: the a of pañcāla takes the vṛddhi, and su- is left alone.
Rule. "Of the uttarapada". This is a heading (adhikāra). It runs up to, but not including, hanas ta… (SK 2574).
Example. The rule makes no form by itself. Under it, SK 1397–1400 here, and later in this chapter SK 1409, 1431, 1432, 1438 and 1460, give vṛddhi to the first vowel of the uttarapada, before a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita. See supāñcālakaḥ under SK 1398.
Rule. After a pūrvapada denoting a part (avayava), the first vowel of an uttarapada denoting a season takes vṛddhi, before a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita.
Example.
varṣāṇāṃ pūrvam "the earlier part of the rains" → pūrvavarṣāḥ (a compound of part and whole, SK 712).
pūrvavarṣāsu jātaḥ → pūrvavarṣā + ṭhak (SK 1389) → vṛddhi on the uttarapada, a → ā → pūrvavārṣikaḥ.
Likewise aparahemanta + aṇ (SK 1390, with the t deleted) → e → ai in the uttarapada → aparahaimanaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A rule that adds an affix after a word does not normally reach a compound ending in that word. A vārttika, ṛtor vṛddhimadvidhāv avayavānām, allows it here. This reaching is called tadantavidhi. So the ṭhak of SK 1389 reaches pūrvavarṣāḥ.
Why "part"? pūrvāsu varṣāsu bhavaḥ "found in the earlier rains" is a different compound: pūrva there does not denote a part. So there is no tadantavidhi and no uttarapada-vṛddhi. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give it ṭhañ by SK 1381, with vṛddhi of the first vowel → paurvavarṣikaḥ.
Rule. After su, sarva "all" or ardha "half", an uttarapada naming a janapada takes vṛddhi of its first vowel.
Example.
supañcāleṣu jātaḥ "born among the Supañcālas" → supañcāla + vuñ (SK 1349, with SK 1348 carried forward)
→ vu → aka → vṛddhi on the uttarapada, a → ā → supāñcālakaḥ.
Likewise sarvapāñcālakaḥ, ardhapāñcālakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika (susarvārdhadikśabdebhyo janapadasyeti tadantavidhiḥ) allows tadantavidhi here too. So the janapada-affix reaches a compound of su, sarva, ardha or a direction-word plus a janapada-word.
Rule. After a direction-word, an uttarapada naming a janapada takes vṛddhi of its first vowel, except madra.
Example.
pūrvapañcāla + vuñ → vṛddhi on pañcāla → pūrvapāñcālakaḥ "of the eastern Pañcālas".
Applies when / blocked by.
pūrvapañcālānām ayam "this belongs to the former Pañcālas", pūrva means time. So the first vowel of the whole takes vṛddhi: paurvapañcālaḥ.paurvamadraḥ (SK 1329) has vṛddhi on the first vowel.Rule. After a direction-word, the names of eastern villages and towns take vṛddhi in the uttarapada.
Example.
pūrveṣukāmaśamyāṃ bhavaḥ "one who is in the village Pūrveṣukāmaśamī" → pūrveṣukāmaśamī + aṇ (a name, so not the ña of SK 1328)
→ vṛddhi on the uttarapada, i → ai; the final ī is deleted (SK 311) → pūrvaiṣukāmaśamaḥ.
A town: pūrvapāṭaliputrakaḥ. The first vowel of pāṭaliputra is already ā. Here, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain, the rule's effect is to keep vṛddhi off pūrva-.
pūrvāhṇe jātaḥ → pūrvāhṇakaḥ; with luk, śraviṣṭhāsu jātaḥ → śraviṣṭhaḥThe heading tatra jātaḥ "born there" (SK 1393) is still in force. So is the rule that the base stands in the locative (the seventh case). This group gives special affixes for a few bases in that sense. It also teaches luk, the disappearance of the affix, after certain nakṣatra names. A nakṣatra is a lunar mansion, one of the star-groups the moon passes through. On the running example, one born in the forenoon is pūrvāhṇakaḥ. One born under the nakṣatra Śraviṣṭhā is śraviṣṭhaḥ, with no affix left at all.
Rule. After six words, the affix vun comes in the sense "born there". The six are pūrvāhṇa "forenoon", aparāhṇa "afternoon", ārdrā and mūla (two nakṣatras), pradoṣa "evening" and avaskara.
Example.
pūrvāhṇe jātaḥ "born in the forenoon" → pūrvāhṇa + vun
→ vu → aka by yuvor anākau (SK 1247) → pūrvāhṇa + aka
→ vun has no ñ, ṇ or k marker, so there is no vṛddhi
→ the final a of the stem is deleted by yasyeti ca (SK 311) → pūrvāhṇakaḥ.
Likewise aparāhṇakaḥ, ārdrakaḥ, mūlakaḥ, pradoṣakaḥ, avaskarakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name what each form overrides.
Some carry the word "as a name" (saṃjñāyām) forward from SK 1395 into this stretch; scholars discuss this, and Bhaṭṭoji takes no side.
Rule. After pathin "road", vun comes in the sense "born there". The ca "and" adds a second operation: pantha replaces pathin. The affix vun is carried forward from SK 1401 by anuvṛtti.
Example.
pathi jātaḥ "born on the road" → pathin + vun
→ pantha replaces pathin → pantha + vun
→ vu → aka (SK 1247), no vṛddhi → pantha + aka
→ the final a is deleted (SK 311) → panthakaḥ.
Watch out. The same words pathaḥ pantha ca also appear as a rule inside a word-list in chapter 28 (SK 1292, giving pānthāyanaḥ). That is a different rule, in a different sense.
Rule. After amāvāsyā "the new-moon day", vun comes optionally in the sense "born there". In the other option aṇ comes, because amāvāsyā is in the list of SK 1387 (sandhivelādi).
Example.
amāvāsyāyāṃ jātaḥ "born on the new-moon day"
→ with vun: amāvāsyā + aka → the ā is deleted (SK 311) → amāvāsyakaḥ
→ with aṇ: first-vowel vṛddhi, a → ā → āmāvāsyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators extend the rule to the short-vowelled form amāvasyā. A rule that names a word also covers a slightly altered form of it. So also amāvasyakaḥ, āmāvasyaḥ.
Rule. After amāvāsyā, the affix a also comes in the sense "born there". It has no marker, so it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
amāvāsyāyāṃ jātaḥ → amāvāsyā + a
→ the final ā is deleted (SK 311) → amāvāsyaḥ.
So one born on the new-moon day has three names: amāvāsyakaḥ, āmāvāsyaḥ and amāvāsyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators apply this rule too to amāvasyā, giving amāvasyaḥ.
Rule. After sindhu (the Sindhu country) and apakara, the affix kan comes in the sense "born there". Kan is heard as ka. Its n is only a marker, and it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
sindhau jātaḥ "born in Sindhu" → sindhu + kan → sindhukaḥ.
apakare jātaḥ "born in Apakara" → apakara + ka → the a is deleted → apakarakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji says what the rule overrides.
Rule. After the same two words, aṇ and añ also come, in that order. Aṇ goes with sindhu, and añ with apakara. This is yathāsaṃkhya: the members of two lists are paired one by one, first with first.
Example.
sindhu + aṇ → vṛddhi i → ai → the final u takes guṇa by or guṇaḥ (SK 847): u → o → av → saindhavaḥ.
apakara + añ → vṛddhi a → ā → the final a is deleted → āpakaraḥ.
Watch out. Why is this a separate sūtra, and not part of SK 1405? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain: the split (yogavibhāga) is made so that the pairing can work.
Rule. After ten nakṣatra names, the affix in the sense "born" undergoes luk. The ten are śraviṣṭhā, phalgunī, anurādhā, svāti, tiṣya, punarvasu, hasta, viśākhā, aṣāḍhā and bahulā. The affix that disappears is the aṇ after nakṣatras (SK 1387).
Example. The finished forms come under the next rule, which is needed to complete them. For now:
śraviṣṭhāsu jātaḥ "born under Śraviṣṭhā" → śraviṣṭhā + aṇ → luk of aṇ → nothing is added.
Because the affix is gone, there is no vṛddhi either.
Watch out. Bahulā here is a name of the Kṛttikā nakṣatra. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain its short final in the sūtra: the whole list is one compound of the collective (samāhāra) type. Whether svāti ends in a short or a long vowel is a point scholars discuss.
Rule. When a taddhita affix undergoes luk, the feminine affix of the subordinate word (upasarjana) also undergoes luk. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain that upasarjana here just means the word that is not the principal thing meant (apradhāna), not the technical sense of the term. The feminine affixes are ṭāp (heard as -ā) and ṅīp, ṅīṣ (heard as -ī).
Example.
śraviṣṭhāsu jātaḥ → śraviṣṭhā + aṇ → luk of aṇ by SK 1407
→ now luk of the feminine ṭāp too → śraviṣṭha
→ masculine nominative → śraviṣṭhaḥ.
Likewise phalgunaḥ "born under the two Phalgunīs". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators complete his "and so on": anurādhaḥ, svātiḥ, tiṣyaḥ, punarvasuḥ, hastaḥ, viśākhaḥ, aṣāḍhaḥ, bahulaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Three vārttikas follow.
citrāyāṃ jātā "a girl born under Citrā" → citrā. Likewise revatī, rohiṇī. For these two, once luk has removed the old -ī, ṅīṣ comes back again. The reason is that the list pippalyādi, which gives ṅīṣ, is an ākṛtigaṇa, an open list. For citrā, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say that ṭāp comes back.phalgunī + ṭa → ī deleted → ṭa is ṭit, so ṅīp → phalgunī. aṣāḍhā + an → ā deleted → ṭāp → aṣāḍhā.śraviṣṭhā + chaṇ → ch → īy → ā deleted → chaṇ is ṇit, so vṛddhi → śrāviṣṭhīyaḥ. Likewise āṣāḍhīyaḥ.Watch out. Why do ṭa, an and chaṇ not disappear by SK 1407? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: they are taught for these very words, and that teaching would be pointless if they then vanished.
Rule. For the words for the nakṣatra proṣṭhapadā, vṛddhi replaces the first vowel of the second member. This happens before a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita in the sense "born" (ja). The rule stands under the heading uttarapadasya (SK 1396). So it is the second member (uttarapada) that changes, not the first.
Example.
proṣṭhapadāsu jātaḥ "born under Proṣṭhapadā" → proṣṭhapadā + aṇ
→ vṛddhi falls on the first vowel of padā: a → ā → proṣṭhapādaḥ.
The text followed in this book gives only proṣṭhapadāsu bhavaḥ prauṣṭhapadaḥ "being in Proṣṭhapadā". That is the sense "being there", not "born". So the ordinary first-vowel vṛddhi applies there, and the form does not illustrate this rule. The Nirṇaya Sāgara printed edition has the full wording, with proṣṭhapādo māṇavakaḥ "a boy born under Proṣṭhapadā", and prauṣṭhapadaḥ as the contrast.
Applies when / blocked by. The sūtra says "proṣṭhapadā-words", in the plural. So a synonym is also included: bhadrapadā. Its "born" form, as Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give it, is bhadrapādaḥ. The printed form bhādrapādaḥ has vṛddhi in both members, which this rule does not give; scholars discuss this.
Rule. The affix in the sense "born" also undergoes luk after a word ending in sthāna "place, stall", and after gośāla "cow-shed" and kharaśāla "donkey-shed".
Example.
gosthāne jātaḥ "born in a cow-stall" → gosthāna + aṇ → luk of aṇ → no vṛddhi → gosthānaḥ.
Likewise gośālaḥ, kharaśālaḥ.
Watch out. Śālā "shed" is feminine. Why then does the sūtra say gośāla, with a short a? Bhaṭṭoji answers: such a compound may be neuter by vibhāṣā senā… (SK 828), and a neuter stem shortens its final vowel. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that the luk works on the feminine gośālā too.
Rule. After vatsaśālā "calf-shed" and the nakṣatras abhijit, aśvayuj and śatabhiṣaj, the luk of the "born" affix is optional.
Example.
vatsaśāle jātaḥ "born in a calf-shed"
→ with luk: vatsaśālaḥ
→ without luk: aṇ stays, vṛddhi a → ā → vātsaśālaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators complete his "and so on": abhijit / ābhijitaḥ; aśvayuk / āśvayujaḥ; śatabhiṣak / śātabhiṣajaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds a third form. Jātārthe pratiprasūto 'ṇ vā ḍid vaktavyaḥ: the reinstated aṇ in the sense "born" is optionally ḍit. "Reinstated" (pratiprasūta) means this. After time-words, the general aṇ was set aside by kālāṭ ṭhañ (SK 1381). SK 1387 brought it back for nakṣatras. A ḍit affix deletes the ṭi of the stem, its last vowel with whatever follows.
śatabhiṣaj + aṇ (as ḍit) → the ṭi aj is deleted → vṛddhi → śātabhiṣaḥ
→ aṇ not ḍit → śātabhiṣajaḥ
→ with luk → śatabhiṣak.
Rule. After nakṣatra names in general, the "born" affix undergoes luk bahulam, "variously". Bahulam means the rule applies in some cases and not in others, as usage shows.
Example.
rohiṇyāṃ jātaḥ "born under Rohiṇī" → rohiṇī + aṇ
→ with luk: aṇ goes, so no vṛddhi; the feminine ṅīṣ goes too by SK 1408 → rohiṇaḥ
→ without luk: vṛddhi o → au, the ī deleted → rauhiṇaḥ.
Watch out. Once the -ī has gone, should the ṇ not turn back into t, as in the colour-word rohita? No. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain that rohiṇī here is not derived from rohita. It is a fixed name of the nakṣatra, which takes ṅīṣ by its own listing. So the form is rohiṇaḥ, never rohitaḥ.
srughne kṛto labdhaḥ krītaḥ kuśalo vā → sraughnaḥ; māse deyam ṛṇam → māsikamThe sense "born" now stops, but the locative stays. New sense-headings follow, each a single word. The general affix aṇ and the base-specific affixes of SK 1313–1392 (gha and the rest) apply under each. Then a run of rules names senses for time-words only: "good then", "sown then", "a debt to be paid then". On the running example, a thing made, obtained or bought in the town of Srughna is sraughnaḥ. A debt to be paid in a month is māsikam.
Rule. After a word in the seventh case, aṇ etc. come in four senses: "made there", "obtained there", "bought there", and "skilled there". Bhaṭṭoji says only tatra "there" is carried forward. The word jātaḥ "born" of SK 1393 stops here.
Example.
srughne kṛto labdhaḥ krītaḥ kuśalo vā "made, obtained or bought in Srughna, or skilled in Srughna" → srughna + aṇ
→ vṛddhi u → au → sraughna + a
→ the final a is deleted (SK 311) → sraughnaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that the base-specific affixes apply too: rāṣṭriyaḥ "made in the realm", with gha (SK 1313).
Watch out. Is not everything made somewhere also "born" there? Why name the sense again? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: so that the affix can also express "made" as such. It follows that a base whose "born" affix undergoes luk keeps its affix in the sense "made".
Rule. After a seventh-case word, aṇ etc. come in the sense "usually found there". Bhaṭṭoji glosses prāyeṇa "usually" as bāhulyena "for the most part". The word tatra is still in force.
Example.
srughne prāyeṇa bhavati "it is found in Srughna for the most part" → srughna + aṇ → sraughnaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators report that the Bhāṣya rejects this sūtra. Being found somewhere usually is already covered by "being there" (tatra bhavaḥ, SK 1428).
Rule. After upajānu, upakarṇa and upanīvi, ṭhak comes in the sense "usually found there". Each word is an avyayībhāva, an indeclinable compound whose first member is an indeclinable. Here the upa means "near": jānunaḥ samīpam upajānu "near the knee".
Example.
upajānu + ṭhak → the stem ends in u, so ṭh → k, not ik (SK 1221)
→ k is a marker, so vṛddhi u → au → aupajānukaḥ "usually found near the knee".
upakarṇa + ṭhak → ṭh → ik (SK 1170) → vṛddhi → the a deleted → aupakarṇikaḥ "… near the ear".
upanīvi + ṭhak → ik → the i deleted → aupanīvikaḥ "… near the waist-knot".
Rule. After a seventh-case word, aṇ etc. come in the sense saṃbhūta, "possible there". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators take two meanings at once. One is "conceivable there". The other is "finding room there", when a thing does not exceed the size of its container.
Example.
srughne saṃbhavati "it is possible in Srughna, it finds room in Srughna" → srughna + aṇ → sraughnaḥ.
Rule. After kośa "cocoon", ḍhañ comes. The rule stands after saṃbhūte. Ḍhañ is heard as eya (ḍh → ey), and its ñ brings vṛddhi.
Example.
kośa + ḍhañ → kośa + eya → vṛddhi o → au → the a deleted → kauśeyaṃ vastram "silk cloth".
Watch out. How is silk "possible in" a cocoon? Bhaṭṭoji gives the form only. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators disagree on the sense: one takes it as "a product of the cocoon", the other as a fixed name for a kind of cloth. Scholars discuss this.
Rule. After a time-word in the seventh case, the affixes come in three senses: "good then", "flowering then" and "ripening then".
Example.
hemante sādhuḥ "good in winter" → haimantaḥ prākāraḥ "a rampart good in winter".
vasante puṣpyanti "they flower in spring" → vāsantyaḥ kundalatāḥ "kunda creepers that flower in spring".
śaradi pacyante "they ripen in autumn" → śāradāḥ śālayaḥ "rice that ripens in autumn".
In each form the first vowel has taken vṛddhi: e → ai, a → ā.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji does not name the affixes of these forms. Puṣpyat is a present participle, "flowering", so Bhaṭṭoji glosses it with the present tense puṣpyanti.
Rule. After a time-word in the seventh case, the affixes also come in the sense "sown then". The word kālāt "after a time-word" is carried forward. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the past tense of upta "sown" is not binding.
Example.
hemante upyante "they are sown in winter" → haimantāḥ yavāḥ "winter barley".
Watch out. Why a separate sūtra for "sown"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the split serves the next two rules, which need "sown" alone.
Rule. After āśvayujī, vuñ comes in the sense "sown then". This is an apavāda, an exception, of ṭhañ (SK 1381). Āśvayujī is the full-moon day joined with the nakṣatra Aśvayuj (another name of Aśvinī).
Example.
āśvayujyām uptāḥ "sown on the Āśvayujī full-moon" → āśvayujī + vuñ
→ vu → aka (SK 1247) → the ī is deleted (SK 311)
→ the first vowel is already ā, so vṛddhi changes nothing → āśvayujakāḥ māṣāḥ "māṣa beans sown then".
Watch out. The first vowel of āśvayujī is already a vṛddhi vowel. So the ñ of vuñ shows no effect here. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say it serves the accent here, and vṛddhi in the next rule.
Rule. After grīṣma "summer" and vasanta "spring", vuñ comes optionally in the sense "sown then". In the other option comes the season aṇ of SK 1387.
Example.
grīṣme uptam "sown in summer" → grīṣma + vuñ → aka → vṛddhi ī → ai → graiṣmakam
→ with aṇ: graiṣmam.
vasante uptam → vāsantakam / vāsantam.
Rule. After a time-word in the seventh case, the affixes come in the sense "to be paid then", when what is to be paid is a debt. Kālāt and tatra continue. The vuñ of the last two rules has stopped.
Example.
māse deyam ṛṇam "a debt to be paid in a month" → māsa + ṭhañ by kālāṭ ṭhañ (SK 1381)
→ ṭh → ik (SK 1170), vṛddhi ā stays ā → the a deleted → māsikam.
Applies when / blocked by. It must be a debt. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give māse deyā bhikṣā "alms to be given in a month": no affix.
Rule. After kalāpin, aśvattha and yavabusa, used as names of times, vun comes in the sense "a debt to be paid then".
Example. Each word names a season by what happens in it.
kalāpin + vun → aka → the ṭi in is deleted by nas taddhite (SK 679) → kalāpakam.
aśvatthakam "a debt to be paid when the aśvattha trees bear fruit".yavabusakam "a debt to be paid when barley-chaff is produced".Watch out. The printed text reads kālāpakam, with vṛddhi. But vun brings no vṛddhi, and the parallel forms aśvatthakam and yavabusakam have none. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read kalāpakam, which is probably correct.
Rule. After grīṣma "summer" and avarasamā "the coming years", vuñ comes in the sense "a debt to be paid then".
Example.
grīṣme deyam ṛṇam "a debt to be paid in summer" → grīṣma + vuñ → aka → vṛddhi ī → ai → graiṣmakam.
avarāsu samāsu deyam "to be paid in the coming years" → avarasamā + vuñ → vṛddhi a → ā → the ā deleted → āvarasamakam.
Watch out. The printed text has āvasarasamakam, with two syllables swapped. The sūtra's avarasamā and Bhaṭṭoji's commentators point to āvarasamakam. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators also note that samā "year" is always feminine plural.
Rule. After saṃvatsara "year" and āgrahāyaṇī, ṭhañ comes in the sense "a debt to be paid then". By the ca, the vuñ of SK 1424 also comes.
Example.
saṃvatsara + ṭhañ → ik → vṛddhi a → ā → sāṃvatsarikam
saṃvatsara + vuñ → aka → sāṃvatsarakam.
āgrahāyaṇī + ṭhañ → āgrahāyaṇikam; with vuñ → āgrahāyaṇakam.
Watch out. Ṭhañ already comes after time-words by SK 1381. Why name it? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: SK 1387 gives aṇ after saṃvatsara for a fruit. If a fruit is the debt, this rule blocks that aṇ. Some later grammarians think this defence unnecessary; scholars discuss this.
Rule. After a time-word in the seventh case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "cries then", when the one crying is a beast. "Debt to be paid" has stopped.
Example.
niśāyāṃ vyāharati "it cries at night" → niśā takes aṇ or ṭhañ by SK 1384
→ with aṇ: vṛddhi i → ai → the ā deleted → naiśo mṛgaḥ
→ with ṭhañ: naiśikaḥ.
Rule. After a time-word in the first case (nominative), aṇ etc. come in the sense "that has been practised by him". Soḍha means "practised" (abhyasta). Kālāt is still in force.
Example. Study done at night is itself called niśā "night".
niśā soḍhā asya "night-study has been practised by him" → niśā + aṇ or + ṭhañ (SK 1384)
→ naiśaḥ / naiśikaḥ.
Watch out. Here the base is in the first case, not the seventh. The tad "that" of the sūtra sets the case.
srughne bhavaḥ → sraughnaḥ; dante bhavam → dantyamA new locative heading begins: tatra bhavaḥ "being there". It means simply existing in a place, not coming into being there. The time-word condition stops. Under the heading come special affixes for parts of the body, for compounds and for groups. Four stem rules from the seventh book are read here too, because the forms need them. Two give vṛddhi in both members of a compound (SK 1431, 1438). One gives it to the first member and optionally to the second (SK 1432). One gives ā for the first vowel (SK 1439). On the running example, what is in Srughna is sraughnaḥ, and a sound made at the teeth is dantyam.
Rule. After a word in the seventh case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "being (existing) there". Kālāt "after a time-word" stops here.
Example.
srughne bhavaḥ "what is in Srughna" → srughna + aṇ → vṛddhi → the a deleted → sraughnaḥ.
rāṣṭre bhavaḥ "what is in the realm" → rāṣṭra + gha (SK 1313) → gh → iy → rāṣṭriyaḥ.
Watch out. Bhava here is existence (sattā). It is not origin (utpatti), which tatra jātaḥ (SK 1393) already covers. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators also explain why tatra is said again. It is said afresh to end the tatra that was tied to time-words.
Rule. After diś "direction" and the other words of its list (digādi), yat comes in the sense "being there". Yat is heard as ya. Its t is a marker; it has no ñ, ṇ or k, so it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
diśi bhavam "being in a direction" → diś + ya → diśyam.
varge bhavam "being in a group" → varga + ya → the a deleted (SK 311) → vargyam.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators list more members of the list: pūga, pakṣa, rahas, mukha, jaghana and others, giving mukhyam, jaghanyam.
Rule. After a word for a part of the body, yat also comes in the sense "being there". The ca draws yat from SK 1429.
Example.
dante bhavam "being in the teeth" → danta + yat → danta + ya
→ the final a is deleted by yasyeti ca (SK 311) → dantyam.
Likewise karṇe bhavam "being in the ear" → karṇyam.
Watch out. Several later rules of this group are exceptions to this yat: SK 1434, 1441 and 1444.
Rule. In the country of the Easterners, an aṅga ending in nagara "town" takes vṛddhi of the first vowel in both members. An aṅga is the stem to which an affix is added. The change happens before a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita. The heading uttarapadasya (SK 1396) gives the second member (uttarapada); the first member (pūrvapada) is carried forward from an earlier rule.
Example.
suhmanagare bhavaḥ "what is in Suhmanagara" → suhmanagara + aṇ
→ vṛddhi of the first member: u → au → sauhma-
→ vṛddhi of the second member: a → ā → -nāgara
→ the final a deleted → sauhmanāgaraḥ.
Likewise pūrvanagara → paurvanāgaraḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "of the Easterners"? Madranagara is a town among the Northerners. What is in it is mādranagaraḥ, with vṛddhi in the first member only. The printed text has lost a syllable here and reads managaram, mānagaraḥ; Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read madranagara.
Rule. For an aṅga ending in jaṅgala, dhenu or valaja, the first vowel of the first member takes vṛddhi. The first vowel of the second member takes it optionally. Again, this is before a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita. Compounds such as kurujaṅgala are names of regions.
Example.
kurujaṅgale bhavam "being in Kurujaṅgala" → kurujaṅgala + aṇ
→ first member: u → au → kaurujaṅgalam
→ second member too: a → ā → kaurujāṅgalam.
Likewise vaiśvadhenavam / vaiśvadhainavam, with the final u → av (SK 847). And sauvarṇavalajam / sauvarṇavālajam.
Watch out. The pair for kurujaṅgala is given as one printed edition reads it. The digital text has kaurujaṅgalajam, which does not fit the rule. It also writes vaisvadhenavam with a dental s.
Rule. After six words, ḍhañ comes in the sense "being there". The six are dṛti "a leather bag", kukṣi "belly", kalaśi "a pot", vasti (the region below the navel), asti (an indeclinable) and ahi "snake".
Example.
dṛtau bhavam → dṛti + ḍhañ → ḍh → ey → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → the i deleted → dārteyam.
Likewise kaukṣeyam, kālaśeyam, bāsteyam, āsteyam, āheyam.
Applies when / blocked by. Kukṣi is in the list of SK 1351 (dhūmādi), so it would otherwise take vuñ. This ḍhañ sets that aside.
Watch out. The sūtra writes vasti with v, the form bāsteyam with b. The printed text keeps both spellings.
Rule. After grīvā "neck", aṇ comes in the sense "being there". By the ca, ḍhañ of SK 1433 comes too. The rule is an exception to the body-part yat of SK 1430.
Example.
grīvāsu bhavam → grīvā + ḍhañ → vṛddhi ī → ai → the ā deleted → graiveyam
→ with aṇ → graivam.
Watch out. Why the plural grīvābhyaḥ? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain that grīvā means the cluster of neck-veins, which are many. The affixes come after the singular too, when the cluster is thought of as one.
Rule. After gambhīra "the deep", ñya comes in the sense "being there". Ñya is heard as ya, and its ñ brings vṛddhi.
Example.
gambhīre bhavam "what is in the deep" → gambhīra + ñya → vṛddhi a → ā → the a deleted → gāmbhīryam.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika adds pañcajana: pañcajanād upasaṃkhyānam → pāñcajanyaḥ.
Watch out. Why ñya and not yañ, which is heard the same? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: with yañ, the feminine would take ṣpha by prācāṃ ṣpha taddhitaḥ (SK 473).
Rule. After an avyayībhāva compound, ñya also comes in the sense "being there". A vārttika narrows it: parimukhādibhya eveṣyate, "it is wanted only after parimukha and the rest".
Example.
parimukhaṃ bhavam "being around the face" → parimukha + ñya → vṛddhi a → ā → pārimukhyam.
Applies when / blocked by. upakūlam "near the bank" is an avyayībhāva too. But it is not in the parimukhādi list, so ñya does not come → aupakūlaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the vārttika. The parimukhādi list is read right after the digādi list, and it has no other use in the grammar. So the sūtra's "avyayībhāva" must mean just these words.
Rule. After an avyayībhāva whose first member is antar "inside", ṭhañ comes in the sense "being there". "Avyayībhāva" is carried forward from SK 1436.
Example.
veśmani "in the house" → avyayībhāva antarveśmam
→ tatra bhavam "what is in it" → antarveśma + ṭhañ → ṭh → ik
→ vṛddhi a → ā → the a deleted → āntarveśmikam.
Likewise āntargaṇikam "what is within the group".
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: adhyātmāder ṭhañ iṣyate, "ṭhañ is wanted after adhyātma and the rest".
adhyātmaṃ bhavam "what is in the self" → ādhyātmikam.
Rule. The words of the list anuśatikādi take vṛddhi in both members (ubhayapada-vṛddhi) before a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita.
Example.
adhidevam "among the gods" → what is there → adhideva + ṭhañ
→ vṛddhi of the first member: a → ā → ādhi-
→ vṛddhi of the second member: e → ai → -daivika → ādhidaivikam.
Likewise ādhibhautikam (from adhibhūtam "among the beings"), aihalaukikam "of this world", pāralaukikam "of the other world".
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji adds that adhyātmādi is an open class (ākṛtigaṇa). This seems to point back to the vārttika at SK 1437. That would explain why these words take ṭhañ, though they do not begin with antar.
Rule. For five words, when vṛddhi is due, ā replaces the first vowel instead. The five are devikā (a river), śiṃśapā (a tree), dityavāh, dīrghasatra "a long sacrificial session" and śreyas. It applies before a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita.
Example.
devikāyāṃ bhavam → devikā + aṇ → vṛddhi is due on e → ā instead → dāvikam.
devikākūle bhavāḥ "on the bank of the Devikā" → dāvikākūlāḥ śālayaḥ "rice plants on the Devikā's bank".
śiṃśapāyā vikāraḥ "a product of the śiṃśapā" → añ by palāśādibhyo vā (SK 1521, a later chapter) → i → ā → śāṃśapaś camasaḥ "a ladle of śiṃśapā wood".
dityauha idam "this belongs to a dityavāh" → dātyauham.
dīrghasatre bhavam → dārghasatram. śreyasi bhavam → śrāyasam.
Watch out. This rule is not under the heading uttarapadasya. Bhaṭṭoji's example dāvikākūlāḥ shows this, as his commentators explain. Here devikā is the first member of a compound, and it still takes the ā.
Rule. After grāma "village" preceded by pari or anu, ṭhañ comes in the sense "being there". The compound must be an avyayībhāva; that word is still in force from SK 1436.
Example.
parigrāmam → parigrāma + ṭhañ → ik → vṛddhi a → ā → pārigrāmikaḥ.
anugrāmam → ānugrāmikaḥ.
Rule. After jihvāmūla "root of the tongue" and aṅguli "finger", cha comes in the sense "being there". Cha is heard as īya (ch → īy). It brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
jihvāmūle bhavam → jihvāmūla + īya → the a deleted → jihvāmūlīyam.
aṅgulau bhavam → aṅguli + īya → the i deleted → aṅgulīyam.
Applies when / blocked by. Both are body parts. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that this cha sets aside the yat of SK 1430.
Rule. After a word ending in varga "group", cha also comes in the sense "being there".
Example.
kavarge bhavam "being in the ka-group" → kavarga + īya → kavargīyam.
Rule. After a word ending in varga, when no speech-sound is meant, yat and kha come optionally. In the other option comes the cha of SK 1442. Kha is heard as īna (kh → īn).
Example.
madvarge bhavaḥ "being in my group", that is, "on my side" → madvarga
→ with yat: madvarga + ya → madvargyaḥ
→ with kha: madvarga + īna → n → ṇ after r → madvargīṇaḥ
→ with cha: madvargīyaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "when no sound is meant"? kavargīyo varṇaḥ "a sound of the ka-group" takes cha only.
Rule. After karṇa "ear" and lalāṭa "forehead", kan comes in the sense "being there", when an ornament is meant. This kan is an exception to the body-part yat of SK 1430.
Example.
karṇe bhavo 'laṃkāraḥ "an ornament on the ear" → karṇa + ka
→ the feminine follows usage, so ṭāp → the a before k → i by pratyayasthāt… (SK 463) → karṇikā.
Likewise lalāṭikā "a forehead ornament".
Applies when / blocked by. With no ornament meant, yat comes: karṇyam, lalāṭyam, as Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note.
supāṃ vyākhyānaḥ → saupo granthaḥNow the base is in the genitive (the sixth case) and names a text to be explained. The derived word means "the explanation of it", a book of commentary. The ca of the heading also brings back "being in it". So each rule of this group serves both senses. On the running example, a treatise explaining the case-endings (sup) is saupo granthaḥ.
Rule. After a word that names a text to be explained, aṇ etc. come in the sense "the explanation of that". By the ca, they also come in the sense "being in that" (tatra bhavaḥ). Vyākhyāna here is the text by which something is explained, and so it is masculine.
Example.
supāṃ vyākhyānaḥ "the explanation of the sup-endings" → sup + aṇ → vṛddhi u → au → saupo granthaḥ.
Likewise taiṅaḥ "a treatise on the tiṅ-endings" (tiṅ, the verb endings), and kārtaḥ "a treatise on the kṛt affixes" (kṛt, the affixes that make nouns from roots).
In the second sense: supsu bhavam "what occurs in the sup-endings" → saupam.
Applies when / blocked by. The base must name something to be explained, and only texts are explained in this sense. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give pāṭalīputrasya vyākhyānī sukosalā. Sukosalā describes the city Pāṭalīputra, but a city is not a thing to be explained, so there is no affix.
Rule. After a word of many vowels (bahvac) that is end-acute (antodātta), ṭhañ comes in both senses of SK 1445. "End-acute" means the last vowel has the high pitch. The rule is an exception to aṇ.
Example. The body of rules that teaches the change to ṣ and to ṇ is called ṣatvaṇatva.
ṣatvaṇatvasya vyākhyānaḥ tatra bhavo vā "its explanation, or what is in it" → ṣatvaṇatva + ṭhañ
→ ik → vṛddhi a → ā → the a deleted → ṣātvaṇatvikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give counter-examples. A word of one vowel keeps aṇ: saupam. A word that is not end-acute keeps aṇ: saṃhitā is acute on its first vowel, so sāṃhitam.
Rule. After words for sacrifices (kratu, yajña), ṭhañ also comes in the same two senses. Both kratu and yajña usually mean a sacrifice done with soma. One word would have been enough for that. Because both are named, sacrifices without soma are included too.
Example.
agniṣṭomasya vyākhyānaḥ tatra bhavo vā → agniṣṭoma + ṭhañ → vṛddhi a → ā → āgniṣṭomikaḥ.
Likewise vājapeyikaḥ, pākayajñikaḥ, nāvayajñikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji adds two points.
His commentators explain: it is needed for words like vājapeya, and once made, it also covers end-acute words like agniṣṭoma, being the later rule.
Watch out. The text followed in this book says the rule is made "for end-acute words". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read "for words that are not end-acute", which the argument requires.
Rule. After a word for a ṛṣi, a seer, ṭhañ comes in the same two senses, but only when a chapter (adhyāya) is meant. The seer's name stands for the text he saw, by lakṣaṇā, secondary meaning.
Example. The mantra seen by Vasiṣṭha is itself called vasiṣṭha.
vasiṣṭhasya vyākhyānaḥ tatra bhavo vā → vasiṣṭha + ṭhañ → vṛddhi a → ā → vāsiṣṭhiko 'dhyāyaḥ "a chapter explaining it, or found in it".
Applies when / blocked by. Why "only chapters"? A single verse is not a chapter: vāsiṣṭhī ṛk "a Vasiṣṭha verse", with no ṭhañ.
Rule. After pauroḍāśa and puroḍāśa, ṣṭhan comes in the same two senses. Ṣṭhan is heard as ika. It is marked with ṣ, so its feminine takes ṅīṣ.
Example. A mantra connected with the puroḍāśa, the sacrificial cake, is itself called puroḍāśa. The same mantra is also called pauroḍāśa.
pauroḍāśa + ṣṭhan → ṭh → ik → the a deleted → pauroḍāśikaḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add the other forms: puroḍāśikaḥ, and in the feminine pauroḍāśikī, puroḍāśikī.
Watch out. Ṣṭhan has no ñ, ṇ or k, so it brings no vṛddhi. The au of pauroḍāśikaḥ is already in its base.
Rule. After chandas "Vedic metre, Vedic text", yat and aṇ come in the same two senses. They override the ṭhak for two-vowelled words (SK 1451).
Example.
chandas + yat → chandasyaḥ.
chandas + aṇ → vṛddhi a → ā → chāndasaḥ.
Watch out. The two affixes are not paired one-to-one with the two senses. Each form serves both.
Rule. Ṭhak comes in the same two senses after:
Example.
iṣṭi + ṭhak → ik → vṛddhi i → ai → aiṣṭikaḥ. paśu + ṭhak → after u, ṭh → k (SK 1221) → pāśukaḥ. Here paśu is the text on the animal sacrifice.caturhotṛ + ṭhak → k after ṛ → cāturhotṛkaḥ. The caturhotṛs are certain mantras.brāhmaṇikaḥ, ārcikaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators complete the "and so on": prāthamikaḥ, ādhvarikaḥ, pauraścaraṇikaḥ, nāmikaḥ, ākhyātikaḥ.Rule. After ṛgayana and the other words of its list, aṇ comes in the same two senses. It is an exception to ṭhañ and the rest.
Example.
ṛgayana + aṇ → vṛddhi ṛ → ār → ārgayanaḥ.
upaniṣad + aṇ → aupaniṣadaḥ.
vyākaraṇa + aṇ → the vowel after the y takes no vṛddhi; instead ai is placed before the y, by na yvābhyām (SK 1098) → vaiyākaraṇaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators name the rules set aside. For ṛgayana and upaniṣad: the ṭhañ of SK 1446. For two-vowelled words of the list: the ṭhak of SK 1451. For vyākaraṇa: the cha of vṛddhāc chaḥ (SK 1337). Naming aṇ is what blocks cha.
srughnād āgataḥ → sraughnaḥ; himavataḥ prabhavati → haimavatī gaṅgāThe base now stands in the ablative (the fifth case), "from there". Two senses follow: "come from there" and "first becomes visible from there". Special affixes are given for places of revenue, for teachers and kinsmen, and for gotra words. One more stem rule from the seventh book is read here, for compounds with the negative a-. On the running example, one who has come from Srughna is sraughnaḥ. The Gaṅgā, first seen at the Himālaya, is haimavatī.
Rule. After a word in the fifth case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "come from there".
Example.
srughnād āgataḥ "come from Srughna" → srughna + aṇ → vṛddhi u → au → the a deleted → sraughnaḥ.
Rule. After a word for a place of revenue (āyasthāna), ṭhak comes in the sense "come from there". Āya is the owner's share taken at markets and the like. An āyasthāna is the place where it is taken.
Example.
śulkaśālāyā āgataḥ "come from the toll-house" → śulkaśālā + ṭhak
→ ṭh → ik (SK 1170) → vṛddhi u → au → the ā deleted → śaulkaśālikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add that this ṭhak, as the later rule, sets aside vṛddhāc chaḥ (SK 1337). They also give āpaṇikaḥ and ākarikaḥ.
Rule. After śuṇḍika and the other words of its list, aṇ comes in the sense "come from there". Bhaṭṭoji says it is an exception both to the revenue-place ṭhak of SK 1454 and to cha and the rest.
Example.
śuṇḍikād āgataḥ "come from the śuṇḍika" → śuṇḍika + aṇ → vṛddhi u → au → śauṇḍikaḥ.
Likewise kārkaṇaḥ "come from Kṛkaṇa" and tairthaḥ "come from a tīrtha".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say what each form overrides. By their account, "cha and the rest" means cha, vuñ and añ.
Rule. After a word for a person related to one by learning (vidyā) or by birth (yoni), vuñ comes in the sense "come from that".
Example.
upādhyāyād āgatam "come from the teacher" → upādhyāya + vuñ → aka (SK 1247)
→ vṛddhi u → au → the a deleted → aupādhyāyakaḥ.
pitāmahād āgatam "come from the paternal grandfather" → paitāmahakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say the vuñ sets aside aṇ, and as the later rule it also blocks the cha of SK 1337. They add ācāryakaḥ, mātāmahakaḥ, mātulakaḥ.
Rule. After a relation-word ending in ṛ, ṭhañ comes in the sense "come from that". Bhaṭṭoji says it is an exception to the vuñ of SK 1456.
Example.
pitur āgatam "come from the father" → pitṛ + ṭhañ
→ after ṛ, ṭh → k, not ik (SK 1221)
→ vṛddhi i → ai → paitṛkam.
bhrātur āgatam "come from the brother" → bhrātṛkam.
Rule. After pitṛ "father", yat also comes in the sense "come from that". By the ca, the ṭhañ of SK 1457 comes too.
Example.
pitṛ + yat → pitṛ + ya
→ ṛ → rī by rīṅ ṛtaḥ (SK 1234) → pitrī + ya
→ the ī is deleted by yasyeti ca (SK 311) → pitr + ya → pitryam.
With ṭhañ → paitṛkam.
Watch out. Note the two steps: ṛ first becomes rī, and then the ī is deleted.
Rule. After a gotra word, the affixes come in the sense "come from that" just as they come in the sense aṅka "mark". This is an atideśa, a rule that makes one case behave like another. The aṅka affixes are taught below (SK 1507). Here "gotra" is the everyday (laukika) sense of "family", as Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain.
Example.
bidebhya āgatam "come from the Bidas" → baidam.
Likewise gārgam and dākṣam.
And aupagavakam "come from Aupagava".
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give the steps. Baida is a gotra word in añ. In the plural the añ disappears (SK 1108), but it returns before this affix (SK 1081). Then aṇ comes by SK 1507, the aṅka rule. Gārga is in yañ, dākṣa in iñ: both also take aṇ. The last form shows that every affix seen in the aṅka sense is extended, not only aṇ. aupagavakam has the vuñ of SK 1506.
Rule. After the negative nañ (a-, an-), five words take vṛddhi of their first vowel before a ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita. The five are śuci, īśvara, kṣetrajña, kuśala and nipuṇa. The first member, the a-, takes vṛddhi only optionally.
Example.
aśuceḥ āgatam "come from aśuci" → aśuci + aṇ
→ the second member: u → au (obligatory) → -śauca
→ the first member optionally: a → ā
→ āśaucam / aśaucam.
Likewise ānaiśvaryam / anaiśvaryam, ākṣaitrajñam / akṣaitrajñam, ākauśalam / akauśalam, ānaipuṇam / anaipuṇam.
Watch out. The rule works before any ñit, ṇit or kit taddhita, not only in this sense. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators point out that ānaiśvarya has a different affix, ṣyañ, of the abstract sense. The printed text of the rule reads su vā where tu vā "but optionally" is meant.
Rule. After a word for a cause (hetu) or for a human being (manuṣya), rūpya comes optionally in the sense "come from that". Rūpya has no marker, so it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
samād āgatam "come from sama" → samarūpyam. Likewise viṣamarūpyam.
In the other option, cha, because sama and viṣama are in the gahādi list (SK 1362) → samīyam, viṣamīyam.
For a person: devadattarūpyam, devadattīyam, daivadattam "come from Devadatta".
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji does not say how devadattīyam and daivadattam arise. They probably come from the vārttika under SK 1338, by which a name is optionally vṛddha; Bhaṭṭoji does not say.
Rule. After the same words, for a cause or a human being, mayaṭ also comes in the sense "come from that". Mayaṭ is heard as maya. It brings no vṛddhi, and its ṭ gives the feminine ṅīp.
Example.
sama + mayaṭ → samamayam. Likewise viṣamamayam, devadattamayam.
Watch out. Why not one sūtra "rūpya and mayaṭ"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: then the two affixes would be paired with the two kinds of base, rūpya for causes and mayaṭ for humans. Separate rules let each base take either.
Rule. After a word in the fifth case, the affixes come in the sense "first becomes visible from there". Tataḥ "from there" is carried forward from SK 1453.
Example.
himavataḥ prabhavati "it first appears from the Himavat" → himavat → vṛddhi i → ai → feminine → haimavatī gaṅgā "the Himālayan Gaṅgā".
Watch out. Prabhavati here does not mean "is born". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain that origin is already covered by tatra jātaḥ (SK 1393). The sense is "is first seen there".
Rule. After vidūra, ñya comes in the sense "first becomes visible from there".
Example.
vidūrāt prabhavati "it first appears from Vidūra" → vidūra + ñya
→ vṛddhi i → ai → the a deleted → vaidūryo maṇiḥ "the vaidūrya gem".
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators raise a difficulty: the gem first appears in a mountain, Vālavāya, and is worked in the city Vidūra. They offer two answers, and scholars discuss this. The word has a dental d in the middle.
srughnaṃ gacchati → sraughnaḥ (panthā dūto vā); śārīrakam adhikṛtya kṛtaḥ → śārīrakīyaḥThe base now stands in the accusative (the second case). Three senses follow: "goes to that", "goes out towards that", and "a text composed about that". On the running example, a road or a messenger that goes to Srughna is sraughnaḥ. A text composed about śārīraka, the embodied self, is śārīrakīyaḥ.
Rule. After a word in the second case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "goes to that". The one who goes must be a road (pathin) or a messenger (dūta).
Example.
srughnaṃ gacchati "it goes to Srughna" → srughna + aṇ → sraughnaḥ panthā dūto vā "a road or a messenger to Srughna".
Watch out. How can a road "go"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain that the means is spoken of as the doer. Compare "the sword cuts well".
Rule. After a word in the second case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "goes out towards that", when what does so is a gate (dvāra). Tat is carried forward from SK 1465.
Example.
srughnam abhiniṣkrāmati "it goes out towards Srughna" → srughna + aṇ → sraughnaṃ kānyakubjadvāram "the Srughna gate of Kānyakubja".
Rule. After a word in the second case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "a text (grantha) composed about that". The accusative goes with adhikṛtya "with reference to".
Example. Śārīraka is the embodied self.
śārīrakam adhikṛtya kṛto granthaḥ "a text composed about the embodied self"
→ śārīraka is vṛddha (its first vowel is ā), so cha by vṛddhāc chaḥ (SK 1337)
→ śārīraka + īya → the a deleted → śārīrakīyaḥ.
Watch out. People also say śārīrakaṃ bhāṣyam "the Śārīraka commentary", with no affix. Bhaṭṭoji explains this as abhedopacāra: the text is spoken of as if it were one with its subject.
Rule. Cha comes in the sense "a text composed about that" after four kinds of base: śiśukranda, yamasabha, a dvandva (an "X and Y" compound), and indrajanana and the rest.
Example.
śiśūnāṃ krandanam "the crying of children" = śiśukrandaḥ → a text about it → śiśukranda + īya → śiśukrandīyaḥ.
yamasya sabhā "Yama's assembly-hall" = yamasabham → yamasabhīyaḥ.
From a dvandva: kirātārjunīyam "a text about the Kirāta and Arjuna".
From the list: indrajananīyam, viruddhabhojanīyam.
Watch out. Yamasabham is neuter by nipātana: the sūtra itself sets down the form as it stands. The list indrajananādi is an open class.
srughno nivāso 'sya → sraughnaḥ; apūpā bhaktir asya → āpūpikaḥNow the base stands in the first case, and the derived word means "his" (a genitive sense). Three relations follow: the place where he lives, the place where his forebears lived, and what he is devoted to. On the running example, one whose dwelling is Srughna is sraughnaḥ. One who is devoted to cakes is āpūpikaḥ.
Rule. After a word in the first case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "his", when the thing named is his dwelling-place (nivāsa). The nivāsa is where one lives now.
Example.
srughno nivāso 'sya "Srughna is his dwelling-place" → srughna + aṇ → sraughnaḥ.
Watch out. Could "being there" (SK 1428) not cover this already? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer that only sentient beings dwell. So the sense is of a different kind, and the rule is needed.
Rule. After a word in the first case, aṇ etc. also come in the sense "his", when the place is his abhijana, his ancestral home.
Example.
srughno 'bhijano 'sya "Srughna is his ancestral home" → sraughnaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji draws the distinction. The nivāsa is where one lives oneself. The abhijana is where one's forebears lived.
Rule. After a word in the first case for an ancestral home that is a mountain, cha comes in the sense "his". The derived word must denote those who live by arms (āyudhajīvin).
Example. Hṛdgola is a mountain.
hṛdgolaḥ parvato 'bhijano yeṣām āyudhajīvinām "fighting men whose ancestral home is Mount Hṛdgola" → hṛdgola + īya → hṛdgolīyāḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "those who live by arms"? ṛkṣodaḥ parvato 'bhijano yeṣām "the twice-born whose ancestral home is Mount Ṛkṣoda" → ārkṣodā dvijāḥ, without cha.
Rule. After śaṇḍika and the other words of its list, ñya comes in the sense "that is his ancestral home".
Example.
śaṇḍiko 'bhijano 'sya "Śaṇḍika is his ancestral home" → śaṇḍika + ñya → vṛddhi a → ā → the a deleted → śāṇḍikyaḥ.
Rule. After sindhu and its list, and after takṣaśilā and its list, aṇ and añ come respectively, in the sense "that is his ancestral home". Aṇ goes with the sindhu list, añ with the takṣaśilā list.
Example.
sindhur abhijano 'sya → sindhu + aṇ → vṛddhi, u → av (SK 847) → saindhavaḥ.
takṣaśilā nagarī abhijano 'sya "the city Takṣaśilā is his ancestral home" → takṣaśilā + añ → vṛddhi → the ā deleted → tākṣaśilaḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's wording names only añ, as if both lists took it. This looks like a slip in copying, with words dropped between the two lists. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give aṇ to the sindhu list. The written forms would be the same either way; aṇ and añ differ only in accent.
Rule. After four place-names, four affixes come in the sense "that is his ancestral home", in order: ḍhak after tūdī, chaṇ after śalātura, ḍhañ after varmatī, and yak after kūcavāra.
Example.
tūdī abhijano 'sya → tūdī + ḍhak → eya → vṛddhi ū → au → the ī deleted → taudeyaḥ.
śalātura + chaṇ → īya → vṛddhi → śālāturīyaḥ.
varmatī + ḍhañ → vārmateyaḥ.
kūcavāra + yak → kaucavāryaḥ.
Rule. After a word in the first case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "that is his bhakti". So 'sya "that … his" is carried forward. Bhaṭṭoji glosses bhakti as "that which is resorted to, attended upon".
Example.
srughno bhaktir asya "Srughna is what he resorts to" → sraughnaḥ.
Rule. After a word for an inanimate thing that is neither a place nor a time, ṭhak comes in the sense "that is his bhakti".
Example.
apūpā bhaktir asya "cakes are what he resorts to" → apūpa + ṭhak → ik → vṛddhi a → ā → āpūpikaḥ.
payo bhaktir asya → pāyasikaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji tests each condition.
daivadattaḥ.sraughnaḥ.graiṣmaḥ.None of these takes ṭhak. Bhaṭṭoji does not name their affixes.
Rule. After mahārāja, ṭhañ comes in the sense "that is his bhakti".
Example.
mahārājo bhaktir asya "one devoted to the Mahārāja" → mahārāja + ṭhañ → ik → vṛddhi a → ā → māhārājikaḥ.
Rule. After vāsudeva and arjuna, vun comes in the sense "that is his bhakti". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say it sets aside cha and aṇ.
Example.
vāsudevo bhaktir asya "one devoted to Vāsudeva" → vāsudeva + vun → aka → vāsudevakaḥ.
arjuno bhaktir asya → arjunakaḥ.
Watch out. If vāsudeva meant "son of Vasudeva", it would be a kṣatriya name. Then SK 1479 would already give vuñ, and naming it here would be pointless. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, following the Bhāṣya, answer that vāsudeva here is a name of the Lord, not a patronymic.
Rule. After gotra words and names of kṣatriyas (the ruling class), vuñ comes variously (bahulam) in the sense "that is his bhakti". It is an exception to aṇ. As the later rule, it also blocks the cha of vṛddhāc chaḥ (SK 1337). "Gotra" here is the everyday (laukika) sense of "family".
Example.
glucukāyanir bhaktir asya "one devoted to Glucukāyani" → glucukāyani + vuñ → aka → vṛddhi u → au → the i deleted → glaucukāyanakaḥ.
From a kṣatriya name: nākulakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Because of bahulam, the rule does not always apply. pāṇino bhaktir asya "one devoted to Pāṇina" → cha → pāṇinīyaḥ.
Rule. Some words name the rulers of a janapada (a country) and sound the same as the country-name in the plural. For these, everything is as for the country-name: both the affix and the base. The affixes are those taught from janapadatadavadhyoś ca (SK 1348) on. This is an atideśa.
Example.
aṅgā janapado bhaktir asya "one devoted to the Aṅga country" → vuñ (SK 1348–1349) → āṅgakaḥ.
aṅgāḥ kṣatriyā bhaktir asya "one devoted to the Aṅga kṣatriyas" → the same → āṅgakaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by.
pauravo rājā bhaktir asya "one devoted to the Paurava king" → pauravīyaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that paurava does not name a country.āṅgo vā āṅgau vā bhaktir asya → āṅgakaḥ.madrakaḥ.Watch out. One printed edition has one more counter-example here: pañcālā brāhmaṇā bhaktir asya → pāñcālaḥ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators comment on it. It is missing from the text followed in this book. In that edition pāñcālaḥ (here pañcāla names Brahmins, not rulers) answers "why rulers?". And pauravīyaḥ (paurava names no country) answers "why the same word as the country?".
pāṇininā proktam → pāṇinīyam; tittiriṇā proktam adhīyate → taittirīyāḥThe base now stands in the instrumental (the third case), "by him". The sense is prokta, "promulgated": made known by teaching. From SK 1482 on, Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say, the promulgated work must be a Veda. Such a derived word is tadviṣaya: it is never used alone, only with a further affix meaning "those who study it" (SK 1278). That second affix then vanishes by proktāl luk (SK 1274). On the running example, the grammar promulgated by Pāṇini is pāṇinīyam. Those who study what Tittiri promulgated are taittirīyāḥ.
Rule. After a word in the third case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "promulgated by that". Prokta means first made known, by teaching or by explaining. It does not mean "composed"; that is the sense of SK 1496.
Example.
pāṇininā proktam "promulgated by Pāṇini"
→ pāṇini is vṛddha (its first vowel is ā), so cha by vṛddhāc chaḥ (SK 1337)
→ pāṇini + īya → the i deleted (SK 311) → pāṇinīyam (a grammar).
Applies when / blocked by. Merely teaching a known text does not count. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give devadattenādhyāpitam "taught by Devadatta": no affix.
Rule. After tittiri, varatantu, khaṇḍika and ukha, chaṇ comes in the sense "promulgated by that". It is an exception to aṇ. Chaṇ is heard as īya, and its ṇ brings vṛddhi.
Example.
tittiriṇā proktam → tittiri + chaṇ → īya → vṛddhi i → ai → the i deleted → taittirīya.
By SK 1278 this word is bound to the student sense.
taittirīyam adhīyate "they study it" → aṇ → luk by proktāl luk (SK 1274) → taittirīyāḥ.
Bhaṭṭoji's commentators add vāratantavīyāḥ, khāṇḍikīyāḥ, aukhīyāḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the Veda condition. The word chandasi "in a Vedic text" of SK 1486 is read back into the rules before it and forward into those after it, up to SK 1492. So tittiriṇā proktāḥ ślokāḥ "verses promulgated by Tittiri" take no chaṇ.
Rule. After kāśyapa and kauśika, when they name the seers, ṇini comes in the sense "promulgated by that". It is an exception to cha. Ṇini is heard as in; the ṇ is a marker and the final i is for pronunciation.
Example.
kāśyapena proktam adhīyate "they study what Kāśyapa promulgated"
→ kāśyapa + ṇini → the a deleted → kāśyapin
→ the student-affix aṇ → luk (SK 1274) → kāśyapinaḥ.
Likewise kauśikinaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "seers"? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give kāśyapīyam "promulgated by a Kāśyapa of today", with cha.
Rule. After the names of the pupils (antevāsin) of Kalāpin and of Vaiśampāyana, ṇini also comes in the sense "promulgated by that".
Example.
A pupil of Kalāpin: haridruṇā proktam adhīyate "they study what Haridru promulgated"
→ haridru + ṇini → the u takes guṇa → av (SK 847) → vṛddhi a → ā → hāridravin
→ the student-affix vanishes (SK 1274) → n → ṇ after r → hāridraviṇaḥ.
A pupil of Vaiśampāyana: ālambinaḥ.
Watch out. Kalāpin is himself a pupil of Vaiśampāyana. Why name his pupils separately? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: it shows that a pupil's pupil is not counted as a pupil. The printed text misspells the name as haridguṇā and the word as antevānibhyaḥ.
Rule. After a word in the third case, ṇini comes in the sense "promulgated by that", when what is promulgated is a brāhmaṇa or a kalpa promulgated by an ancient sage. A brāhmaṇa is a Vedic text other than the mantras. A kalpa is a ritual manual in sūtra form.
Example.
bhallunā proktaṃ brāhmaṇam adhīyate → bhallu + ṇini → as with haridru in SK 1484 → bhāllavinaḥ.
Likewise śāṭyāyaninaḥ, from śāṭyāyana.
A kalpa: piṅgena proktaḥ "promulgated by Piṅga" → paiṅgī kalpaḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Why "ancient"? The works of Yājñavalkya and Āśmarathya count as recent, so they take aṇ. Both names are in the kaṇvādi list and end in a gotra yañ. Before aṇ, that y is deleted by āpatyasya… (SK 1082).
yājñavalkyena proktāni → yājñavalkāni brāhmaṇāni.
āśmarathyena proktaḥ → āśmarathaḥ kalpaḥ.
Watch out. The printed text reads yājñavalkyāni, keeping the y, although Bhaṭṭoji at once states its deletion. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read yājñavalkāni. They also read the name śāṭhyāyana for śāṭyāyana.
Rule. After śaunaka and the other words of its list, ṇini comes in the sense "promulgated by that", when a Vedic text (chandas) is meant.
Example.
śaunakena proktam adhīyate "they study what Śaunaka promulgated" → śaunaka + ṇini → śaunakin → the student-affix vanishes → śaunakinaḥ.
Rule. After kaṭha and caraka, the affix in the sense "promulgated" undergoes luk.
Example.
kaṭhena proktam adhīyate "they study what Kaṭha promulgated"
→ Kaṭha is a pupil of Vaiśampāyana, so ṇini would come (SK 1484) → luk by this rule
→ the student-affix → luk by SK 1274 → kaṭhāḥ.
carakeṇa proktam adhīyate → the aṇ goes by this rule, the student-affix by SK 1274 → carakāḥ.
Watch out. The printed text opens with the word kalāpinā "by Kalāpin", which does not fit here. It has probably slipped in from the next rule. Outside a Vedic text there is no luk: Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give kāṭhāḥ ślokāḥ, cārakāḥ ślokāḥ.
Rule. After kalāpin, aṇ comes in the sense "promulgated by that". Kalāpin is a pupil of Vaiśampāyana, so ṇini would otherwise come by SK 1484.
Example.
kalāpinā proktam adhīyate "they study what Kalāpin promulgated" → kalāpin + aṇ
→ the ṭi in is deleted (see the vārttika below) → vṛddhi a → ā
→ the student-affix vanishes → kālāpāḥ.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain the vārttika below. Before aṇ in a sense other than offspring, an -in stem keeps its form (prakṛtibhāva) by in aṇy anapatye (SK 1245). So its ṭi would not be deleted. A vārttika adds a list of words that lose the ṭi all the same: nāntasya ṭilope sabrahmacāri-pīṭhasarpi-kalāpi-kauthumi-taitili-jājali-lāṅgali-śilāli-śikhaṇḍi-sūkarasadma-suparvaṇām upasaṃkhyānam. Kalāpin is among them, so the ṭi goes.
Rule. After chagalin, ḍhinuk comes in the sense "promulgated by that". Chagalin is a pupil of Kalāpin, so this sets aside the ṇini of SK 1484. In ḍhinuk the k is a marker and the u is for pronunciation. What remains is ḍhin, heard as eyin.
Example.
chagalinā proktam adhīyate → chagalin + ḍhinuk → ḍh → ey
→ the ṭi in of the base is deleted → vṛddhi a → ā → chāgaleyin
→ the student-affix vanishes → chāgaleyinaḥ.
Rule. After pārāśarya and śilālin, ṇini comes in the sense "promulgated by that". The works are, in order, a bhikṣu-sūtra (a sūtra for mendicants) and a naṭa-sūtra (a sūtra for actors). The ṇini jumps back over the rules between, from SK 1483–1486. This is maṇḍūkapluti, a "frog's leap": a word that skips some rules and resumes later.
Example.
pārāśaryeṇa proktaṃ bhikṣusūtram adhīyate "they study the mendicant-sūtra promulgated by Pārāśarya"
→ pārāśarya + ṇini → the gotra y is deleted (SK 1082) → pārāśarin → the student-affix vanishes → pārāśariṇo bhikṣavaḥ "mendicants".
śilālinā proktaṃ naṭasūtram adhīyate → śailālino naṭāḥ "actors".
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators identify Pārāśarya as Vyāsa, and the bhikṣu-sūtra as his well-known sūtra for renunciants.
Rule. After karmanda and kṛśāśva, ini comes in the sense "promulgated by that". Again, the works are a sūtra for mendicants and a sūtra for actors, in order. Ini is heard as in, and it brings no vṛddhi.
Example.
karmandena proktam adhīyate → karmanda + ini → the a deleted → karmandin → karmandino bhikṣavaḥ.
kṛśāśvena proktam adhīyate → kṛśāśvino naṭāḥ.
pāṇininā upajñātam → pāṇinīyam; vararucinā kṛtaḥ → vārarucaḥ granthaḥThe instrumental continues, but tena is said again. This ends the condition "a Vedic text". New senses follow: "lying in the same direction as", "first known by", "a text made by", and "made by, as a name". On the running example, the grammar first known by Pāṇini is pāṇinīyam. A book composed by Vararuci is vārarucaḥ granthaḥ.
Rule. After a word in the third case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "lying in the same direction as that". Repeating tena stops the running condition chandasi.
Example.
sudāmnā adriṇā ekadik "lying in the same direction as the mountain Sudāman"
→ sudāman + aṇ → vṛddhi u → au → feminine → saudāmanī "lightning".
Watch out. Why is the ṭi an of sudāman not deleted? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators explain: an (SK 1155) keeps an -an stem in its own form before aṇ.
Rule. After a word in the third case, tasi also comes in the sense "lying in the same direction as that". Tasi is heard as tas; the i is for pronunciation.
Example.
pīlumūlena ekadik "in the same direction as the root of the pīlu tree" → pīlumūla + tas → pīlumūlataḥ.
Watch out. The form is an indeclinable (avyaya). Bhaṭṭoji explains why: tasi is listed among the affixes that make indeclinables, in the section of svarādinipātam avyayam (SK 447–448).
Rule. After uras "chest", in the third case, yat comes in the sense "on the same side as that". By the ca, tasi of SK 1493 comes too. It is an exception to aṇ.
Example.
urasā ekadik "on the same side as the chest"
→ with yat: uras + ya → urasyaḥ
→ with tasi: uras + tas → urastaḥ.
Watch out. The printed text reads urasā etadik; ekadik is meant, as in the two rules before.
Rule. After a word in the third case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "first known by that" (upajñāta). Tena is still in force. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gloss upajñāta as "first known", or "known without being taught".
Example.
pāṇininā upajñātam "first known by Pāṇini" → cha (SK 1337), as in SK 1481 → pāṇinīyam.
Rule. After a word in the third case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "a book (grantha) composed by that".
Example.
vararucinā kṛtaḥ "composed by Vararuci" → vararuci + aṇ → vṛddhi a → ā → the i deleted → vārarucaḥ granthaḥ.
Watch out. Compare SK 1481. Proktam is "made known by teaching", perhaps a work of someone else. Kṛtam is "composed".
Rule. After a word in the third case, aṇ etc. come in the sense "made by that", when the derived word is a name (saṃjñā). Kṛte "made" is carried forward, but granthe "a book" is not. Bhaṭṭoji says the rule is for things that are not books.
Example.
makṣikābhiḥ kṛtam "made by bees" → makṣikā + aṇ → vṛddhi a → ā → the ā deleted → mākṣikaṃ madhu "honey".
Rule. After kulāla "potter" and the other words of its list, vuñ comes in the sense "made by that", as a name. Bhaṭṭoji supplies the three words that are understood: tena kṛte saṃjñāyām.
Example.
kulālena kṛtam "made by a potter" → kulāla + vuñ → aka → vṛddhi u → au → kaulālakam.
varuḍena kṛtam → vāruḍakam. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say a varuḍa is a member of a certain caste.
Rule. After kṣudrā, bhramara, vaṭara and pādapa, añ comes in the sense "made by that", as a name. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators gloss kṣudrāḥ as honey-bees.
Example.
kṣudrābhiḥ kṛtam → kṣudrā + añ → vṛddhi u → au → kṣaudram.
Likewise bhrāmaram, vāṭaram, pādapam.
Applies when / blocked by. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say what añ replaces. After pādapa, which is vṛddha, cha (SK 1337) would come. After the others, aṇ.
upagor idam → aupagavam; chandogānāṃ dharma āmnāyo vā → chāndogyamThe last sense-heading of the chapter is the widest: after a genitive, "this is his, this is its". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators say it takes in every remaining relation of the śeṣa field (SK 1312). Special affixes follow for chariots, ploughs and compounds. Then come words for a gotra (a family line) and a caraṇa, a Vedic school, whose "belongings" are a group, a mark, a practice or a sacred text. On the running example, what belongs to Upagu is aupagavam. The practice or the sacred text of the Chandogas is chāndogyam.
Rule. After a word in the sixth case (genitive), aṇ etc. come in the sense "this is his / its". The base-specific affixes of SK 1313–1392 apply here too.
Example.
upagor idam "this is Upagu's" → upagu + aṇ
→ vṛddhi u → au → the final u takes guṇa, o → av (SK 847) → aupagavam.
Applies when / blocked by. Three vārttikas follow.
saṃvoḍhuḥ svam "the property of the conveyer" → sāṃvahitram. Aṇ was already due; the vārttika is for the iṭ.āgnīdhram. Being a bha stem, the dh does not change to d. The priest, being placed there, is also called āgnīdhraḥ.sāmidhenyo mantraḥ "the mantra for placing the kindling-sticks". The ṣ gives ṅīṣ in the feminine: sāmidhenī ṛk.Watch out. The printed text writes the last affix as ṣeṇyaṇū. The forms show that ṣeṇyaṇ is meant.
Rule. After ratha "chariot", yat comes in the sense "this is its". Bhaṭṭoji's commentators, citing a vārttika, restrict it to a part of a chariot.
Example.
rathasya idam → ratha + ya → the a deleted → rathyaṃ cakram "a chariot's wheel".
Rule. After ratha with a word for a patra before it, añ comes in the sense "this is its". Bhaṭṭoji glosses patra as a conveyance (vāhana).
Example.
aśvarathasyedam "this belongs to a horse-chariot" → aśvaratha + añ → vṛddhi a → ā → āśvaratham.
Rule. Añ also comes in the sense "this is his / its" after three kinds of base: a word for a draught animal (patra), adhvaryu (a priest), and pariṣad "assembly". A vārttika restricts the first: patrād vāhye, only for what the animal draws. For patra the meaning is taken, so any word for a draught animal counts.
Example.
aśvasyedaṃ vahanīyam "what a horse is to draw" → aśva + añ → āśvam.
adhvaryor idam → vṛddhi, u → av → ādhvaryavam.
pariṣada idam → pāriṣadam.
Rule. After hala and sīra, both "plough", ṭhak comes in the sense "this is its".
Example.
halasyedam → hala + ṭhak → ik → vṛddhi a → ā → hālikam.
sīrasyedam → vṛddhi ī → ai → sairikam.
Rule. After a dvandva compound in the genitive, vun comes in the sense "this is theirs", when an enmity (vaira) or a marriage alliance (maithunikā) is meant.
Example.
The enmity of crow and owl → kākolūka + vun → aka → feminine ṭāp, a → i (SK 463) → kākolūkikā.
The marriage alliance of Kutsa and Kuśika → kutsakuśikikā.
The feminine is from usage.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: vaire devāsurādibhyaḥ pratiṣedhaḥ. For enmity, devāsura and the like take no vun: daivāsuram "the enmity of gods and demons".
Watch out. The printed text reads kutsikuśikikā. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators read kutsakuśikikā.
Rule. After a gotra word or a caraṇa word, vuñ comes in the sense "this is his / its". A caraṇa is a Vedic school: the students of one recension of the Veda.
Example.
aupagavasyedam "this is Aupagava's" → aupagava + vuñ → aka → aupagavakam.
Applies when / blocked by. A vārttika: caraṇād dharmāmnāyayor iti vaktavyam. After a caraṇa word, vuñ comes only for its dharma (practice) or its āmnāya (sacred text, its recitation of the Veda).
The Kaṭhas are those who study what Kaṭha promulgated (SK 1487). Their practice or text → kāṭhakam.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators note that Aupagava is not found among the gotras of the ritual lists. Other works give glaucukāyanakam as the example instead.
Rule. After a word ending in añ, yañ or iñ, aṇ comes in the sense "this is theirs", when a saṅgha (group), an aṅka (mark) or a lakṣaṇa (distinguishing sign) is meant. A vārttika adds ghoṣa, a herdsmen's settlement: ghoṣagrahaṇam api kartavyam. The masculine form is used for a group, a mark or a settlement. The neuter is used for a sign.
Example.
baidaḥ "the Bidas' group, mark or settlement"; baidam "their sign".gārgaḥ; gārgam.dākṣaḥ; dākṣam.Watch out. A mark and a sign sound alike. Bhaṭṭoji separates them: the aṅka is related to the owner indirectly, the lakṣaṇa directly. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators give examples: a brand on one's cattle is an aṅka; a learning found in the person himself is a lakṣaṇa. With four senses and three kinds of base, there is no one-to-one pairing. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators differ on which rule this aṇ sets aside; scholars discuss this.
Rule. After śākala, aṇ comes optionally in the senses of SK 1507. In the other option comes vuñ, because śākala names a caraṇa (SK 1506).
Example.
śākalena proktam adhīyate "those who study what Śākala promulgated" → śākalāḥ.
Their group, mark or settlement
→ with aṇ: śākalaḥ
→ with vuñ: śākalakaḥ.
For a sign, the same forms are neuter.
Watch out. The name of the promulgator is uncertain. Bhaṭṭoji writes Śākala. One of his commentators derives the word from śakala, the other from śākalya; scholars discuss this.
Rule. After chandoga, aukthika, yājñika, bahvṛca and naṭa, ñya comes in the sense "this is theirs". The senses of SK 1507 have stopped. These are caraṇa words, so the vārttika of SK 1506 applies: only their practice (dharma) or sacred text (āmnāya) is meant.
Example.
chandogānāṃ dharma āmnāyo vā "the practice or sacred text of the Chandogas" → chandoga + ñya → vṛddhi a → ā → the a deleted → chāndogyam.
Likewise aukthikyam, yājñikyam, bāhvṛcyam, nāṭyam.
Watch out. Naṭa "actor" is not a caraṇa. Why then is it limited to practice and sacred text? Bhaṭṭoji answers: by sāhacarya, "keeping company". A word listed with others is read in the same way as they are.
Rule. The gotra vuñ of SK 1506 does not come when the derived word means staff-bearing youths (daṇḍamāṇava) or pupils (antevāsin). Daṇḍamāṇavas are youths for whom the staff is the main thing.
Example.
Dākṣi's staff-bearing youths, or his pupils → no vuñ → dākṣāḥ.
Watch out. Bhaṭṭoji does not name the affix of dākṣāḥ. Bhaṭṭoji's commentators disagree: one says the general aṇ, the other the aṇ of iñaś ca (SK 1333).
Rule. After raivatika and the other words of its list, cha comes in the sense "this is his". It is an exception to vuñ. The words of the list end in gotra affixes, so SK 1506 would otherwise give vuñ.
Example.
What belongs to Raivatika → raivatika + īya → the a deleted → raivatikīyaḥ.
Likewise baijavāpīyaḥ.
Rule. After kaupiñjala and hāstipada, aṇ comes in the sense "this is his". It is an exception to the gotra vuñ of SK 1506.
Example.
kupiñjalasyāpatyam "the descendant of Kupiñjala" → aṇ by nipātana in this very sūtra → kaupiñjala
→ kaupiñjalasyedam → aṇ again by this rule → first vowel already au → kaupiñjalaḥ.
hastipādasyāpatyam "the descendant of Hastipāda" → hāstipāda
→ hāstipādasyāyam → aṇ, with pad for pāda by nipātana → hāstipadaḥ.
Watch out. Why does kupiñjala not take the ordinary offspring affix iñ? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: the sūtra's own form kaupiñjala sets down aṇ.
Rule. After ātharvaṇika, aṇ comes in the sense "this is his", and the ika of the base is deleted. It is an exception to the caraṇa vuñ of SK 1506. Ātharvaṇika means a student of the Atharvaveda.
Example.
ātharvaṇikasyāyam "this belongs to the Ātharvaṇikas" → ātharvaṇika + aṇ
→ ika is deleted → ātharvaṇ + a → ātharvaṇaḥ "their practice or sacred text".
Watch out. Why does the an of ātharvaṇ- stay? Bhaṭṭoji's commentators answer: the form is fixed by the nipātana in dāṇḍināyana… (SK 1145). And why "practice or sacred text"? Because of the vārttika on caraṇa words at SK 1506.
avārapārīṇaḥ, yauṣmākīṇaḥ.rāṣṭriyaḥ, avārapārīṇaḥ. They come again at SK 1428 and 1443.| SK | What it does | Example |
|---|---|---|
| 1312 | Śeṣe: aṇ etc. in every remaining sense; a lakṣaṇa and a heading up to SK 1514. | cākṣuṣaṃ rūpam |
| 1313 | Gha after rāṣṭra, kha after avārapāra (and its parts, reversed). | rāṣṭriyaḥ, avārapārīṇaḥ |
| 1314 | Ya or khañ after grāma. | grāmyaḥ, grāmīṇaḥ |
| 1315 | Ḍhakañ after katri etc., and after grāma. | kāttreyakaḥ, grāmeyakaḥ |
| 1316 | Ḍhakañ after kula, kukṣi, grīvā for a dog, sword, ornament. | kauleyakaḥ (but kaulaḥ) |
| 1317 | Ḍhak after nadī etc. | nādeyam, vārāṇaseyam |
| 1318 | Tyak after dakṣiṇā, paścāt, puras. | dākṣiṇātyaḥ, paurastyaḥ |
| 1319 | Ṣphak after kāpiśī; feminine in ṅīṣ. | kāpiśāyanaṃ madhu, kāpiśāyanī |
| 1320 | Aṇ and ṣphak after raṅku, not for a human. | rāṅkavo gauḥ, rāṅkavāyaṇaḥ |
| 1321 | Yat after div, prāñc, apāñc, udañc, pratyañc. | divyam, prācyam, udīcyam |
| 1322 | Ṭhak after kanthā. | kānthikaḥ |
| 1323 | Vuk after kanthā in Varṇu. | kānthakam |
| 1324 | Tyap after amā, iha, kva and tasi-/tra-final indeclinables; others take aṇ. | ihatyaḥ, tatratyaḥ, aupariṣṭaḥ |
| 1325 | S → ṣ after short iṇ before a t-initial taddhita. | niṣṭyaḥ |
| 1326 | Tyap optional after aiṣamas, hyas, śvas; else ṭyu/ṭyul. | hyastyam / hyastanam |
| 1327 | Añ after a tīra-final, ña after a rūpya-final compound. | kākatīram, śaivarūpyam |
| 1328 | Ña after a direction-word compound that is not a name. | paurvaśālaḥ |
| 1329 | Añ after direction-word + madra; first-vowel vṛddhi. | paurvamadraḥ |
| 1330 | Añ after a many-vowelled, end-acute northern village name. | śaivapuram |
| 1331 | Aṇ after prastha-final, paladi etc., and kopadha words. | māhikiprasthaḥ, nailīnakaḥ |
| 1332 | Aṇ (not cha) after kaṇva etc. in a gotra affix. | kāṇvāḥ |
| 1333 | Aṇ after a technical-gotra iñ-stem. | dākṣāḥ (but pāṇinīyam) |
| 1334 | No aṇ after a two-vowelled iñ-stem of Prācyas, Bharatas; cha instead. | prāṣṭhīyāḥ, kāśīyāḥ |
| 1335 | A word whose first vowel is a vṛddhi is vṛddha. | śālā is vṛddha |
| 1336 | Tyad etc. are vṛddha too. | tad is vṛddha |
| 1337 | Cha after a vṛddha word. | śālīyaḥ, tadīyaḥ |
| 1338 | A region name in e/o is optionally vṛddha; a name (nāmadheya) too. | gonardīyaḥ / gaunardaḥ |
| 1339 | Ṭhak or chas after vṛddha bhavat. | bhāvatkaḥ, bhavadīyaḥ |
| 1340 | Ṭhañ or ñiṭha after kāśi etc. | kāśikī / kāśikā |
| 1341 | The same after vṛddha Vāhīka village names. | kāstīrikī / kāstīrikā |
| 1342 | The same, optionally, for Uśīnara villages; else cha. | saudarśanikī / saudarśanīyā |
| 1343 | Ṭhañ after a u-final region word. | naiṣādakarṣukaḥ |
| 1344 | For an eastern region, only if vṛddha. | āḍhakajambukaḥ (but māllavāstavaḥ) |
| 1345 | Vuñ after a vṛddha dhanva-word or y-penultimate region word. | airāvatakaḥ, sāṅkāśyakaḥ |
| 1346 | Vuñ after vṛddha region words in prastha, pura, vaha. | mālāprasthakaḥ |
| 1347 | Vuñ after vṛddha eastern region words with r penultimate or final ī. | pāṭaliputrakaḥ, kākandakaḥ |
| 1348 | Vuñ after a vṛddha janapada or boundary word. | ādarśakaḥ, traigartakaḥ |
| 1349 | Vuñ even after a non-vṛddha plural-only janapada word. | āṅgakaḥ, dārvakaḥ |
| 1350 | Vuñ after region compounds in kaccha, agni, vaktra, varta. | dārukacchakaḥ |
| 1351 | Vuñ after dhūma etc. as regions. | dhaumakaḥ, tairthakaḥ |
| 1352 | Vuñ after nagara for contempt or skill. | nāgarakaḥ |
| 1353 | Vuñ after araṇya for a human (and path, lesson, etc.). | āraṇyakaḥ |
| 1354 | Vuñ optional after kuru, yugandhara. | kauravakaḥ / kauravaḥ |
| 1355 | Kan after madra, vṛji. | madrakaḥ, vṛjikaḥ |
| 1356 | Aṇ after a kopadha janapada name. | māhiṣikaḥ |
| 1357 | Aṇ after kaccha etc. as regions. | kācchaḥ, saindhavaḥ |
| 1358 | Vuñ after kaccha etc. for a human or what is in him. | kācchakaḥ |
| 1359 | Vuñ after sālva only if not a foot-soldier. | sālvakaḥ (but sālvaḥ padātiḥ) |
| 1360 | Vuñ after sālva for a cow or gruel. | sālvikā yavāgūḥ |
| 1361 | Cha after garta-final region compounds; a heading, per the commentators. | vṛkagartīyam |
| 1362 | Cha after gaha etc.; kuk for jana, para, deva, sva. | gahīyaḥ, parakīyam, svakīyam |
| 1363 | Cha after eastern region names in kaṭa-. | kaṭanagarīyam |
| 1364 | Cha after rājan, with ka for its final. | rājakīyam |
| 1365 | Cha after vṛddha country names in aka, ika, or with kh penultimate. | brāhmaṇakīyaḥ, āyomukhīyaḥ |
| 1366 | Cha after vṛddha region compounds in kanthā, palada, nagara, grāma, hrada. | dākṣinagarīyam |
| 1367 | Cha after parvata. | parvatīyaḥ |
| 1368 | For a non-human, cha optional; else aṇ. | parvatīyāni / pārvatāni phalāni |
| 1369 | Cha after kṛkaṇa, parṇa in the Bhāradvāja country. | kṛkaṇīyam (else kārkaṇam) |
| 1370 | Khañ, cha optional after yuṣmad, asmad; else aṇ. | yuṣmadīyaḥ |
| 1371 | Yuṣmāka, asmāka before khañ or aṇ. | yauṣmākīṇaḥ, āsmākaḥ |
| 1372 | Tavaka, mamaka for one person before khañ or aṇ. | tāvakīnaḥ, māmakaḥ |
| 1373 | Tva, ma for the m-part before an affix or uttarapada, when one person is meant. | tvadīyaḥ, madīyaḥ |
| 1374 | Yat after ardha. | ardhyaḥ |
| 1375 | Yat after para-, avara-, adhama-, uttama-ardha. | parārdhyam |
| 1376 | Ṭhañ and yat after direction-word + ardha. | paurvārdhikam, pūrvārdhyam |
| 1377 | Añ, ṭhañ for part of a village or janapada. | paurvārdhāḥ, paurvārdhikāḥ |
| 1378 | Ma after madhya. | madhyamaḥ |
| 1379 | A after madhya, "just right". | madhyo vaiyākaraṇaḥ |
| 1380 | Yañ after dvīpa near the sea. | dvaipyam, dvaipyā |
| 1381 | Ṭhañ after time-words; a heading to SK 1393. | māsikam, sāṃvatsarikam |
| 1382 | Ṭhañ after śarad for a śrāddha. | śāradikaṃ śrāddham |
| 1383 | Optional for a disease or heat. | śāradikaḥ / śāradaḥ |
| 1384 | Optional after niśā, pradoṣa. | naiśikam / naiśam |
| 1385 | Optional ṭhañ with tuṭ after śvas. | śauvastikam |
| 1386 | Dvāra etc.: ai/au before y/v instead of vṛddhi. | śauvastikam |
| 1387 | Aṇ after sandhivelā etc., seasons, nakṣatras. | sāndhivelam, graiṣmam, taiṣam |
| 1388 | Eṇya after prāvṛṣ. | prāvṛṣeṇyaḥ |
| 1389 | Ṭhak after varṣāḥ, also "good for". | vārṣikaṃ vāsaḥ |
| 1390 | Aṇ with t deleted after hemanta; or the season aṇ. | haimanam, haimantam |
| 1391 | Ṭyu/ṭyul with tuṭ after sāyam etc.; vārttikas tna, ḍimac. | sāyantanam, ciratnam, paścimam |
| 1392 | The same, optionally, after pūrvāhṇa, aparāhṇa; else ṭhañ. | pūrvāhṇetanam / paurvāhṇikam |
| 1393 | Sense "born there", locative base. | sraughnaḥ |
| 1394 | Ṭhap after prāvṛṣ, "born there". | prāvṛṣikaḥ |
| 1395 | Vuñ after śarad for a name. | śāradakāḥ |
| 1396 | Heading "of the uttarapada", up to SK 2574. | — |
| 1397 | Uttarapada-vṛddhi of a season-word after a part-word. | pūrvavārṣikaḥ |
| 1398 | Uttarapada-vṛddhi of a janapada-word after su, sarva, ardha. | supāñcālakaḥ |
| 1399 | The same after a direction-word, except madra. | pūrvapāñcālakaḥ |
| 1400 | The same for eastern village and town names. | pūrvaiṣukāmaśamaḥ |
| 1401 | Vun "born there" after pūrvāhṇa, aparāhṇa, ārdrā, mūla, pradoṣa, avaskara. | pūrvāhṇakaḥ |
| 1402 | Vun after pathin, which is replaced by pantha. | panthakaḥ |
| 1403 | Vun optionally after amāvāsyā; otherwise aṇ. | amāvāsyakaḥ / āmāvāsyaḥ |
| 1404 | The affix a also after amāvāsyā. | amāvāsyaḥ |
| 1405 | Kan after sindhu and apakara. | sindhukaḥ, apakarakaḥ |
| 1406 | Also aṇ after sindhu, añ after apakara. | saindhavaḥ, āpakaraḥ |
| 1407 | Luk of the "born" affix after ten nakṣatra names. | śraviṣṭhaḥ |
| 1408 | Luk of a taddhita takes the subordinate feminine affix with it; vārttikas for citrā etc. | śraviṣṭhaḥ, citrā, śrāviṣṭhīyaḥ |
| 1409 | Proṣṭhapadā words: vṛddhi in the second member, "born" sense. | proṣṭhapādaḥ |
| 1410 | Luk after sthāna-final words, gośāla, kharaśāla. | gosthānaḥ |
| 1411 | Optional luk after vatsaśālā, abhijit, aśvayuj, śatabhiṣaj; aṇ optionally ḍit. | vatsaśālaḥ / vātsaśālaḥ, śātabhiṣaḥ |
| 1412 | Luk after nakṣatras, variously. | rohiṇaḥ / rauhiṇaḥ |
| 1413 | Senses "made, obtained, bought, skilled there". | sraughnaḥ |
| 1414 | Sense "usually found there". | sraughnaḥ |
| 1415 | Ṭhak after upajānu, upakarṇa, upanīvi. | aupajānukaḥ |
| 1416 | Sense "possible there". | sraughnaḥ |
| 1417 | Ḍhañ after kośa. | kauśeyam |
| 1418 | After time-words: "good / flowering / ripening then". | haimantaḥ prākāraḥ |
| 1419 | After time-words: "sown then". | haimantāḥ yavāḥ |
| 1420 | Vuñ after āśvayujī, "sown then". | āśvayujakāḥ |
| 1421 | Vuñ optionally after grīṣma, vasanta. | graiṣmakam / graiṣmam |
| 1422 | After time-words: "a debt to be paid then". | māsikam |
| 1423 | Vun after kalāpin, aśvattha, yavabusa. | kalāpakam, aśvatthakam |
| 1424 | Vuñ after grīṣma, avarasamā. | graiṣmakam, āvarasamakam |
| 1425 | Ṭhañ and vuñ after saṃvatsara, āgrahāyaṇī. | sāṃvatsarikam / sāṃvatsarakam |
| 1426 | After time-words: "cries then", of a beast. | naiśaḥ / naiśikaḥ |
| 1427 | After a first-case time-word: "practised by him". | naiśaḥ / naiśikaḥ |
| 1428 | Sense "being there". | sraughnaḥ, rāṣṭriyaḥ |
| 1429 | Yat after diś etc. | diśyam, vargyam |
| 1430 | Yat after body-part words. | dantyam |
| 1431 | Eastern nagara-compounds: vṛddhi in both members. | sauhmanāgaraḥ |
| 1432 | Jaṅgala, dhenu, valaja compounds: second-member vṛddhi optional. | kaurujaṅgalam / kaurujāṅgalam |
| 1433 | Ḍhañ after dṛti, kukṣi, kalaśi, vasti, asti, ahi. | dārteyam, kaukṣeyam |
| 1434 | Aṇ and ḍhañ after grīvā. | graivam / graiveyam |
| 1435 | Ñya after gambhīra; vārttika pañcajana. | gāmbhīryam, pāñcajanyaḥ |
| 1436 | Ñya after the avyayībhāvas parimukha etc. | pārimukhyam |
| 1437 | Ṭhañ after an avyayībhāva with antar; vārttika adhyātma. | āntarveśmikam, ādhyātmikam |
| 1438 | Anuśatika etc.: vṛddhi in both members. | aihalaukikam |
| 1439 | Ā for the first vowel of devikā, śiṃśapā, dityavāh, dīrghasatra, śreyas. | dāvikam, śrāyasam |
| 1440 | Ṭhañ after parigrāma, anugrāma. | pārigrāmikaḥ |
| 1441 | Cha after jihvāmūla, aṅguli. | aṅgulīyam |
| 1442 | Cha after a varga-final word. | kavargīyam |
| 1443 | Yat or kha optionally when no sound is meant. | madvargyaḥ / madvargīṇaḥ / madvargīyaḥ |
| 1444 | Kan after karṇa, lalāṭa for an ornament. | karṇikā |
| 1445 | Sense "its explanation", and "being in it". | saupo granthaḥ |
| 1446 | Ṭhañ after an end-acute word of many vowels. | ṣātvaṇatvikaḥ |
| 1447 | Ṭhañ after sacrifice-words. | āgniṣṭomikaḥ, vājapeyikaḥ |
| 1448 | Ṭhañ after a seer's name, only for a chapter. | vāsiṣṭhiko 'dhyāyaḥ |
| 1449 | Ṣṭhan after pauroḍāśa, puroḍāśa. | pauroḍāśikaḥ |
| 1450 | Yat and aṇ after chandas. | chandasyaḥ, chāndasaḥ |
| 1451 | Ṭhak after two-vowelled and ṛ-final words, brāhmaṇa, ṛc etc. | aiṣṭikaḥ, cāturhotṛkaḥ |
| 1452 | Aṇ after ṛgayana etc. | vaiyākaraṇaḥ |
| 1453 | Sense "come from there". | sraughnaḥ |
| 1454 | Ṭhak after places of revenue. | śaulkaśālikaḥ |
| 1455 | Aṇ after śuṇḍika etc. | śauṇḍikaḥ |
| 1456 | Vuñ after words for relations by learning or birth. | aupādhyāyakaḥ |
| 1457 | Ṭhañ after such ṛ-final words. | paitṛkam |
| 1458 | Yat also after pitṛ. | pitryam |
| 1459 | After gotra words, the affixes of the aṅka sense. | baidam, aupagavakam |
| 1460 | Śuci etc. after nañ: second member vṛddhi, first optional. | āśaucam / aśaucam |
| 1461 | Rūpya optionally after words for a cause or a person. | samarūpyam, devadattarūpyam |
| 1462 | Mayaṭ also after them. | samamayam |
| 1463 | Sense "first becomes visible from there". | haimavatī gaṅgā |
| 1464 | Ñya after vidūra. | vaidūryaḥ |
| 1465 | Sense "goes to", of a road or messenger. | sraughnaḥ |
| 1466 | Sense "goes out towards", of a gate. | sraughnam |
| 1467 | Sense "a text about". | śārīrakīyaḥ |
| 1468 | Cha after śiśukranda, yamasabha, dvandvas, indrajanana etc. | kirātārjunīyam |
| 1469 | Sense "his dwelling-place". | sraughnaḥ |
| 1470 | Sense "his ancestral home". | sraughnaḥ |
| 1471 | Cha after a mountain-name, for men who live by arms. | hṛdgolīyāḥ |
| 1472 | Ñya after śaṇḍika etc. | śāṇḍikyaḥ |
| 1473 | Aṇ after sindhu etc., añ after takṣaśilā etc. | saindhavaḥ, tākṣaśilaḥ |
| 1474 | Ḍhak, chaṇ, ḍhañ, yak after tūdī, śalātura, varmatī, kūcavāra. | taudeyaḥ, kaucavāryaḥ |
| 1475 | Sense "what he resorts to" (bhakti). | sraughnaḥ |
| 1476 | Ṭhak after an inanimate word, not a place or time. | āpūpikaḥ |
| 1477 | Ṭhañ after mahārāja. | māhārājikaḥ |
| 1478 | Vun after vāsudeva, arjuna. | vāsudevakaḥ |
| 1479 | Vuñ variously after gotra and kṣatriya names. | glaucukāyanakaḥ |
| 1480 | Ruler-words treated as their country-words. | āṅgakaḥ |
| 1481 | Sense "promulgated by". | pāṇinīyam |
| 1482 | Chaṇ after tittiri etc. | taittirīyāḥ |
| 1483 | Ṇini after the seers Kāśyapa, Kauśika. | kāśyapinaḥ |
| 1484 | Ṇini after the pupils of Kalāpin and Vaiśampāyana. | hāridraviṇaḥ |
| 1485 | Ṇini for ancient brāhmaṇas and kalpas. | bhāllavinaḥ, paiṅgī kalpaḥ |
| 1486 | Ṇini after śaunaka etc. for a Vedic text. | śaunakinaḥ |
| 1487 | Luk of the "promulgated" affix after kaṭha, caraka. | kaṭhāḥ |
| 1488 | Aṇ after kalāpin, with loss of the ṭi. | kālāpāḥ |
| 1489 | Ḍhinuk after chagalin. | chāgaleyinaḥ |
| 1490 | Ṇini after pārāśarya, śilālin, for their sūtras. | pārāśariṇaḥ, śailālinaḥ |
| 1491 | Ini after karmanda, kṛśāśva. | karmandinaḥ |
| 1492 | Sense "in the same direction as". | saudāmanī |
| 1493 | Tasi also in that sense. | pīlumūlataḥ |
| 1494 | Yat and tasi after uras. | urasyaḥ, urastaḥ |
| 1495 | Sense "first known by". | pāṇinīyam |
| 1496 | Sense "a book composed by". | vārarucaḥ granthaḥ |
| 1497 | Sense "made by", as a name. | mākṣikaṃ madhu |
| 1498 | Vuñ after kulāla etc. | kaulālakam |
| 1499 | Añ after kṣudrā, bhramara, vaṭara, pādapa. | kṣaudram |
| 1500 | Sense "this is his / its"; vārttikas for vah, agnīdh, samidh. | aupagavam, āgnīdhram |
| 1501 | Yat after ratha. | rathyaṃ cakram |
| 1502 | Añ after ratha with a conveyance-word before it. | āśvaratham |
| 1503 | Añ after draught-animal words, adhvaryu, pariṣad. | āśvam, ādhvaryavam |
| 1504 | Ṭhak after hala, sīra. | hālikam |
| 1505 | Vun after a dvandva, for enmity or marriage alliance. | kākolūkikā |
| 1506 | Vuñ after gotra and caraṇa words. | aupagavakam, kāṭhakam |
| 1507 | Aṇ after añ-, yañ-, iñ-stems for group, mark, sign, settlement. | baidaḥ, gārgam |
| 1508 | Aṇ optionally after śākala. | śākalaḥ / śākalakaḥ |
| 1509 | Ñya after chandoga etc., for practice or sacred text. | chāndogyam |
| 1510 | No gotra vuñ for staff-bearing youths or pupils. | dākṣāḥ |
| 1511 | Cha after raivatika etc. | raivatikīyaḥ |
| 1512 | Aṇ after kaupiñjala, hāstipada. | kaupiñjalaḥ |
| 1513 | Aṇ after ātharvaṇika, with loss of ika. | ātharvaṇaḥ |